← Back to work · All provisional translations

Numismatics of Ancient Africa, I — vol. I — 1860

Ludvig Müller, 1860 · provisional French–English translation

The original page is shown on the left as scanned. The provisional English translation sits on the right; coin inscriptions, catalogue numbers, references, and plate labels are kept as close to the source text as the OCR allows. 186 of 216 pages translated. Showing pages 81-160.

Translation and OCR are research aids, not authoritative editions. Verify quotations, names, legends, numerals, tables, and plate references against the original page image. Some pages, especially title pages, contents, and front matter, may retain visible OCR or translation artifacts.

p. 81 · zoom original

No. 251-269. Head of Jupiter-Ammon. Ç\ Palm tree. Everything contributes to making sup- posit that this series belongs to the third era. First, work never rises above above mediocre; most often it is neglected or even rough; we see lines and glo- bules engraved close to each other without being executed so as to form a whole. The head of Jupiter is without character and does not resemble the heads of this god on the coins of the 1" period; it is more often similar to that shown under numbers 01 259 and 268 than to that which shows figure no. 266; the beard is generally quite short, which made people take their heads for that of Libyan Bacchus. 12) Then, the letters are large and frequently end in glo- bules 18 ); on several pieces we see them irregularly arranged in the field. Letters isolated like those presented in n° 252 following. , are not found on the currencies of the second era; but on the numerous bronze coins of Carthage, struck at 3" e and 2nd centuries, the letters of the alphabet are used in the same way. Then, the types accessories are the same that we encounter on other Cyrene coins which seem to belong hold in the third epoch, see p. 64 and § 4. Finally, the type, a palm tree with which a

I) Pythia IV, 7 and 18. 10) TïnHnnabuium, calix silphii, 1. c. p. 56 note 8.

3) Athenaeus 111.58; XII, 1. il) Osserv. p. 37-38.

a) Ephorus (Stephanus Byz. s. v. Bouaria): Kvçtjyaïoi mçi 12) Thus by Sestini Mus. Hederv. III cont. p. 73 n° 18 seq.,

tjjv dupçivjixijy inMvifî^v ^o'^vrerf. Longpérier Cat. of the cab. Bfagnoncour n°389 (tétecFAlex-

4) AUianus Var.Hist. 11, 27. Encom. Demosth. c. 24. andreî) el Leake Nu m. hellen. Afr. Group p. 2 n«14. According to

5) Pausanias X, 13 and 15. the opinion of M.Duchalais, this head would represent Aristaeus, e) Xenophon Cyrop. VI, 1.27. See Thrige Res Cyr. p. 346. see. § 2 at the end.

7) Diodorus XVII, 49. ta) In the engravings of the coins of this series and the

s) Diodorus XX, 41. following, the globules in which the letters end,

0) Diodorus XVIII, 19. are not marked enough.

10"

CYRENAICA.

silphium, is found on the reverse of a coin (n°183) which bears the head of Ptolemy son of Lagus, and fits well with the time of the Ptolemies. The palm tree grew especially in the interior of Cyre- naîque and in Libya *) and must be considered by preference as the symbol of the last country; the combination with silphium can therefore relate to the meeting of the two countries under the Egyptian domination. It is still to the age of the Ptolemies that the bronzes of Tire belong and Carthage which have the palm tree as their type; these currencies, circulating in very large numbers in the countries of the Mediterranean, may also have contributed to the use of palm tree on currencies from Cyrene; by adding silphium, it was indicated that the palm tree was not the Phoenician emblem. Nos. 252 — 262 present a series of the first twelve letters of the alphabet, the eleventh A excepted; we should not look at these letters as numerals, since F (6) and all the tens between I, K and M are missing; no doubt they indicate the different workshops in the hotel of the Mint 9). Nos. 08 263-269 contain accessory symbols, which will be treated in § 4. The last two do not yet have the letters AA. On an analogous currency we finds the AAP legend which undoubtedly indicates the city of Darnis (see n°342); it is likely that AA has the same meaning, and that these coins were minted in common with Darnis. 9) The abbreviation in AA is consistent with that of Barcé's name in BA; as we cannot find any magistrate's acronym on the coins of this series, there is no reason to take these letters for the initials of a magistrate's name. 4)

p. 82 · zoom original

IN" 270-285. Head of Apollo. Q-. Various attributes, horse. This series is related to that which precedes by the work which in general is very mediocre, often even bad; he is rare to see on these coins the head of Apollo as well executed as on n° 270. Likewise that in the preceding sequence, the crab and the star are used as accessory types; No. 281 is struck on a coin of the same series, belonging to n° 267, n° 282 on a pto- Lemée. The marks of numbers M 275, 277 and 278, RP, n and M", are found on the coins of Ptolemies n 09 363, 378-79 and 368 following. From all this it follows that the coins of this series date from the 3rd period. 5) The large star, placed above the horse on n 0i 283-284, is undoubtedly the symbol of Apollo; in Cyrenaica, as well as in other Greek countries, at the time

i) Herodotus IV, 172, 182 and 183. According to Pliny (H. N. X11I, 33) the noblest palm trees were found around the Libyan Ammon temple. Cf. Cavedoni Osserv. p. 58-59.

s) 'AçyvQoxoittiov, as the Mint Hotel was called. Suidas s. v.; conf. Beulé The coins of Athens p. 139 sulv. The letters are not numerals, we can't think of years or shows of currencies. Parts marked with the same letter differ significantly in weight from each other without that we can attribute them to monetary divisions different (thus in nos. 252, 253, 255 and 259); if these pieces came from the same issue, they would have arguably presented more equality in weights. Mr.Beulé, in his cited work (p. 1 12 and 129 following), explains in a another way the first twelve letters of the alphabet inscribed on the amphora of Athenian tetradrachms.

a) See this town below under number 342.

4) Sestini published two pieces from this series of the collection

tion of Wiczai, offering monograms, one of which is close to an M, the other to a J, see. Mus. Hederv. III cont. p. 73 nos. 19 and 26. But these coins are not found wind in any of the cabinets among which the collection tion of Wiczai was shared; these are undoubtedly the letters J and M on nos. 255 and 262 which were taken for monograms. &) M. Cavedoni (Osserv. p. 58-60) supposes that the currencies of this series and the previous one were struck under Roman domination, perhaps even under the emperors. To prove that the Cyreneans struck autonomous currencies under the empire, the Italian scholar cites two examples of Cyrenean coins minted on coins of kings of Mauritania; but one, attributed to the city of Ptolemais, is not from Cyre- naïc (see § 7), the other is a play by Ptolemy Soter, see p. 40 note 6.

CYRENE. 77

where these coins are minted, Apollo was worshiped as god of the sun. ! ) Like a horse current surmounted by a star is also found on the similar coins of Evespéris and Balagrœ, n" 339 and 341, then on n°95 bearing the wheel on the reverse, and again on the coins of others country, p. e. of Arpi and Salapia in Greater Greece and Syracuse, we are led to believe that the horse relates in the same way to the god of the sun, whether it represents one of the horses in his chariot, or that he has regard to the races taking part in the games celebrated in his honor. No. 285 carries the weapons of Apollo, the bow and the quiver, and two other objects that are difficult to determine undermine due to poor conservation of the coin; perhaps they are a laurel branch and an arrow.

p. 83 · zoom original

No. 286. Analogous exhibit no. 100, which provides the legend PfiMI, leads to the conclusion that the head helmeted is that of Rome, and that this currency was minted while Cyrene enjoyed autonomy under the supremacy of the Roman republic; see p. 36, where is also exposed the meaning of the bee. Poorly preserved examples of this coin have previously been ment attributed to Coressus in Ceos and to the Island of Cythnus; Mr. Duchalais was the first to have them classified. *)

Copper coins, like those in gold, do not predate the fourth century. In the catalog drawn up above they have been arranged, as far as possible, according to chronological order. Following the clues presented by the artistic work, the manufacturing of the blank, the overprints, the names of magistrates, the accessory types, the monograms and the isolated letters, or other criteria, it is to be assumed that numbers 222-237 belong to the 2nd period, n° 08 238-250, in the first part of the 3rd period, and n° 0-251-286, in the part following from the same period.

As for monetary divisions, the bronzes contain at least five different ones. which are quite distinct from each other by type and weight; it is possible that two of these divisions still contain two each. We can give the name tetrachalkon and trichalkon at nos. 224, 231-232, 234-236 and 286, dichalkon at nos. 248-249, chalkus at no. 237, of chalkus or trikollybon in headings M 251-285, of trikollybon in headings M 223, 226-230, 233, 238-241 and 247, finally that of dikoliybon and kollybon (or lepton) in nos. 242-246 and 250. These attributions will be discussed later in § 6.

i) 0. Muller Gesch. helien. Stâmme (1844) II p. 290-291. Mus. Hederv. III cont. p. 73 n* 27 the head of Apollo is

The Cyrenean poet Callimachus, who lived at this time, called radiate; we have not found such a head on

blame those who separated Apollo from the radiant sun none of the coins we have examined.

Fragm. 48 Bentley (ed. Ernesti 1 p. 432). By Sestini 9) Revue num. fr. 1852 pp. 335 following.

CYRENAICA.

BARCE.

FIRST PERIOD.

Head of Jipiter-Àaiiiioi. ft. Sllphii

287. Head of Jupiter-Ammon on the right, surrounded by a garnetis circle, around which fcAPK bustro- phedon; all in a hollow square. I}:. Silphium. (Fig.) JR. 3. Dr. 3.85—3.20 gr. *)

288. Another similar one, with A in front of the head. JR. 3.Dr.9)

289. Another similar one, with T in front of the head. JR. 3. Dr. 3.30 gr. 8)

290. Same face and reverse, without letter in front of the head. JR» 2. |Dr. 1.62—1.69 gr. 4)

287

290

287

SECOND AND THIRD PERIOD.

Silver coins.

Head of JMpiter-Annoi. ft. Sllphii

291. Head of Jupiter-Ammon with archaic hair, right, surrounded by a garnetis circle, around of which BAPK bustrophedon ; all in a hollow square. Q.” Silphium;- bottom of both sides: Al. JR. 6. 4 Dr. att. 17.08 gr. 5)

p. 84 · zoom original

292. Same head; in front, BAP (facing towards the edge); all surrounded by a large garnetis between two Olets. Hollow field. tjc. Silphium. (Fig.) JR. 6. 4 Dr. att. 17.13 g. 6)

293. Other similar; the letters face the head, and the silphium is represented with its root. JR. 6. 4 Dr. att. 16.77g. 7)

294. Same head; in front, BAP retrograde; all surrounded by a garnet circle. Hollow field. fr. Silphium. JR. 3. Dr. 3.42—3.26 gr. 8)

295. Another similar one, with BAP from g. to the right. JR. 3. Dr. 3.32—3.18 gr. 9)

296. Same head surrounded by the garnetis circle, outside of which BAPKAION. I}\Silphium. (Fig.) JR.Z. Dr. 3.82 gr. 10)

i) Cab. becomes, from Paris (from the Wiczai coll., Sestini Mus. Hederv. III cont. p. 76 n°l), from The Hague, from Florence (?) and Count Palin.

2) Pellerin Rec. 111 ft. 87, 21 (Mionn. n°167); this room is not in the Paris cabinet.

3) Cab. of Paris (Mionn. n°168).

4) Mus. brit. (Cat. P. Knight p. 215, K,l incorr. dec.), coll. by Huxtable (from the Thomas coll., Cat. no. 2962 bis), Cat. mus. Hunter p. 66 no. 3.

s) Cab. of Paris (Spanheim 1 p. 296, flg. 3; Mionn. n»166

ft. LVII, 5).

6) Cab. of Berlin (CatdePinder n°438).

7) Cab. of Paris (Pellerin Rec. 111 pi. 87.20; Mionn. n»171). s) Cab. of Copenhagen (Cat. deWelzl n©7779), of the king of

Sardinia and Milan. 9) Cab. from Copenhagen (Cat. deWelzl n°7780), from Paris and

from Dresden; Mus. Pembrock tab. 37.8 (Sales category

n<> 1384). 10) Cab. from Copenhagen.

29.7. Same head surrounded by the same circle. fr. BAPK bustrophedon.

Silphium. Hollow field. Ai. 3. Dr. 3.37 gr. ')

398. Same side. R-. Silphium; below, BA. M. "to. Dr. 3.30 gr. s )

299. Same head; around, BAP; all enclosed by a square of grenelis. Hollow field, ty. Sil- phium. (Fig.) Ai. 2f Dr. 3.21 gr. ")

300. Same face and reverse. JR. 2. \ Dr. 1.63 gr. 4)

301. Same TV; around, BAPK bustrophedon; all enclosed with a square net. Hollow field. R;. Silphium. JR. If $Dr. l,filgr. s)

302. Same head, hair as in n* 34 (Qg.); bottom, BA; all surrounded by a square garnetis. Hollow field., B% Silphium (with its root). JR. 3. Dr. 3.25 gr. 6)

303. Same head, archalescent hair; in front of BAP, behind K. Net around the perimeter. R-. Sil- phium. JR. 2. \ Dr. 1.68 gr. ')

304. Same head. Hollow field. r>. Silphium (with its root); (BjA(?}.

M. 2. £ Dr. 1.63 gr, fl )

305. Same head, with archaic hair; in front, BAPKA retrogrades. Rr. Silphium. (Fig.)

JR. 6. 4 Dr. 13.38 gr.")

306. Another similar, with (BAP)KAI(OlN around the head. JR. 6. 4 Dr. 13.10gr. ,0 )

307. Same head, hair falling freely and surrounded by a diadem; in front, BAPKA1. Rrr. Silphium. JR. 6. 4 Dr. 1 3.40— 1 3.13 gr. ")

I) Cad. from Paris iMionn. n» 170).

»} Cab. from Paris.

a) Cab. I Copenhagen.

i) Museum h ri (a nui que.

i) British Museum (Cat. de Combe p. 240 n°li.

p. 85 · zoom original

•) Cab. of Parla (Hlonn. nMBSI.

T) Cab. of Paris (Hionn. n«!12|.

a) Coll. by Rauch.

a) Cab. from Paris iMionn. S. n°85).

10) Thorvaldaen Museum.

11) Cab. from Paris iMionn. nM73) et al. by Rollin; cf. Cal mus. Lavy 0*4634.

CYRENAICA.

312.

Another similar one, with the retrograde legend. M. G. 4 Dr. 13.15 gr. 1)

Same laurel head; ahead, BAPKAI retrogrades. r>. Silpbium. M. G. 4 Dr. I3,26gr. s) Same TV on the left; around it, BAPKAION written on a large protruding circle. R;. Silphium.

fit. 6J. 4 Dr. 13.30*1 2.72 gr. ■) Same head, hair surrounded by a thin band; around, BAiPKAIiON placed in the same way. R-. Silphium. (Fig.) Ml. 4 Dr. 13.17* 13.10gr. 4)

Same head on the right, without headband. r>. BAPK (the letters turned and arranged in different

manners). Silphium. fit. 7. 4 Dr. 1 3.oo— 1 2.82 gr. 5) Same head. r>. BAPKAION retrogrades in four lines. Silphium.

fit. 7. 4 Dr. 12.82 gr. 8)

314. Same head. R-. BAPKAI in three lines. Silphium. fit. 7. 4 Dr. I2.99gr. 7)

315. Same head. R-. BAPKAI in three lines (the letters turned from different sides). Silphium with two offspring. M. 7. 4 Dr. 13.07—I2.79gr. 8 }

31B. Same laurel head. B\ BAPKAI in three lines. Silphium. JR. 7. 4 Dr. lâ.lfigr. 9)

313.

Same head, with archaic hair; in front, AIN retrograde. r>. |B)AP{K) retrograde. Sil- phium. (Fig.) fit. 7. 4 Dr. 13,12gr. ,0) Same head, hair falling freely; in front, AKEZIOZ. Grenetis around the edge, ft. BA Silphium, at the bottom of each side, a jerboa. Garnetis around the edge.

iR.7. 4 Dr. 13.18—12.65 gr. "j

21, Incorr. dec.).

89, pi. VIII,*) and the Duke of

I) British Museum.

1) Cab. of Paris i.Mionn. S.

s) Cab. of Parla (Mioiin. S.

4) Cab. of Florence and Paris (MIoud. S. n» 25, lncompl.

described; or sees the ends of the letters B-PK.A- of

the circular legend), if Cab. of Paris (2 exemptions. Hlonn. S. d*S3-84) and of Fio-

a) Coll. of Lord Northwlch (CaL of Thomas u'2950).

T) Copenhagen Island Cab.

8) Mus brlt, mus Tlionaldsen, CaL mus. Topsail p. 66 q»t,

lab. 12.M >) British Museum. 10) Cab. of Paris (Mloun S. n»SB'i.

il) Cab. of Paris i.Miunn. S. No. 91), St. Petersburg and dukeLuviic”; MIIMugenSylloge ot anc. corners p. 86 ft. IV, 68 (incomplete).

BAKCE. m

319. Same head, front view; AKEZIOZ on both sides of the neck. Large garnet around the edge. R-- BAPKAI Silphium. Large garnet around the edge. JR.'i. 4 Dr. 13.28—12.98 gr. ')

320. Same head; above the forehead, a diadem with an ornament in the middle; AKEïIOZ retrograde. Large garnet around the edge. Ifr. Similar to the previous setback. M. 7. 4 Dr. 13.40 gr. *)

321. Same summer, without the ornament; AKEÏIOZ of g. to the right. Around the edge, a grenetis between two nets, ft. BAPKA10N retrograde. Three silphiums emerging from a common center; in the intervals: a cbouetle at the end of a batou, a chameleon and a jerboa. Around the edge, a garnet between two nets. M.l. 4 Dr, 13,194 12.9ogr.*)

p. 86 · zoom original

Same side turned to the right, heavy; in front, (K)AINtO (?>. Grenetis around the edge. If-. (BA)P- KAION had circular legend. Silphium above a running gazelle. Grenetis perimeter. M. 7. 4 Dr. 1 3.fi8 gr. *)

Same head; in front, KAINIO. Garnetis around the edge. R\ BAPi.K.lAI bustrophedon. Silphium. Net around the edge. JR. 7. 4 Dr. 13.30gr. s)

324. Same head left; in front, BAPKAI; behind, an ear of corn. Garnetis around the edge. A:. Silphium, on the leaves on the right, an owl; around, KYYEAÛ TO lAÛN retrograde. Net around the edge.

Al.~. 4Dr. 13.09gr. e)

i| Mus. brlt., cab. of Paris [Mionn. S. d*94), of the Duke of Luynes and Lord Norlhwlch (Cal. of Thomas no. 2949).

V Cab. of Paris (Mionn. 5. n» 03. pl.VIH. 5).

S| Cab. of Berlin (Cal. de Pinder nM39) and the Duke of Luynes (Choice of med. pl.X,24; Mionn. S. n»9î).

i) Cab. of Paris (Mionn. S. n*S7, Intort. dec.). b) Cab. of Paris (Mionn. S. n»90. incorr. dec.). a) Cab. becomes (Miiiinpen Recueil p. 78, pi. IV, 1T, ei.Sjl-

logep.87; Mionn. S. n°95; Incorr. dec).

CYKENAIC.

Head 4th lacehis Ubyei. ft. Silphitm.

325. Hairless head with ram's horns on left; behind, BAP retrograde. Garnetis around the edge. Cr. Silphium. M. 3. Dr. 3.24 gr. 1)

326. Same head to the right. ; behind, BAP. Net around the edge. Qr. Silphium.

A. 2. £Dr. 1.63 of 1.61 gr.*)

327. Same face and reverse. JBL.1. Ob. 0.64 gr. 8)

328. Same head left; Retrograde BAP, on both sides. Net around the edge. Ijr. Three luminaries silphium around a central globe. A.1|. l£Ob. (2 0b.) 1.00 gr. 4)

328

325

Bronze coins.

Typical characteristics. 5)

329. Rider galloping right. ; below, BA. Garnetis around the edge. Qr. Four wheel rays, between which at left. silphium. I. i%. 8.7 — 8.8 gr. fl)

330. Horse running right; above, BA. Garnetis around the edge. Ç\ Aries standing right; on it, (B)A. Garnetis around the edge. I. 4. 6.8 gr. 7)

331. Head of Jupiter-Ammon right. fr. BAPKAI Eagle standing left. I. $2. 6.7g. 8)

330

THE CITY OF BARCE.

Bar was founded 560-550 by the four brothers of Arcesilaus II, who left Cyrene with a few other discontents 9) and settled among the Barceans, a Libyan people living on the Western coast

i) Mus. brit. (Cat. by P.Knight p. 213.B.1).

2) Mus. brit. (Cat. de Combe p. 240 n° 2) and cab. from Paris (Pellerin Rec. III pl.87,W; Mionn. n°174).

a) Cab. of Paris (Revue num. fr. 1850 p. 394 n»19).

4) Cab. from Stockholm.

6) In the catalog of the Bentinck collection (111 suppl. p. 210) it is cited a bronze piece having the right the head of Jupiter-Ammon and BAPKA, on the reverse the sil» phium. As we have not found anywhere such currency, it is not adopted in the catalog.

6) Coll. by Rauch and Fontana (Sestini Mus. Fontana I p. 121 n°2, tab.V,17; IHp.94no2; Mionn. S. n*48, incorr.

dec.).

7) Cab. of Paris (Pellerin Rois p. 204 pi. XXI; Mionn. no 128; Eckhel Doctr. IV p. 125). This piece can be classified with number 364.

p. 87 · zoom original

s) Coll. of the ant society. in Scotland (Num. Chron. XIV

p. 144, pi.). 9) Herodotus IV, 160. StephanusByz s.v. Bdçxtj. See Thrige

Res Cyr. p. 133.

BARCE.

dental. 1) The city was located on a plain surrounded by mountains, 100 stadia from the sea, near which it had a good harbor 9). It seems that the Libyans formed a larger part of the population than in Cyrene, and that the Hellenic and Libyan elements there been confused in a particular way. *) Barcé became an independent state of Cyrene and had like her a king at the head of the government. It appears that a considerable part of Cyre- Western coast with the cities located there, was gradually included in its domain 4); according to Herodotus, Tauchira, although also founded in Cyrene, was part of his territory 5). Cambyses having conquered Egypt, Barce, like Cyrene, submitted to Persian domination. At beginning of the reign of Darius Hystaspes, the inhabitants of Barcé revolted against their king Alazir and killed him and Arcesilaus III, his son-in-law, who had taken refuge with him. It followed that Aryandes, Persian governor of Egypt, following the commitment of Pheretime, mother of Arcesilaus, sent against Barcé a fleet and an army, commanded by Badres and Amasis; they besieged for a long time the city in vain, but nevertheless ended up making themselves masters, with the help of fraud, around the year 512. Pheretime cracked down on those who had taken part in the murder of his son, and a large number of citizens were taken as prisoners to Bactria, where they founded a new town which had the name of Barcé. ) According to Polyen 7), Barcé was besieged a second time by a Persian army under the command of Arsames, who, the Barceans being strongly pressed, began by contracting an alliance with them and then took advantage of their security to surprise the city, which was plundered; it is probable that this event took place at the beginning of the reign of Xerxes, and that a defection of Barce at the end of the reign of Darius was the cause. 8) Already at this time there no longer appears to have been a king in Barcé. 9)

Throughout the second era, Barcé was a republic and, it seems, in a flourishing state. 10) After the death of Alexander the Great, she gave aid to Thimbron in the war against Cyrene, probably for fear of the preponderance of this city. 11)

Under Egyptian domination the port of Barcé was erected into a town under the name of Ptole- corn. 1S) This new city, whose site was more suitable for commerce, attracted the rich citizens of Barcé and was favored by the Ptolemies. Barcé fell and probably no longer existed as a Libyan town, while Ptolemais became one of the five cities of the Pentapolis. 1*)

p. 88 · zoom original

1) The Libyan name Barca % jnger according to the root cor- respondent of the Semitic language, may have meant blessed in relation to the fertility of the soil; see Cavedoni Osserv. p. 6 rating. After the decadence of the Greek city, the Barceans continued to exist as a Barcean people bare and worried the Greeks and Romans with their invasions. See. Geogr. anc. after Mannert by Bfarcus p. 106-107.

3) Mentioned by Scylax. s) Thrige l.c. p. 136-137.

4) Thrige l.c. p. 137-138.

5) Herod. IV, 171.

6) For details of these events, see Thrige 1. c. p. 159-164.

7) Stratag. VII, 28.

s) Thrige l.c. p. 174-176.

9) Polyen I. c. has the Persian general treated with the

Xorrtç of the city, without there being any question of any king. See Thrige l.c. p. 163.

10) It is unfounded that Mannert (Géogr. ed. Marcus p. 88) and Forblger (Geogr. II p. 831) assume that Barcé, from the capture of the city by the Persians, there was no longer any no importance.

n) Diodorus XV11I, 20.

12) It is not reported by the ancient authors under which of the Ptolemies the city of Ptolemais was founded. Follow- before the explanation that M.Letronne (Journ. des Savans 1828 p. 260) gave of a fragmented inscription found at this place, it would have taken place under Ptolemy 1 or 11, according to the explanation of the same inscription proposed by M.Droysen, under Ptolemy 111 (Gesch. des Hellenismus 11 p. 729).

13) Thrige Res Cyr. p. 139-140. Mannert Geogr. by Marcus p. 106.

84 CYRENAICA.

However, Barcé continued until later times. In Christian times she was the seat of a bishop, and it became again, in the Arab Middle Ages, for some time time a flourishing city; but then, at the beginning of the 13th century, it was completely destroyed by the natives of the country. On the plain where it was located, there are ruins which bear try the name ù % El-Merdja or El-medinah, but only few of which date from Greek antiquity. 1)

THE COINS OF BARCÉ.

Barcé having been founded in the middle of the 6th century, there may be coins from Barcé dating from the latter part of this century; it is quite likely that among the currencies archaic without city name, treated in section A, 1, there are a few which are struck at this ancient time in Barcé, see p. 21-22. At the end of the 1st period (around the middle of the 5th century), Barcé minted silver coins marked with his name. In the 2nd era (450-322), remission of coins to Barcé must have been considerable; from this time we have silver coins, bearing his name, in quite a large number and which are in no way inferior to those of Cyrene. But, while we still have an abundance of coins in gold and bronze from Cyrene, there is no gold coin in the name of Barcé 9), and the few bronze coins which bear his name do not seem to belong to the 2nd period. 11 It is possible, however, that at the said period gold and bronze coins were minted at Barcé which, being undoubtedly manufactured at the common expense of the Cyrenean towns (see p. 30), were not signed with his name; because among the gold and bronze coins without city name there are some whose the brands best suit Barcé (e.g. numbers 79 and 87), and it is certain that several of the silver coins without city names left the Barcé workshop (see p. 32). In the 3rd period (322-66) only bronze coins were minted in Barcé and in very small numbers, or if silver coins were still minted at the beginning of this era, we soon arrested; this is a very natural fact, given that under the domination of the Ptolemies, after the city of Ptolemais had been founded, perhaps already under the reign of Soter, Barcé was no more than a city of a lower rank.

p. 89 · zoom original

The name of the city, Baçiy, on the coins, is written in Dorian BAPKA, and the name ethnic, where it is complete, BAPKAION, with the ending ON instead of ON; it is abbreviated in different ways up to BA. On the coins of the 1st era, the writing is placed bustro- phedon; also in the earlier part of the 2nd period we find the name of the Barceans placed bustrophedon or in retrograde direction; the letters are sometimes turned differently rents sides.

FIRST PERIOD.

Nos. 01 287-290 agree, for the style of art 3) and the factory as well as under other relations, with n" 117-1 18 of Cyrene; they can therefore be attributed, just like these, to the end of the 1st period, see the remarks made on p. 61.

1) Mannert Geogr. by Marcus p. 639-640. Barth Wan- see. p. 26.

derungen p. 404-406. s) In the engravings that we have given of these mon-

2) The gold coin in the name of Barcé, described in the Naies Museum, the artist did not succeed in exactly reproducing the Payne Knight p. 21 3, A, 1, is number 7ô in our catalog, archaic character of the heads.

BARCE. 85

The letter A which on the number 288 is placed in front of the head, assuming that it is in fact there, must be associated as the fifth with the letters BAPK placed outside the circle, as well as on No. 291 the letters of the name of the Barcéens continue from the right to the reverse. The letter T which we see on n°289 in the field of the face, can designate the town of Tauchira, which already in the first era was joined to Barcé 1).

These currencies are drachmas and half-drachmas of the Asian system as well as the corresponding currencies of Cyrene and Evesperis.

SECOND AND THIRD PERIOD.

Silver coins.

These coins, according to the artistic work and the names of magistrates written in full, belong all or most of them belong to the 2nd period during which Barcé was a republic; confer the annotations made above to similar coins without city name and to the name of Cyrene (p. 32 and 63 f.), and below, § 5. No. 291 makes the transition from the 1st to the 2nd era; just as on previous coins, the letters BAPK are placed bustrophedon in the corners of the square hollow, but the facial features no longer display the archaic character. The letters Al which found at the bottom on the reverse, are undoubtedly the continuation of BAPK on the right. Nos. 292-301 belong to the earlier part of the era; on these n" the head of Jupîter-Àmmon presents a austere character as well as archaic hair, and it is found in a hollow enclosed field in a frame, which is circular on n 0> 292-298, square on n 01 299-301. Also among the n" following we encounter pieces on which the head is more or less archaic (thus Nos. 303-306 and 317) or is surrounded by a frame (on Nos. 302 and 318 following). Nos. M 317-324 bear the names of magistrates. Among the tetradrachms we notice coins, on which the head of Jupiter is distinguished by the height of the physiognomy and the beauty of the style, p. e. the n* 1 323 and 324. Nos. 325-328, which bear the head of Libyan Bacchus, are in a free and beautiful work; they belong to the end of the 2nd or the beginning of the 3rd era.

p. 90 · zoom original

The types are the ordinary Cyrenean types: the heads of Jupiter-Âmraon and Bacchus Libyan, siiphium or triple silphium; see general observations §1-3 and above p. 31. However, we notice particularities that are specific to Barcé. The representation in front of the head of Jupiter-Ammon (see nos. 319-321) is only found on the coins of this city; the same is true of the ornament worn by this head above the forehead on number 320 *). This ornament, to which we have not yet paid attention 8), appears to be a Greek imitation of the badge of the hairstyle of the Egyptian god Amon-Ra, formed by a disc surmounted by two palm leaves or feathers; on the head of the Barcean god it is attached to a diadem or a ring. 4) The type of No. 322, combined with silphium and gazelle, is also particular to Barcé; Mionnet, who

i) Herodotus IV, 171. pi. VIII, 5 the ornament is not marked.

s) This singular ornament is the same as presented in the 4) We find other traces of the influence of Egyptian worship

head of Jupiter-Ammon seen from the side on n°41, which is yours in Barcé as in Cyrene; Cyrenean women

probably also from Barcé's rack. celebrated festivals in honor of Isis. Herodotus IV,

s) In the engraving of this coin at Mionnet Suppl. 186.

