Money in Antiquity, vol. II: Monetary Systems — 1878

(3) D N, t. IV, p. 225.

(4) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 173; Mionnet, t. IV, p. 973.

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sees on one side a juvenile head with the inscription IGPAN CYNKAHTON, and on the other a full-length figure, dressed in the toga, holding a hook and a volumen, with AHMOC PriMAIflN-, on another, of uncertain attribution, but which is surely not from Damascus, as claimed Liebe (1) by publishing it, on the side of a young virile head, accompanied by the words AHMOC POOMAICON, on the other one seated woman, crowned with laurels and holding a globe, plus the legend IGPA CYNKAHTOC. On a currency of the colony of Corinth (2), the masculine and veiled head of the Senate has next to it the inscription SENATVf PopuloQue Ro- mano, as on other ROMAE ET IMPERIO, with the turreted head of Rome (3). The Cretans dedicate one of their provincial silver coins, struck in Cydo- nia (-4), to Emperor Tiberius and the Roman Senate: TIBEPIfl KAIIAPI lEBAITH Eni KOPv/jXtou AYnOY to Tiberius Caesar Augustus^ under (the proconsulate of) Cornelius Lupus, Head of Tiberius. — lYNKAHTH KPHTE2 in the Cretan Senate, Bearded and veiled head of the Senate. Finally a large bronze of Smyrna (5) has on one side the two opposing heads of Livia and of the personified Senate, CCBACTH. CYNKAHTOC, on the other the image of Tiberius standing, dressed in the toga, in a temple, CCBACTOC TIBCPIOC

These representations of the Senate, exchanged with the effi- imperial power, are not shown on the coins of the cities that in the senatorial provinces, particularly in the

(1) Gotha nummaria, p. 330.

C2) Eckhel, D iV, t. II, p. 238; Mionnet, t. H, p. 170, No. 1 70.

(3) Eckhel, /. c; Mionuet, t. 11, p. 170 et seq., nos. 171-174.

(4) Eckhel, D N, t. He, p. 302; Mionnet, t. II, p. 2S8, n-2 and 3. (b) Eckhel, D iV, t. II, p. 5i7; Mionnet, t. III, p. 2t9, no. 1224.

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province of Asia. They are the mark of the share of verainety that the Senate exercised legally, and at least nominally, on these provinces. But sovereignty is then inseparable from divinity. The head of the Senate is not therefore not only that of an allegorical personification- that of the sovereign body, it is that of a god, who receives public worship. We know from Tacitus (1) that the common of the cities of the province of Asia had erected a temple in Senate, at the same time as Tiberius and Livia, templum Tiberio matric ejus ac Senatiii, and the medals we learn that this temjile was located in Smjrne (2). It's why the image of the Senate, shown on the coins, is frequently referred to as Qeôç SuyxV/iToç. The same intimate association of the notions of sovereignty and division nity is also that which attaches to the use of the head of the goddess Eome, also replacing the effigy of the emperor on a certain number of coins from Greek cities to the era that occupies us.

6. As we advance in the duration of the Empire, we see the monetary privilege of Greek cities diminishing nuer (3), become illusory and purely honorific, become restrict to the occasions of the celebration of these games solemn which held such a large place in the life of the Hellenic world under Roman domination (see book IV, chap. iv). Finally, under Aurélien, the production of the series

(1) ^nw. IV, p. 15 and 37.

(2) Eckhel, D N, t. II, p. 547.

(3) Greek municipal coins become very rare from of Gordian III and especially of Gallienus.

II. 12

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of the Greek Imperials ceases completely (1), also although that of the tetradraclimes from the Antioch workshop and drachmas from that of Caesarea of Cappadocia, the only two provincial coinages of the emperors, with that of Alexandria, which would have been maintained until a such a late period. Without any anti-writer quity mentions this fact, we see by the monuments monetary authorities themselves that at that moment all permits- coinage positions that some still retained cities of the East ceased, and that there was no longer throughout the Empire as the official and uniform currency, minted according to a single system by the government and under its guarantee, in the name and at the head of the Emperor. This was certainly one of the main points of the great monetary reforms of Aurélien (see in this chapter the § 8, and book VII, chap. iv, § 2). Alexandria alone kept for some time still its distinct monetary production, which was definitively taken from him by Diocletian (2); to date the defeat of the pretender Achillea by the latter emperor, the mint of Alexandria ceased to mint a special coin, and in Greek legends, for the service of the province of Egypt; he became one of workshops of the common currency of Empire, k legends Latin.