CTRENAIC.

published this unique piece from the Paris cabinet, did not realize that the lower part of the reverse side is occupied by a gazelle. *)

The accessory symbols are: a jerboa, a chameleon, an owl and an ear of corn. The jerboa is also found on other Cyrenean coins and will be treated under number 340; the three other symbols are specific to Barcé. The chameleon, a common animal in Cyrenaica, is widely treated, under the same name (xaficulécov, chamoeleon), among the writers of antiquity; This strange-looking animal was used to chase away all kinds of illnesses and for magical operations 2); it is possible, however, that the chameleon, like the jerboa, was used in the monetary imprint for the sole reason that it was a native and characteristic animal stic in the country. Minerva, of which the owl is the symbol, was undoubtedly much venerated on the western coast of Cyrenaica, where Lake Tritonis took its name after Athene Tritogeneia whose cult had been transported there from Boeotia 8); the Barceans said that Minerva had taught them to drive the chariot (see n° 329). 4) See § 4 below on the meaning accessory types in general.

The names of magistrates, which are put in the genitive case, the preposition Efll being implied, undoubtedly designate the archons 5) who governed the state of Barcé during the Republican era; see the observations made in § 5. AKEZIOZ was taken by Mr. Pinder for an epithet of Jupiter-Ammon as healing god 6); but this name occupies the same place as the names of magistrates on the other tetradrachms; it is the Dorian genitive of a vulgar proper name 'Axsaiaç (see §5). 7) The name KAINIfl on n°323 was read KAINIfl by MM. Mionnet and Cavedoni 8); but it is undoubtedly identical to the name of n°42 (p. 23) which certainly is KA1NIO. It is doubtful whether the name of No. 322 is the same or another. The names of No. 324 have been misheard until the last times; they were read A4HAAN KYYEAfl, which Millingen took for the name of Ophellas who under Ptolemy Soter made himself king of Cyrenaica, and who was said to have been the son of Cypselus. 9) There's one more T that escaped Millingen's attention. It should read KYYEAfl TA

p. 91 · zoom original

i) In the description of this piece at Mionnet (suppl. n°87), the reverse is thus designated: Silpkiumf; the legend of the law is also incorrectly reproduced, and the name of the Barcéens on the reverse is omitted.

a) Democritus had written an entire book on the chameleon. In Aristotle (Hist. anim. 11,11) and in Pliny (Histnat. VIII, 51 and XXVIII, 29) we find detailed descriptions- linked to the particularities of the chameleon and the qualities that was attributed to him Cf. Gellius Noct. att. X,12; More- Tarque Alcibiades v. 23. — M. Cavedoni (Osserv. p. 44) think that the animal we see on this coin is the lizard two ells long, which is mentioned by Strabo (XVII p. 830) as specific to Africa, or the land crocodile resembling a lizard and having a length of three ells, which in Herodotus (IV. 192) is named among the animals of Libya. But the ca- meleon, whose shape is very particular and easy to recognize, is reproduced on the currency with such fidelity, that there is no doubt that it is not the same animal that ancient writers and modern naturalists The latter agree to call it that.

8) See the currency of the Libyans n°358.

4) Mr. Cavedoni (Osserv. p. 44 note 38) remarks that the three animals united on n°321, the owl, the lizard and jerboa, being harmless animals, were perhaps seen as signs of good omen and happy product.

6) See p. 83 note 9.

6) Catalog der ant. Mûnzen des Muséums zu Berlin p. 90 No. 436. (The currency of Berlin, on which one does not read that the letters — 102, is the same as number 139 of Cyrene p. 44 with the name NIKI02.)

7) On the copy of n°318 in cab. from St. Petersburg he appears in front of AKK2102 a character which could be an A and bring to take the name for AYKK2W2 written in retrograde direction; but this piece being under all reports are the same as three copies of the other collections, which distinctly offer AKE2102, the name is probably the same.

8) Mionn. S. n°90. Cavedoni Osserv. p. 46.

9) Millingen Collection p. 78-81. Sestini Classes gen. p. 174. Mionnet S. n» 95. Later Millingen himself revoked his opinion in Sylloge of anc. corners p. 87.

BARCE. 87

c. to right. KYYEAOY TOY OIAflN(oç), under Cypselua son of Philo, name of an archon of Barcé (see § 5). It was Mr. Cavedoni who was the first to give the correct explanation. *)

The monetary system is the same as that adopted in Cyrene at that time. Almost all of Barcé's currencies belong to the system that we call Asian. (see §6); the different species are: tetradrachms, drachms, hemidrachms, trihemioboles and obols. There are only a small number of tetradrachms that belong to the attic system, nos. 01 291-293; as these pieces are all in an archaic style, it is necessary to pre- assume that in Barcé, as well as in Cyrene, they were issued only at the beginning of the 2nd era, and that they soon gave in to the tetradrachms of the Asian system of which there are also some pieces of a similar style. As for No. 328 with triple silphium, we can doubt whether this piece is a diobole or a trihemiobole; its weight is closest to the normal weight of the diobolus, but considered in its relationship with obol n°327, the weight fits better to a trihemi- obol; like the similar pieces n° 45-46 which bear the triple silphium, seem to be trihemioboles, and that there is no other diobolus among the coins of Cyrenaica, it is rather necessary decide on trihemiobol.

p. 92 · zoom original

Bronze coins.

No. 329. Rider. Q-. Wheel. On the occasion of these types on similar currencies without city name and in the name of Cyrene (p. 36 and 74), we pointed out that the Greeks Cyreneans, as well as the Libyans among whom they had settled, were very busy establishing horses and driving chariots, that not only did they take a keen interest in racing public games, but that, more than the other Greek peoples, they used cars in daily life and in war. It was the same for the inhabitants of Barcé in particular. We said that Neptune had taught the Barceans to raise the horse (InnotQocpla) and that they had learned by Minerva to drive the chariot (tô fjvioxétv). 9) Barcelona cars are more than one times mentioned by ancient authors. 8) Battle tanks were part of the force military of Barcé; thus the Persian general Arsames, besieging the city of Barcé, demanded that it sent a number of battle chariots to Xerxes for the expedition he was going to undertake against Greece. 4) Sestini, who published this coin, doubts whether he should bring it back to Cyrene, taking BA for a magistrate's name, or if he should give it to Barcé 5); the analogy presented by the following number, leans in favor of the classification in Barcé. The work attributes this piece to 3 Be rather than at the 2 m * era.

No. 330. Horse. Q-. Ram. Pellerin, reading MA on the reverse, attributed this coin to king Magas, which was adopted by Eckhel 6); . but the first letter on the reverse cannot be an M. Mionnet, changing MA to BA, presumed that the coin had been struck in later times. in honor of Battus, founder of Cyrene. 7) M. Ch. Lenormant finally classified it in Barcé. 6)

f) Bullets. arch. dell' inst. 1843 pp. 117; Osserv. p. 46-47. 4) Polyœnus VII, 28.

*i) Stephanus Byz. s. v. Bttçxy. Hesychius 1. c. next note. s) Mus. Fontana 1 p. 121.

Schol. Pind. Pythia IV, 1, p. 343. •) Doctrina IV p. 125.

3) Baçxaio* ô/o». Hesychius s. v. (according to Mnaseas). So- 7) Mionnet n»128 note.

Phocles Elcctra v. 727. 8) Numismatics of the Greek kings p. 171 adpl. XC,2.

88 CYRENAICA.

Indeed, the reverse seems to bear BA like the obverse; the name Barcé is abbreviated several times in BA (see n° 0< 298, 302 and 318), and on the coins of Cyrene we also find the first syllable of the name of the city repeated on both sides of the coin (see n°* 213 and 216). The horse is a type which, according to what we have just observed, is perfectly suited to Barcé. The ram can be the symbol of Jupiter-Ammon (see no. 194); but it can also relate to to take care of the sheep which were taken care of a lot in Cyrenaica. In the anti- ity, as in our days there was found in this part of Africa an excellent race of sheep 1); already in the Odyssey the flocks of sheep of Libya are praised 9); Herodotus and Pindar gave Libya the nicknames pylorçocpoç and nokvfjtijloç.*) The type of the ram, which is found on bronzes struck by the Ptolemies and Roman governors 4), and the blank of the coin, which has the same oblique edge as the Egyptian coins, refers to the 3 Be era. Finally, it should be noted that BA can be an abbreviation of the title of king as well as BAZI on No. 364, so that this piece can be classified among the royal coins with of this n*.

p. 93 · zoom original

No. 331. Head of Jupiter-Ammon. Q-. Eagle. It is probable that the eagle, which does not found on no other autonomous currency, is borrowed from Ptolemaic currencies (cf. the n" 361 following), and that consequently this piece belongs to the 3rd era.

EVESPERIDESo (HESPERIS.)

FIRST PERIOD.

332. Head of Jupiter-Ammon to the right, surrounded by a garnetis circle, around which EYEZ bustro- phedon; all in a hollow square. Q-. Silphium. M. 3. Dr. 3.80 — 3.11 gr. 5)

333. Same face and reverse. M. 2. £Dr. 1.70 gr. 6)

332 333

i) Cf. Thrlge Res Gyr. p. 302. b) Cab. of Paris (2 examples; Mlonn. S. n»98 incorr. dec.;

9) Odyssey. IV, 85-89. Archaeological review. fr. 1848 pp. 239 ft. 93, i), mus. Brit,

8) Herodotus IV, 155. Pindar Pyth. IX, 6. Cf. Diodorus coll. by Fontana (Sestini Mus. Fontana I p. 121 n«l,

111.27. lab. V, 15; III p. 94 n«l, incorr. dec.), of the Duke of Luynes

4) See nos. 377, 422, 423 and 430. The ram is not known from Mr. VesL

against no autonomous currency, except on 6) Cab. of Paris (Mionn. no. 54 incorr. dec., Revue archéol.

n<» 343, the date of which is uncertain. 1848 pp. 240 ft. 93.2).

SECOND AND THIRD PERIOD.

334. EZIIEPI. . . Hairless head of the Lathon River, horned and diademed, right. R-. Deer(?} standing to the right; in front, silphium; below, another smaller silphium; behind, TIMAfOPA. Net around the edge; hollow field. M. 5. 2 Dr. ai. 8.40 gr. *)

335. Same head (without horns?); in front, AHTC1N. Grenelis around the perimeter. R\ EY Silphium. Gre- netis around the edge. (Fig.) I. 34-3. 6.70—5.1 gr. *)

336. Another similar one, the name written AHOfiN. I. 3J. 6.S6 gr. ")

337. Head of Jupiter-Ammon on left. R-. Trident; below, on both sides of the handle, EY.

I. i\. 5.7gr.«)

338. Same head to the right. Yew-, Reversed Trident; between the teeth, EY. Struck on a coin bearing on the right the head of Hercules, on the reverse a bow, a club and a quiver.

I. 6. 12.7 gr. s)

339. Laureate head of Apollo right. R\ Horse (bridled) running to the right; above, a large star and E; below, a branch laden with fruit. J£.Z\. 5.2 — 3.3 gr. )

THE CITY OF DEVESPERIDES.

This city was located on Pseudopenias point at the eastern entrance to greater Syria, near a lake, named by some authors Tritonis or Lake of Triton, and a river Lathon. The ancient authors praise its surroundings because of their fertility and beauty; Herodotus relates that the land of Evesperides yielded a hundredfold 1), and among the different traditions of

i) Coll. of the Duke of Luyues.

s; Cab. of St. Petersburg, of Paris (Mionn. S. D» 105. Archaeological review. 1848 ft. 93,”) and Milan (Sestlnl Letl. di cont. IV p. 102, lab.VI.22; Mionn. S. ni 103); cf. Hai- wood Salt. nuoi. p. 50, Inb.VII,! (Hlonn.VI p.uT5 n*l, Suppt. n*l04) and Sestlni Mus. Hedcrv. ill cont. p. 77 DM-!, lab. 33.1t.

a) Mus. lirii. (Cal. de Combe p. 210 n° 10).

p. 94 · zoom original

*: Cnb. of Paris (Revue num. fr. 1850 p.40S, pi. XVI, 4) and mus. Iirit.

u) Cab. from Copenhagen.

e) Cab. of La Hâve (2example), of Paris (Znempl., Mionn. n»l22, incorr. r, and 1 Ï3j, of Fonlana and of Rollin (Sestlni Mus. Hederv. Ill cont. p. 74 no. 35, Incorr. dec.j.

T) Herodotus IV, 198.

CYRENAICA.

the most common situation of the garden of the Hesperides was that this beautiful garden had been in the neighborhood of this city. 1) Arcesilaus IV, last king of Cyrene, shortly after winning the Pythian games the victory sung by Pindar, that is to say around Tan 460, led a colony there to have a refuge as long as the seditious dispositions lasted in Cyrene; the colony consisted in mercenary troops, gathered in the Peloponnese and commanded by Karrhotos, brother-in-law of the king. 9) It is, however, not entirely established whether the founding of the city of Evespéris was due to this colonization, or if previously there had already existed a city here. She took her name from its location and the beauty of the country; the oldest authors recall Eusaneçlâsç, and the inhabitants EveaneçUai*)] later we most often encounter the names 'EGnsçlâeç, Hespérides, Hesperis. 4 d After the death of Arcesilaus, his son Battus fled to this city, but seems to have was killed by citizens who hated tyranny. 5) Thus Evesperis became free at the same time than Cyrene and was in the second era an autonomous city. The neighboring Libyans encouraged him to were continual troubles. In 413 they besieged the city, but it was liberated by Greeks who had left the Peloponnese to go to Syracuse and whom a storm had thrown onto the coast of the Cyrenaica. 6) Eight years later, the Evesperites extended an invitation to all the Greeks to come settle down among them to fight the barbarians. A large number of Messenians under the com- command of Comon, chased from Naupactus by the Lacedaemonians, followed this invitation; but urfe part was killed in a battle against the Cyreneans, so that only part settled in Evesperis, and later they returned to the Peloponnese at the call made by Epaminondas after the battle of Leuctra (371) 7). After the death of Alexander the Great, the Evesperites took the side of Thimbron in the war between this leader and Cyrene (see the intro- duction p. 4).

Under Egyptian rule, Evesperis was given the name Berenice after the wife of Ptolemy III, daughter of Magas 8); it was one of the five cities after which Cyrenaica had at that time the name of Pentapole (see p. 6). The city which occupies its place today, is Bengazi\ only few ruins remain of the ancient city 9), but vases, engraved stones, coins and other antiquities, even from the most ancient times and many years shot of interest. I0)

p. 95 · zoom original

i) Apollonius Rhodius, Ptolemy, Lucanus and Pliny place the garden of the Hesperides in this region. Others supposed that it would have been located elsewhere in Cyre- naïc (see above p. 22), others finally, that the position tion of the garden was further to the west near the mount Atlas. See Thrige Res Cyrenensium p. 77-78; Marcus Ancient geography barb states. after Mannert (1842) p. 91 following. and p. 638; Forbiger Handb. d. has. Geography p. 827-28.

a) School. ad Pind. Pyth. V,33. See Thrige l.c. p. 179-80. s) Herodotus IV, 171, 198, 204; Thucydides VII, 50; Theo-

sentence. 4) For ancient texts, see Thrige Le. p. 180.

b) Heraclides Pont. p. 10 (ed. Schneidewin), cf. Thrige l.c. p. 183-84.

e) Thucydides VII, 50.

7) Pausanias IV, 26, cf. Diodorus XIV, 34.

s) After the death of Magas, Evesperis seems to have opposed resistance to the king of Egypt; it is possible that the city, having experienced unfortunate consequences, was restored by Bérénice, and that it be on this occasion that she took his name. See Thrige l.c. p. 181 note. 27 and 29; p. 238 note. 41 and 42. The opinion expressed by Mr. Le- tronne, that the town of Bérénice must have received its name by Magas according to that of his mother, is refuted by Droysen Geschichte des Hellenismus II p. 723-726. See below the commentary to n* 378 following.

9) Forbiger Geography p. 830 notes. 18. Barth Wanderungen p. 383-386.

10) Archaeological review fr. V,l (1848) p. 230 following. Naked review mismatic fr. 1850 pp. 381 following. Barth Wanderungen p. 386.

EVESPER1DES.

COINS OF THE EARLY PERIOD.

Nos. 332-333 are related in all respects, by the types, the style of art, the manufacture and the weight, at n° 09 117-118 of Cyrèue and at n° 287-290 of Barcé, which we attributed to the fln from the 1st period see p* 61 and 84. These coins are therefore struck by Arcésilas IV, last king of Cyrene, who established the colony at Evesperis. If we suppose that the city existed before this time, some of the pieces, described in section A I, can be reported there; we have him assigned numbers M 23 and 25, see p. 22.

It is only in recent times that coins have been classified in this city. A copy of n°332, in the Fontana collection, was attributed to Cyrene by Sestini who read the letters differently and regarded them as those of a magistrate's name. *) On the copy of same number in the Paris office, the one shown above, the letter Y not being visible, MM. Cousinéry and Mionnet read ENE2 and believed they had discovered a city called Enessiphira, city that did not exist. *) Mr. Cavedoni rejected this classification; but supposing that the lesson was rightly, this scholar saw in the word a magistrate's name and reported the piece to Barcé. *) Half unique drachma no. 333 is described under Cyrene by Mionnet, who took the letters KY for YE which are only visible. 4) MM. Falbe and Lindberg, bringing the two together pieces from the Paris cabinet engraved above, found the correct explanation and classified them Evesperis. Finally M. Ch. Lenormant, without knowing the work of Danish numismatists, demonstrated that these coins are struck at Evespéris. 5). Later we discovered in Africa several copies of No. 332, which provide the four fairly distinct letters EYEÎ. 6)

p. 96 · zoom original

COINS OF THE SECOND AND THIRD PERIOD.

No. 334. The head of this unique and unpublished piece represents the Lathon River whose name is added on the following n 09; she is young, equipped with horns and surrounded by a diadem, same as the heads of the Rivers on the coins of Magna Graecia and Sicily. This river has been mentioned quite often by ancient authors, according to whom he must have communicated with the Triton Lake near the town; but nowadays we no longer find such a river. 7) He had

i) Mus. Fontana 1 p. 121.

2) Mionnet Suppl. IX p. 195 n»98; cf. 1. c. p. 88 note 5.

B) Osserv. p. 60.

4) Mionnet VI p. 560 n»54.

b) Archaeological review. franc. V,l (1848) p. 239-240; cf. Review numism. franc. 1850 pp. 404-405. * The manuscript of Mr. Lindberg, in which the reasons are set out of the Evespéris classification of these two currencies as well as the following n° 335-336, date of the year 1846.

6) See above p. 88 note 5.

7) The nature of the terrain having changed greatly in the Over the centuries, it is difficult to decide what was in antiquity the direction of this river. Travelers and the geographers who dealt with topography

of this region, are no more in agreement on this point that on the site of Lake Tritonis and the Hespé garden wrinkles. In recent times Mr. Marc us (anc. Geogr. according to Mannert p. 637) held the opinion that the river Lathon threw himself from the lake into the sea, and we we have the rest in a small narrow channel through which a pond, which could pass for Lake Tritonis, common fuck with the Mediterranean. But Barth, just as Beechey, is of the opinion that a large river seen in a deep cavern to the east of the city which is lost in the rocks, is the ancient Lathon (Wanderungen p. 387-388). Voyei again on this river: Geogr. anc. according to Mannert p. 92-93; Thrige Res Cyr. p. 18; For- biger Geography II p. 827.

12'

CYRENAICA.

abundance of fish. l) His original and indigenous name was undoubtedly Eccaius. 9) The animal on the reverse being carelessly executed, it is quite difficult to determine it with certainty; he relates either to the gazelle of n° 0> 24, 89 and 242-244, or to the deer on Roman coins n 0< 404following, but no longer from the last one. 8).

N M 335-336. The name of the river AHTON on the first of these numbers was formerly taken for an ethnic name. Harwood 4), reading AHTON, attributed the coinage to Aea (Oëa) in Syrtica. Sestini assumed that it belonged to the Island of Laea, near the coast not far from the port of Cyrene, and that EY on the reverse indicated a magistrate. 9) This classification was adopted by Mionnet 6). As for the head, it was taken to be that of Venus. Finally MM. Duchalais and Ch. Lenormant made see that these coins were struck in Evespéris and that AHTON is the name of the River in front the head of which it is placed. ') On No. 336 at the British Museum the third letter is an O distinct instead of a T. Among ancient authors the name of the river is written A^oov y in Dorian AâdùdVy and Lethon. 6)

p. 97 · zoom original

No. 01 337-338. Evespéris being a maritime city, it is natural to find on its coins the trident, symbol of the sea and Neptune. From the very beginning, Neptune had his cult in Cyrenaica; Herodotus even puts forward the opinion that it was Libyans that the Greeks would have adopted the cult of this god 9), and according to tradition he would have taught the Libyan people to raise the horse. 10) He was honored by the Cyrenean Greeks under the nicknames $ Amphibaios and of Pellanios. M)

No. 339 is similar to No. 01 283-284 from Cyrene which offers the same types. Like we see on this piece, instead of KY, a large E, it is to be assumed that Evespéris is designated by this letter. This is confirmed by the accessory type which undoubtedly represents a branch of the Desperides tree as a symbol of the city, near which, as it was believed, had been located the garden of the Hesperides "); on No. 23 the golden apples of which the Hesperides tree is charged, are likewise indicated by globules at the ends of the branches; we find the same symbol on the Ptolemaic coins n°* 364 and 365. This coin was not attributed to Evesperis; in the work of Mionnet 18), the two copies from the Paris cabinet are found classified in Cyrene, and on one of them the letter E, the lower part of which is barely visible, is taken for an F.

i) According to Ptolemy Evergetes in Athenœus 11.84.

2) The river near the city of Evesperides is by Scylax (108) named fccxuoc.

3) The head is so roughly worked that one is in doubt if she doesn't have a beard, which would make the ani- bad for a goat or rather, as the movement is that of a wild beast, for an ibex. In the painting of the necropolis of Cyrene of which we have mentioned on p. 17 note, we see an ibex among the animals we hunt. Nowadays the ibex is not found in Africa.

4) Salt. numism. gr. p. 50; Mionnet VI p.575n°l.

6) See p. 89 note 2 1. c. «) Suppl. IX p. 197.

7) Magazine num. fr. 1848 pp. 250. Archaeol review. fr. 1848

p. 240-241. Before the French numismatists MM.Falbe and Lindberg had already arrived at the correct classification of these currencies, cf. p. 91 note 5.

8) Strabo XVII p. 836 (XIV p. 647 jitfaloç noTapéç). Athe- nœus II, 84. Lucanus Pharsalia IX, 355-356. Plinius V, 5. Solinus c. 27.

9) Herod. 11.50; IV, 188. 10) See. l.c. p. 87 note 2.

il) 'Apyipinoç t Tzetzes ad Lycophr. v. 74.9, probably 'ApiUuoç, ratovxoç, see. Bœckh Expl. ad Pind. Pythia IV p. 268. Ilikkdyioç, Hesychius s. v. See Thrige Res Cyr. p. 286-287.

12) See p. 90 rating 1.

13) Mionn. VI p. 566 no. 122 and 123.

EVESPERIDES. 93

The date. The Attic didrachm No. 334 with the name of Timagoras undoubtedly belongs at the end of the second period, as well as the didrachms of Cyrene, nos. 142 and 176, which bear the names of Polyanthes and Theupheides and which are also struck according to the Attic system. *) Timagoras is probably the name of one of the archons who, before the submission of the country to the Pto- lémes, were at the head of the city government (see §5). Bronzes Nos. 01 335 and 336, because of the beautiful style of the head of Lathon, must be attributed to the same period. No. 339 dates probably from the 3rd period as well as the corresponding coins of Cyrene, see p. 76-77. This coin bearing the initial of the name of Evespéris, it must have been struck before, under the reign of Ptolemy III, the city changed its name to that of Berenice. It is, however, quite possible that the city regained its old name after Cyrenaica became free again under the supremacy of Rome, and the coinage was minted at this time (96-66); there are enough examples of cities Greeks have thus changed their name several times 9).

p. 98 · zoom original

Cities of a lower rank.

There are several other cities in Cyrenaica to which coins have been classified. So different currencies were attributed to Arsinoe, Automala, Csnopolis, Phycus, Ptole- raais, and to the Island of Aphrodisias; it will be demonstrated in §7 that these currencies belong to other countries. Then certain legends, poorly understood, about the coins of the three main cities cipales that we have just discussed, gave rise to assigning currencies to other localities; this is how we managed, wrongly, to give coins to Csnopolis, Maranthis, Enessi- phyra, and to the island of Laea. n) There are, however, three or four other cities whose names are undoubtedly inscribed on the coins of Cyrenaica; they are: Sozusa, Balagrœ, Darnis and Heraclea. We will look at coins that appear to feature these names.

SOZUSA. (APOLLOME.)

340. Jerboa, jumping to the left; above, ZQ.Z(T). Q-. Crab. M. 3. 2.8 gr. 4)

340

i) Although the didrachm provides the name K2TIKPI —, the name of Arsinoe which had been given to him by this king. Con-

while the following bronzes* have retained the old ET, will do Sozusa, the following page. Perhaps the name Hespéris

It was probably not struck later than these; was it ever put out of use by the citizens of

we find the name of Hesperides already at Scylax and the city.

name of Evesperides among later authors, in 8) See above p. 32n«te3, p. 36 note 10, p.91 and 92.

so that the two names seem to have been simultaneous- Cf. Cavedoni Osserv. p. 60 note 51.

in use. 4) Coll. by Fontana (Sestini Mus. Fontana I p.121 n»3, tav.l,

a) Thus Ephesus, after the death of Lysimachus, left on the 29th; JI1 p. 94 n«3; Mionnet S. IX p. 186 n»50).

CYRENAICA.

Sozusa, which writers of the Justinian era mention as one of the most important other cities of Cyrenaica, was undoubtedly none other than the city founded near the port of Cyrene and which at the time of the Ptolemies bore the name of ApoIlonia or Apollonias. The place of the coast where, judging from the numerous ruins that can be seen there, the port of Cyrene was located, is today called Suza (or Marza Suza), a name which very probably derives from the ancient name of Sozusa, Stotovaa. 1) We do not find among ancient authors that the port of Cyrene was called Apollonia before the Ptolemaic era 9); it is therefore not improbable that Sozusa has was the oldest name which under the Ptolemies, as well as the names of other Cyrenean cities, was changed to Apollonia and which at a later time was taken again.

When we consider that there are marks on the coins of Cyrene, on one (n°178) HERE and a jerboa, on another (n° 161) the monogram £ with a crab, and on one quite a large number of different species (nos. 78, 156-159, 182 and 208) the monogram:& which provides the letters 1CÏX and which cannot be understood as the name of a magistrate 8), we are led to ad- put that all these coins as well as the one we are dealing with, were minted in Sozusa, port of Cyrene. 4)

p. 99 · zoom original

Sestini, who published this coinage, read ZAIZT. 5) The second letter appears to be an O, which is confirmed by the cited document (n°178) which offers the jerboa and ICI together. The letter I is not seen; what Sestini took for an I, is, it seems, only a globule placed for separate 1Û. with the following letters. The last two letters, which can be 2T, are the initials of a magistrate's name. 6) The part of the same types, n°99, which bears another name of magistrate, undoubtedly also came from the workshop of Sozusa-, although HERE is not added.

The city which had arisen near the port of Cyrene, grew considerably during the second era; the rich merchants of Cyrene had their stores and their ships there; she was strongly fortified, as can be seen from the fact that after the death of Alexander it was more several times besieged by Thimbron. 7) The Ptolemies favored it; under their domination she was one of the five cities after which Cyrenaica was called Pentapolis. We see from our days of considerable remains of the city walls, the citadel, a theater and other large buildings, an aqueduct, a quay, finally many tombs dug into the rocks outside the enclosure. 8)

It is possible that the currency was minted under Egyptian rule by the government. development of the city which at that time was probably autonomous; it would therefore be necessary to assume that the coin would have been issued before the town changed its name, or before the citizens had kept the

i) Thrlge Res Cyren. p. 101-102. Marcus Geogr. anc.

according to Mannert p. 86. Forbiger Geography II p. 829.

Pauly Real-Encyclopâdie der class. Alterthums-Wissensch.

I p. 624.14; VI, 1, p. 1337. Barth Wanderungen p. 454.

G. Mûller Geogr. gr. min. p. 83 notes. The port had

undoubtedly the name of Sozusa as the asylum where the gods

ciorqçtç, Neptune, the Dioscuri and Diana, received the

navigators (cf. Barth 1. c). a) Scylax mentions the port of Cyrene without indicating it

the name; in the extract from Arrian in Photius (cod. 92 ed.

Becker p.70,a), his name is not mentioned either. 8) Because of the difference in weights presented by the

didrachms n" 156-159, see p. 46 and 66. 4) MM. Falbe and Lindberg have already classified this currency as

Sozusa. Mr. Lindberg assumes she was hit

when Thimbron had occupied this city and besieged

Cyrene. 6) L. v. p. 93 note 4.

6) On No. 236 the name of the city and the name of the magistrate are also written as a continuation of each other.

7) Diodorus XVIII, 19-21.

s) Délia Cella Viaggio p. 155 following. Pacho Voyage p. 161 following. Barth Wanderungen p. 453-457.

SOZUSÀ.

old name. But we can also admit that the currency was minted by the government from Cyrene at the time when Sozusa was only an annex of the metropolis; in this case it is necessary to consider derer 20 as the mark of the monetary workshop that Cyrene had established at its port, likewise that HERE on n°178 and 3: on the other coins which bear the name of Cyrene, consider- corroborated by the fact that 20 is written in small characters and associated with a magic name strat. If this was so, the currency must be classified among those without city name with of n°99.

p. 100 · zoom original

The animal shown on the right is the one which, according to its Arabic name, is called jerboa. igerboa)) by the naturalists dipus 1 )] the species which is native in Cyrenaica, received the name of dipus tetradactylus*). The ancients called it pt~ç ôtrtovç, a name that suits perfectly this animal either because of its smallness, or because, by moving on its two long legs from behind he appears to be only two feet 3 ); it is already mentioned under this name by Herodotus among the animals of Libya. 4) The jerboa does not exist in Europe, and in no other country it is only found in such large quantities in Cyrenaica; its flesh serves as food, and its skin is used as fur.

The crab is a type of frequent use on the coins of maritime towns; the word Greek x^Xai indicated, as we know, both the claws of a crab and the moles of a port 9 ); its open claws offer the appearance of moles extending into the sea, enclosing the basin of a port. The port of Sozusa, of which we can still have an idea, must have had such a shape; towards to the east we see small rocks which have been joined to each other and to the coast by piers; to To the west there is a prominent point of land which undoubtedly formed the other side of the port. 6) According to Scylax the port of Cyrene was safe and accessible in all weathers (ndvoQpoç).

mLAGRift (BALIS.)

341. Laureate head of Apollo right. Ç\ Bridled horse running to the right. , surmounted by a large star; above, of ; underneath, a cornucopia. I. £3. 5.2 — 4.2 gr. 7)

341

1) It is figured and treated in the following works: Haym Thesaurus (ed. Kell 1765) p. 150 following; Bruce Travels in Egypt etc. V p. 121-127; Lichtenstein Ueber die Spring- màuse (Berlin 1828) p. 21, tab. 23.

2) Lichtenstein 1. c. Sestini (1. c. p. 93 note 4) calls the jerboa dypis jaculus; dypis is mistakenly written for dipus; dipus jaculus is the name of a species which does not lives only in Siberia.

3) Cf. the description of this animal by Aristotle (from nat. anim. VI, 30.3) and by Elien (of anim. nat. XV, 26, after Theophrastus). '

4) Herod. IV, 192. Haym (l.c. p. 153) and Cavedoni (Osserv. p. 44) are of the opinion that in Herodotus' text it is the name yaltj which indicates the jerboa, because we find there

the remark that the yaXaï remain in silphium (yakaï $y rtp

5) Cf. Cavedoni Osserv. p. 50.

e) See Barth Wanderungen p. 453-454.

p. 101 · zoom original

7) Cab. of Paris (2 examples, Hionn. n«120, incorr. dec.), of Copenhagen (2 examples), from Milan and Westreenen to The Hague; Cat. mus. Hunter p. 124 n°60.

96 CYEENAIC.

The piece shown here is analogous to n° M 283-284 from Cyrene and n°339 from Evespéris; on on the coins of Cyrene the place of issue is indicated by KY and a crab, on that of Evespéris, by E and a branch of the Hesperides tree; it must be concluded that on this BA piece in mono- gram and the cornucopia similarly designate the city where the currency is minted. * This town is undoubtedly Balagrs.

The city called by Pausanias Balctyçcu, in the Tabula Puisingeriana Balacrù, by Ste- phanus Byzantinus Bdhç, was located twelve Roman miles west of Cyrene and had a famous temple of Aesculapius. *) It was probably located in a valley surrounded by mountains. tagnes, about the indicated distance from Cyrene, where ruins scattered over a wide land bear witness to the deposit of an ancient city which must have been quite considerable and well populated. This valley offers rich vegetation; it may be the same one that was taken by Scylax for the garden of the Hesperides 2); the cornucopia is therefore a symbol which is suitable for this city.

Like the corresponding coins of Cyrene and Evesperis (see p. 93), this coinage was minted well before in the 3rd period, perhaps under the domination of Rome; he is allows us to suppose that certain towns of a lower rank, like this one and the following, have took advantage of the freedom granted to them by the Romans to mint money.

One could ask if this piece could not just as easily be attributed to Barcé. We gave preference to Balagrae for the following reasons. On n°342 the monogram BA is associated with the name Darnis; but it seems unlikely that Barcé, being very distant and probably having no relations with Darnis, minted money in alliance with this city. Then, Barcé, falling into decline under the Ptolemies, probably stopped minting money. long after the submission of the country. Finally, we certainly cannot find any coin from Barcé on city name written in monogram. Mionnet took the monogram, which on several examples pleasers is quite indistinct, for a K, and attributed this currency to Cyrene. 8)

BALAGRS and DARNIS.

342. Head of Jupiter-Ammon to the right. Qr. Palm; to left, gc and a silphium; on the right, AAP and a cob.

I. 3}. 3.9 of 3.6 gr. 4)

342

This coin was published by Mionnet in the Cyrène series to which it is linked (above nos. 251-269); but the name of Cyrene, which is found on all the other coins of

i) Pause. 11,26,7. Tab. May, segm 8 (CXCII). Steph. Byz. 3) Mionn. n<>120.

s. v. Baktç. See Thrige Res Cyr. p. 289-290. 4) Cab. of Copenhagen (Thes. num. Thott p.205n«601) and 2) Barth Wanderungen p. 415-416 and 488-489 notes 73-74 a. of Paris (Mionn. no. 113, incorr. dec.).

p. 102 · zoom original

See above p. 22.

BALAGELE and DARNIS.

this series does not appear to be there. *) The monogram on the left is the same as on the previous number. On the right we read on the copy of the Copenhagen firm AAP, of which the last two letters are not very distinct, on that of the Paris A-P cabinet, the letter in the middle erased; one of these copies replacing the other, we cannot doubt that it is AAP that we should read, lesson which is further confirmed by the fact that several coins of the corresponding Cyrene series (n 01 268-269) present AA. Just as BA, as we have tried to demonstrate, designates Balagrœ, it is likely that AAP indicates the town of Darnis.

Darnis was located on the coast at Test of Cyrene and had a port of which there are still traces; in the surrounding area we see numerous sepulchral excavations from antiquity. Under the emperors, in a later period, it became the capital of lower Libya; a bishop Christian resided there. Dernah, as the city is called today, is one of the most important in la Barca and was for a long time the seat of government of the province 8).

The beach where this town is located is a fertile plain, watered by a river and rich in sources; it fits well with this that on the currency an ear of corn is placed as a symbol accessory. As the city must have had connections by sea with the port of Cyrene and that it still communicated by a direct route with Cyrene and Balagrœ, it is quite natural to find on the coins the name of Darnis associated with those of Cyrene (see nos. 268-269) and of Balagroe. This piece probably belongs to the same period as the previous one.

HERACLEA. (?)

343. Head of Jupiter-Ammon to the right. Garnetis around the edge. Ç\ Aries standing right; above, HPAKAEI(A). Mr. 5}. 12.1 g. 8)

343

Pellerin, who first published this piece, attributed it to a town called 1 Hé raclée, noting that in Stephanus Byzantinus, in the list of Greek cities so called, one is also cited in Libya, and that Ptolemœus mentions the castle of Hercules CHçankéovç nvçyoç) on the edge of the Gulf of Syria. In this Pellerin was followed by Eckhel, Mionnet, Sestini and other numismatists. Certainly, it is probable, because of the types 4), that this currency

1) Mionnet, describing the copy from the Pari 9 cabinet in the body of work n© 1 1 3, does not observe that the KYPA legend is missing and there is in the cbamp on the right the letters J-P; maybe he watched these last as part of KYPA,

2) The city is mentioned by Ptolemœus, Ammianus Mar- cellinus, Hierocles, Synesius, in Itinerarium Antonini, and under the name of Zarine in the Stadiasmos. Delia Cella Viaggio p. 169-170. Pacho Voyage p. 96 and 102.

p. 103 · zoom original

Marcus Geogr. according to Mannert p. 82 following. Forbiger Geo- spelling p. 832 note 25. Barth Wanderungen p. 477-480.

8) Cab. of Paris (Pellerin Rec. III pi. 87, flg.23; Mionn. VI p. 574 n<> 175; Eckhel Doctr. 1V p. 1 29); Cat. by Bentinck II p. 1078.

4) For the ram, award numbers 330, 377, 422 and 430. The ram has a tail longer and wider than usual nary, which is still particular today to the breed of sheep of this part of Africa.

98 CYRENAICA.

belongs to Cyrenaica; but the classification according to Pellerin must be considered as double teuse. The very existence of a Cyrenean town of this name is not certain. The last letter may be an A, which provides the name of a magistrate, Heraclides; even if it would be an A, it is permissible to take the name for the Dorian genitive of a man's name HPAKAEIAZ (cf. the No. 334). If this name is that of a magistrate, the piece must be placed among the brouzes without city name n" 81 following, on which we also find the names of magistrates written in full.

JUPITER-ÀMMON.

General observations on autonomous currencies.

he.

Jupiter-Ammon.

The god Ammon was from Meroe in Ethiopia 1) and, in ancient times, had was transported from there to upper Egypt, where he was especially worshiped at Thebes. Ethio-settlers Pians and Egyptians carried the cult of this god with them to the oase located in the desert between Egypt and Cyrenaica, and which according to him received the name of Ammonia; a temple was erected there of Ammon with an oracle which gained great reputation and caused the worship of the god to be adopted among the Libyan people. The image of Ammon at Thebes as well as at Ammonia had the head of a ram 9); a host of such images have been found, especially in Upper Egypt and Libya. The god has undoubtedly been represented thus because it owed its existence to the Ethiopians, a nomadic people, whose wealth consisted mainly of flocks of sheep; there are also some traditions that make believe that it was as creator and protector of livestock that he was originally figured under this form. 8) In Egyptian mythology this god, called Amun-ra} was the supreme master of sky which in one of its forms, under the name of Nef (Nuf } Chnttfiê), was represented with the head of a ram; the criocephalic god worshiped in Meroe and Thebes is called Zeus by Herodotus. 4) Among the Libyans, Ammon was also considered the supreme god 5 ) and in addition, perhaps in a later period, as god of the sun. 6)

Like the Greeks who had settled on the African coast, lived among the Libyans, admitted them into their towns and married their daughters, it is quite natural that the cult religion of this people influenced that of the Greeks 7); commerce continually kept them in relationship with Ammonium, an important city for the exchange of goods which took place with Upper Egypt and Ethiopia 8); the oracle of Ammon which was in this city, enjoyed of great reputation, and already in ancient times the Cyreneans as well as other peoples

p. 104 · zoom original

i) Herodotus II, 29 and 42. Diodorus I, 97.

2) Herodotus II, 42; IV, 181: xçtortçdiHonoy ttoyalfia tov

JèOÇ.

a) LeondaDsHygiDiAstroD.II, 20. Pausan. IV, 23.5. Dionys. Perieg. v. 212. The Coptic word amoni means pascere, pastor. Gesenius Teas. ling. Hebr. p. 115. Haakh in Pauly Real-Encyclopàdie der class. Alterthums-WIssen- schaft I p. 408-409.

«) Herod. II, 29 and 42; IV, 181. Cf. Plutarch De Iside et Os. c. 9 and 21. The city of Thebes, because of the cult of Am-

my, was called Diospolis by the Greeks. 6) Herod. III, 25 et al. See Movers Die Phumicier I p. 266.

6) Hacrob. 1.21: Hammonem deum Solem ocidentem Li- byes exit.

7) Herodotus (IV, 186) reports about the women of Cyrene that they worshiped Isis, and that they did not eat the cow's flesh, and as for those of Barcé, that they abstained from the flesh of either cow or pig.

s) Thrige Res Cyr. p. 326-327.

13'

OXFO.CO

100

CYRENAICA.

Greeks went there for advice. ') It came to pass that the supreme god of Li- byens assimilated himself to the supreme god of the Greeks 9); the Cyreneans took the ram's horns from Libyan criocephalic god and applied them to the head of the Greek Jupiter. In the flow of time Myths particular to the Cyreneans were formed concerning the origin of this cult. They said that Bacchus had erected the temple of Ammon at Ammonium with the image of the god. Bacchus, thus it was said, crossing the Libyan desert in a military expedition and being close to dying from thirsty with his army, implored the help of Jupiter; he sent him a ram, which indicated a path leading to a rich water source; in this place Bacchus, out of gratitude, consecrated to Jupiter a temple with an oracle and made a statue of his father with ram's horns. 8 ) The sign- solar nification which the Libyans attributed to Ammon, was also adopted, it seems, by the Cyreneans; it was believed that the ram which had saved Bacchus in the desert, had been placed among the stars, and the zodiac sign of the ram was confused with the symbol of Ammon. 4)

Jupiter-Ammon can be considered the chief and national god of the people of the Cyrenaica, composed of Greeks mixed with Libyans. Pindar, in his hymns, looks the country as consecrated to Jupiter-Ammon. 5) The famous Cyrenean philosopher, Theodore, in speaking of Ammon, calls him our god (ypétêçoç &eoç). 6) The gift of the Cyreneans to Delphi con- stood in a statue of Ammon on a chariot 7); it was the Cyrenean god who had gone to consult the Delphic god.

As for the coins, Jupiter-Ammon was the first of the gods whose effigy they bore; it is already found on some pieces from the earliest period (n 01 27-29). Then, we sees on a multitude of coins, in silver, gold and bronze, of different species, struck by all three cities until recent times. Also the ancient authors mention the effigy of Ammon as a characteristic of the Cyrenean coins. 8) The representation of god is borrowed either from Greek art or from Libyan belief. The physiognomy, the costume and several attributes, such as the laurel, the scepter and Victory (n°194), belong to Jupiter Greek. What refers to the cult of the Libyans are: the ram's horns, the ram at the foot of the god (n°194), the singular ornament above the forehead (n M 41 and 320), the radiated crown (n°194) and the arrangement of hair which many times seems arranged in such a way as to imitate spokes (e.g. on numbers 0-34, 131, 137 and 302).

p. 105 · zoom original

i) According to Pausanias (III, 18, 2, and V, 15, 7), the Lacedaemonians as the Eleans had consulted the oracle of Ammon from the most ancient times {dnaçx^d l* naka^crdrov). In Thebes there was already in the 5th century a temple of Am- my ; Pindar had a statue of the god erected there and sent a hymn in his honor to the Ammonians in Libya. Pausan.* IX, 16, i. The Athenians also revered greatly the oracle of Ammon and sent there theo- res. Aristophanes Aves c. 618 and 717. Plutarch Cimon c. 18. We still find the cult of Ammon in Megalo- polis in Arcadia (Pausan. VIII, 32, 1), at Aphytis in Macedonia (Pausan. III, 18.2), in the island of Tenos (according to currencies) and in other places. ThrigeRes Cyr. p. 295-297. Boeckh Staatshaush. der Athen. (2*«Ausg.) H, p. 132-134. It was, there can be no doubt, thanks to the inhabitants of Cyrenaica that the reputation of the oracle of Ammon had spread in Greece, and that the cult of

God was adopted by other Greek peoples. The Cy- Renéans had undoubtedly themselves been more concerned wind recourse to the oracle of Ammon; see p. 17 note 6; Strabo I p. 49, after Straton; Pausan. VI, 8.

2) On the identification of Ammon with Zeus, see Schol. ad Pindari Pythia IX, 89.

3) Hygini Poët. astron. 11.20 after Hermippus; Fabula) 133. Servius ad iEneid. IV, 196. Conf. the traditions Libyco-Greeks in Diodorus 111.65-73.

4) Hygini Astron. and Fab. 1. c. note 3. See again on the astronomical meaning of the god Ammon: Pauly Real-Encyclopàdle I p. 410-411. A star is placed above the ram on number 430.

5) Pythia IV, 16; IX, 55.

6) Plato Polit. IV; cf. Thrige 1. c. p. 294.

7) Pausan. X, 13.3.

s) Hesychius and Suidas s. v. Bdrrov lilyiov.

BÀCCHU8 LIBYAN. 101

§2.

Hairless head with ram's horns.

This head undoubtedly represents a Libyco-Greek god, the son of Ammon assimilated to the son of Jupiter, to whom we can, with the most reason, give the name of Libyan Bacchus.

According to the Libyco-Greek myths, reported by Diodorus f), there were three characters divines named Bacchus (JiônHfoç), the oldest of whom was the son of Ammon, who had once reigned on Libya, and of Amalthea. Ammon having been driven from his empire by Rhea, his wife, who had allied itself with Saturn and the Titans, Bacchus would have waged war against his father's enemies and would have defeated them; afterwards, he would have founded the city and the oracle of Ammonium in honor of his father and undertook a military expedition to Egypt and into India; the same Bacchus would have taught men to cultivate vines and plant trees; finally he would have been raised like this than his father among the gods. Also among other authors we find the tradition of a Bacchus who would have reigned over Libya and founded Ammonium in the desert, during a military expedition. 9) According to a tradition reported by Leo 8) and which is also communicated by Diodorus 4), the Libyan Bacchus was depicted with ram's horns as was Ammon. It is probable that the cult of this god, like that of Ammon, had its origins in Meroe in Ethiopia; this is what we can be concluded from Herodotus's account. According to this historian 9), Zeus and Dionysus were the only gods worshiped in Meroe; it is therefore permissible to suppose that with the cult of Ammon that of the other god was also carried to Ammonia and from there to Libya, and that the Cyreneans had him assimilated with Bacchus just as they identified Ammon with Jupiter; since by Herodotus the second Ethiopian god is called Dionysus, he must have corresponded to him in his nature and qualities. When we look at the young horned head on Cyrenean coins, we will find that very often the character suits this god perfectly; on many pieces it presents both soft forms, similar to those of the Greek Bacchus and which agree well with the god who would have introduced the cultivation of the vine, and masculine and vigorous features which make one think of its warlike exploits.

p. 106 · zoom original

However, we should probably not stop at this explanation. It has been demonstrated more above (p. 64) that the coins which offer this head, belong for the most part to the time of Alexan- dre and the Ptolemies. Contemporary coins of Lysimachus bear a hairless head, with a diadem and ram's horns, probably representing Alexander as the son of Ammon. 6) We can likewise consider as the effigy of Alexander the horned head of Ammon and covered of an elephant skin, which appears on the tetradrachms and drachmas with Minerva Promachos and the name of Alexander on the reverse, struck, it seems, by Ptolemy after the death of Alexander. 7)

i) These myths are recounted at length in Diodorus &) Herod. II, 29.

111.65-73. The second Bacchus would have been Dis de Ju- 6) The opinion that it is the head of Alexander, and not of

piter and Io and master of Egypt, the third, son of Lysimachus, who is figured on the coins of this

Jupiter and Semele, the Dionysus of the Greeks. last king, was supported by MM. Cousuiéry, Stieg-

") Hygini Poet. astron. 11.20, according to Hermippus. Servius lit, 0. Mûller, Ch.Lenormant et Duchalais; we have

ad iEneid. IV, 196. similarly endeavored to assert this opinion in

s) In Hygini Poet astron. II, 20 at the end. * Mûnzen des thrac. Konlgs Lysimachus p. 9-10.

4) Diode. 111, 73. 7) See. Numismatics of Alexander the Great p. 29-30.

102

CyrenaTc.

It is still Alexander, there can be no doubt, that the diademed head represents with ram's horns on the small bronzes, which bear on the reverse AAE or A/i next to an eagle, and which were probably issued by Ptolemy at the same era. *) We encounter several heads on Cyrenean currencies which very similar to those of these small bronzes as well as those of the coins of Lysimachus. The Cyreneans certainly had every reason to feature Alexander in this way on their coins; they had solicited his favor and recognized him in some way as overlord; it was sure their border, by the oracle which they themselves consulted, that Alexander had been declared the son of Am- my, that is, son of their own supreme god. It is therefore quite possible that some of these heads, decorated with the diadem, represent Alexander as son of Ammon. 9) We can go further still. It seems that in Egypt and Cyrenalca the divine honors paid to Alexander as sons of Ammon were transferred to the kings, his successors, and that, according to the adulation of this age when the divinization of the king had become ordinary, they were also represented as son of Jupiter-Ammon. Certain Ptolemaic bronze coins, struck in Egypt, bear hairless heads diademed and decorated with a ram's horn, which undoubtedly present the bearer trait of this or that king 8); the effigies of the Ptolemies, as we know, appear on their coins with different divine attributes. On a Cyrenean didrachm which bears the king's liter, the imprinted head horned barb of Ammon offers the features of Ptolemy Soter, see n° 364. There is a stone antique engraved which depicts the head of the horned Magas of Ammon, the name added. 4) On the Cyrenean didrachms we encounter more than one head whose features are quite individual, which leads one to believe that they wanted to represent a Ptolemy there. The result of the above is therefore: that the beardless head with ram's horns originally represented and usually represents a national god, the Libyan Bacchus; but that from the time of Alexander it perhaps also offers the effigy of the great conqueror or of this or that Ptolemy.

p. 107 · zoom original

Numismatists have expressed the most different opinions with regard to this head. In the last century it was taken for that of Battus, founder of Cyrene, or of Jupiter- Ammon. 5) Eckbei looked at it like that of the Libyan Bacchus 6); since then, she has most often

i) Such pieces are published in Grote Mùnzstudien III (1857) Taf. 27, a-s, p. 463 following. by M. Schledehaus who acquired them in Egypt where they are found. We can conclude from the AAE inscription on the most large of these pieces, that the monogram on the most small indicates the name of Alexander, and that the head is also that of Alexander. Mr. Schledehaus presumes which were struck under Alexander. The spec- cement shown above is in the cabinet of Copen- hague. Several of the young diademed heads with horns of Ammon, which are found on the bronzes in the name of Ptolemy, undoubtedly still represent Alexander. See n° 363 below.

a) The similar horned heads found on coins of Tenos and Mytilene in l>esbos (cf. Cou- slnéry Travel in Maced. I pi. IV) as well as on the small gold coins from western Asia Minor, representing no doubt feel the Libyan Bacchus, whose cult was probably spread with that of Jupiter-Am-

my (see below p. 104); there are also some who can offer the effigy of Alexander whose empire embraced the islands and Asia Minor; but the analogous head on the coins of Nuceria in Campania probably represent- ment a local hero (Epidius Nuncianus or Nucerinus, according to Avellino, Saruus, according to Millingen, cf. Friedlander Oskische Munzen p. 22), and not Alexander, as thinks Mr. Cousinéry (1. c. p. 250). 8) See Mionnet VI p. 16 n. 138-143, S. IX p. 11 n. 59-61, where these coins are classified to Ptolemy Evergetes. There are 4 copies in the Copenhagen office which offer different physiognomies; Alexandre is there undoubtedly also represented, cf. Cousinéry See. in Maced. I pi. IV, 7.

4) See part H under number 382.

5) P.e. Beger Teas. Brandenb. 1 p. 521; Description stones engraved with the cab. of the Duke of Orléans I p. 29; Pellerin Collection III p. 9; Mus. Topsail »p. 122.

[6) Doctrina IV p. 118.

LIBYAN BACCHUS. 103

was called by this name, thus by Sestini *), T. Combe 2 ), Mionnet 8 ), Pinder 4 ), Leake 5 ) and others. Mr. Cousinéry saw there the effigy of Alexander. 6) Mr. Cavedoni, referring to the head of Zeus Hel- lanios on the coins of Syracuse and at the head of young Jupiter on the coins of the Republic Roman lique, thinks that the head may be that of Jupiter -Ammon; however, this scholar does not does not object to the fact that it represents the Libyan Bacchus, and still presumes that Alexander or Lagides could have been represented by several of these heads. 7)

Recently, Mr. Du Chai ai s gave a new explanation of this head which is worthy of attention. This scholar sees Apollo-Carnéius or a Batlus-Aristaeus-Jupiter, panthean divinity representing the god par excellence of the Cyreneans. 8) Here is a summary of the reasons why Mr. Duchalais tried to assert his opinion. Apollo is only represented on the bronze coins; but it is unbelievable that the Cyreneans reproduced their main god cipal only on the vilest metal. The word Kaçpëïoç comes from xccqvoç, flock or sheep, which is synonymous with dçvoç (genitive of açç) and other words from the same root; by this nickname Apollo is therefore indicated as Nofuoç, pastor and protector of the flocks. This This supposition is confirmed by other comparisons. According to one of the related traditions to Apollo Carneius, a soothsayer in Sparta named Crius (ram) had dedicated a statue to him in his house; Aristaeus, son of Apollo and Cyrene and honored with a particular cult in Cyrenaica, was likewise shepherd; Arné, loved by Neptune and transformed into a sheep by her lover, finds herself depicted with horns and ears of a ram on a coin from Metaponto; the young head retort on the coins of Nuceria offers the Apollonian type. By two ancient texts, one taken from the scholiast of Aristophanes, the other from Tzetzes, we can deduce that Battus was figured on the coins of the Cyreneans; a passage in Justin (XIII, 8) teaches us that Aristaeus, in other words Battus, son of Grinus, king of the Island of Theramenes, was the founder of Cyrene; in a hymn of Pindar finally (Pythia V, 59-65). we find Aristaeus assimilated to Apollo and Jupiter. Jupiter is often depicted beardless; such is the Jupiter HeUanius of Syracuse and the Jupiter Anxur of Latins, both of whom are equated with Apollo. From all of the above we can draw the conclusion- sion, that the young horned head represents not only an Apollo- Carneius, but also a Battus- Aristaeus-Jupiter. Later 9) M. Duchalais modified this opinion, presuming that the divinity Cyrenean only understood the triad Jupiter-Aristaeus-Apollo, exposed by Pindar, and that on coins she is sometimes represented as a bearded Jupiter, sometimes as those of a man also bearded, but whose face offers none of the characteristics of the master of gods (like Aristaeus), sometimes by a hairless head (like Apollo).

p. 108 · zoom original

It is a learned and ingenious explanation that the one proposed by Mr. Duchalais. However- However, it should not be preferred to the previous explanation which is presented at the beginning of this paragraph. We will make some objections. The head of Apollo is depicted on silver coins, from all three eras, as we see by n fi 115 and 177-182 of the preceding catalog. It is quite risky to reject the traditions reported by the ancients

i) Description num. veL p. 561. Mus. Hederv. III cont p. 72 5) Num. Hellen. Afr. Group p. 1-2.

n°8 next. 6) Travel to Maced. I p. 250.

a) Mus. brit. p. 239. 7) Osserv. p. 51—53, cf. p. 28 note 23.

3) Extra IX p. 181 following. 8) Magazine num. fr. 1850 pp. 394-404.

4) Kat des Muséums in Berlin n«437. o) In the Revue num. 1852 pp. 340-341.

1 04 CYRENAICA.

authors on the origin of the nickname Carnéius, and to substitute a new explanation based on the etymology of the word. There are no records that Apollo Carneius in Lacedaemon or in the other Dorian countries where this god was honored and where the Carne games were celebrated, was depicted horned; it is the ordinary head of Apollo that we see on the coins of these countries. Justin is a author whose statement cannot be believed; his relationship itself shows confusion and ignorance rancid; in any case it only shows that in a later period the historical traditions and the religious myths have been confused, but it in no way indicates, which were in Cyrenalca, in the ancient centuries in question, the ideas about Aristaeus and Battus. In the passage cited of Pindar, where it concerns the future divinization of Aristaeus, the poet undoubtedly means nothing else something that Aristaeus would be close in divine qualities to Jupiter and Apollo and would share with them immortality; we cannot deduce any identification of the nature of Aristaeus with that of the other two gods. There is, moreover, nothing to lead one to believe that the four characters divines named above were confused or represented by a single image, or that it existed in the religious belief of the Cyreneans a triad such as imagined by Mr. Duchalais.

The coins of the Island of Tenos on which we see the same two horned heads of ram, one bearded, the other beardless, offer a rapprochement which on the one hand is contrary to the supposition of Mr. Duchalais, that the young head represents Apollo Carnéius and at the same time the hero Battus, but who on the other side is in favor of the opinion that it is that of Libyan Bacchus. The Island of Tenos was inhabited by the Ionians; it is therefore not likely that she adopted the rival race of. Dorians Apollo Carneius, their main god *); also Battus was a stranger to this dregs. But the coins of Tenos which bear the hairless head, still contain a cluster of grapes, sometimes as a symbol behind the head 9 ), sometimes as a type on the reverse, and we know that games in honor of Bacchus were celebrated in this dregs. 8)

p. 109 · zoom original

§ 3.

Silphium.

The silphium of the ancients has often been discussed in commentaries on ancient texts, in botanical works and in travel reports, as well as in special treatises, until the last time. 4) What concerns the representation of silphium and its fruit on the currencies, has already been explained in the preceding comments, see p. 13-16 and p. 31. In This paragraph we will give a brief overview of what the ancients teach us tors on the nature and history of silphium, as well as a summary of the research carried out in the recent times on the existence of this plant; finally we will try to achieve a result regarding the question if it is known now.

i) Mr. Duchalais (1. c. p. 398) himself made this remark Pacho Travel in Cyrenalca in 1825 (1827-28)

towards Battus. Chap. XV11I. Thrige Res Gyren. (1828) §82. Bôt-

3) See. p. e. Mionnet n°149. tiger Ueber das Silphium von Cyrene, in Ocken Isis

3) See. Bœckh G. Inscr. No. 2330-2333. 1829 pp. 317 following. Link Ueber das cyrenâische Sil-

4) We refer especially to the following writings. Sprenphium der Alten, in Abh. der Acad. d. Wissensch. gel Erlàuterungen zu Theophrast (1822) II p. 224 following. from Berlin 1829 p. 115 following. Macé Travelers Beechey Proceedings of the expedition to explore mod. in Gyrenaica and the silphium of the ancients, the north coast of Africa in 1821-22 (1828) Ghap. XV. in Revue num. fr. 1857 pp. 143 following.