Gradual extinction, then definitive suppression municipal copper coinage of Greek cities coincided with the great monetary crisis which, in the

(1) Eckhel, D iV, t. IV, p. SOO; t. VII, p. 475; Mommsen, M /?, t. III, p. 340; F. Lenormant, Organization of money in antiquity, p. 25.

(2) Eckhel, D iV, t. VIII, p. he, Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 341; Feuar- tooth, Ancient Egypt, Roman domination, p. 285 et seq.

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11th century, raged with such appalling intensity in throughout the Empire. The latest city broadcasts had uivi, as far as the title of the metal is concerned, the alteration pro- ;ressive of the copper cash issued to Kome by the auto- ity of the Senate (1) (on this alteration, see book II, hap. I, g 2; book Yll, chap. iv, | 2); but she was not well next to that of the billon cash given by the Em- terror for money. This resulted, even in the Occi- ient, that instead of remaining an extra cash, in ;large part conventional, the copper currency was became the one that was most popular and prized, use of its intrinsic value (see book II, chap. i, § l). The strongest reason for this was in the Orient, where the main bank of municipal copper coins, fa- Ticked for two centuries by cities and remaining in circulation, was composed of high module parts, including each contained a considerable weight of excellent metal, .the conditions of circulation of these currencies had thus found completely changed by the force of hoses, during the third century, since the opening of i economic and financial crisis. Created to have no legal bear only in the territory of the city which strikes them has and with a nominal value much higher than their intrinsic value (2), they had become by fact

(1) Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 352, which is based on an analysis of hilips.

(2) The copper coins of Chios, in the imperial period, bearing a legend which assigns them a value of three aces (Eckhel, D N, t. II, . b6o), start by weighing about 18 gr., which is very close to ji of an ounce of the Roman pound, the normal weight of three imperial aces; but then they go down to around 6 gr. (Cavedoni, hmism. bihl. p. 117).

n. 12.

180 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

a metal commodity preferred in international trade official currency of the empire. Commercially accepted for the value of metal they contained, they were brought together- knows in large numbers, without worrying about their pro- origin and the mark they bore, in purses^ mad^ making a certain weight of metallic copper which, , for commerce, represented a determined value (1). Under such conditions, these currencies would soon have to leaving the Orient to enter, in the same capacity as a merchant called metallic, in the trade of the West and there mix with the copper coins of the Empire, struck in the Senate workshops. The fact thus consumed by the force in- vincible of things and economic laws even came to call for an official consecration. “It is probable,” said "Mr. Mommsen (2), that the emperors of the third century “little by little accepted as currency of the empire all “local currencies of silver and copper, because they “found in these currencies, of a relatively fine quality “good, a valuable resource in distress always “growing currency of the Empire. It resulted from these with precarious expedients, that they destroyed the currency of this provinces without improving that of the Empire. These measures (it did not stop at the last broadcasts, but they “also applied to all the currencies that existed “in traffic and became more and more common “rays. The large number of billon and copper coins

(1) Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 308. See. in the Num. chron. t. Vile, p. 60, the description of a treasure, found at Milylene, of 400 pieces of bronze from the Greek Imperial series, belonging to a large number of different cities.

(2) M R, t. m, p. 3S2 et seq.

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"from Syria and Egypt which we find on the banks of the “Rhine, at the places where the legions were stationed, proves "although, at the end of the third century, the provincial currencies "from the East had been accepted throughout the empire. » When Aurélien establishes his system of modern centralization netaire, transforming into workshops of the single currency of the Empire the old provincial workshops, he did not have to demonetize old local currencies, combined in the general circulation of the Roman world. From before him, we can see in Syria facts which mark first attempts to assimilate provincial currencies, which were still minted, at the general mints of the Empire and to get your hands on local coinage, by giving to its products the same price as to those which were that then exclusively came out of the senatorial workshops of Rome and Antioch. When Emperor Philip instigated write on the provincial tetradrachms struck in An- tioche the words MOHeta WRBica (1), it was for the assi- miler to the properly Roman corner pieces and for their give lessons throughout the Empire with a value that we today we cannot determine (2). The letters SC have were inscribed on the copper coins of Damascus in time of Trajan Decius and Emilian (3), on those of Phi- lippopolis of Arabia in the time of Philip (4). The workshops

(1) Mionnet, t. V, p. 184, nos. 28o and 286.