SILPHIUM

105

HXtftov among the Greeks, siïphium, laserpitium, laser among the Romans 1), were the names either from the plant or from the product obtained from it. 9). The plant had been growing approximately since the eastern border of Cyrenalca to its western border 8), but especially in the parts mountainous areas of the country near the desert 4); it was not, it seems, an object of culture 5), but we took care of its preservation and tried to keep livestock away from the places where it was found. who was hungry for it. By incision we gained from the stem and the root 6) a juice which was called onoç, the juice par excellence; a law fixed the time and manner of making the incision, as well as the quantity of juice that could be extracted from the plant without causing it to perish. 7) To preserve the juice and to make it suitable for export, it was prepared with flour into pasta 8); this way of Preparing Siphium was of such great importance that it was said to have been invented by the god Aristaeus. 9) Siphium juice was esteemed as the most precious seasoning and the most valuable medicine.

effective. Already in the time of Aristophanes it was generally used in these ways. The Romans were looking for it as much as the Greeks. In medicine the use of siphium was going always crescent; Pliny recommends it as a remedy suitable for curing all kinds of diseases and makes it almost a panacea. This product had a very great value; main object pal of trade with foreigners, it was a source of wealth for the Cyreneans. Siphium de Battus became a proverb as a symbol of wealth. 10) At Delphi, among the sacred gifts, There was a rod of Siphium, sent by a Libyan people. 1! ) We can judge from the case that the Romans made siphium from the fact that in Rome it was bought by the weight of silver, and that it was locked up in the public treasury with gold and silver; Caesar, at the beginning of the civil war, removed a quantity of laserpitium from the srarium along with other riches. 19 d Pliny relates as a remarkable thing, that in the year 661 u.c., shortly after the Cyrenalchus had passed into the power of the Romans, 30 pounds of laserpitium were brought to Rome. In truth, it was also found in several Asian countries, in Persia, Media, Armenia and Syria, a plant called siiphium and from which a similar product was obtained; but this product did not have not the same qualities and was of a much lower price. ia) True and precious siphium does not came only from Cyrenaica; this is why he is called by Theophrastus UaixaxQv %tjç Kvqh-

p. 110 · zoom original

i) Sometimes we find the name sirpe, which leads to the conclusion that siïphium was originally a Libyan word silphi on sirphi, and that laserpitium has particularly designated the juice of the plant, lac êerpicium, which was abbreviated to laser. See Thrige 1. c. p. 305-306.

s) The main places in ancient authors where the siiphium is treated, are: Theophrastus Hist. plant. VI, 3; Pliny Hist. nat. XIX, 3 (15) and XXII, 23 (49); Dioscorides Mat. med. III, 84. The others ancient texts where siphium is mentioned, are cited by Thrige I. c.

3) According to Herodotus (IV, 169) and Scylax, siiphium grew from 1 island of Plataea to the greater Sirte, according to Theophrastus (VI, 3) and Pliny (XIX, 3), in an extent of more than 4000 stadiums from the city of Ëvespéris to the Libya, but abundantly especially around the great Sirte.

4) Pline V, 5. Cf. Macé 1. c. p. 157.

5) According to Theophrastus the plant degenerated through cultivation; this is why the attempts to transplant it into Pelo- ponnese and lonie did not succeed. See Thrige 1. c. p. 311, notes 40 and 41.

e) The juice taken from the root {Ç*Çiaç) was preferred to that

of the stem {xavUas), see p. 15 note 6. ?) See Thrige 1. c. p. 311 note 45.

8) In a known vase painting we see weighing on a large scale and pack in bags, Siphium masses or pastes, see p. 16 note 2.

9) See Thrige 1. c. p. 292 note 32 and p. 313 notes 61-62. 10) Thrige 1. c. p. 312 note 55.

(ii) See Thrige 1. c. p. 284 note 39.

12) Pline XIX, 3 (15).

13) Thrige 1. c. p. 307-309.

106

CYRENAICA.

vaiaç, and that Cyreoaica among ancient authors is honored with the nicknames of 2ii

As Cyrenaica was subjugated to the Romans, silphium became rarer and eventually disappear. The causes are indicated differently by ancient authors. Pliny 9; tells us that it was because the Roman farmers of public pastures, seeing how much this plant fattened the cattle, leaving them, out of greed, to graze in the places where it grew. Strabo 8) attributes the cause of the disappearance of silphium to the ravages of barbarian peoples, who sought to destroy it by extirpating its roots; Solin 4), repeating this fact, adds that the inhabitants themselves had contributed to extirpating silphium, to free themselves from taxes enormous with which he was struck. Without doubt we must above all blame the negligence of the Roman governors and emperors, and the poor administration of the province. According to Pliny we could not find only one foot of the plant, which was sent as a rarity to the Emperor Nero. This writer looks at the silphium as extirpated, reporting that it was the Asian silphium which of its time was imported to Rome. However, Cyrenean silphium had not completely disappeared; Dioscorides and Galena teach us who! existed until the second century, and you can see the epistles of Synesius that the plant grew in Cyrenaica still at the beginning of the fifth century. 5)

p. 111 · zoom original

The travelers who in recent times visited Cyrenaica, Delia Colla, the brothers Beechey, Pacho and Barlh, supposed that a plant which rots there in large quantities and that , the Arabs call derias or arias, or the silphium of the ancients. We learn through relationships of these travelers that the native camels have a distaste for this plant and abstain from it, but that the camels foreign to the country who eat it without knowing it, feel the most disastrous effects and bring death to themselves. 6) But according to ancient authors, silphium prevented diseases among the cattle which were eager for this food, contributed to fattening them and

•

made their flesh better. 7) The derias of the Arabs has this in common with the silphium of the ancient that it exerts a purgative effect on animals; but it was only at the beginning that silphium purged the cattle; he ended up making him fat 8), while the camels succumbed bent while grazing the derias. 9) The travelers we have just named were not natural lists. A copy of this plant, won in Italy by Délia Cella, was published by the botanist Viviani; but, judging by this specimen, we cannot take for silphium the plant that travelers have mentioned (see the following pages). According to what is reported in the journey of the Beechey brothers, a few feet of derias were sent to England by

i) Theophr. IV, 3, i. Eusthat. ad Dionys. perieg. v. 787.

CatuJlus VII, 4. a) Pliny XIX, 3(15); XXII, 48. a) Geogr. XVII p. 837.

4) Polyhist. cap. XXVII, 49.

5) Thrige 1. c. p. 314-315.

e) Délia Cella Viaggio p. 127 following. Beechey Proceedings p. 392. Pacho Voyage p. 250-251 and elsewhere. Bart Wandering p. 468. All these travelers attest to the fact, that this plant acts like a poison on the camels.

7) Theophr. VI f 3, Pliny XIX, 3 (15); aill.

8) Vesci pecora êolita, primoque purgari, inox pingueteere, carne mirabilem in modem juice. Pliny XIX, 3(15).

o) Pacho (1. c.) finds the identity of the two plants confirmed by a passage in Pliny, according to which silphium could also cause livestock to die suddenly; but it was only for sick cattle and in rare cases that this happened, as Pliny (l.c) expressly says: Alix prodiderc .... born purgari pecora, sed œgra êanari, yes protmuê mori, quod in pauciê accidente. In general ral accounts of ancient writers agree as to to the healthful effects of silphium on livestock. See Thrige l.c. p. 306-307, Macé l.c. p. 149.

SILPHIUM.

107

Captain Smyth, one of their traveling companions, and succeeded there in Devonshire *); but it does not seem that they were recognized for silphium, since in the pharmaceutical works Raacologies, published after this time in England, ancient silphium is considered not yet known with certainty. 2)

p. 112 · zoom original

Naturalists disagree as to whether silphium is known to our days, or which of the present plants should be considered as silphium.") For the Most of them believed they found silphium in known umbelliferous plants, belonging to the genera Thapsia, Fervla and Laserpitium] but regarding the species they diverge from each other. Here are the different species to which silphium has been reported: Thapsia garganica £., plant already mentioned by Pliny, strongly purgative and often poisonous, vulgar throughout the part western coast of Africa as well as in other Mediterranean countries 4); Thapsia silphium Long live. , variety of the preceding species 5); Fervla tingitana £., a plant also very widespread in northern Africa 6); Fervla asa foetida L. } name by which several species of the genus Ferula growing in Persia and other countries of western Asia, and from which is taken a known product, asa foetida, used in medicine (stercus diaboli) 1 )) Laserpitium gummiferum Des/, 6), which grows in the south of Spain and the north of Africa and produces an aromatic gum; finally, Laserpitium siler L. 9 plant widespread in the mountainous regions of southern Europe nale, and whose root and fruit have a bitter aromatic taste and are used in medicine. 9) But other naturalists have been of the opinion that the silphium of antiquity has not yet been found, thus the botanists Link 10) and Endlicher 11), and the pharmacologists Lindley and Pereira"). The archaeo- logue Bôttiger was also of this opinion. 1S)

The plants named above, in which botanists believed they recognized the famous silphium of the ancients, all differ, more or less, from the appearance of the plant presented to us currencies. However, we should not rely on this difference, as the representation even shows that the plant was not faithfully reproduced in the monetary imprint. But he there are other, more serious objections to be made to the botanical determinations that we have just made cite. The plants that we have proposed generally have properties that differ from those of the silphium, or which cannot be compared to the virtues which, according to the authors, must be attributed to this plant so highly esteemed in the ancient world. As for Fervla asa foetida, it may be although the silphium which was taken from Asia to the Greek and Roman countries was taken from

i) See Macé I. c. p. 339-340.

2) Lindley Flora medica 1838. Pereira Muteria medica 1857.

3) Mr. A. S. 0rsted, professor of botany at the university from Copenhagen, to whom I contacted to obtain clarifications in this regard, was kind enough to submit to a new examination of this difficult question, and these are the information given by this scholar, on which the following observations are based.

p. 113 · zoom original

4) Desfontaines, Jussieu and others; cf. Macé 1. tbsp. p. 232 next.

b) Vlviani Flora libycoe specimen p. 17. Cf. De Candolle Prodr. IV p. 202; Fraas Synopsis florœ classics.

e) Dictionn. of hist. natur. (1819), Silphium. Sprengel Er- lâuterungen zu Theophrast (1822) p. 227.

7) Most naturalists as well as philologists times past have declared themselves in favor of this plant, see Macé 1. c. p. 229 following.

8) Also called Thapsia gummifera. Link (which later changed his opinion, see note 10) and Sprengel Erlfiut zu Theophrast p. 227.

9) Macé 1. c. p. 341 following. Mr. Macé is the last bota- nist who delved into the question of silphium; in the rather ample treatise of this scholar we find the opin- different nions largely communicated and refuted.

io) Abhandl. der Acad. from Berlin 1829 p. 124. u) Enchiridion botanicum p. 387 following.

12) See 11. this. note 2.

13) L. c. p. 104 note 4.

14'

108

CTRENAIC.

same species of the genus Ferula 7 from which we obtain today the drug which is of such bad smell; ancient naturalists say that Asiatic silphium was of a strong taste and with a foul odor. But it is different for Cyrenean silphium which was appreciated as a aromatic and delicate seasoning; the authors expressly praise the. silphium which came from Cyrenaica because of its pleasant smell and its sweet taste, and consider it as very superior Asian silphium laugher. *) Regarding other species, it should be noted that the Thapsia garganica, Ferula tingitana and Laserpitium gummiferum are very widespread on the coast African west of Cyrenaica, while, according to the unanimous testimony of ancient writers, silphium only grew in the latter country. Concerning the attribution to Laserpitium siler, it must be objected, that this plant has not been found in Cyrenaica, and that it is common in southern France and Spain, countries where silphium did not exist in antiquity. There is one point, to which none of the scholars who have dealt with this question has taken into account, and which is nevertheless of great weight in achieving a result, it is the representation of the fruit on currencies 9); it is the fruit which offers the most distinctive criterion for discerning the different genera of the large family Umbelliferae. However, the fruit represented on the coins is cordi- shape; although it is not to be assumed that the monetary type is exactly copied from nature, we can nevertheless consider it certain that the shape of the silphium fruit is similar to close to that of a heart, since this shape is very pronounced on all the pieces which do not are not too hard work. But no species of umbelliferous plants known so far bears such fruit; the fruit that comes closest to the figure in the monetary footprint is that of Ferula vesceritensis Z., of which we gave above (p. 14) a drawing; but the The difference is nevertheless quite salient. Thus we come to the result, that the famous silphium of antiquity has not yet been found.

p. 114 · zoom original

It is probable that silphium belonged to the genus Ferula; this is what we can conclude from the fruit depicted on the currencies. The fruits of the Thapsia genus have this characteristic teristic that the winged membrane of the pericarp is very wide, much wider than the representation on currencies; the fruits of Loserpitium species differ even more from the monetary type. It is a Ferula, as we have just observed, which is a species that offers the fruit which most resembles the fruit on the coins, either by its general shape, or by the wing of the pericarp which is quite thin and has a protruding edge. It should be added that there are several species of Ferula which provide a product having certain properties in common with sil- phium, and that the genus Ferula is that of the umbelliferae family which is the most widespread in the countries of the Mediterranean, in Asia Minor and Persia, countries where we do not encounter them no less than 70 species.

i) Cyrenean silphium is called by Theophrastus (Hist plant IV, 3.1) ivoo/Lioy, in Suidas and Phavorinns (a. v. JEiXyèoy and Bdnov Jilyny) r^âiocfiôp. In another passage (De causls plant. VI, 12, s) Theophrastus says that the leaf and fruit of this silphium are sweet ifjâv), and that it has a pleasant taste {noul nva ivxvfiiar). Dlos- coride (Mat med. 111.84) attests that the silphium of the Cyrenaica had the most pleasant smell* [oû/ip nçoc- qrtCTctioç), but that the species of Media and Syria

had a very foul odor {fiçtafAuétctiçav //anoint» jrjy ôepijy). Pliny (XIX, 3) says silphium comes from of these countries: is tnuUo infra cyrtnakum. See the remarks questions Macé 1. c. p. 229-231. s) It is singular that Mr. Macé in his treatise on silphium, published in 1857, did not take into account the figured fruit on currencies, although M. Duchalais in the Revue num. of the year 1850 would have already directed attention to it.

SILPHIUM.

109

The history of plants, in ancient and modern times, presents several examples that wild plants sought after in the human economy have disappeared for a long time, but were finally found. It is appropriate here to refer to another plant as well famous in antiquity, the papyrus of Egypt; we thought you were extirpated, but in the last time we You discovered again. *) We can therefore hope that silphium still exists, and that it will reappear one day, when Cyrenalca has been explored by botanists. It is not necessary It is not surprising that we have not yet managed to discover it, since there are, even among plants whose products today are in ordinary use, several which are not still known, p. e. from the same family, that which supplies sagapenum, a material which was used already in antiquity to adulterate silphium 2).

p. 115 · zoom original

§4.

Accessory types.

It is quite difficult to explain the little types or symbols called accessories on the coins of Greek cities. The opinion which has been adopted by many numismatists, is that these symbols are personal and relate to the magistrates responsible for monitoring the coinage, either by reproducing the subjects engraved in the magistrates' seals, or otherwise way. 8) Recently Mr. Beulé rejected this explanation; relative to the coins of Athens, this scholar sought in the history and beliefs of the Athenians the key to these symbols, in assuming that they were chosen with regard to the most salient ceremony or event among those which preceded the issue of currency. 4) It is only through a thorough examination of the currencies of each city or people separately that we can arrive at the correct explanation of the accessory symbols they contain.

By examining the coins of Cyrenaica we acquire the conviction that the types acces- Evenings are not personal. Several of these little types are repeated on coins, either autonomous or royal, struck in large numbers, differing in species, types and manufactures; we can conclude that they were used at different times or for a longer period long time than that of the function of a single magistrate. The star and the tripod are seen on didrachms to the same types which are struck either according to the Asian system, or according to the

i) W. Hooker Niger Flora p. 551.

a) Pliny XIX, 3(15). Dioscorides Mat m ed. 111.84.

8) Duchalais in Revue nom. fr. 1852 pp. 7. For coins of Athens see: Arneth Wiener Jahrbôcher LXXXI1 Anzeigeblatt p. 32 sev.; Cavedoni Ballet, dell' inst. arch. di Roma 1837 p. 142, 1838 p. 185; Rathgeber Annall dell* inst. arch. di Roma 1838 p. 37. For coins of Taranto, voyei Fiorelli Mon. rare di citta gr. p. 22-49. Lagoy on the coins of Dyrrhachium in Revue num. fr. 1838 pp. 336-337. Raoul Rochette on the engravers of the monn. gr. p. 33-34.

4) Coins of Athens p. 117-118, 125-128. In the dis- cussion of this question Mr. Beulé maintains that in the ancient numismatics everything has a religious and po-

legal, and that the accessory types on the currencies Greek cities never reproduce the stamps personal. We cannot share this opinion. We do not understand, in fact, why a magician strat or monetary officer could not put on the currency the emblem of its seal (its coat of arms, for so to speak) just as well as its name or its mono- gram. It is a fact that the accessory symbol offers many times an allusion to the name with which it is associated; such a relationship between the name and the symbol is found too often to be accidental. But he is true that this way of explaining the access symbols evenings was pushed too far, and opened a field free to fantasies and aberrations.

p. 116 · zoom original

110 CYRENAICA.

Phoenician system (see nos. 155-159 and 166-168); but these two kinds of didrachms, are related close in weight to each other, have undoubtedly not been struck by the same magistrate (see p. 67 and §6). There are symbols that are found on the currencies of several cities; thus the jerboa is placed on the coins of Cyrene and Barcé, the star on the coins of Cyrene and Evesperis, and silphium on the coins of all three cities. Where a sym- bole is associated with a magistrate's name or a monogram, we cannot admit either that it relates to the character indicated by this name or monogram 1); on no currency symbol does not contain any allusion to the name of magistrate; we find the same symbol joined to different monograms, e.g. e. crab on n°* 161-165 and 180-181, as well as the same name or monogram appears together with different symbols, e.g. e. KYAI02 on numbers 69 and 202 with the jerboa and the star, and E on nos. 167-168 and 207 with the tripod and the star.

On the other hand it should be noted that the accessory types are the attributes of the deities honored in Cyrenaica, or. symbols which refer to the nature of the country, to the products from the ground, to certain localities or to public solemnities; In general, these little guys have the same subjects which also serve as main types, or they are related to them. We let's go through them.

The star, which is encountered most often 2 ), undoubtedly designates the sun; on n°191 we sees a disk in the middle of the rays; it is therefore the symbol of Apollo who in Cyrenaique, thus that in other countries, was worshiped as god of the sun.") The tripod (n 01 166-168) and the leaves laurel (n°4l) are the ordinary attributes of Apollo who was considered as founder and god tutelary of Cyrene (see p. 62), and whose laureate head is often seen on coins. The quiver (n°169) is the attribute either of Apollo or of Diana, a goddess who was similarly venerated at Cyrene, and whose bust with the quiver is represented on several coins (see p. 33 and 73). Lightning (n°279) is also used as the main type (n°76 following), referring to Jupiter which flgur^on the staters; see on the cult of this god p. 67. The owl (n"321 and 324) refers to Minerva, who also had her cult among the Cyreneans (see p. 69 and 86); the head of the goddess is represented on gold and bronze coins. The Tameau and the ivy leaf (n 0, 37and 242) relate to the cult of Bacchus, whose head crowned with ivy can be seen on No. 176. The horn (nos. 151-152 and 263) is undoubtedly to be seen as the symbol of this same god; on vase paintings he is often seen holding in his hand a drinking horn (xeçaç) similar to this one. 4) The serpent (n 01 48, 171-173 and 265) was, as we know, the symbol of Aesculapius, as well that the pentagon (n°264) was the emblem of Hygiene and health 5). Aesculapius, of whom the Greeks had carried the cult with them from Epidaurus and the Island of Thera 6), had a temple on the acropolis of

p. 117 · zoom original

i) Conf. the previous note. abundance on n°34l, nor with the gazelle horn

3) On nos. 78-79, 155-159, 182, 185-186, 188, 205-208, on no. 103.

268-269, 272, 283-284, 339 and 341. s) See Creuzer Symbolik IV p. 578; Lange in Bôttiger

3) See p. 77 note 1. It should be noted, however, that Ju- Archéologie und Kunst I p. 56 seq.; Lobeck Aglaoph. piter-Ammon is also represented with a radiated head (n° 1 94). p. 1,346.

M.Cavedoni (Osserv. p. 49) thinks that the star could still 6) Pausanias (II, 26.7) derives the cult of Aesculapius from Epidaurus

indicate Hesperus in relation to the garden of the Hesperides in Cyrenaique. An inscription teaches us about worship

or Sirius in relation to Aristaeus. of the god in Thera, Ross Inscr. Fasc. II n»221, cf. Cellar-

4) This symbol should not be confused with the doni Osserv horn. p. 77.

I. TYPES OF ACCESSORIES. 1 day |

Cyrene 1) and another in Balagrae, a neighboring town, where he was revered under the nickname Ïciiqoç*)] at this cult was undoubtedly attached to the school of medicine which was already flourishing in the middle of the fifth century, since Herodotus praises the doctors of Cyrene as the best after those of Crotone 8). The serpent of Aesculapius is also placed as a type on coins from the Roman era. The two stars (n°* 76-77 and 153-154) are the known symbol of the Dioscuri. The cult of the Dios- cures had been brought from Lacedaemon and Thera by the Greeks who were the first to emigrate from there in Cyrenaique; in the city of Cyrene a festival was celebrated in honor of these gods (JtoaxovQia) instituted by Battus, and a sanctuary was erected for them near the street which led to the temple of Apollo. 4) The jerboa, which is frequently used as an accessory type 5), also appears as main type (no. 340); this little quadruped and likewise the chameleon (n°321) are pro- bably applied to the monetary imprint because they were seen as characteristic animals teristics in the country. The gazelle horn (n°I03) is placed instead of the whole animal; the gazelle, which was also indigenous to Cyrenaica, serves as the main type for the coins of Cyrene and Barcé. The silphium 6), the ear (n DI 87, 324 and 342) and the plow (n a 79) have in relation to the most important productions of the soil 7), and the cornucopia (n°341), to the fertility in general. The crab, whose use as an accessory type is frequent on mounts naies of Cyrene 8), is a maritime symbol which is suitable for local navigators and traders of this city (see the following page); it is also found as the main type (n M 99 and 340). The branch of a fruit tree on the coin of Hespéris n°339 is undoubtedly a branch of the tree of the Hesperides, represented near Hercules on an archaic coin (n°23). The crown (n°246) relates to public games, to which the quadriga, the rider and the horse which serve as types on many currencies. Finally, the hat (n°245) is the kid we see hang on the rider's back on n 01 197 following. 9)

p. 118 · zoom original

However, these accessory types should not all be considered in the same way. The star can quite often be related to the main type to which it is added, thus on the coins where it is placed above the quadriga, the ephebe on horseback and the galloping horse, without being replaced by any other symbol; in these cases the star can indicate that it is games and festivals in honor of Apollo which relate to the chariot, the rider and the horse, cf. p. 68, 69 and 77. Silphium, used as an accessory type, is generally to be regarded as the national emblem which gives the imprint the Cyrenean character, as in the series n ot 251-269 where it is constantly found at the foot of the palm tree, and on n"^)6-98, 249 and 329, where it is placed in the wheel, see p. 75 and 76. The crab is especially the sign of a port (see p. 95), and on No. 340, where it serves as the main type, it undoubtedly designates the port of Cyrene, Sozusa; he is therefore quite probable that on the coins of Cyrene, which were minted before Sozusa (Apollonia)

t) Tacitl Ann. XIV, 18. 6) On nos. 248-249, 251-269, 329 and 334.

a) Pausan. 1. c. Tab. Puisinger segm. 8. Steph. Byz. s. v. 7) On the cultivation of wheat in Cyrenaica, see Thrige Jto'JUç. See Thrige the. p. 289-290. 1. c. p. 298 and 316. Nothing is known about the cult of Ceres

a) Herod. 111,131. among the Cyreneans.

«) School. ad Pindari Pythia Y, 6 and 121, Bœckh p. 378 and 385. 8) See nos. 160-165, 179-180, 247, 266-267, 280 and 283.

Several ancient texts relating to the cult of the Dioscuri 9) M. Cavedoni (Osserv. p. 48-50) explained several of the chei the Cyreneans are found cited in Thrige Res incidental symbols in the same way; but for

Cyr. p. 290-291. the star, the pentagon and the tripod this scholar has also

5) On Nos. 178, 195-196, 202-203, 237, 318 and 321, put forward hypotheses which we cannot agree with.

1 1 2 CYRENAICA.

under the Ptolemies it was declared autonomous, the crab is the mark of a monetary workshop established there by Cyrene. The jerboa on No. 1!8, where Zfi is added, can also, having regard to No. 9,340, be taken for the sign of Sozusa. The branch of the Hesperides tree, the horn of abundance and the ear, placed on n 9s 339, 341 and 342, must likewise be considered as signs of cities, namely Hespéris, Balagrs and Darnis, whose names or acronyms are found added. But for most accessory symbols, especially on the coins of Cyrene where they change alongside the same types, the employment was undoubtedly caused by the changes from the government or the management of the Mint; it is reasonable to believe that by adding such a symbol with the ordinary imprint, a new leader wanted to mark the coins issued under his administration. But these little guys, according to what we have tried to demonstrate, were not placed on coins as personal emblems, but as public symbols relating to the worship of the gods, to national institutions or to the nature of the country; these are not different magistrates that they designate, but different administrations or periods in the manufacture cation of currencies. L )

p. 119 · zoom original

The coins of the second period offer few accessory symbols. At judging by the style of art and other indications of time that the coins present, it is not not until the third epoch did the use of these symbols become general.

§5. Personal names, full or abbreviated, monograms, isolated letters.

Table I, at the end of the volume, offers a list of names, monograms and letters which designate people, with an indication of the coins in silver, gold and bronze, on the which they are inscribed, as well as the city and era to which they belong. He is note that several names which are published in different works and catalogs, are omitted from this table because they were not correctly read or because they are too indistinct. Such names are: KAINIQ 9 ) (instead of KAINID), KYAAI02 8 ) or KYAIA2 4 ) (for KYAI02), MIKDN02 5 ) (for NIKDN02), TOMHAE02 6 ) (for TOMHAE02), Q

Names written in full. These nouns are all put in the genitive case, the form of which is sometimes that of the vulgar dialect, sometimes belongs to the Dorian dialect, the same one found in the inscriptions

i) In Mr. Lindberg's manuscript the conjecture is Pope Wôrterbuch der griech. Eigennamen (2 “Ausg.

found stated, that accessory symbols, except p. 384) this name is, wrongly, rendered thus: Tok^Uoç, 6 (?).

silpbium, the star, the crab and the jerboa, are?) See above p. 86.

signs of Lower monetary officers, while the 8) See above p. 36.

monograms indicate magistrates. 9) Mionnet n°39.

2) See above p. 86 note 8. 10) Eckhel Numi vet. anecd. p. 303; Doc tr. IV p. 121.

a) Mus. Hunter p. 122 n«8. n) See above p. 34 note 3.

4) Sestini Mus. Hederv 111 cont. p. 72 n°l; Mionnet S. n« 15. 12) See above p. 52 note 9.

5) Mionnet n° 101-102, Cavedoni Osserv. p. 45. ta) See above p. 94. «) Mionnet S. n» 37-39; Cavedoni Osserv. p. 46. In

I. NAMES OF PERSONS.

113

lapidary works discovered in Cyreoaica as well as on coins in the names of Cyrene and Barcé. The nouns in the vulgar genitive case are: APIZTOMHAEOZ, AAMÛNAKTOZ, IAZONOZ, NIKQNOZ and TOMHAEOZ. The other nouns present the Dorian genitive. In KAINIO, KYYEAO, AIBY3TPAT0 *), TIMAI"OPA, the last letter, Q, O, A, is the Dorian ending ordinary genitive instead of OY. 9) AKEZIOZ, APIZTIO(Z), KYAIOZ and NIKIOZ come from of the vulgar names 'Axeataç, 'Açutolaç, Kvâiaç and JVtxkrç, which among the Dorians were contracted in: "Anrtiç, w Aqio%*ç } Kvâtç and JSJx$ç. 8 ) EY(

p. 120 · zoom original

i) Mr. Lindberg, in his manuscript, has broken down this name in AlBYuv 2TPATOç, army or camp of the Libyans, and assumes that the currency was struck in the camp, from the time when Cannage and the Libyans carried relief in Cyrene against Thimbron. My scholar of- Vancier refers to the Punic inscriptions known on the coins of Carthage struck in Sicily, inscribe tions by which he means the camp of Carthage and the people of the camp. But there is nothing in the com- position of the name of Libystrato* which prevents us from seeing a man's name. Aifivç was the name of a Spartan, brother of Lysander (Xenoph. Hell. Il, 4.88, cf. C. Inscr. 121 1), and cjoàxoç is a word frequently used in the form- mation of proper nouns.

s) We thus find O and A as endings of the genitive in the names of the Macedonian kings on their coins: APXEJAO, AHPOnO and AAE8ANJP0, AMYNTA. The letter A instead of OY is found in the article TA on number 324 of Barcé, and several times in the lapidary inscriptions, p. e. in that of Cyrenaica explained by Letronne in Journ. of the Sa v. 1828 pp. 264.

8) AKK2I2 is found on a Rhodes coin (Mlon- netlll p. 419 n«!83), AKK2IN in an inscription (C. Inscr. No. 511 in Add). We encounter "Açtcnç in Theocritus (VII, 99) and in inscriptions (C. Inscr. n*1232, Délia Ceila Viagglo p. 145). Kvâiaç is a frequently used male name; but the form Kvâkoç does not exist; it was wrongly adopted

by Pope Worterbuch (2** Ausg. p. 211) as a no- minative. NIKI02 (to the geniUf) and NIKItf, see. c. Register n<> 1205 and 1197. Mr. Cavedoni has already remarked quer that most of the names of magistrates on the Cyrenaica coins offer Dorian genitives, and borrowed a number of examples from the inscriptions pithy, see. BulIeL deir inst. arch. di Roma 1843 p. 117, Osserv. p. 46. Voices of the rest on the genitives Dorian names: Frani Elem. epigr. gr. p. 248 and Ahrens De dialecto dorica p. 232-237.