(2; With the depreciation that the denarius had already suffered under Philip (see. book VIT, chap.iv,§2), this course was obviously much superior to this*^ of 3 ieniers, to which the provincial tetradrachms of Antioch had. been priced at the start of their manufacture (book VII, chap. iv, § 4).

(3) Eckhel, D N, t. IV, p. 498; Mionnet, t. V, p. 297, no. 93; SuppJ. t. VIII, [K 203, n° 46.

(i) Mionnet, t. I.p. 419. n»' 3o9-361; t. V, p. S89, No. 50.

182 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

municipal councils of these towns were thus transformed into workshops senatorial bonds of the Empire, and the pieces which come out of it They were therefore legal tender throughout Romanity.

7. In all of the above I have only spoken of the East. It is, in fact, mainly in the regions Hellenic and oriental that we follow here the viciss- studies of monetary law under Roman domination, and it is, moreover, only in this half of the Empire that we find a great development of coinage pro- vincial and local. In the West, facts of this kind are strong restricted and end very early, under the first emperors. So it will be easy to kiss them at a quick glance, as a sort of supplement to the study that we have just continued in the provinces oriental.

First of all, there is no silver coinage in the West. provincial currency distinct from the general currency of the Em- worse, and there could not be any, according to the rule, already pointed out above (in this chapter^ § 3, 1), that, from the time of the Republic, Eome did not tolerate in the Occi- tooth, on the part of his subjects or his vassals, the manufacture cation of silver coins of a system other than that of the denarius. The species of this metal struck in certain Western provinces for special occasions and specific needs, those which are most evident ment in their types the mark of their provincial origin cial, like the denarii at the head of Augustus and in the name of the legate P. Carisius (1), minted in Spain during the

(1) Eckhel, D N, l. V, p. 164; t. VI, p. 92; Cohen, MC, Ft. X and XI, Carisia, n<" 10-19.

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war against the Cantabrians and in commemoration of the foundation of Emerita (25 BC), are not distinguished in nothing of the Empire's currency; they belong there, and they were legal tender everywhere, in the same way as coins exits from the Rome workshop. Gold and silver coinage, administered and regulated by the Emperor, was not struck, moreover, exclusively in the capital, as the mon- copper senatorial board; there were a number of imperial workshops for gold and silver distributed in the western provinces (see in this book, chap. IV, § 2); but these provincial workshops do not do not pay, as in the Orient, currencies of a nature particular, to limited circulation in a certain cir- territorial conscription; what they produced were species of empire currency.

On the contrary, for copper, Augustus had in Africa, Mauritania, Gaul and perhaps Es- loincloth, fairly abundant issues of imper- rials, intended to have legal tender only in the vinces where they were struck. By giving up in the Senate the Empire currency of this metal (see in this chapter, § 8, and book YII, chap. iv, § 1), he seems not to have assigned to him secured first of all for its species the absolute monopoly of the circulation only in Italy. The first broadcasts national resources, however abundant they were, could not would be enough to provide additional currency throughout the West. tooth; it was impossible that there was not a period of transition, during which we made up for the insufficiency of these issues from Rome using copper coins provincial and local, in Western countries located outside Italy. This is what actually happened; but the me- sure people who had allowed and organized this coinage were

184 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

so in principle purely transitory, that gradually measuring progress in the dissemination of Senate cash rial, as soon as there was enough in the provinces for the needs of circulation, we put an end to all manufacturing provincial and local authorities. From Nero onwards, all had ceased, and there was nothing left in the West except currency of the Empire, in copper as well as in gold and money.