4) In Pape Wôrterbuch (2** Ausg. p. 156), QêWfuâtvç is incorrectly cited, according to Mionnet, as the name native. The Dorians changed to ~ijç the ending *ivç of proper nouns. See Ahrens De dialecto dorica p. 234-237 note 5. In Cavedoni Osserv. p. 46, we find other names of similar genius cited. Liebe (Gotha num. p. 14) read I101IANJKY2 that he translated as urbium Jupiter.

b) It is by mistake that in the engraving of this no. 49 vestiges of the 02 termination are indicated at left.

e) P.e. API2TI2 4>IJSlN{oç) in the Cyrene-inscription enne at Délia Cella p. 145.

?) Mr. Cavedoni (1. c.) expressed the same opinion concerning these names.

8) Eckhel Doctrina H p. 153. Lagoy in Revue num. fr. 1838 pp. 335. Cavedoni Spicil. p. 66.

9) Bœckh C. Inscr. n* 18651868.

1 1 4 CYRÉN AÏQUE.

p. 121 · zoom original

There is nothing to prevent us from assigning the bronze coins that contain them to the same period. Most often, names are written in large letters and occupy a prominent place, which well suited to the supreme authority. We do not know what title the heads of the Cyrean republics bore. nean, if they were called kosmoi, as in the cities of Crete, a neighboring Dorian region, or prytones, as those who succeeded the kings in the Dorian city of Corinth were called and those who presided over the government of Rhodes, Corcyra and other cities also Dorians, or finally archons, a title that could well, according to a passage from Polyen 1), be inclined to attribute to the supreme magistrates of Barcé. It is also not proven what their number, if they changed annually, the first being the eponymous magistrate of the year, or if their administration was of longer duration, which varied in the different Dorian states. MM. Millingen and Cavedoni assumed that eponymous ephors were designated by these names *); but the ephors of Cyrene had the judicial function 8).

Most abbreviated names are obviously abbreviations of those above. Thus it is necessary to report APIZT and API to APIZTIOZ or to APIZTOMHAEOZ, to AMD, AAM and AA to AAMONAKT02, OEY

We do not find any of these archons or leaders mentioned in ancient authors; .on could not have expected it either, as very little has reached us of the history of Cyrenaica, especially of the second period. Some scholars from the past century 4) assumed that Damonax, whose name is inscribed on the coins, is the arcade legislator who governed Cyrene under the minority of Battus III 5); others, such as Wesseling and Winckelmann, were of the opinion, that this is indeed the name of this Damonax, but that the coins were struck later in his honor 6); but the style of art of the coins opposes the first opinion, the analogy of other currencies, to the last. The only name that can be discussed here is APIZT, API, on n"62etl33, possibly indicating Àriston which, some time after Cyrene became a republic, was in possession of supreme power 7); but the currencies which present try this name, hardly date back to the fifth century, and APIZT is undoubtedly abbreviated from the name APIZTIOZ, see above. Phain(ws) 8) and AJcesias in Barcé were the first of these archons, from the end of the 5th century or the beginning of the 4th century, judging by the style of the tetradrachms

p. 122 · zoom original

t) See above p. 83 note 9. ?) See the introduction p. 4. Mr. Lindberg was of this

3) Millingen Sylloge p. 87. Cavedoni Osserv. p. 47. opinion.

8) According to Heraclides PonUcus Cap. 4. 8) 4 » AIN on number 317 can be replaced by &AIMSI (cf.

4) See 11. this. in Rasche Lex. rei num. Flight. II P. I K AI NI If on n«»42and323) or 4>AINUA, genitives p. 47, Eckhel Doctr. IV p. 121, and Thrige Res Cyr. p. law of a»W

5) See the introduction p. 2. piece of Temnos (Mionnet S. VI p. 41 no 261), the other e) See Eckhel Doctr. IV p. 121, Thrige l.c. p. 151-152. on a piece by Rhodes (Mionnet III p. 421 n°206).

I. NAMES OF PERSONS. 115

which bear their names. Tomedes in Cyrene was undoubtedly a contemporary of Kainios in Barcé, and Kydias in Cyrene contemporary with Kypsdos in Barcé; this is what we can conclude from the res- similarity between the heads of Jupiter-Ammon depicted on coins 1); they can be related to the end of the second era.

There are still some abbreviated names, by which we must understand people, namely: ZA, AM, EYA, ZT, KE. These names being inscribed on the coins which seem to belong in the third period, they undoubtedly designate characters responsible for the same functions than those indicated by the monograms which we are going to mention.

The monograms, with the exception of the two which are the marks of Sozusa and Ba- lagrœ (see p. 94 and 95), designate people. 9) They are only found on coins of Cyrene, which depending on the style of art, incidental symbols or other clues must be related made in the 3rd period; several reappear on Ptolemaic coins, as follows: PI, HT* and W* There is no reason to believe that the monograms indicate the supreme magistrate, as in the explanation that we have given of the names inscribed on the coins of the Republican era. As they are less salient, we are more inclined to suppose that these are the acronyms of the magicians. lower strata or monetary officers. Under the rule of kings, it may be that •

the administration of coinage was no longer in the hands of the supreme municipal authority, but was entrusted to lower magistrates.

Isolated letters must be explained differently. E on number 339 is the initial from the town of Evespéris; K on numbers 119 and 123, if indeed this letter is found there alone (see p. 61 note 3), indicates Cyrene, and T on n e 289, perhaps Tauchira. The sequence n 0> 252-262 presents a series of the first twelve letters of the alphabet (except A) which are to be considered as mar- workshop questions (see p. 76). Finally, we find isolated the following letters: P, on n 9 93 without city name, A, A and fi, on bronzes from Cyrene; these letters can be taken for initials of magistrates' names.

p. 123 · zoom original

In the comments on the currencies we have demonstrated that in addition to the names of the three main towns, there are still some names of towns of a lower rank, namely those of Sozusa, from Darnis and Balagrœ, perhaps also from Tauchira, which are indicated by HERE or:&, AAP or AA, $t and T. One might ask if there are among the other abbreviated or mono- grams none which designates some city instead of a magistrate. By KAINIQ on number 9 42 Sestini and Mionnet heard a town called Csnopolis 8); but the presence of the same name on the No. 323 of Barcé shows that it is the name of a magistrate. Likewise AM on n 9 98 was taken, by M. Dumersan, for the name of another town, Maranlhis; we have already pointed out that this explanation is also not admissible. 4) If we want to compare other abbreviated names with the names that have come down to us from Cyrenean towns, we find three, on the mountains lines of Cyrene, which can indicate cities; these are XAIP or XAI (n 91 63 and 204), KE or K

i) Compare the parts shown on p. 44 and 45 n*» 135 and 140 3) We can also except the monogram $ or |0|, which with those shown on p. 81 under numbers 323 and 324. It appears to be a mint mark, see p. 40 note 4.

note that on the coins the resemblance 8) See 11. this. p. 23 note 8. Cf. Cavedoni Osserv. p. 60 heads is even larger than it appears on note 51.

the engravings.

15#

116

CYRENAlQUE.

May? it is not probable that these towns are designated by these abbreviations. XAIPI or XAI is undoubtedly the beginning of the same name of magistrate which is written XAIPI. On the mon- nay which contains KE, we still see the crab, sign of Sozusa, in addition to the name of Cyrene. Tl se found between the horns of the lyre, in the same place where, on the other coins of this series, There is a letter or monogram indicating a magistrate's name; also Tiniodiris was not only a village, and located very far from Cyrene, near the border of Syria.

§ 6.

The monetary system.

Silver and gold coins, in the preceding description, have been designated by relation to the species and the system to which they belong '), and these designations are already in par- Tie reasons in the comments at the end of each section. We reported them to three systems: Tattic, Asian X and Phoenician. 9) Of these denominations the last two do not are not generally adopted. Until recent times, numismatists and metrologists did not agree on the different monetary systems used among the Greek peoples. Mr. Bœckh assumed that there were 4 or 6 systems 8); Mr. Mommsen admitted five 4 ); Mr. Fr. Lenormant reduced them to three 5 ); recently Mr. Vasques Queipo established up to nine 6). These scientists, just as they have given different names to the same systems, have also judged different ment of the origin of the systems, their relationships with each other and the monetary divisions that they contain; we find the same currencies assigned sometimes to one, sometimes to the other system. We will explain in this paragraph, what are the three systems that we have adopted, and by what motives we brought back to them the autonomous currencies of Cyrenaica; after to which we will add some remarks on the use of these systems among the Cyreneans, and on the means of distinguishing the different species of currencies. As for the currencies of bronze, we find indicated, in the catalog drawn up above, only the module, according to the Mionnet scale, and in the comments we have only previously made some observations regarding their name; at the end of this paragraph we will try to demonstrate to which species they can be assigned according to their weight. The tables at the end of this volume present a distribution of currencies to the different systems and divisions. 7)

p. 124 · zoom original

Silver and gold coins.

The Attic system is the name generally given to the monetary system introduced to Athens by Solon, system in which the tetradrachm was the strongest species and had the

l) Taking as unit, in silver coins the drachma, in gold coins, the stater (didrachma), we indicated at each number at what multiple or to what fraction of the drachma or stater belongs holds the room; the drachma is expressed by Dr., the stater by St. t the obol by 06.

3) The first and last systems are denoted by has. and phen.; where neither is added, it is to the Asian system that the species relates to.

8) Netrologische Untersuchungen ûber Gewichte, Mûnz-

barrel and mass of Alterthums Abschn. V-X.

4) Ueber den Verfall des rômischen Mùnzwesens in der Kalserzeit, in: Verhandl. of the sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig 111 u. IV (1851) p. 206-208.

6) Magazine num. fr. 1855 pp. 96 following.

6) Essay on the metric and monetary systems of ancient peoples Volume I chap. V § II.

7) The question of monetary divisions and systems has not not been treated by MM. Falbe and Lindberg.

I. MONETARY SYSTEM. U7

normal weight of 17.2 or 17.0 gr. *) It is to this system that most of the mon- Cyrenean lands from the most ancient times. There are, however, several objections to be made to the application of the Attic name to the coins of this period. A number of these currencies is perhaps before the time of Solon (see p. 21); some letrdrachms weigh 17.7, 18.1 and 18.36 gr., while the strongest of the Attic tetradrachms known do not exceed the weight of 17.4 gr.; we do not find on the reverse of the ancient coins of Athens one or two oblong or irregular hollows as found in the primitive coins of Cyrenaique; there does not exist no Attic gold coin similar to distater no. The settlers who first settled on the coast of Africa, came from another Greek race than the Athenians; the population of Attica, as far as we know, also took no part in the second great colonization towards the year 580 (see p. 2). It is therefore not probable that this monetary system was introduced in Cyrenaic of Athens. But the Attic system is undoubtedly of Asian 3) or Egyptian 3) origin. Among the Asian currencies of the most ancient times, there are coins which offer similar hollow on the reverse and correspond in weight to the strongest Cyrenean currencies. So we known in gold half-staters (drachmas) of the ancient kings of Lydia which weigh 4.7 gr. 4), and Archaic staters (didrachms) from Panticapaea which weigh 9.4 gr. 5), which gives a tetradrachm of 18.4 gr. In silver there are, from a slightly later period, didrachms from Cilicia, of Aspendus and Selge, which weigh 9.4 — 9.7 gr. Mr. Queipo calls the system after which are minted these latest coins, Olympic or Assyro-Phoenician, and fixes the weight average of the tetradrachm at 19.5 gr. 6) Certainly, it is likely that the currency system primitive Cyrenean coins had their origins in the same system to which the currencies belong Asians named last; However, we believed that we should not use of any of the names proposed by Mr. Queipo. The Cyrenaic coins in question are well lower in weight than the vast majority of Asian currencies referred to this system. They offer a series of weighings which follow one another closely, ending with the weight normal attic, since the tetradrachms weigh 18.3, 18.1, 17.7, 17.3, 17.2, 17.1 and 16.8 gr.; we could not say whether it was necessary to assign to the named system all these parts, even the weakest, or to which piece to set the limit between the Assyro-Phoenician system and the Attic system. We we therefore judged the most suitable, despite the objections that we ourselves made more high, to retain the Attic name, at least for all the coins whose weight conforms to that of the Attic tetradrachms struck at the beginning of the following period by Cyrene and Barcé. But as for the coins of the second era whose weight corresponds Attic weight, we cannot doubt that they were struck according to the system attic; because then this system had become very widespread through commerce, and Cyrene must have been closely linked with Athens and with other cities which used it.

p. 125 · zoom original

As for the Cyrenean currencies that we brought back to the Asian system, it

i) Mr. Beulé (Athenian Coins p. 11) takes 17.2 gr. for have on the right a lion's head, on the reverse an oblong hollow.

normal weight; M. Vasques Queipo (1. c. 1 p. 405-406, s) Kœhne Kotschoubey Museum I p. 340 n"7 and 8, p. 346

cf. Addit. p. 606) sets it at 17.ogr. Cf. Boeckh 1. c. n°* 23 and 24; cf. He p. 403-404.

Abschn. IX. e) To this system Mr. Queipo relates a large number of

2) According to Bœckh 1. c. p. 57, 129-130 et al. currencies of European countries, i.e. from a remote era

8) According to Queipo 1. c. I p. 467-471. (e.g. those from Macedonia weighing 9.8-9.ogr.), i.e.

4) The Copenhagen cabinet has two pieces, which are from later periods. L. v. I p. 4 1 7-424.

118

C7RENAIQUE.

It was assumed by Bœckh that they were struck according to the eginetic system. l) This system was the oldest in Greece, introduced by Pheidon, king of Argos and Aegina, and was adopted especially by the Dorian states; didrachma was the strongest species; the Aeginetic drachma, according to Bœckh, was worth 10 Attic obols and had originally weighed 7.27 gr., but had been reduced little by little to 6gr. and below. 2) According to this system the coins of 13.6 — l2.4gr. that we we called tetradrachms, would be didrachms, and the others would also be reduced in proportion. But there are just objections to Boeckh's opinion. First it is not not likely that the didrachm, the strongest piece of the aegeanic system, had the original weight of 14.5 gr., because the coins of the Island of Aegina, which are certainly struck according to this system and among which we find well-preserved pieces of great antiquity, have for medium term 12.0 gr. and never exceed the weight of 12.3 gr. Also MM. Mommsen 8 ), Fr. Lenormant 4 ) and V. Queipo 9) did they for this reason refuse to admit Boeckh's opinion that the Aeginetic drachma had the value of 10 Attic obols, although this opinion is based on the assertion of Pollux and appears to be confirmed by several comparisons. Cyrenean pieces offer a medium weight of 13.2 gr., and there is none that weighs less than 12.4 gr. ; they therefore differ significantly from coins of Aegina. To this fact it must be added that the Cyrenean monetary divisions do not agree tooth not well -with a system in which didrachm was the strongest species, but we refer to another system whose main species is telradrachm. If you take the pieces of 13 — 12 gr. for didrachms, one must take the fractions for one drachma, one hemidrachm, a trihemiobolus, a tritemorion (} of obol) and a hemiobolus; if the pieces of 13—12 gr. “have tetradrachms, the others become a didrachm, a drachma, a hemidrachm, a trihemiobolus and an obol. The first series, as we see, presents two very divisions- rare, the tritemorion and the hemiobolion, and the obol is missing; but the second series contains the •ordinary species and among them the obolus. As a result, Cyrean currencies must be brought back nean in question, to a system which had a telradrachm weighing 13 — 12 gr. This is what what have the scholars done who in recent times have mentioned the coins of Cyrenaica, MM. Ch. and Fr. Lenormant 6), Pinder 7) and Queipo *). The system to which these currencies are related porter, is called by Mr. Fr. Lenormant Asian, by Mr. Queipo Greek-Asian. A large number of Asian currencies from different countries and times having been minted according to this system, the denomination the proposed mination seems quite suitable; that’s why we adopted it. 9)

p. 126 · zoom original

1) Metrol. Untersuch. p. 87.

.2) The eginetic system is treated by Bœckh 1. c. in the

VU section. -3) L. c. p. 200 notes.

4) L. v. p. 97.

.6) L. c. p. 425 following.

•6) Blunder number. fr. 1855 pp. 97 following. and p. 192; cf. 1856 pp. 11

next. 7) Catalog of ancient coins. from the Berlin Museum p. 90

ii«436 and p. 91 n»439.

5) L. v. 1 p. 406 following, Tab. XL1X p. 239.

4) Mr. Fr. Lenormant (Revue num. fr. 1855 p. 96-97) supported that the Aeginetic drachma was not the strongest of Greek drachmas, but on the contrary the weakest, and that consequently the strongest piece of the egi-

netic was a tetradrachm. If this were so, we could well bring back the currencies from which we come to occupy ourselves with the eginetic system, which was very widespread among the peoples of the Dorian race to which belonged to the Cyreneans. But we cannot bear subscribe to the opinion of Mr. Lenormant. The arguments by which Bœckh demonstrated that the Aeginetic drachma was a strong drachma (but not equivalent to 10 Attic obols), and that the main species of the system eginetic was a didrachm, seems to us quite convincing. Also MM. Pinder (Berlin Museum cat. p. 50 n<>» 276-277), Kœhne (Musée Kotschoubey 1 p. 133 and 11 p. 405) and Beulé (Mints of Athens p.l 2) did they con- stunned the currencies belonging to this system as didrachms and divisions of the didrachm. Mr. Queipo,

I. MONETARY SYSTEM.

119

Different opinions have been expressed regarding the origin, development and normal rate of the system that we called Asian. Mr. Mommsen 1) assumed that the drachma on which this system is based, namely the Milesian drachma, with a original weight of 3.6 gr., and that this system, at a remote time, was brought to Asia Minor by the Greek colonists who were established there, it was adopted by different peoples, and eventually it was spread to the cities of Syria and Phoenicia under the rule of the Seleucids and applied to a certain number coins of the Lagides. Mr. Fr. Lenormant 9) tried to demonstrate that the Asian system is originally from Lydia, that by the conquest of this country it was adopted by the Persians, under the domination of which it was spread in the western countries of Asia, and that it is found in the coins minted by the Phoenician cities under the Seleucids as well as in many ugly coins; the Asian drachma, according to the opinion of this scholar, had the original rate 3.6 gr., but was soon reduced and later varied according to times and localities. Mr. Queipo *) finally puts the weight of 3.26 gr. as the middle term of the Asian drachma, and finds this system in the ancient Persian coins as well as in a certain number of the coins of Rhodes, of Cyzicus and other cities of Asia Minor; but this metrologist departs from the Asian system all those among the coins of the Phoenician cities and the Lagides which present a weight higher, by relating them to two other systems (see the following page). As for Cyrenaica, we find it probable that this system, towards the end of the first period and under the influence of trade with Asian countries, developed through a successive reduction of the pri- mititive; because there are several pieces from the first era which make the transition from one system to another, thus a didrachm of 8.0 gr. (nM6), drachmas of 3.96 gr. (nM2), 3.79 gr. (n°31) and 3.64 gr. (nM8), and half-drachmas of 1.96 gr. (n° 26) and l.96gr. (n*19). You must put 3.25 gr. like the weight normal of the drachma of this system in Cyrenaique, seeing that in the second era, during which the Asian system was dominant, tetradrachms and drachmas present a average of 13.0 and 3.26 gr.; in the third era this drachma was reduced to a weight of 2.66 gr. (see n°157 and p. 66).

p. 127 · zoom original

We have brought back to a third system the didrachms, minted in large numbers, whose weight varies from 8.0 — 6.8 gr. 4) These didrachms are too light to fit in the Atlantic system 5 ), and too strong to be able to assign them to the Asian system. We nor can we give the strongest to the Attic system and the weakest to the system Asian, because there are strong and weak coins that are marked with the same magistrate's eagle and which therefore were issued at the same time 6); they must have communicated a same system. These didrachms all belong, it seems, to the third period. During this time, the cities of Aradus, Tire and Sidon, as well as Carthage and the Ptolemies,

although he does not call this system eginetic, but the looks like the commercial system of Athens, sup- also poses that the pieces of the weight of 12 — ll.7gr. are didrachms (I p. 427, Table L VII). ' i) Verfall of the rôms. Mûnzwesens I. v. p. 206 and 208.

t) Magazine num. fr. 1855 pp. 97 following.

8) L. c. I p. 406-411 and p. 476-478.

4) There is only one piece (from no. 17i in the Naples cabinet) which weighs 8.oo gr., and one (from no. 149 to the Paris cabinet) which

weighs 7.98 gr.; the weight of all other parts is

between 7.8 and 6.8 gr. s) MM. Ch. and Fr. Lenormant took the 7.7 gr pieces.

for Attic didrachms, see. Magazine num. fr. 1855

p. 192. 6) We have already pointed out (p. 66) that the same

monetary officer would not have minted coins

to the same types and so little different in weight, for

be used in different systems.

120

CYRENAICA.

minted tetradrachms which exceeded those of the Asian system by 1 to 2 grams.- The tetradrachms from Sidon go up to 13.9 gr., those from Tire to 14.8 gr., those of the Ptolemies to 14.5 gr., those of Aradus at 15.2gr., and some pieces from Tripolis even go up to Î5.7 and 16.Ogr. *) These coins having been mainly minted by the Phoenician peoples, we can rightly give, to the system of which they belong, the name Phoenician. 8) It is undoubtedly this system that the weight of the Cyrenean didrachms in question, was adopted. Mr. Queipo brings in the coins which we have just named, in two systems, one including the currencies of Sidon, Tire and Lagides and offering a tetradrachm of 14.16 gr. as average weight, the other containing the coins of Aradus and Carthage as well as other cities in Asia and Europe with a tetradrachm with an average weight of 14.84 gr.; the learned metrologist calls the first system lagide, the last Phoenician or Boephoric*), and attributes to the Lagid system the Cyrenean didrachms which are found between the limits of the Attic and Asian systems. 4) Here is what we can object to this attri- butition. The currencies of the Phoenician cities and the Lagides differing so little from each other as to the weight, we do not see the need to relate them to two systems. A certain number of tetradrachms from Aradus, which according to Queipo belong to the Phoenician system, weigh 14.2-14.4 gr., and thus coincide with the tetradrachms of Tire and the Lagides, a large number of which weigh 14.2 — 14.3gr. ; several sluggish pieces even reach up to 14.5 gr.; we could therefore report Cyrenean didrachms weighing 7.2 — 7.1 gr. equally to both systems. The The majority of the didrachms in question weigh 7.7 — 7.2 gr. and are thus linked to the Phoenician system, and not the so-called lagide system. This is why we preferred to assign all these didrachms to the Phoenician system. Mr. Fr. Lenormant also gave the name Phoenician drachma to the unit in the coins mentioned above, either of the Lagides or of the Phoenician cities, and has some set the normal weight at around 3.5 gr. 5)

p. 128 · zoom original

Such an issue of currencies according to different systems is consistent to what was customary in other countries; many Greek cities minted coins of more than one system; this is a fact on which numismatists and metrologists agree of recent times. 6) We must look for the cause in trade with neighboring towns and with abroad. There was a monetary system, authorized for domestic circulation, according to which were minted coins of all kinds and to the greatest number; but in addition this or that species was struck at certain times, as required by relations with neighboring towns and trade with foreign countries. 7) In Cyrenaica the Asian system, as soon as it was adopted, that is to say at the end of the 1st era, it was used until the 3rd century period to the currencies issued, either by the three main cities separately, or at the expense of all

1) See tables II and VI-V11 in Queipo's work. Of Cartilage we find different species of a weight analogous.

a) Bœckh (Metrolog.Unlers. Abschn.VI,7-8 and X,2) leans to look at the tetradrachm of the Phoenician cities and of the Lagides as a didrachm of a system resembling close to the Babylonian and Aeginetic systems. According to the opinion of Mr. Mommsen (1. c. p. 208) all these mon- naies belong to the Asian (Milesian) system.

8) L.c. I p. 413-417.

4) L. v. Tables p. 239.

s) Magazine num. fr. 1854 pp. 25-26 and 182.

a) Kôhne Mém. of the arctiéol company. and numism. to St. Petersburg II 11848) p. 232-233; Zeitschr. 21" Strong, p. 231-232; Kotschoubey Museum 1 p. 133ff., 11 p. 403 next. and all. Fr. Lenormant Revue num. fr. 1854 p.182-183; 1855 pp. 185-195. V. Queipo Sy st. metr. I p. 398-399 and p. 429-442. Cf. Numismatics of Alexander' p. 88-89. Examples are found in abundance in Lenormant l.c. p. 189 following. and Queipo l.c. p. 429 following.

7) It is in the same way that MM. Kôhne, Fr. Lenormant and Queipo 11. this. explained this phenomenon.

I. MONETARY SYSTEM. 121

the country (without city name); we struck according to this system in silver, which was the main metal and current, all species from the tetradrachm to the obol, in gold the fractions of the stater from £ to the smallest fraction, T\. The Attic system, after the introduction of the system Asian, was only applied to tetradrachms, at the beginning of the 2nd period, and to didrachms, on the front page of the same period, and in gold with staters, | and i of stater; there are none no smaller divisions; coins were hardly minted at common costs according to this system 1), and it was not, it seems, in use beyond the 2nd epoch. From the system Phoenician there are only didrachms minted during the Ptolemaic era. It is permitted to deduce, that the Asian system was the main Cyrenean system, and that the other two been adopted for commercial purposes. 'It is in the nature of the thing that one only hits the largest species according to the last two systems; in foreign trade we does not need small change. The most sought after currencies in trade between the countries of the Mediterranean were analogous species and belonging to the Attic and Phoenician. Among the commercial currencies we can especially count, in gold, the darics and the staters of Philip H and Alexander the Great 9), struck in large quantities and corresponding in the Attic weight, and in silver the tetradrachms of Athens. The Attic monetary system had become the most widespread in commercial relations between the peoples of Greece, Asia and Africa, first as a result of the influence that Athens exercised through its trade and through its colonies, then because of the domination of Alexander who also used this system. Finally, the currencies of the Phoenician system probably had the best price in commerce which was done between the cities of Phoenicia, Alexandria and Carthage in the Seleucid period and the Ptolemies. However, regarding the Attic tetradrachms struck by Cyrene and by Barcé at the beginning of the 2nd epoch, we cannot claim that they were struck exclusively for foreign trade; they formed the continuation of the tetradrachms of similar weight issued in the first era, and after the drachma had begun to be minted with its divisions in the Asian system, these pieces were undoubtedly used as penta- drachmas, since they had almost the same value as five Asian drachmas"); thus explains the passage from Pollux where the pentadrachm is cited among the coins minted in Cyrenaique. 4) Gold coins from lower divisions could also fit into the system at a time Asian and Attic. Thus numbers 205-208, belonging to the Ptolemaic era where the Asian rate normal had decreased considerably, also adapted to Asian half stater and third from the Attic stater; the quarter of the Attic stater was so close to the third of the Asian stater, that undoubtedly the pieces of nos. 0-209-212 were used at certain times by both; finally, among the pieces of n 01 55 following. and 213 following. , which we looked at as hektés (£ of stater) Asiatic, the strongest differ in weight only very little from the £ of the Attic stater, and the weakest offer the same weight as the -fa of the Attic stater. So we probably did use of these currencies, either for internal circulation or for trade with foreign countries.

p. 129 · zoom original

1) The J of stater n*54 makes an exception; but it could be 8 to 9 decigrams from the Asian pentadrachm; that the pieces of this n" bore the initials of the name but when we compare the weak Attic pieces of the of Cyrene. strong Asian coins, we will come to the tetradrachm

2) See Alexander's Numismatics p.87 f 89 and 373. atUque = Asian pentadrachm.

a) According to normal weight, the Attic tetradrachm exceeds 4) Onomast. IX, 6,eo.

122 CYRENAICA.

As for the distinction between the currencies of the different systems, we see that there is several species of a system which by types separate from the same or neighboring species from another system. This is the case with gold coins; half-staters and quarter-staters Asians bear the head of Jupiter-Ammon and the silphium, while the Attic half-staters have as types the knight and the silphium, the Attic quarters of a stater, the head of Minerva and the triple silphium; the Asian half-staters of the 3rd era with the types of the cavalier and the silphium Attic half-staters of the same types from the 2nd period are distinguished by a star. But for silver coins it is otherwise; the same species from different systems do not do not differ in types; Asian and Attic tetradrachms also offer the head of Jupiter-Ammon and silphium; the didrachms which have as their type the head of Libyan Bacchus. and the silphium, are struck according to all three systems, and those with the head of Apollo and silphium, according to the Asian and Phoenician systems. Sometimes these currencies still contain the same accessory type or the same mint mark, see p. e. Nos. 0i 156-159 and 166-167. It is necessary suppose that such coins were issued at different times; we certainly don't have simultaneously issues coins of the same types and differing so little in weight with the intention to give them a different course; the difference in weight between the Asian and Altic tetradrachm was it even large enough to make them distinguish one from the other, it was not the same for the didrachms belonging to all three systems. By examining the coins we will also find confirmed that they were not struck at the same time. Thus the Attic tetradrachms (n 00 119-121 and 291-293), judging by the style of art, date from the beginning of the 2nd period, while the Asian tetradraohms belong to the following part of the same period.; the Attic didrachm with the head of Libyan Bacchus (n°142), after the name of the magistrate, is struck towards the end of the 2nd era, Phoenician didrachms of the same type, with regard to style, accessory types and monograms, in the 3rd era. But there is always reason to be surprised that the didrachms of the different systems were not marked by a particular type or sign.

p. 130 · zoom original

It could not have been difficult, in antiquity, to distinguish monetary divisions from one another. on the other. For most divisions weight alone was sufficient, one weighing only half or a third of the other. Thus we find the head of Jupiter-Ammon and silphium used as types with tetradrachms, drachmas, half-drachmas, obols, half-staters and quarter-staters, then the head of Libyan Bacchus or Apollo and the silphium with didrachms and drachmas. The The divisions of the gold coins of the Attic system, however, differed in type. For the small divisions which were closer to each other, the weight being less perceptible, it was necessary to make use of different types; this is why the trihemioboles bear on the reverse a triple silphium or a head of a goddess (nos. 43-46 and 328), and that the J (£) and T V of stater in gold each have their own types. The relationship of the type with the value being known, we did not need no particular clue in this regard. For us, as for the largest species, until

the half-drachma and the quarter of the stater, it is equally easy to make the distinction 1); but for the lower divisions, the relationship of the imprint to the value being unknown, it is different. He is quite rare, in small fractions, to find the weight in correct relation to the unit. More the the smaller the division, the more easily the weight could vary; lest the parts become

i) Except that the J and } of stater can be related to different systems.

I. MONETARY SYSTEM.

123

too strong, which would soon have reduced them to melting, we could end up making them too weak. It is also, for us, more difficult, when it comes to* the definition of small parts, to appreciate duly the reduction in weight which can derive either from the carelessness or bad faith of the officers monetary, or costs. We will see from the table added at the end of this volume that there is a dis- remarkable agreement between the weighings of the small divisions, or between the different divisions of the same metal, or between the silver divisions and the. corresponding ones in gold. It is doubtful whether trihemioboles nos. 45-46 (0.87-0.85 gr.) and 328 (1, oogr.) should not be given the name of diobolus, to the £ of stater (=dioboles) n M 55-79 and 2 13-220 (0.90—0.70 gr.) the name of £ of stater (=trihemi- obole), and in T V of statere (= obole) n°80 the name of T * ff of statere (= f of obole or tritemorion). We preferred, for small divisions in general, to assign them names according to their relations with the Asian system, because it is more likely that small change was minted according to the system used in. the use of the country than according to other systems intended for trade with foreigners.

p. 131 · zoom original

Bronze coins.

Greek bronze coins, as we know, had a much lower weight. laughing at that which they would have according to the value of copper in relation to the value of silver; they therefore only offered a fictitious value and are to be considered in some way as signs representing sentient. It was only approximately that by the module and the weight we separated the species different from each other; it was especially necessary to distinguish them by their types. Therefore it is very difficult to determine the Greek bronze coins. We know that there were in these coins two units, Tune chalkus, of which 8 coins were worth an obol, the other lepton or koUybon, of which 7 pieces made a chalkus. The copper coins which ancient authors made mention, are: pentechalkon, tetracJialkon, trichalkon, dichalkon, chalkus, trikoUybon and koUybon or Upton*)\ in a passage from Pollux we still, by emendation of the text, believed to find the name dikoUybon, 9) On the coins themselves are inscribed the names: tetrachalkon, dichalkon and chalkus. n) So, these are cbalkus and koUybon as well as the multiples that we have just named, to which we must refer the bronze coins of Cyrenaica.

When we examine these coins, we do not find, as in silver coins and gold, certain groups of weights, separated from each other, but an almost continuous series of weights from 17.7 to 0.7 grams; It therefore remains uncertain how many species there are there. At the truth, some pieces are distinguished from others both by types and by weight, and may rightly be regarded as different species; but we also find suites to the same types which probably contain several species, but whose weights

i) n$ynxakxor Pollux IX, 6 (70) after Aristophanes. T%- Tfjnxakxov Hesychius s.v. Jlékayoç. Tçixokkvfioy Pollux ¥1.37(165); IX, 6(72); Hesychius s.v. K6kkv(loç (xokkv- B y) Pollux IX, 6 (72); Hesychius s.v. Kokkvfiiç^ç. The other names are found more often.

2) Pollux IX, 6 (63) ex rec. Bckker 1846, cf. Bergk Fragm. comic. grsec. Flight. II P. II ed. Meineke. 11 is doubtful if no bronze monetary division was called êymbolon (5 lepta) as Mr. de Prokesch Osten supposes,

see Fieulé Coins of Athens p. 76. 8) The first two names are found on coins of Chios, the last on those of Ahtioche and Com- magene (Mus. Hunter tab.68, n-n, Eckhel Doctr. 111 p. 286), all from a later period. Mr. de Saulcy still has found the names chalkut, dicJiaUcon and trichalkon designated by X, Ji and TP (in monogram) on certain pieces of Herod the Great (Bull, archaeol. of the Frankish Athensum. 18ôô p. 74); these coins weigh 3.1, 4.8 and 8.6 grams.

p. 132 · zoom original

10*

124 CYRENAICA.

offer an uninterrupted series, so that it is impossible to decide which pieces belong relate to the different monetary divisions* To achieve knowledge of the weight of a any division, we cannot use the currencies of other countries which have the name of the species inscribed or bear signs of value; because the weight of the copper species varied according to the places and times; this is why it is not certain either, that the Cyrenean currencies from different times, which have the same weight, have belonged to the same species. Despite all these difficulties we nevertheless believe we must try to give names to the currencies of Cyrenean bronzes and to classify them according to their divisions; see the table added at the end of this volume. We will demonstrate how we arrived at this ranking.

Putting aside, for the moment, the sequels which perhaps, judging by the difference of weight, included several species, although the imprint is the same, namely the consequences to types a, ft,*, 9, 2, y and s, we can divide the others into 5 groups separated from each other both by types and by weights. It is likely that these five groups formed as many of different species. Here are the groups. 1. To types c, d,

Species: Tetrachalkon. Trichalkon. Dichalkon. Chalkus. Trikollybon. Dikollybon. Kollybon.

Weight: 17.7—15.1. 14.7 — 10.8. 9.4—7.8. 7.4—5.0. 4.9—2.6. 2.7—1.*. 1.4—0.7.

p. 133 · zoom original

Average weight: 16.5. 12.5. 8.5. 6. 3.6. 2. 1.

Among the suites which contain pieces of very different weights with the same types, there are two which offer 2 or 3 weight groups, so separated from each other that we cannot hesitate to determine the species according to the table that we have just drawn up; these are the sequences a and 6, which provide trichalka (and tetrachalka) and trikollyba. But the other suites, to the types 4, ç, x y y and”, present a series, more or less long, of weighings which follow one another very near; in these suites we cannot distribute the pieces to the different divisions in a certain manner. sions, because the terms of weight that we have just posed for the divisions, are in no way fixed enough that they can be used without hesitation. We can see from the table which species each of these sequences can contain. Assuming that there are different divisions included

1) It is true that there are 2 hemioboles, numbers 14 and 20; but still started to mint copper coins,

they belong to the 1st era when we did not have 2) Unless we prefer to make pentechalkas.

I. MONETARY SYSTEM. 125

in these sequences, we must naturally suppose that such pieces of a division which by weight are bring many such other coins from another division together, were not issued in the same time than these (see p. 66 and 119). By the differences in style and manufacture as well as by other clues we are led to believe that these suites each embrace an era more or less long. We can admit that the different species were each struck in their own way. time. However, it is also possible, when two species are involved, as in the following to types a:, y and s, that the strongest coins of a type were struck at the same time that the strongest pieces of the other, and also the weakest pieces of both species were issued together at another time; it is also possible that in the following types A, which seems to contain three species, the middle one was struck alone at one time, the two others at another time, and finally, that of the four species included in the following types q } the first and third were emitted simultaneously at a time, the, second with the fourth at another time. We can still admit that some of these sequences, notably those with types x, y and s, in which the distance between the strongest and the weakest weights is not very large, contains only one species; among the Roman coins of the part III we will find coins struck by the same magistrate, in the same year or in the same workshop, which must be related to the same monetary division, and yet whose weights differ rent considerably between them; which shows that at least in the Roman era we did not put no importance to the weight of bronze coins. Finally, there remains the possibility that in Cyre- dated, as well as in the Roman Republic, the legal rate of bronze coins was from time in time suffered a decrease; if this was so, it follows that the determination of the parts to the same types, as well as Cyrenean bronzes in general, becomes even more uncertain.

p. 134 · zoom original

The determinations that we have tried agree in part with the names that MM. Prokesch v. Osten and Beulé assigned to the copper coins of Athens. These scientists looked both dent like chalkus the pieces whose weight is 5-7 gr. Mr. Beulé supposes than pieces of 1-2 gr. are kollyba (lepta), those of 2-3 gr., dikollyba, and those of 3-4 gr., trikollyba, which corresponds to the weights that we attributed above to the same divisions. But for other species the names of these scientists differ from ours. *) As we generally regard the denominations of bronze coins as unsafe, we have not adopted them in the catalog.

§ 7.

Standalone currencies that have been allocated incorrectly or without sufficient reason

in Cyrenaica.

We will give a list of these currencies ranked under the cities of Cyrenaica to which they have been attributed, by citing the books where they are thus determined; then

i) Prokesch v. Osten Verhandl. der Academy zu Berlin 1848 weight; there we find the module 1 pieces called

p. 15 following. t Denkschr. der Academy zu Wien 1854 p. 259 lepta. the M. 2 dilepta, the JE. 2-3 tri lepta and M. 3-4

sulv. Beulé Coins of Athens p. 76-77. Kôhne in chalkus, which agrees quite well with the names that

the Kotschoubey Museum also gave names to the things we proposed. Conf. on bronze coins

Greek copper coins, but without indicating them in general, said work 11 p. 406-407.

1 26 CYRENAICA.

we will indicate why the attribution made cannot be admitted or what other classification is the correct one, either by referring to other authors, or by explaining the reasons ourselves.

Cyrenaica or Cyrene.

1-20. A series of coins, containing a twenty different coins, gold and silver, having the following types: a woman's TV crowned or otherwise styled, a diademed or laureate young head, the head of Apollo, Diaue or of Minerva; on the reverse: one of the same heads, or a lion surmounted by an eagle and a star; with registrations: BA, EY or EYA, NIK, PN, MEN, A, K and *. These currencies are stored to Cyrenaica in the following books: Pelleriû Recueil I p. 136; Eckhel Numi vet. anecdoli p. 303-306, tab.XVl,3-5, Doctrina numorum vet. IV p. 121-123; C. Combe Bunter Museum p. 121 n°M-5 and p.123 n" 35-39, tab. 23; T. Combe Muséum britannicum p. 239 n 9 11; Sestini Muséum Hedervarianum III cont. p. 72-73 n" 1*4-17, and Muséum Chaudoir p.H3n°l; Mionnet VI n°M2-48 and 81-89, Supp. IX n M 14 and 45-46; Cavedoni Osservazioni p. 32-33 and 39-42; elsewhere. Without doubt this classification was mainly due to the beauty of the style and the elegance of the execution, by which the currencies cited are close to the Cyrenean gold coins. In truth Eckhel revoked questions the accuracy of the classification; but he nevertheless stored the coins in Cyrenaica by explaining the legends by abbreviated magistrate names. Finally in 1836, Mr. Borrell, in Notice on some gr. medals. of the kings of Cyprus, showed that they were struck by these kings and that the legends offer the initials of the names of Evagoras, Nicocles, Pnytagoras and Menelaus. Mr. Cavedoni who still in 1843, without knowing the writing of Mr. Borrell, had treated these coins as belonging to Cyrenaica, later revoked the attribution to that country, adding some new remarks to Borrell's explanation. 1) Afterwards, Mr. Ch. Lenormant tried to pre- cite the classification 9), and finally the Duke of Luynes observed that the sign says a double cross is a Cypriot letter, initial of the name of Salamis 8).

p. 135 · zoom original

21. ÂT.i. Head of Jupiter-Ammon with horn and ram's ear. lj\ Hollow square. — Dumersan Cat. of the cab. d'Allier p. 121.

This distance is struck in Asia Minor, as M. Cavedoni has already observed in Osservazioni p. 24 note 19.

22. ifi. 1. Leaping horse; above, a star. Ç\ Lyre. — Sestini Descr. num. vet. p. 561 n°ll, tab. X[[,10. Mionnet Suppl. No. 47.

Cyrenaica coins offer similar types, but they are not found on silver coins, and no longer on the right and the reverse of the same coin. The same types are frequently used on the currencies of other countries (see p. 77).

23. M. Helmeted woman's head. lj\ KYPANAION Victory walking, holding a ronne of the right hand, a palm of the left. — Cat. of the cab. by Ennery p. 98 n°273.

.As such a piece is not found elsewhere and the catalog of the Ennery collection is written with little criticism, there is reason to doubt the authenticity of this piece.

1) Bull, dell' inst arch. di Roraa 1844 p. 46-48, Num. Chro- (Treasure of glyptic and numerals) p. 73-76, pi. XXXI-XXX11. nicle VIII (1845) p. 128-129. a) Num. and register. Cypriots p.28-29, pl.V,6-7.

2) In Revue num. fr. 1839 pp. 7 next. and Num. of kings gr.

NON-CYRENEAN COINS. 1 27

24. i. 3. Standing figure, one hand resting on the hip, the other extended; near of him, an animal. Ç\ Rider galloping on the Pegasus and throwing a bolt. — Duchalais Revue num. fr. 1850 pp. 391-394 nM8, pi. XVI, 2.

Mr. Duchalais attributes this anepigraph piece to Cyrene because it was found in the Cyrenaica, and supposes that Jupiter-Ammon with the ram is represented on the right, Bellerophon or Perseus on the reverse. This currency is in poor conservation. It is impossible to discern what are the character and the animal in the right; the short chilon with which the character is dressed, does not allow us not to take this one for Jupiter; it's more like Diane with her dog. Like neither this type, nor that of the reverse is found on any other Cyrenean currency, we would not dare classify this currency in Cyrene.

Arsinoe. (Tauchira.)

25. M. 3. Veiled head of Arsinoe. A. Ifr. AP2I Double cornucopia. AP in monogram. — Sestini Lettere di cont. IX p. 112 n°2. Mionnet Suppl. IX p. 191 n°80.

26. ifi. 3. Same head. That-. Same type and monogram. fl>. — . Sestini 1. c. No. 3. Mionnet 1. c. No. 81.

These two coins bear the same types as the Egyptian gold and silver coins, having the name of Queen Arsinoe added to that of Philadelphus. Sestini attributed them to the city of Arsinoé for the sole reason that n°25 only offers the abbreviated name of Arsinoé and that n°26 is devoid of this name; but this reason does not seem sufficient to us.

27.A.4. Veiled head of Arsinoe. ft. AP2I Quiver and bow; bee, I, T0NEY2. — Sestini Lettere di cont. IX p. 112 n-*4, tab. 11.13; General Classes (1821) p. 174. Mionnet Suppl. IX p. 191 n*82.

p. 136 · zoom original

28. I. 3. Sameness. ft. AP2I KY Deer, kneeling; . . IFTÀ — Pellerih

Collection III p. 11 ft. XXXVII, 19. Eckhel Doctrina IV p. 127. Mionnet VI p. 572 No. 162. Sestini The. p. 111. *)

These coins belong to the city of Ephesus to which Lysimachus gave the name Arsinoe according to his wife, which was demonstrated by Borrell in Numism. Chronicle II (1839-40) p. 171 next. and by Duchalais in Revue num. fr. 1848 pp. 245 seq.; cf. Droysen Geschichte des-ITellenis- mus II p.727-728. Eckhel had already revoked in doubt the attribution of No. 28 to Cyrenaica; it's a knucklebone which on this number was taken for KY.

Automala.

29. I. 4. Hairless head with a ram's horn. That. AYT in monogram. Hermes. — Pellerin Collection III p. 173 pl.CXXIII,6. Eckhel Doctrina IVp.127-128. Mionnet VI p. 572 n'163.

30. I. \\. Bearded head. IJ\ AYTÛ Hairless, helmeted head; below, a flower. — Hunter Museum p. 65, tab. XII.25. Mionnet 1. c. No. 164.

Eckhel considered the attribution of coin No. 29 uncertain; Sestini (Letter number VII p. 80) and Mionnet (I. c.) recognized that it belongs to Mytilene in Lesbos. As for No. 30, Eckhel has already rightly rejected the classification of this piece in Automala, noting that the name of this town had an O for the fourth letter and not an O.

i) Previously (Lettere VII p. 80-81) Sestini had classified this piece at Arsinoe in Cilicia, reading Kl for KY.

128 CYBENAIC.

Caenopolis.

31. I. 3. Curved female head. always. KM... Snake, standing up. — Sestini Mu- Fontana I serum p. 123 n»2, tav.VI,10; III p. 94 n°2. Mionnet Suppl. No. 97.

This piece, as seen by the engraving l. c. , is poorly preserved, and the legend seems doubtful. We do not know of other coins of Caenopolis 1), and we do not encounter any heads of the genius of the city on the coins of Cyrenaique.

Heraclea.

32. M. A. Hercules fighting the lion; at the exergue, a monogram. That-. HPAKAE NATO Minerva standing, a peg in the right hand, in front of an altar. — Pellerin Collection III pl.CXXIII,10, p. 175.

33. I. 2. Aries. Ç\ A capital H; inside, K. — Sestini Lettere num. IV p. 133. The attribution of n°32 was already rejected by Eckhel Doctrina IV p. 129; this piece is from Hé-

beaten in Bithynia, see Sestini Lettere di cont. VII p.51n°21 and Mionnet Suppl. V p. 56 No. 285. No. 33, which on the reverse bears an I and not an H, belongs to Zacynthe, see Mionnet Suppl. IV p. 196 n°20.*)

Phycus.

34. M. 2. Head of a woman decorated with a raised crown, front view. IJ\fl>Y Beef cornupet; in front, a palm tree. — Pellerin Recueil III p. 14 ft. LXXXV1I,7.

These types are not found on other Cyrenean city currencies. Sestini first

(Lettere IV p. 133) assigned this piece to Magnesia in Ionia, in which he was followed by Eckhel

(Doctrina IV p. 129); then (Lettere Vil p. 80), with more reason, he gave it to Phygela of the same province, because several copies come from Smyrna.

p. 137 · zoom original

Ptolemais.

35. M.A. Head of a veiled woman (Ârsinoé). IJ\ I1TOAEMAI Seated figure, holding ears of corn and a poppy in the right hand, the left resting on a scepter; APISTArOP. —Pellerin Collection III p. 13, ft. LXXXV1I, 24. Eckhel Doctrina IV p. 129. Mionnet n° 176. Sestini Lettere di cont. IX p. 113 nM-3 8 ); Classes gen. (1821) p. 174.

36. M. 5. Head of a woman, decorated with a high crown. $. riTOAEMAI Eagle on a lightning; in front, a crown, or a star. — Pellerin Recueil III p. 13-14, ft. LXXXVII, 25-26.

37. M. S. Diademed head of a queen. I)\ I1TOAE Eagle on a thunderbolt. (Overstruck.) — Sestini Museum Hedervar. III cont. p. 76 n°l. Mionnet Suppl. n*102.

No. 35 is from Ptolemais in Pamphylia, which was demonstrated by M.Duchalais in Revue num. fr. 1848 p.256ff.; Eckhel had already hesitated in attributing it to the Cyrenean city. No. 36 belongs to Ptolemy, king of Epirus; see: Eckhel Sylloge I p. 84-85, Doctrina H p. 176, Lenormant Num. of Greek kings p. 46 ad ft. XXII, 17. No. 37 is undoubtedly struck by the same king, as showed M.Duchalais in Revue num. fr. 1848 pp. 261-262.

i) See. higher. p.H5note3. gram, in the writings of the Danish academy 1857

2) The small K undoubtedly indicates an alliance with Cra- (Oversigt p. 158 notel8). !

nium in Cephalenia. See. my treatise on mon- 3) Previously, in lettere VU p. 80, Sestini had arrived

Greek coins having the type of a letter or a mono- fogged this piece to Ptolemais.

NON-CYEENAN COINS. 129

Aphrodisias, dregs. 38. I. If Head left. fl\ ApP Aries to the right. — Longpérier in Revue num. fr. 1843 p. 435, ft. XVII, 16. By comparing this coin, whose face especially is poorly preserved, with the Clazo-coins leads to Ionia, we are convinced that it belongs to this city and that the head is that of Minerva. Clazomène presents bronzes of the same types and manufactures, without the name of the city, but with different names of magistrates, written in full or abbreviated, placed in front of and above the ram. 1) A

As for the actually Cyrenean coins which have been attributed to Enessiphyra, Maranthis and Lœa, of which there are no coins, we have already mentioned. 9)

i) See. Mionnet III p. 67 n» 44-45. In the museum bri- the last four letters are written above the

tannic there is a piece entirely analogous to ram,

the one in question, offering the name HrRSANJP, of which 2) Voyei above p. 36 note 10, p. 91 and 92.

CYBENAlCH.

Libyan coins.

Silver coins.

344. Head of Jupiter-Mizzen (diademed) to the right; behind, A and *). R-. Silphium.

A. G. 4 Dr. as. 1 3.34 gr. 1

345. Head of beardless, diademed Hercules, left; the club covers the lower part of the neck; behind, A. Grenelis around the perimeter, rj-. Lion walking right. ; above, the club; in the exergue, AlBYflN. Grenelis around the perimeter. A. 3. JDr.att. 2.17 gr.'J

p. 138 · zoom original

346. Others similar except the letter A. A. 3. i Dr. ai. and as. 2.30 & 1.62 gr. B)

347. Head of Jupiter, laureate, right; in front, AIBYON; behind, *fy. rj-. Cornupet bull to the right; in the exergue, AIBYDN; between the hind legs, A; above, Hj.

A. S. 4 Dr. 4)

348. Hairless head of Hercules, covered with lion skin, left. Grenelis around the perimeter. If-, Leo walking right; in the epigraph, AIBYON; between the lion's legs, M; above, vj.

A. 6 (mixed). 2 Dr. phén. 7.87 & 7.79 gr. >}

i) British Museum. lit cont p. 71 n*2, tab.33,e (Hus.ChaudDirp.lt3; Hionn.

ft) Cab. of The Hague. It is perhaps a similar piece S. n*99; Incorr. dec.).

which is described in Hionn. S. IX p. 196 No. 101 with a 4) Coll. by the late H. Tocbon (Hionn. VI p. 553 n«4; Sestlnl Phoenician legend in exergue, from the collection of H. Lett. dl cont. V p. 76 n*7. lab. 11.13).

Durand. s) Cab. de la Hâve (2 copies).

a) Coll. of Judas and cab. from The Hague; Seatinl Mus. Hederv.

THE LIBYANS.

349. Others similar without the letter M. The Punic letter is varied thus: ^, "*■,, VI. "*l, **f-

JR. 6 (mixed). 2 Dr. phén. 7.80—6.63 gr.* *)

350. Similar to the previous n*, the letter B turned to the left. in the legend.

M. 6 (mixed). 2 Dr. phén. 7.58g. *)

351. Others similar, on which the legend AIBYON does not appear (for lack of blank).

M. 6 (mixed). 2 Dr. phén. 7.48—6.71 gr.* s )

352. Others similar; the Punic letter is placed between the lion's legs and varied as follows: ^-t, «■■,.

• M.t> (mixed). 2 Dr. phén. 7.40 te 6.90 gr. 4)

Bronze coins.

353. Hairless head of Hercules, covered with lion skin on left. Grenelis around the perimeter. I}-. Leo walking right; in the exergue, (Al.iBYON; above, *\. M.&. 6.7gr. s)

354. Same side. R-. Cornupet bull on the right; in the exergue, (Al.iBYON; above, —W. (With traces of overstrike.) (Fig.) M. 8-7. 12.4 & 8.6 gr.")

355. Another similar one, struck on a coin, which on the face shows two or three ears of corn, on the behind the head of Carthaginian Ceres. Garnetis around the edge on both sides.

,1.8-7. 13.2—8.2 gr.* T )

356. Another, having M between the legs of the bull, struck on a similar coin.

M. S. 15.1 gr. 8)

357. Head of Jupiter, laureate, right. Garnetis around the edge. I}-. Similar to the previous ones, without the letter M. (With traces of overprinting.) (Fig.) JE. 8. H,e»gr. e)

1) 10 copies of different collections and catalogs; see. MHHngen Collection pi. IV, 16. Two pieces on the- which the Punic letter does not appear, are described by Sestlni Lelt. dl.cont.Vp.76 n»S-6 (Mlonn.S. n»100).

S) Mus. brit. (CaL by P.Knlght p. 215 n*I).

3) 6 copies of different collections and catalogs.

«) ft copies of different collections and catalogs.

s) Cab. from Copenhagen.

e) Mus. brit. 12 copies) and cnb. of the Hague (worn and

without apparent caption, p. 5,” gr.) î) Mus. British, cab. of Vienna (2 ex., one from Mus. Hunier

p. 139 · zoom original

No. 31 27), coll. of the Duke of Luynes and Count Borgnes! B) Cab. from Copenhagen. d) Cab. of the king of Sardalgne.

17*

CTRENAIC.

358. Helmeted head of Minerva left; in front, AIBYON; above, Mr. $- above, **/. Garnetis around the edge.

Ox standing right. ; M. 8. 14.8 gr. ').

Lelradractime No. 344, which bears the ordinary Cyreoëan types, offers on the face the letter Punic mem. This letter prevents it from being attributed to any of the three cities of Cyrenaica which minted such coins, and refers us to a city or a people who had a relationship either with the Cyreoeans or with the Carthaginians. The Greek letter A being added, we we are inclined to compare this currency to the following ones which have the mem associated with the name AIBYDN, and to assign it to the same people as these. The work, which is very harsh, serves to corroborate that it was rather among a barbarian people than in a Greek city that the currency was manufactured. It may be that among the tetradrachms of the same types without city name, which are described under No. 36, some, of crude and imperfect work, are struck by the same people. *)

Coins n° 347-358, which bear the legend AIBYON, must have been struck by a Libyan people who, with regard to Greek types and writing, were very closely linked with the Cyreneans, but at the same time with the Carthaginians, since they also offer the Punic letter mem. It is necessary add that several of these coins (nos. 355-356) are struck on coins which are appear, on the right, the 161st of Ceres which is particular to Carthaginian coins"), on the reverse, two or three ears which also serve as a type for various coins minted under the domination of Carthage. Since this mem is repeated on all currencies without being replaced by any another letter 4), and several times the corresponding Greek letter is added, we are led to suppose that the letter mem, like M, is neither a mint mark nor the initial of a name of magistrate, but that it designates the name of the Libyan tribe. This is also the opinion of numismatists who treated these coins. Millingeu attributed them to Macomada in Byzacene, or to the Macklii near Lake Tritonîs in the same province. s) Sestini was inclined to prefer the

i) Coll. of the Due de Luynes.

a) One of these reads “drachmas in the cabinet of Parle (class to Cjrene, Mioiin. S. ci* 23) offer behind the head we ca- confused character.

S) This head is especially distinct on the copy of no. 355, which is in the British museum.

i) M. Judas (in La Renie nuit), fr. 1856 pp. 168) reported ported that there is a belh instead of the mem on a

exemplary in the Hague cabinet; but there is no such a letter nor on your coins in this cabinet, of which we sent prints to the Copenhagen office, nor on any of the other currencies that we have examined. Perhaps it is an indistinct and evil jnem figuratively that H. Judas will have taken for a beth. ") Collection p. 77 aulv.

p. 140 · zoom original

THE LIBYANS8.

133

Libyans in Marmarique. J) Mr. Cavedoni supposes that these coins were struck by the Macomadi or Machli, perhaps at the time when Alexander the Great visited Libya. the oracle of Àmmon, since the head of Hercules resembles that on the tetradrachms of Alexander. 9) Mr. Judas finally put forward the conjecture that these coins were minted by the Libophenicians in Byzacene, declared independent by Agathocles, king of Syracuse, at the time when he attacked Carthage, and that the mem indicates the Macomades minores.*) According to these opinions, it would be necessary, in the system numismatics, classify these coins at Marmarica, before Cyrenaique, or at Byzacene, after Syria. But there is reason to doubt whether any of the numismatists managed to find the just people. As for the Marmarique classification, it must be objected that the presence of the Punic letter and the use of Carthaginian coins to be used for overprints refer to a country more western. With regard to the attribution of currencies to the Libyan peoples of Byzacene, he It should be noted that the coins which were in circulation among them and which must have served them of model, namely the currencies of the cities of the coast and the Carthaginian currencies, were of a completely different imprint and without Greek inscription. By legend and types purely Greeks and by the resemblance of No. 344, which should not be separated from the others, with the tetra- Cyrenean drachmas, we are led to look for a Libyan people closer to Cyre- born; there was such a people whose name began with an M, they were the Macs.

The Libyans, called Mâxcu, Macœ, inhabited the coast between Cyrenaica and Syrtica. 4) According to Diodorus they lived around the great Sirte 5 ), according to Scylax, along the Sirte until its western entrance 6); their dwellings, according to Herodotus, also embraced the surroundings of the Cinyps river 7), not far from the border of Syrtica. The country watered by this little river (now Cinifi or Ouadi-Quam) was considered by the ancients as the paradise of Africa. Herodotus reports that this country did not resemble the rest of Libya in fertility and that for the production of wheat it even surpassed the district of the Evesperites, the land yielding there, as in Babylon, three hundred grains for one; he praises the black soil, the richness in sources, climate. 8) Towards the end of the 6th century a colony of Spartans was established there; but they had been expelled three years later by the Libyan Maces and the Carthaginians. 9) There was also a town called Cinyps. 10) Diodorus said that the Macs were the most numerous of all the Libyan tribes who lived in the neighborhood of Cyrenaica and the Sirtes. 11) Of a side this people depended on the Carthaginians, whose domination extended to the bottom of the great

p. 141 · zoom original

i) Letter. di cont. V.p. 76-77. Mr. Lindberg in his ma- nucrit relates these currencies to the same part of the Libya, assuming mem and M indicate Libya Mareotis and A perhaps the temple of Ammon.

ft) Osserv. p. 53 note 44.

3) Magazine num. fr. 1856 pp. 168-169. M. -Judas refers to the resemblance to the head of Hercules on some tetradrachms which he attributes to the city of Aspis not far away of Carthage; but these currencies are of a completely different manufactured and probably belong to Sicily.

4) It is undoubtedly the same people who in Ptolemy IV, 4 is named Mttxaxovtak, living near the mountains Oudpa. Cf. Pliny V, 5.

6) Diodorus III, 48: postponed jovç renovates roèç mçi Trjr

Please.