The provincial copper coins, from the time of Au- taste and the first emperors, distinguished themselves from the first glance of the coins of the Empire by the absence of the letters SC, indicative of the intervention of the Senate in the manufacture of cash from this metal, letters whose presence was necessary to give the species of copper legal tender throughout the entire territory of ro- hand. It is according to their manufacture, their types and the places where we constantly discover them until we manage to reach them pay tribute to this or that province.

In Sicily there is no provincial currency from of the end of the civil wars. The coinage of governments Roman neurs and their quaestors in the workshop of Pa- norm (in this chapter, § 3, 5) does not continue under Augustus. The names of the propraetors and proconsuls of Si- cile, contemporaries of this prince, which we could note on numismatic monuments (1), cannot be read on provincial species, but on municipal currencies blades of colonies (see the following section), only local coinage that Sicily still knew at the time of Augustus. In Sardinia, it would be necessary to admit a provincial coinage cial under this prince, if one attached himself to the opinion of Eckhel,

(t) Borghesi, Bullet. arch. Naples. new ser. t. VI, p. 31 and?.

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quite generally adopted by numismatists, according to which it was in his time that the copper coins bearing the head and name of the god on one side SARDVS PATER, on the other the head and the name of M ATIVS BALBVS PRae/or, grandfather of Auguste (1). But there is no really no compelling reason to believe these commemorative coins and not to look at them as if struck by the character himself, during his pretare, that is to say in the last times of the Ee- public.

There are certainly provincial coins of Es- loincloth, under the first emperors, outside the mon- local survey of the colonies and municipalities of this country; but they have not yet been sufficiently studied until than here (2). On the other hand, M. L. Millier (5) perfectly determined those of the province of Africa. They seem having been struck in the workshop of ^Hadrumetus, well that they do not mention any city. All are from time of Augustus; some have his head and his name (4), others the effigy and name of Africanus Fabius Maximus, proconsul of Africa in 5 BC. AD, with also the name of

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. I, p. 271; t. V, p. 145; Cohen, M C, pi. XLVIU, Atya; Spano, Duliet. arch. Sardo, l. I, p. 9 et seq.

(2) We must surely attribute the character of provincial currency of Es- loincloth with the large bronze of Tiberius described in Cohen_ M I, t. I, p. 122, n" 36, as well as the bronze means of Caligula described in the same work, t. I, p. 150, n°' 28 and 29. The bronzes of Aloïs Heiss, Monn. ant. of Spain, p. 429, pi. LXV, Spanish-Latin coins, n"' 1-3, often given to Carlhagena or Sagunto, are provincial currencies. cials of the Emperor, struck in the north-west of Spain during the war of Augustus against the Canlabres.

(3) Numism. of the anc. Africa^ t. II, p. 61 et seq.

(4) L. Millier, t. II, p. 62.

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his Quaestor PRO PRaefore, C. Livineius Gallus (1), others finally the effigy of the emperor with the names of Cn. Calpurnius Piso (2), proconsul in 1 BC. AD, and L. Passienus Rufus (3), proconsul en 3 ap. AD In the Mauritania, during the interval between the death of Boc- chus III (33 years BC) and the raising of the throne of this country by Augustus in favor of Juba II (25 BC), a provincial copper coin was made in the name of the emperor (4).

Mais le plus important de ces monnayages impériaux de copper, manufactured without any intervention from the Se- nat for restricted circulation in certain territorial limits, was the one whose seat was Lugdu- num, after the organization of the three provinces of Gaul by Augustus. Everyone knows the bronzes of different rents modules with effigies of Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero, who offer on the reverse the image of the altar de Kome et d'Auguste, élevé au confluent du Rhône et de the Saône, and never bear the letters SC (5). These are, as Mr. Mommsen (6) has already recognized, currencies intended to circulate exclusively in the three Gauls,

(1) L. Muller, t. He, p. 61.

(2) L. Millier, Suppl. p. 44.

(3) L. Muller, Suppl. p. 43.

(4) L. Muller, t. III, p. 101; Suppl. p. 73.

(5) Eckhel, DiV, t. VI, p. 13i et seq. ; Artaud, Discourse on medals of Augustus and Tiberius on the reverse of the Lyon altar, Lyon, 1820; Duchalais, Description meds. Gauls of the Bible. royal, p. 141 et seq.; Cohen, MI, 1. 1, p. 71, n-273-275; p. 123, nos. 39-46; p. 165, n-84 and 85; p. 204, No. 241.