6) Scylax 109: naçà rrjr Jvçnr f*iXQ* t0 * **àf**W rijc 2vqtkToç. ,

7) Herod. IV, 175.

s) Herod. IV, 198. Scylax, Ovid (ex Ponto II ep. VI, 26: Cinypkia teges), Pliny and other authors. The earth, although abandoned to itself, retained until nowadays its vegetable virtue. Délia Cella Viaggio p. 47-50. Cf. Marcus Geogr. anc. according to Mannert p. 128-129; C. Mûller Geogr. gr. min. p. 84-85, notes.

o) Herod. V, 42.

io) Scylax 109. Probus ad Virg. George. III, 12. Cf. C. Muller Geogr. gr. min. p. 85 notes.

he) Diod. 111.48(49).

1 34 CYRENAICA.

Sirte (Arœ Philœoonim) f), and maintained trade with the Punic city, Leptis, which was located a short distance from its border; on the other hand he must have had many relationships with the Cyreneans, its neighbors. This is how the mixture of Punic and Greek can be easily explained. these currencies.

If the letters ^ and M are the initials of the name of the people, there is reason to believe that the letter A on nos. 345 and 347 similarly indicates a people; this other people must have been close to the Macs, since À and ^ are associated on n°347. We could think of the Auschisœ, whose the territory, according to Herodotus, extended to the sea near the Evesperites. *) We can however- all the more reason to attribute these currencies to the Ampeliotœ who inhabited the coast south of the Evesperites. °) This people had adopted Greek culture, as we can conclude from their name and that there was at Delphi a sacred gift offered by the Ampeliotes 4); their town Ampeloa appears to have been quite considerable. 5) Their dwellings probably extended to those of the Macs; thus these two peoples easily came to mint money together.

These types agree perfectly with the attribution of currencies to these peoples. The The countries they inhabited had an abundance of silphium; according to Theophrastus and Pliny, this plant grew especially around Greater Sirte. 6) Hercules must have been especially venerated on the western coast of Cyrenaica. It was there, in the district of Irasa, that this hero had understood defeated Antaeus'); the neighborhood of Hesperis was the scene of another of his exploits 8); the hills which extended along the Sirte, were called 'HçaxXéovç toveç 9), and a castle on the edge of this gulf had the name of 'HQaxXéovç mïçyoç. 10) According to an African tradition, Libya owed its name is Libes, son of Hercules. u) On the other side, we know that Melkart, one of the main deities of the Carthaginians, was confused with Hercules, and that he appears on the coins of the Phoenician peoples under the features and with the attributes of this god. Minerva had a cult among the Libyans who inhabited the coasts of the two Sirtes. From ancient times some of these peoples had worshiped a goddess who, after the Greeks had established themselves in this range, was assimilated to Mi- nerve; the traditions of Athene Tritogenia, native to Boeotia, were transplanted to Libya, and according to this goddess two lakes, one near the little Sirte, the other at the entrance to the great Sirte, received the name Tritonis. ,2)

p. 142 · zoom original

The lion is the characteristic animal of Libya; however, as Hercules' club is placed above the lion on nos. 345-346 and the head of Hercules on nos. 348 following. is cou- green of his remains, it is rather because the fight with the lion was one of the exploits of Hercules that this animal is featured on the reverse of these coins. The ox was among the animals

l) See. the introduction ç. 4. Strabo (XVII p. 834) factmen- two cities, j} âvta and t) x

3) Herod. IV, 171. Diod. III, 48 (49). See Thrige Res Cyr. 7) See. Thrige Res Cyr. p. 74-75. p. 125. s) See above p. 90 rating 1.

a) See. Thrige Res Cyr. p. 121 note G, p. 284 notes 38 and 39. , o) Ptolem. IV, 4. In Tab. Peuting. Ampelaontes. io) Ptolem. IV, 4.

4) This gift was a rod of silphium. Suidas s. v. Bar- n) Mart. Capella De nuptiis etc. VI §667 (ed. Kopp p. 543). tov oiXtfiov and Jiktfèoy. Phavorinus s. v. Bâxroç. .Cf. Cavcdonl Spicil. num p. 299, Osserv. p. 76. Schol. ad Aristoph. PI ut us v. 926 according to Alexandrides. ta) Herodotus IV, 180 and 189. Thrige Res Cyr. p. 122 and 186.

b) According to Agroetas it had originally consisted of 0. Mûllcr Gesch. Hellen. Stâmme (1844) I p. 349-351.

THE LIBYANS.

135

the most important to the peoples of this part of Libya, whose herds were mainly the wealth; Ox hides were used in commerce and transported abroad. l) It should also be noted that the cow was considered sacred among the Libyans of this coast. who, according to Herodotus, refrained for religious reasons from eating the flesh. 9)

The coins of these peoples are arranged above in chronological order, according to which it is to be assumed that they followed one another. No. 344 is the first to date; it appears probably belongs to the second period as do the analogous tetradrachms of Barcé and Cyrene. Next come, judging from the mint and the unmixed silver, nos. 345-346 which we have assigned to the Ampeliotœ. The following n° 05 347. , belonging to Macs, are without doubt the latest ones. 8) These coins were brought back by Mr. Cavedoni at the time of Alexander, by M. Judas in the time of Agathocles 4); but when we look at the art style and the work 5) and we remember that the silver is mixed in the currencies of Carthage of a later period, we are prepared to admit that they were struck later, perhaps in the 2nd century. This is corroborated by the weight of didrachmas, which enters the system Phoenician, to which most of the didrachms issued by the Cyreneans and the Car- Thaginois in the 3rd and 13th centuries.

p. 143 · zoom original

Silver coins are struck according to different systems (see §6). The No. 344 is an Asian memo tetradrachm as the corresponding coins of Cyrenaica. Nos.* 345-346, attributed to the Ampeliotes, are half-drachmas which appear to have been struck either according to the Attic system, or according to the Asian. The coins of Macae n" 348-352, in low grade silver, are didrachms of the system that we have called Phoenician; at the truth there are several parts of such low weight that they could be assigned to the system Asian, but they are more or less worn. 6) Bronze coins, if we want to apply to them the Greek names can be referred to: chalkus, dichalkon and trichalkon, see §6.

From the above we see that the currencies of this section form the transition from autonomous Greek coins to Punic coins, and that in the numismatic system they must occupy the place between Cyrenaica and Syrtica, since they belong to the peoples inhabiting the coast of Africa where the Greek settlements ended and the colonists began. Phoenician islands.

i) Athensus 1, 1.49. Oxen and ox hides were also exported from this part of the coast African in the Middle Ages and in modern times. Tbrige Res Cyr. p. 321-322.

a) Herod. IV, 186. This usage was maintained until the Christian era. Synes. ep. 147. See Thrige Res Cyr. p. 301 note 25; Pacho Voyage p. 243.

a) For the unique piece n°347, we do not know any the manufacture, nor the quality of the money, nor the weight; but as it offers the same types as n°357, it is probable that it belongs to the same period as the

following currencies.

4) See p. 133 notes 2 and 3.

6) The work is sometimes semi-barbaric, sometimes rather neglected that bad.

6) A document from n°352 in the Copenhagen cabinet, omitted in the table, weighs only 5.50 gr. ; but she is very worn. As these didrachms belong without doubt at the same time and that the weighings follow one another tooth very closely, we must attribute them all to the system Phoenician.

136 CYRENAICA.

ROYAL COINS.

This part includes the coins minted in Cyrenaica by the kings who after Alexander the Great ruled this country, that is, through Ptolemy Soter and his successors. It is not with regard to time that these currencies separate from those of Part I, of which one a large number likewise belong to the time of the Ptolemies, but with regard to the authority by which they were hit. The coins that we call royal are those which bear bear the name or title of the king or his wife and which therefore were issued by the order of the king or by the royal government, while coins minted under the domination of same kings, but which are not thus inscribed or which bear the name of a city, must have been issued by representatives of the people or municipal magistrates of cities {cf. p. 6 and 40).

p. 144 · zoom original

Alexander the Great probably did not mint coins in Cyrenaica. At the truth we find in ancient authors some passages which could lead us to believe that the Cyreneans were subject to the domination of Alexander. It is thus reported by Arrian and by Quinte-Curce, that Alexander, organizing the administration of Egypt during his stay in this country, installed Apollonius governor of Libya or Africa contiguous to Egypt 1); but he is per- by which I mean the country between Egypt and Cyrenaica. At Arrien, Alexandre, in the speech he addressed to the revolting troops in Opis, said that he had taken possession of the riches of Egypt and Cyrene without firing a shot 9); but these words that Amen puts in the mouth of Alexan- dre, also do not require us to infer that he conquered Cyrenaica. By other passages in Diodorus and Quinte-Curce we are led to admit that the Cyreneans concluded an alliance with Alexander when he went from Egypt to the temple of Ammon.*) It is therefore probable that the Cyrenean cities only recognized the supremacy of the great conqueror and that their relations with him were those of free allies, as was the case with most of the other cities free Greeks, towards whom Alexander acted as protector rather than master. It is necessary add that Alexander's army did not cross the border of the country.

After Alexander's death, his generals, who governed the provinces of the monarchy Macedonian in the name of Philip Arrhidaea and young Alexander, son of Roxane, had

i) Arrien III, 5: Mflvqç t?Ç nçoa^oiçov aQX*** Mw

'Anokkujyioy. CurtiusIV, 8: Africœ quœ jEgypto juncta 8) Diodorus X VII, 49: ipètiav xal avppaxicty cvpi&êto nooÇ

est prepositus Apollonius. avrovç. Curtius IV, 7: amicitia conjuncta. See Thrige

2) Arrian VII, 9: there i£ Alyinjov xal Kvçtjytjç dya&à oaa I. c. §53.

ROYAL COINS.

137

coins in the name of one or the other of the two kings, and after these kings had ceased to live, in the name of Alexander, until they themselves took the title of king in 306-305 1); he could therefore have been that such coins had been minted in Cyrenaica by Ptolemy who during the greater part of this time was master of the country. But when we examine the coins of Alexander and Philip III, we do not find any mark that refers to Cyrenaique. In truth, Mr. Duchalais made mention of a stater of Alexander, bearing a jerboa as a mark. and who consequently would have been struck in Cyrenaica 2); but we have not encountered such coin nor among the large number of Alexander coins which were the subject of our research, nor in printed catalogs. As there are coins of Alexander minted in Greece which bear a mouse as a sign"), there is reason to suspect that it is an analogous stater of which Duchalais took the sign for a jerboa.

p. 145 · zoom original

A tetradrachm (n°324) was attributed to Ophellas who, having revolted against Ptolemy, reigned as king over Cyrenaica 312-308; it was demonstrated on p. 86 that this piece is autonomous.

PTOLEMY I SOTER.

359. Head of Ptolemy Soter on the right, diademed, aegis tied around his neck. $. nT°AEMAI°Y Victory standing, a crown in her outstretched right hand, a trophy stick on her arm left. In front, a crab; behind, C. AT. 2. | st. has. (| st. as.) 2.86 gr. 4)

360. Other similar; * but on the reverse, behind the figure, I AT. 2. £st. att. (| st. as.) 2.87 gr. 5)

360

359

361. Same head. Q*. Remains of the same name. Eagle standing on thunderbolt left; in front, a running torch; behind, silphium. Mr. h. 2 Dr. phén. 6.40 gr. (worn). )

36 1

362. Same head. #. nT°AEMÀl°Y Eagle, wings outstretched, standing on thunderbolt, right; in front, at the bottom, a silphium and a crab, at the top, the monograms IIP and K. (Fig.)

M. 3. 4.0—3.4 gr* 7 )

1) See. Alexander's Numismatics p. 50-52.

2) Magazine num. fr. 1851 pp. 96-97. Mr. Duchalais did not given engraving of this piece forming part of the collection of Mr. Bignon now dispersed.

8) See. Alexander's Numismatics No. 654-661, p. 201. 4) Cab. of Paris (Mion. VI p. 3 n»16; Num. of the kings gr. ft. 81.0, p. 161).

6) Cab. of Berlin (Pinder Beitragé I p. 215 Taf. VIII, 6).

6) Cab. of Vienna (Eckhel Gat. mus. Vind. I p. 284 n»l).

7) Cab. from Paris (2 examples), from Vienna, from Copenhagen and Thomsen. The legend and monograms are more or less complete; on several copies the monogram KA appears to be a &.

1 38 CYRENAIQUE.

363. Hairless head (with the horns of Ammon and diademed), right. Ij% Same legend and type as in previous setback; in front of the eagle, the silphium and the PI monogram. I. 3. 2.2 gr. 1)

362

Ptolemy's reign in Cyrenaica can be divided into three eras. The first The first goes from the year 322 when Ptolemy, satrap of Egypt, made himself master of the country, until 312 when Ophellas, his general, revolted and proclaimed himself king. The second era includes the three years since 308 when the country, after Ophellas had perished in the expedition against Car- tbage, was reduced to obedience, until the year 305 in which Ptolemy, following the example of the other diadoches, took the title of king. 2) The third era extends from 305 until death by Ptolemy in 284.

There are two currencies which offer indications of submission (the Cyreneans under Pto- Lémée, and which are obviously struck during one or the other of the first two periods; one is a stater in the types of Alexander, which contains the name of Ptolemy without the title of king, the other, a didrachm which presents the head of Ptolemy without the royal diadem. These currencies do not appear however, do not stick to this part; they bear the name of the Cyreneans and must have been struck by the city of Cyrene as a sign of homage to Ptolemy, and not by the royal government. By For this reason they are classified in Part I under Nos. 183 and 221.

p. 146 · zoom original

The title of king is missing on all the coins described here; we could conclude that they had been struck while Ptolemy was still governor of Egypt; also Mr. Fr. Lenormant attributed the number 359 to that time. s) It is however necessary to report these coins at the time after the year 305, for the reason that Ptolemy is depicted there with the diadem and with the aegis. 4) The diadem, as we follow, was the badge of royal dignity; Diodorus says expressly, that Ptolemy, after the battle near Cyprus in 306, girded the diadem according to the example given by Antigonus. 5) The aegis, attribute of Jupiter, undoubtedly relates to the name of Soter, epithet of Jupiter, given to Ptolemy; in 304 the Rhodians, after consulting the oracle of Ammon, honored Ptolemy with this nickname and at the same time devoted him to divine worship, in recognition of the fact that he had delivered their city from the long siege carried out by Demetrius Poliorcetes. 6) All the other coins of Ptolemy that we know bear the title of king or the nickname of Soter, and are therefore later than the year 305 or 304; if therefore the currencies in question had been struck before this year, it would have to be admitted that Ptolemy would have had the coins struck offering its head, its name and its type (the eagle) in Cyrenaica before in Egypt, which is little probable. It should also be noted that there are many coins minted by the kings of

i) Cal), from Paris (Revue nom. fr. 1851 p. 96 n°24, incorr.). occurs on all specimens which have the lower part

9) For the year 305 as the first of the reign of Ptolemy, of the complete face.

see Pinder Beitragence lur ait. Munzkunde I p. 196-212. 6) Diodorus XX, 53: drélafis to âuzâtipa. Mr. Pinder, by the

3) Magazine num. fr. 1854 pp. 237 note 1. same reason, assumes that our number 360 was struck

4) Often the aegis is not visible, but this is because after the year 305. Beitr. zur ai. Munzkunde I p. 211. poor preservation or lack of blank; she pa- e) Pau sa nias 1.8. Droysen Gesch. of Hellenismuslp.495.

PTOLEMY I. 139

same century which are not signed with the title of king. We never find this title on the mon- births of Philip II of Macedonia, Alexander I of Epirus and the kings of Caria; he is also omitted on most coins of Alexander the Great and Philip III. It is undoubtedly necessary seek the reason for this omission in the desire not to offend the free Greek cities to whom the title of king was odious. However, like the coins of Ptolemy which are devoid of this title, are precisely the same ones which, according to the signs of the silphium and the crab, were struck in Cyrenaique, it is quite probable that it was through condescension to the Cyrenaeans accustomed to freedom that the title of king was not placed there.

p. 147 · zoom original

N" 359-360. The crab, which is placed as an accessory type on these pieces, is found on a large number of the autonomous coins of Cyrene, undoubtedly as a sign of its port, and is associated with silphium on Ptolemy's coin n°362, but it is not found on any other Ptolemaic coins; we must conclude that they are struck in Apollonia, as it was called under the Ptolemies the city whose port the inhabitants of Cyrene used. 1) These two pieces, as they still bear the type of Alexander on the reverse, are undoubtedly earlier than the following ones. those who have the type of Ptolemy. C and I (6 and 7) can be emission digits, or mint marks as on n° 252 following.

Nos. 361-362 have on the reverse a silphium added to the eagle of Jupiter, computer type. nary of the coins of Ptolemy Soter after he had taken the title of king. The piece of art gent, of which only one copy is known, in the Vienna cabinet, was published by Eckhel who did not want to attribute it in preference to any Ptolemy 9); however, it seems to us quite clear that the head is that of Soter, and as the reverse offers traces of the name of ITTOAEMAIOY without the title of king, this piece cannot belong to any other Ptolemy. The torch of race undoubtedly relates to lampadephorias celebrated in Cyrene during the great festival of Apollo. *) The crab on n°362 is the symbol of Apollonia as in n° 0f 359-360.

M 9 363. The head of this piece was taken by M. Duchalais for the effOgy of Soter; but she offers a young and ideal physiognomy which can in no way represent this king. Although the part of the hair is poorly preserved, it nevertheless seems that we can glimpse the diadem and the horn of Ammon; it is therefore the same head that we find on certain Ptolemaic coins minted in Egypt, and which undoubtedly designates Alexander the Great. 4) This piece is probably also relate to the time after the year 305; it is true that it does not contain any indication of royal dignity of Ptolemy, but it offers the same reverse as the two previous n"s, and all the others coins struck in the name of Ptolemy without the title of king belong, it seems, to this time.

It is uncertain whether the coins without the title of king that we have just discussed are the the only ones which were struck by Ptolemy Soter in Cyrenaica, or if we must still attribute to this

i) MM. Ch. and Fr. Lenormant, who treated these coins, number of which were Apollo, venerated in Cyrene

(1. c. p. 137 note 4 and p. 138 note 3), did not define it as god of the sun (see p. 77 note), and Diana,

the place of resignation. Mr. Pinder, who published No. 360 Moon Goddess. The festivals of these two deities,

(Le. p. 137 note 5), there is no, it seems, re- the Kaçviïa and the 'Açnpina, were the most solemn*

p. 148 · zoom original

knew the crab. nelles of Cyrene (see p. 62 and p. 73). The currencies

2) L. c. p. 137 note 6. of Amphipolis, as we know, carry the head on one side

8) The torch races were celebrated mainly in Apollo, on the other a racing torch,

the honor of the deities of fire and light, in 4) Cf, p. 102 notes 1 and 3.

18'

140

CYRENAIC.

king some of the following coins which bear this title. Indeed, although Soter in the early times after the adoption of the royal dignity refrained, in Cyrëoalque, from using the title king of coins, he may well have ended up minting coins there with this title.

US PTOLEHEES.

This is neither nor a queen.

364. Head of Ptolemy Soter, with horn of Ammon, on the left, a branch loaded with fruit.

Ai ■•■ of Pulénêe ni.

I*. BA2I Silphium; in the field JR.A. 2 Dr. phén. 6.90 gr. ' |

365. Head of Ptolemy Soter, diademed, aegis tied around his neck, right. R\ n"P>AEMAI°Y BA2IAEG2 Jupiter or deified character, holding the thunderbolt, standing in a chariot dragged by four elephants; at the epigraph, a branch loaded with fruit. AT. 4. St. phén. 7.05 gr.*)

366-367. Same head. Garnetis around the edge. Q-. BAZIAEOZ nT°AEMAI°Y Head of Bérénice on the right, hair surrounded by a headband and hanging in long parallel locks; der- rear, a cornucopia; below, the upper part of the silphium.

M.l— 6. 16.4— 8.6 gr.*»)

Same head. B;. rTTOAEMAIOY BAJIAECU Eagle, wings outstretched, standing on a thunderbolt, left; in front, the monogram M". (Fig.) I. 4. 8.1—4.1 gr.**)

1} Cab. of Modena (Cavedoni Osserv. p. 54-55), coll. of Leake (Num. bellen. Afr. Gr., Barce). It is possible g ne le n'330 should be filed here.

i) Cab. of Paris (Mionn. VI p. 2 0*15; Num. of the kings gr. ft. 81, 8, p. 161; Magazine num. fr. 1853 ft. XIX, 8).

*) Mus. brti lî ci., ef. Cat P. Knigbt p. 215 n«l), Mb. de Pan" (2 e*., Mioimet VI p. 7 n*85 el p. 8 n«80 in- complete decr, Num. spokes gr. pl.82,s|, from Vienna and Copenhagen (2 copies).

a] 7 copies from different collections.

THE PTOLEMIIES.

141

369. Another similar one, overprinted on a coin of Soler and Bérénice. I. 4.')

370. Other similar; in front of the eagle, the monogram M and 1A. I. 4. 7.fi8gr. a)

371. Same head. $. Same legend. Winged Lightning; above, the monogram M. (Fig.)

M.b. 8.6—6.7 gr.*")

372. Another similar one, with the monogram thus represented A*\, M.b. 7.7—4.8 gr.**)

373. Same head. R-. riT°AEM BA2IAE Front part of a winged sea horse, left; above- under, the ftT monogram. (Fig.) I. 3. 3.0gr. s)

374. Another similar one, with the monogram thus depicted HT. I. 3.*)

375. Same head. (Fig.) R-. BA2I nT°AE Anterior part of a sea horse to the right. ; below, a crab and the monogram M". I. 3. 4.7 — 3.8gr.')

376. Same TV. K-. nT°A BAIlAjE). Prow of ship; in the field on the left. , the mono- gram M" or M". Mr. $4—$3. 4.7—3.8gr. 8)

p. 149 · zoom original

377. Ram standing right. tf. nT°AEMAI Y BA2IAEOS Eagle on thunderbolt left; in the field to the left, a star. I. 4. 4,S— 3,Sgr.* B)

I) Sestini Mus. Hederv. III conl. p. 75 n»5 (Mlonn. S. IX

p. 188 n»57). S] Coll. by Freund in Copenhagen (Hua. Monter n" 31 21). a| T copies from different collections. 4) 5 copies from different collections. »! Eyelash, of Milan; Leake Noun. hell. Kings p. 58. s) Sestini Mus. Hederv. NI cont. p. 74 n" I (CaL Wicial

n<7083 tab. 28, «ot; Ne u ma on Num. vei. II p. 106, tab.

3.17; Mioooo. S. IX p. 187 n°53); CaL of Welil n*7772-

7773. <) Cab. do Paris (2ei.; Belle? Mém. de lacad. XXXVI p. 18,

ft. flg. 4; PeUeriD Kings pi. 5,S; Eckhel Doctr. IV p. 1 1 ;

Mlonn. VI p. 9 n" S5; Num. of kings gr. pi. 82, ", p. 16!),

from Milan, The Hague and Copenhagen. 8) Cab. of Paris (3 ex., Pellerln Hois pi. S. H; Eckhel

Doctr. IV p. He; Mionnet VI p. 9 n* 86-87; Num. kings

gr. ft. 82, f-i, p. 161-162). In Sestlnl Descr. n.v.

p. 562 (Mionn. S. IX p. 187 n»52) is described a

similar piece with a cornucopia in front of the

head, attributed to Magas. b) Cab. of Copenhagen, coll. de Thomsen, cab. from Paris

(2 ex. Mlonn. VI p.567 n» 130, Num. of kings gr. pi.

90, s, p. 171), Havm Tes. brit. II p. 24 (Eckhel Doctr. IV

p. 126).

142

CYRJENAIC.

Al mm by Berenice Queen.

378. Head of Berenice to the right. , hair braided and forming a tuft from behind. Grenetis around the edge. Ifr. BEPENIKH2 BA2IAI22H2 Club; on the left, a trident; on the right, the letter P; below, the monogram M; all in an apple tree crown. (Fig.)

M. 4. Didr. phen. 6.08 gr. l)

379. Another similar one, having the trident on the right. and the letter T to g.

JR. 4. Didr. phen. 6.80 to 6.75 gr. 9)

380. Similar head. (Fig.) Q-. Same legend and type. In the field on the right, the trident; left, monogram 171. (The monogram at the bottom is not there.) MA. Didr. phen. 7.38 gr. 8)

378

380

381. Similar head. IJ\ Same legend. An oar; below, the monogram M; the whole in a laurel wreath. I. A, 6.2 gr. 4)

It is quite difficult to classify previous currencies to certain kings. First, it is not always certain whether the portraits represent Soler and his wife, or some other king and queen of her dynasty. We will find this very natural, when we consider that the same person sounding is sometimes depicted young, sometimes old, sometimes idealized or deified, and that often the engravers monetary have not been either skillful enough or fortunate enough to reproduce the characteristic features stics. Then, in the very cases where we can safely recognize the heads of Soter and of Berenice, it still remains to be decided whether the coinage was minted during the reign of Ptolemy I or by his successors; because the effigy of Soter, founder of the dynasty and even deified from his living, was reproduced on the coins of the following kings 5), and it was the same for Berenice who were also elevated to the rank of gods. 6) Also the numismatists who treated these coins, attributed them to different kings and disagreed as to the determination of the heads. That being said, we did not want to classify some of these pieces to certain kings; but the The question of classification will be discussed separately for the different currencies.

p. 150 · zoom original

i) British Museum (cat P. Knight p. 212 n*l).

2) Cab. from Paris (from the Revil coll., cat. p. 45 n°423); Leak Mum. Hellen. Kiugs p. 59.

3) Cab. of Paris (Pe) Ierin Rois pi- V, 9, p. 40; Mionn. VI p. 19 n» 159; Num. of kings gr. ft. 85, ta, p. 165), cab. becomes (Eckhel Doctr. IV p. 7) and British museum.

4) Cab. of Paris (Belle? Mém. de lacad. XXXVI p. 18flg.3; Pellerin Rois pi. V, io; Mionn. VI p. 9 n°88, S. IX pi. 11, 4; VisconU Icon. gr. 111 ft. 52.8; Num. of kings gr.pl. 84, a;

Eckhel Doctr. IV p. 7).

5) Cf. Fr. Lenormant Revue num. fr. 1853 pp. 328 etc.

e) The gold coins of Ptolemy Philadelphus who pre- feel the joined heads of Soter and Bérénice, are well known; also a number of bronzes which bear the head of Soter on their face, and the head of Berenice on the reverse, seem to be struck after the reign of Soter.

THE PTOLEMAIES.

143

N*364. BA2I is undoubtedly an abbreviation of BA2IAEOI. This legend, written in large characters across the field, occupies the same place as KYPA on the numerous didrachms of the same types; we cannot take it for the name of a magistrate, which is not never found placed in this way on the coins of Cyrenaica. *). Coins that present the title of king without the name of the king being added, were also minted in other Greek countries at that time. These are the small Ptolemaic bronzes which bear the head of Jupiter-Ammon and the eagle with the letters BA 2), then the bronzes of different modules offering the ordinary types of Alexandre and BA, sometimes more completely BAII or BA2IAE02, which are undoubtedly struck between the death of Alexander and the adoption of the title of king by the diadoches, finally the bronzes with types of Macedonian kings from Cassander to Perseus, with the legend BA, BA2 or BA2I, which probably were issued during the reigns of these kings.") This legend is therefore opposed to KYPA on the didrachms to the same types as well as to KOI NO on the didrachms at the head of Jupiter-Ammon (n°103), and indicates that the coinage is minted by the government of the king and neither by the city of Cyrene nor by the authority of the people of the whole country (see p. 39-40). The head offers the physiognomy of Soter; it is the eye sunk deep under an arched eyebrow and the chin pro- eminent of this king, who by the ram's horns is represented as the son of Ammon as well as Alex- andre, his predecessor (see p. 102). It is true that his features are not as marked as we think found most often; but as soon as we wanted to figure him as god and son of Ammon, it was necessary to make her face more ideal and younger. The accessory type is undoubtedly the symbol of the city of Hesperis, a branch with golden apples from the Hesperides tree; this sign is not found on the coins of Cyrene, but on the following stater of Ptolemy, and on an independent coin (n* 339)*, also from the Ptolemaic era, it is accompanied by the initial of the city's name. Mr. Cave- doni similarly assumes that BA2I designates the king, but believes that the head represents Magas*); as to to the accessory type the Italian scholar thinks that it is a plant as an emblem of the rich vegetable tation of the country. Mr. Leake regarded this symbol as a branch of the Hesperides tree, but classified the currency in Barcé by reading a single 2 on the right, which he separates from BA on the left. 3) This didrachm may also well have been struck after or during the reign of Soter.

p. 151 · zoom original

No. 365. This stater bears as a sign in the exergue the branch of the tree of the Hesperides of which we have just spoken; he is therefore struck in the city of Hesperis. Mr. Fr. Lenormant explained this symbol in the same way. 6) MM. Longpérier ') and Pinder 8 ) were of the opinion that the per-

he MM. Falbe and Lindberg looked at BAIl as a name of magistrate

2) There are two copies in the Copen cabinet- hague, see. Ramus Gat. uum. vet. mus. Dan. I p. 127 n*42. Cf. Mionnet S. III p. 222 n*402 (aous Alexandre the Great).

3) On most of these currencies we have, wrongly, looked BA as an abbreviation of Baoêltwç AktÇaydçov. See the Numismatics of Alexander p. 23-26, where the coins of this type are later found dis- cut.

4) Osserv. p. 54-55. At this place Mr. Cavedoni makes the remark that the head shows the known overweight of Magas; he is true that the neck is quite fat, but on many other coins the bust of Soter presents such

neck (see e.g. numbers 362 and 365 figured). This head does not bears no resemblance to the effigy of Magas on the stone antique engraved see. p. 148; we cannot find the portrait of this prince on no currency. In silpbium, which was also called Magydaris, Mr. Cavedoni finds a speaking symbol which relates to the name Magas; we don't could approve of such an idea.

6) Num. hellen. Afr. Gr. No. 2.

s) Magazine num. fr. 1854 pp. 234-235. The staters to these types were undoubtedly struck in different cities of the Ptolemaic Empire; other pieces have monograms which may indicate Parsetonium and Gaza, as Mr. Lenormant observed.

7) Magazine num. fr. 1844 pp. 327.

s) Beitrage zur ait. Munzkunde I p. 217.

144

CYRENAlQUE.

ringing mounted on the chariot drawn by four elephants, is Alexander the Great. He is hairless, as it seems; we know that Alexander, already during his lifetime, was represented by Apelles as Jupiter, lightning in hand l); in the famous procession of Ptolemy Philadelphus, described in Athenaeus, the statue of Alexander was pulled on a chariot by elephants *). Mr. Pinder assumes that the coin was struck by Philadelphus on the occasion of this festival, celebrated after his accession in honor of his father. M. Ch. Lenormant thinks that it was Soter apotheosis who mounted on the tank"); if this is so, the coin is similarly struck by Philadelphus. MM. Longpérier and Fr. Lenormant 4) Font attributed to the reign of Soter; there is nothing that opposes this attribution 3), although the other opinion seems preferable to us.

It is doubtful whether silver coins of the ordinary Soter types were struck in Cyrenaica. Mr. Fr. Lenormant attributed to Evespérides two tetradrachms bearing the mark EY, accompanied by different monograms, one of which the scholar takes for that of Carlhage 6), then to Apollonia a tetradrachm marked with a monogram composed of the letters À and fi, and which is associated with a P which he regards as the initial of the city of Rhinocorura 7), finally with the same city an octodrachm which offers the Ali monogram alone 8). But EY and the API monogram can also indicates magistrates, and even if the monogram were the acronym of a city, there has other cities in the countries subject to Ptolemy that it could be used to designate. Finally, in the catalog of the Welzl collection 9) we find described a tetradrachm with LK and a monogram which is indicated as that of Magas; but this monogram may be another.

p. 152 · zoom original

No. 01 366-367. The top of the silphium which appears at the bottom on the reverse of these coins, shows that they belong to Cyrenaica. The cornucopia behind the queen's head is the symbol of wealth and prosperity often found on Egyptian coins with the effigies of queens. On the corresponding coins struck in Egypt, the two heads were taken by Eckhel 10) and others for those of Philadelphus and Arsinoe; as for the currencies of which we are busy, we cannot doubt that the head of the king, although a little idealized, is that of Soter, both because of her features and because she wears the aegis around her neck 11), and it is by therefore Bérénice, his wife, who is represented on the reverse. 12) These currencies, according to what we noted above (p. 142), may have been minted during the reign of Soter as much as under his successors.

i) In the temple of Diana in Ephesus. Pliny H. N. XXXV,

36(15). See Cicero in Verr. IV, 60. ft) Deipnos. V, 34, p. 202 a.

3) Nu m. of Greek kings p. 161 ad pi. 81.8.

4) L.L. This. p 143 notes 6 and 7.

5) Only Mr. Longpérier is in error, when he sup- poses that the currency was struck on the occasion of the funeral honors paid to the body of Alexander by Soter, described in Athenaeus V. The sumptuous procession killer of which Athénée gave an overview according to Cal- lixenos, and into which the statue of Alexander was dragged on a chariot by elephants, was arranged by Phila- Delphi and is another than the funeral march (described in Diodorus XVJ1I, 26-28), in which the coffin of Alexander was transported from Babylon to Egypt on a huge tank pulled by 64 mules to be deposited at Memphis, from where he was later led by Philadelphus to

Alexandria (Pausan. 1, 6,8 and 7, i). The title of king, added on this stater, shows that it has not been struck before the year 305. Pellerin, without reason, gave the coin to Ptolemy III (Kings p. 42).

6) Magazine num. fr. 1854 pp. 234 and 239.

7) L. c. p. 241.

s) Magazine num. fr. 1855 ft. 11.3, p. 100 rating 2.

9) Cat. p. 342 no. 7211.

10) Eckhel Doctr. IV p.7 and 124-125.

il) On the depicted piece we see only a little of the aegis, but on other examples it is quite distinct.

12) MM. Falbe and Lindberg believed they saw in the head of the re- towards that of an Egyptian Apollo, because it bears the same curly curl as the head on the following n°* 238. ; but the character of the figure as well as the clothing which covers the neck, opposes it.

THE PTOLEMAIES.

145

No. 08 368-376. These currencies are distinguished from Egyptian currencies by the manufacture of flan 1), and n M 371-376 also by types. No. 375 with the winged sea horse is marked with a crab, sign of Apollonia (cf. nos. 369 and 362); nos. M 373 and 374,* of the same type, contain a monogram composed of M, A and F, which is found on the other numbers; it is permitted to con- conclude that all these currencies belong to Cyrenaica. It has generally been assumed that this monogram designates Magas installed governor of the country by Soter; see us below (p. 147) that there is # some reason to doubt it. Pellerin and Eckhel even took the monogram from n°375 for that of Magas 2); but it differs from the others and provides the letters MYf. 8) Quant at the head of these coins, Pellerin, Eckhel and Sestini viewed it as the portrait of Phila- delphi 4 ); but it is obviously that of Soter, and it is also named thus by the numis- matists of the last time. 5) If the monogram in question is that of Magas, the coins are minted under the reign of Soter, or under Philadelphus before Magas became independent; if the monogram does not designate Magas, these coins can be related to a period posterior, see below p. 147.

p. 153 · zoom original

No. 377. The type of the ram, which is also found on autonomous coins (n 01 330 and 343) and Roman (n°* 422 and 430) minted in Cyrenaica, leads to the conclusion that the coin belongs to this country and not to Egypt. The star, undoubtedly the emblem of Apollo as god of the sun, is often seen as an accessory type on the autonomous currencies of Cyrene (see §4). This coinage was attributed by Eckhel and, according to him, by Mionnet to Ptolemy Apion 6); but there is no no more reason to attribute it to Apion than to each of the other Ptolemies who reigned over }a Cyrenaica 7).

No. 378-381. There is no doubt that these coins were minted in Cyrenaica and not in Egypt; we can deduce it from the type on the reverse, the maker and the monogram MAI". Numbers 378-380 left the Hespéris workshop. The trident, placed in the field, is found as a type on the autonomous coins of this city (see nos. 337-338)*); the club surrounded of the apple tree crown relates to the exploit of Hercules in the garden of the Oesperides, which according to tradition had been located in the neighborhood of Hesperis 9). We took the crown for a laurel wreath 10) or ivy 11); but it is undoubtedly formed of a branch responsible for golden apples from the Uesperides tree; the fruits are applied to it in the same way as to the tree of the Hesperides on No. 23 and that to the branch of this tree which is placed as a sign of the city of Hespéris on nos. 0-339 and 364-365. 19) The object in the middle of the laurel wreath on n°381

1) The flan has a rounded edge, while that of the Egyptian coins usually offer a tranche oblique.

2) L. c. p. 141 note 7.

3) M. Ch. Lenormant (Num. of kings gr. p.lG2 ad pl.82,3) has similarly makes the remark that this monogram cannot Indicate Stores.

4) Pellerin Rois p. 4 1 and 54. Eckhel Doctr. IV p. 1 1 . Sestini Mus. Hederv. III cont p. 74-75. Cf. Mionnet S. IX p. 187.

5) Thus by MM. Ch. Lenormant and Leake II. This. See Mionnet VI p. 8-9.

6) L.L. This. p. 141 note 9.

7) M. Ch. Lenormant (1. c. p. 141 note 9) similarly rejects the attribution of this piece to Ptolemy Apion.

8) The trident is called by Eckhel, wrongly, Jios loti, Doctr. IV p. 7.

a) See p. 90 rating 1.

io) Thus Pellerin and Eckhel ll.ee. p. 142 note 3. n) Thus Mionnet, P. Knight, Lenormant and Leake 11. this.

p. 142 notes 1-3. U) Apples are especially distinctly represented on

the copy of n°379 in the Paris office.

146

CYBENAIC.

was taken by Cavedoni for the rostrum of a vessel 1); but this is probably the lower part rowing, as explained by Eckhel, Yisconti and Leake. The monogram having been considered as those of Magas, these coins were given to the first Bérénice, wife by Soter, as well as n°379 by Leake, n°380 by Pellerin and Eckhel, and n°381 by all the numbers matists, who mentioned it. -) Only n° 380, which offers a monogram different from that which is generally reported in Magas, is in the work of Mionnet and in Numismatics of Greek kings classified to Berenice, wife of Ptolemy III. *) This last classification must be regarded as righteous; gold coins of different sizes minted in Egypt, which belong to undoubtedly belong to this queen, present a head with similar features and with the same curl, covered with a veil, and a bronze, with the same types and name as the gold coins, offers the head of the queen with the same curl without veil. 4) But by comparing n°380 to n°378-379 and 381 which offer the so-called monogram of Magas, we will find it quite probable that these contain likewise the effigy of the second Berenice; the features are the same or very little different, and the curl is the same. We do not know any incontestable portrait of the first Bérénice who offers the hair in braids forming a tuft from behind; the heads of this queen on the reverse of the mon- naies which carry the head of Soter on the right, always have the curl in parallel curls and differ for the more or less features of the heads on the coins we are dealing with here, difference by which Eckhel, supposing that the head of nos. 380 and 381 represented the Berenice of Soter, was led to admit that the coins of Soter on the reverse of Berenice contained the heads of Phila- Delphi and Arsinoe. 5) There is still one circumstance which is in favor of the attribution of these coins to the second Bérénice. The city of Hespéris, in which they were minted 6), received the name Berenice after this queen. We learn from a passage in Solinus that the city was fortified by Berenice, wife of Ptolemy III; there is even reason to believe that the city, having suffered greatly as a result of a revolt, was restored by this queen. 7) We know that Arsinoe, mother of Ptolemy III E vergeté, while she was married to Lysimachus, received a gift from this king the cities of Cassandrea in Macedonia and Heraclea, Tium and Amastris in Asia Minor, and that she governed these cities as a sovereign princess. 8) It is not improbable that the city of Hesperis was transmitted in the same way by Evergetes to his wife, and that Berenice was been absolute mistress of the city. The coins in question bear the name of Bérénice alone, while all the other coins minted by the Ptolemies in Cyrenafica show the name of the king alone, and the inscription BEPENIKHZ BA2IA122H2 corresponds precisely to riTOAEMAIOY BA2IAE02; we can conclude that the coins are struck by the order of the queen, not

p. 154 · zoom original

i) Osserv. p. 56. This object, rounded at one of the two ends, forked to the other, is completely different from the rostrum, notably ment of that on the currency of the Antonia family (Morelli tab. XI, 5), to which Mr. Cavedoni compares it. See the engravings of this coin in Pellerin, Yis- conti, Mionnet and Num. of kings gr. 11. this. p. 142 note 4.

2) L.L. This. p. 142 notes 2-4. In the P. Knight Museum (p.2l2n°l) n°378 is classified, without any reason, has Berenice daughter of Ptolemy IX.

a) LL. This. p. 142 note 3.

4) Mionnet VI p. 18-19, nos. 151, 153-155 and 162.

5) Doctrine n. v. IV p.7 and 124-125.

6) It is quite probable that No. 381 was struck at Eves- perish like the others; the type of oar is suitable for this city as maritime and is analogous to the type of trident on autonomous currencies n° 337-338.

7) Solini Polyhistor cap. 27.64: JBerenicen Bérénice munivit quœ PtoUmœo 111 fut nupta et in majori Sirte locavit. See the remarks made above p. 90 rating 8.

8) Thus in Heraclea Arsinoe overthrew the democratic constitution- cratic and installed as governor of the city Hera- clite of C urnes, who acted as a tyrant and mistreated the ci- toyens. Photii Bib. Memnon cap. V1I-VII1. Droysen Gesch. of the Hclelenismus 1 p. 635 and 643; He p. 758-759.

THE PTOLEMAIES.

147

in his honor. It is therefore more probable that these coins belong to the second Bé- Rénice, who seems to have possessed the city of Hespéris, than to the first queen of that name who, at this which we know, had no relation with this city. The only thing that stands in the way of this deration, it is the monogram that we take for that of Magas, son of the first Bérénice; but, as we will see immediately, there are several reasons which lead us to believe that we were wrong to bring this monogram back to Magas.

The classification of most previous coins depends on the monogram which provides the letters MAT composed in five different ways. All the scientists who have made mention of these currencies *), took the monogram for the acronym of Magas governor of Cyrenaica under Ptolemy I and II; we even find them classified in Magas by Sestini and Mionnet 9). There is, however, reason to question the accuracy of this explanation. The monogram does not is not found on coins which bear the name of Ptolemy without the title of king (n°* 359-363), the only ones which undoubtedly belong to the reign of Soter, although Magas governed the country during all the time in which these coins could have been minted, from the year 305 until the death of Soter. Among the coins which present this monogram, there is none that we would be obliged, for whatever reason, to attribute to the reign of the first two Ptolemies; but we find several, namely those in the name of Bérénice, which with a certain degree of pro- bability, as we have just demonstrated, can be traced back to the reign of the third Ptolemy. The monogram is replaced by other monograms on some pieces (n M 375 and 380), which have the same types and which, judging by the manufacture, do not date from another time; over there we are committed to admitting that the monogram indicates some magistrate or head of the Mint who gave way to another, rather than Magas who governed the country alone for such a long time. There is a coin with this monogram (n°369) struck on top of another with the heads of Soter and Berenice; it is unlikely that Magas ever had such a coin minted. It should finally be noted that the monogram is not unique or particular to Ptolein coins. ennes"), that the name Magas was not rare 4 ), and that the monogram can also express other names 5). We are therefore prepared not to take the monogram for that of the governor Magas and to return these coins to the reign of Ptolemy Evergetes. If, because from the frequent use of this monogram, we want to relate it to a character of authority superior, it should be noted that Evergete and Berenice had a son who bore the same name of Magas. Among the ancient authors it is only reported to us of this prince, that under the reign of Philopator, his older brother, he was put to death because he was attached to his mother's party and cherished by Greek mercenary troops 6); it may well be that this Magas was responsible for government of Cyrenaica just like his grandfather and that he especially governed the town of Hespéris in the name of his mother.

p. 155 · zoom original

i) See the places mentioned on p. MO-142 notes.

3) Sestini Mus. Hederv. 111 cont p. 74. Mionnet S. IX p.187.

3) We also encounter it on an independent piece by Cy- rene, n°278; but on this point it perhaps indicates the same character as on the royal coins.

4) We find monetary magistrates of this name on the tetradrachms from Athens (see Beulé Monn. of Athens p.268 and 295) and on the coins of Smyrna (Mionnet n° 931).

5) MAT can indicate Magnes and several names. Garlic- theirs, it is allowed to decompose the monogram into rAM; the crossbar which is used to form 1st, is on nos. 370-372, 378-379 and 381 applied to the jamb left of the letter M, which makes you look at the T rather like the first letter.

6) Polybius V, 35-36. See Thrige Res Cyr. p. 232 note 9, Droysen Gesch. from Hellenismus II p. 560-561.

19'

CYRENAICA.

SAGAS, king.

Head of Ptolemy Soter, diademed, right. fr. BAÎIAEnï MArA Head of Bérénice to the right, hair tied with a headband and hanging in long parallel strands.

I. b. 7.4—5.1 g. ")

Magna, Qls of Berenice, later wife of Soter, and of a Macedonian named Phi- lippe whom she had married in her first marriage, had been governor of Cyrenaica since 308 when he subjugated the rebellious Cyreneans to the king of Egypt, until the death of Soter in 284. Under the reign from Philadelphus he declared himself independent, took the title of king and made war on his con- brother blood. It is not clear from the accounts of ancient writers, to what era these belong - events; most modern historians agree in relating them to the latest years of the life of Magas, so that it was not long that he reigned as king.-) Mngas had as wife Apame, daughter of Antiochus I, king of Syria, whom he incited to also attack Phila- delphi. By the peace which ended the war between the brothers, it was stipulated that the daughter of Magas, Berenice, would marry the son of Philadelphus. After having governed Cyrenaica for five for many years, Magas died in 258, a victim of his voracity.

For the two heads presented on the coin of King MagaB, numismatists were of different opinions. Belley and Pellerin*) saw there the effigies of Magas himself and his wife Apame. There is a portrait of Magas, engraved with his name in an amethyst, formerly in the collection of the Duke of Orléans, now in the imperial cabinet of St. Peters- town. We give herewith a faithful copy of this stone 4), including Belley as well that the publishers of the Duke of Orléans' office published imprecise engravings. 5 I We will undoubtedly find that this physiognomy is quite different from that which

i) Cab. of Paris (Belley Mém. of the acad. XXXVI p. IN pi. tlg.2; Pellerin Rois pi. VI, p. 63; Eckhel Doctr. IV p.124; Mionnet VI p. 567 n» 127; Num. of kings gr. ft.XC.I, p. 171), mus. brlt. (2 ex., Cat. P. Knlght p.200. II, n°5, and p.215 ii° 2), coll. from Kontana; Cal. link 1 p.39.

p. 156 · zoom original

ai The opinions of historians are detailed in Tbrlge Ree Cyr. p. 228 note 22. Thrlge itself is of the opinion that Magas revolted shortly after the death of Soter. In the last time Mr. Droysen (Gesch. desHellenismus 11 p.247-248 notel7G) and H. Ch. Lenormant (I. c.) sided with the other hi- storians,

i) This drawing is based on a print that Mr. Gille,

director of the imperial cabinet, kindly sent A M Kulbe ■I Dellej 1 c Engraved stones” from cab. of the Duke of Orléans 11 p 10, The stone is also included in VisconU Iconoftr. gr pi LU. 9 llll p ÎQ2-Î03), rt elsewhere Kùbler has re- gnrdc rttle stone like modern work, loyei Abh. uber die getcbiiltteaeo Sterne in Kohler's Ge- samnielie Schrilien hersusg v Siephom III p. 52. Hais it is known that this approach went too far in his criticism of engraved stones; also H. Slepham I don't think Kohler's reasons are enough to revoke in doubt lauthenUrilé of this stone, see. the Stephani's remarks added** to note 184 p. 2*5. The stone has generally been recognized for ancient

STORE. 149

smell the money. 1) Eckhel *) presumed that the head on the reverse could not represent the wife of Soter because, by the features and the curl, it differs from the head of n°380 which he took for the portrait of this queen, that it must therefore be the portrait of Àrsinoé and that consequently the head at right was that of Philadelphus; according to the opinion of the German scholar, Magas, while calling himself king, would have could well recognize the suzerainty of Philadelphus. But the supposition that the head of No. 380 represents the first Berenice, has no base; as we have tried to demonstrate, there is more reason to relate this head to the second Bérénice. Finally Visconti*), Mionnet and Ch. Lenormant 4) were of the opinion that these heads represent Soter and Bérénice. This opinion must be adopted; it does not seem doubtful to us that the king's head is the portrait of Soter. Philadelphus, as we know, minted coins with the effigies of Soter and Berenice; Stores, by putting on his coins the heads of his mother and his adoptive father, to whom he owed it government of Cyrenaica, was therefore only following the example given by the brother.

There is another coin that we believe was struck by Magas in his capacity as king, it is our No. 330, on the reverse of which we read, wrongly, MA instead of BA; it undoubtedly belongs to Barcé, see p. 87. Sestini published a bronze with the same types and legend as nos. 366-367, which door on the reverse at the bottom MÀl"À instead of the top of the silphium 5); we did not find this piece nowhere; if correctly described, it was struck by Magas as governor of Cyrenaica. As for the coins which contain the monogram which we generally have considered as that of Magas, we have tried to demonstrate p. 147 that we must rather attributed to the reign of Ptolemy III.

p. 157 · zoom original

The monetary system. The silver coins, n°* 361, 364 and 378-380, are all didrachms, struck according to the system to which the majority of coins belong Ptolemaic silver, the one we called Phoenician, see p. 120. No. 361 is true, is of a low weight which is better suited to the Asian system; but this piece, being very- worn out, must have lost a lot of its original weight. Gold coins, numbers 359 and 360 are half-staters of the Asian system or even \ of staters [tçhat) of the Attic system, cor- corresponding to the autonomous pieces of Cyrene n°* 205-208 which probably belong to this same period (see p. 72); No. 365 can only be a stater of the Phoenician system. We find the same two systems in the gold coins of the Ptolemies, minted in Egypt. The bronzes undoubtedly present the following divisions: tetrachaikon, trichalkon, dichalkon, chalkus, trikollybon and dikollybon; see table V added at the end of this volume. These divisions

i) MM. Falbe and Lindberg likewise took the lead in the rule applicable everywhere, p. e. not in cases where

coin for that of Magas, while they believe they see the face offering the head of a divinity,

on the reverse the head of an Egyptian Apollo. M. Lindberg 3) Doctrina n.v. IV p 124-125.

gives the reason that on Ptolemaic coins 8) Iconogr. gr. III p. 203 note 2.

the name written on the reverse always refers to the head 4) LL. this. p. 148 note 1.

figured in the right; but we will not be able to derive one 5) Mus. Hederv. III cont. p. 75 n°4.

150

CYEENAlQUE.

are distinguished from each other by different types, except the first three (if indeed they form three divisions) which offer the heads of Soter and Berenice 1).

It remains to mention different currencies which were allocated without reason sufficient for the kings of Cyrenaica.

Eckhel was of the opinion that, given their resemblance to the previous number, all the bronzes in heads of Soter and Berenice would have been struck under the government of Magas, and not in Egypt; the Viennese scholar, mistaking the heads for those of Philadelphus and Arsinoe, finds the attraction bution to Cyrenaica confirmed by the fact that it was only at a later period that where placed in Egypt the portraits of the king and queen on bronze coins. But the two heads of these pieces, as we have just observed (p. 149), undoubtedly represent Soter and Berenice, and there is no reason to bring back to Cyrenaica currencies which do not offer the silphium or such other sign relating to this country.

A small gold coin, having as types a diademed hairless head and a harvester, has was attributed to Magas, first by Rathgeber 2), then by Cavedoni 3), who took the lead for that of Magas; the last scholar thinks that the harvester refers to the name of Apamé, wife of this king, and that the coinage was minted on the occasion of their wedding. Pellerin 4) and Eckhel 5), as well as Mionnet 6), had classified this coin to the uncertain kings of Egypt, because a currency bronze, struck in Alexandria under Antoninus the Pious, offers a similar reverse 7). Afterwards, M. Ch. Lenormant had observed that in truth the reverses of these two coins differ from each other, and had brought the piece back to Asia Minor, mistaking the diademed head for that of a king of Syria, perhaps Seleucus Nicator. 8) There is another gold coin, similar for the module and the factory, which presents the same head and on the reverse a grazing horse, with the name of Alexander; this coin, considering the type of the reverse, was undoubtedly struck in Alexandria in Troas 9). It is therefore necessary admit that the currency in question offers the effigy of Alexander, and that it belongs to Asia Western minor. Mr. Minervini rejected the attribution of MM. Rathgeber and Cavedoni, without yet substitute another. 10)

p. 158 · zoom original

In Spanheim 11) we find a bronze coin, the description of which is as follows: BA2IAEH2 flTOAEMAIOY Hairless head with ram horns. Cr. KYP KOIN Silphium. I. 4. On

i) For the allocation of these parts to three different divisions- annuities, see the remarks made on p. 125. 2) Annali dell' inst. arch. di Roma XV (1843) p. 55-57. 8) Bulletino dell" inst. arch. di Roma 1845 p. 28-29. 4) Kings p. IV and p. 208 flg.; Rec. III p. 3, ft. L XXXVI, 1. b) Doctrina IV p. 25.

6) Mionnet VI p. 34 n» 269.

7) Mionnet VI p. 227 n»1534.

8) Numismatics of Greek kings p. 160 ad pl.LXXXl, 1. M. Cavedoni, in Spicil. hmm. p. 260-261, had already issued

the conjecture that the coin was struck by Seleucus I, perhaps in Apame in Syria.

9) Published in Revue num. fr. 1856 ft. 1.10, p. 41-43, by M. Ch. Lenormant who believes it was struck in the Troad in honor of Alexander. On city currencies of Berytis and Ophrynium in Troad we find a head and a hero with a conical cap or helmet; the The harvester wears a similar hairstyle.

10) Bulletino arch. Napolitano III p. 36-37.

il) De praest. and usu num. I p. 296.

THE PTOLEMAIES. 151

the authority of Spanheim this piece was cited by Eckhel, who attributes it to Ptolemy Apion, attribution which Mionuet and Visconti, the latter a scholar, adopted with hesitation. 1) According to Spanheim, the currency would be kept in the Paris cabinet; but she is not there. We never find the name of a Ptolemy on. the right of no currency; also the KYP KOIN legend is doubtful (see p. 41). This coin, if it is authentic, perhaps belongs to the sur- minted described under numbers 0> 106-107.

Sestini published a bronze coin struck on a Soter coin on the reverse of Berenice, whose second imprint is thus described: I1TOAEMAIOY Head of Jupiter -Ammon. IJ*. KOI A Silphium. M. 6. 2) Sestini and Mionnet 3) classified it to Ptolemy Apion, under whom it would have been re-struck. This piece must be judged like the one that preceded it. She must pro- probably be counted among the number of Cyrenean currencies with the legend KOI NON that we find quite often struck on Ptolemaic coins on the reverse of Berenice, see the coin listed under No. 106.

Finally Sestini and, after him, Mionnet and Cavedoni classified certain bronzes to Ptolemy Apion bearing as types, on the right the head of Jupiter-Ammon, on the reverse the eagle, or the Isiac ornament, or the same ornament placed on a table, with the legend BAZIAEOZ ITTO AE MAIO Y. 4) This classification was not justified. These coins can be brought back to Egypt with just as much reason as to Cyrenaica, and to each of the other Ptolemies as well as to Apion.

i) Eckhel Doctrina IV p. 125-1 26. Mionnet VI p. 567 n°t29. 8) Mionnet Suppl. IX p. 188 n«61.

p. 159 · zoom original

Visconti lconogr. gr. 111 pp. 317-318 ft. LVII, 17. 4) Sestini Mus. Hederv. III cont p. 75 n«2-3. Mionn. S.

2) Mus. Hederv. III cont. p. 74 n°4. IX p. 188 n" 58-60. Cavedoni Osserv. p. 57.

152 CYRENAICA.

III.

ROMAN COINS.

Coins of Roman magistrates before and after the reign of Augustus.

When, according to the will of Ptolemy Apion, Cyrenaica had been submitted to the Ro- hands (96 BC), it enjoyed autonomy for approximately 30 years. Coins minted during this period are therefore autonomous and are among those described in Part I; we can bring back with certainty the coins which bear the head or the name of Rome, n 01 100-102 and 286. But Cyrenaica having become a province of the Roman state in 66 1), the cities were ■ undoubtedly deprived of monetary law; there are no autonomous currencies that we are carried by any reason to be assigned to this time. 9)

This part does not include all the Roman coins minted in Cyrenaica. Thus we will not find the denarii with the head of Jupiter-Ammon, minted by Q. Cornuûcius, praetor in Africa after the death of J. Caesar 8), nor the denarii with the same head, offering the names of Mark Antony and Augustus, probably struck by Pinarius Scarpus who had the command- ment of the army corps of Mark Antony in Cyrenaica and which, after the battle of Actium, began of the party of Augustus. 4) These coins resemble those minted in Rome; they were without doubt intended for the pay of the troops stationed in Cyrenaica, and must have had a general course in the Roman state; it is therefore rather necessary to classify them as coins of Roman families -, among the - which they are also generally classified. The currencies that we will deal with here, are all of bronze, and by their imprint they differ from the coins of Rome as much as they are linked to those of Cyrenaica; they must therefore be regarded as provincial, minted for circulation in this country alone.

The types are partly new, either offering the symbols of the Roman prefecture, either borrowed from the cult* and the nature of the country, partly similar to the types of currencies

i) It is not certain that it was -in Tan 66 that Cyrenaica p. 86, and Gottschick Gesch. hells. States in Kyre-

became a Roman province. Several histonaika data p. 19.

rics lead one to believe that this event took place 2) Mr. Cavedoni was wrong to support the opinion con- already in 75; this is what Thrige tried to prove, see above p. 76 note 5.

Res Cyr. §73. Preferring the year 66 we followed 3) Ëckhel Doctr. V p. 195-196.

the opinion generally adopted; see, besides the au- 4) Eckhel Doctr. VI, p. 57-58, 82 and 87. Cf. Borghesi in authors cited at Thrige, again: Borghesi and Cavedoni Cavedoni Osserv. p. 71.

p. 160 · zoom original

Osserv. p. 61 following, Duchalais Revue num. fr. 1851

LOLLIUS. 1 53

autonomous; but the ancient national emblem, the silphium, is not found there; as well as under the domination of Rome this plant disappeared in nature, likewise it no longer appears on currencies. As for the Roman magistrates, we see from the legends and emblems that contain the coins, that a fairly large number of these were struck by the governor of the province, who was called propraetor until 27 when, by the distribution of the provinces between Augustus and the senate, Cyrenaique fell to the latter, proconsul after this year; other mon- nays are struck by the quaestor armed with the authority of the propraetor. Several of the names of these magistrates are also unknown; others are involved in historical events, or are found in lapidary inscriptions or on Roman coins; but it is uncertain if they designate the same characters.

As for the classification of these currencies, we will try to establish a chronological order logic by following the clues offered by the legends and the fabric. It is given that the parts with the head or name of Augustus, all of which have TR POT added to his name, are struck after the year 23 (BC) when Augustus obtained the dignity of tribune; these are the ones that bear the names of Scato, Palicanus and Capito. The head and name of Augustus having once been placed on the coins, it is probable that they remained there; therefore, those which are devoid of it, are ante- older than the year 23. Among the coins in the name of Scato, some offer the head and the name of Augustus, which the others do not present; it follows that it was under this magistrate that we com- started to strike coins in the name of Augustus, and that. Scat's pieces precede those of Palicanus and Capito, as well as being later than the others. Like currencies with name of Augustus are of poor fabrication and offer Latin legends, it is permissible to conclude, that those without the name of Augustus, who equal them in these respects, precede more near those of Scato (thus No. 429 of Fabricius), and that the remaining coins, which are of a better work (those with the name Lollius), or which bear Greek legends (those with the name of Pupius), are the first to date. 1) This classification agrees with the weight of currencies. At this time copper coins decreased in weight in the state Roman; or the largest species of the coins of Lollius exceeds in weight the largest species coins of Pupius and Scato, and likewise the smallest species of the first magistrate is stronger than the corresponding piece of the last ones, see below at the end of this part.