(6) M R. t. in, p. 268 et seq.

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whose deputies met h. the altar of LugJunum. Their purely provincial character (see already above, book I, chap. l, § 1, 5) does not emerge only from the abstract sence of the Senate brand, but above all of the numerous countermarks imprinted on the greatest number of their copies, countermarks which provide ample and valuable subject of study (see book IV, chap. v, § 1). Some have a military origin - they were marked, to give exceptional and temporary value porary to the pieces, by the generals of the armies of Germa- denied or by the leaders of the various revolts which broke out in Gaul during the 1st century AD; we Let's leave it aside for the moment. But it is important to note here those which had the obvious destination of give currency to these currencies outside the three Gauls. Some assimilate this provincial cash to currency of Empire; these are the ones where we read \MPerator or AWGuslus^ the letters more or less joined by ligatures, or else the two words together \MPerator AWGustus^ PROBatum, BOHum, Nero Caesar Augustus PRObavit (1), countermark also applied to numerous copper coins from Roman corner and which relates to the modifications made by Nero in the course of currencies, Senatus Populus- That Romanus or Senatus Populusdue, countermark of the republican interregnum which followed the death of Nero (2); it was also struck on a good number of coins Roman corner of this emperor (3). Others are intended

(1) Borghesi, Oss. num. dec. III, 8; cf. Cavedoni, Rev. num. 1861, p. 481.

(2) See. D. deBIacas, Rev. num. 1862, p. 197 et seq.

(3) De Saulcy, Numismatic mixtures, 187.% p. 186.

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born to give lessons to the pieces only in a pro- vince other than those of their origin, probably in la Narbonnaise, où on les rencontre souvent; under the forme PP ou quelquefois nn, elles constatent le permis- sus procomulis qui autorisait cette circulation. Finally, he en est qui ont seulement pour but d'ouvrir à ces monnaies, par une décision de l'autorité municipale, le territoire of a colony: such is the one where we read Decurionum Decreto. It is particularly common and seems to have been affixed in the colony of Vienna, whose vast territory was so close to Lugdunum, but belonged to the Nar- bonnaise. All these countermarks prove that the bronzes au type de l'autel de Lugdunum n'étaient pas une monnaie d'Empire et ne pouvaient circuler léga- lement en dehors des trois Gaules qu'après avoir reçu une stamp of this kind. When we had stopped issuing them, under Nero, they were not demonetized, and even those qui n'avaient été frappés d'aucune contremarque conti- were unable to circulate in the Gauls on the same footing as the copper coinage of the Empire. Currency deposits antiques que l'on trouve dans notre sol français, et où ces pièces sont mêlées aux bronzes des empereurs plus récents, are there to prove it (1).

The coinage of the type of the Lugdunum altar has for ses débuts une date certaine, celle de la dédicace même from this altar in the year 10 BC. (2). Previously, the city de Lugdunum n'était pas seulement le siège d'un mon-

(1) Il existe un très-grand nombre de contrefaçons barbares des bronzes au type de l'autel de Lugdunum, fabriquées par les indigènes dans les parties reculées du nord et de l'ouest des Gaules.

(2) Sueton. Claud. 2.

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nayage colonial dont il sera question un peu plus loin (dans this chapter, § 5, 2), but also already of a coinage pro- vincial without town name. We distinguish two groups pes: the first, which is historically placed from 40 to 27 av. J.-C , se compose des grands bronzes, très-ressem- blants to those of the colonies of Lugdunum and Vienna, having on the reverse a ship's bow without inscription, and on the right the head of Julius Caesar with the legend Divus IVLIVS, or that of Octave, sometimes with the legend CAESAR, sometimes without any legend (1); the second, necessarily subsequent to Tan 27 and the title of Augustus awarded to Oc- tave (2), is made up of small bronzes having a side the head of the emperor with IMP CAESAR, on the other AVGVSTVS DIVI F with a horned bull, type of smallest copper coins of the Colonia Copia Lugdu- num (3), as well as by those who, with IMP CAESAR of

(1) Duchalais, Med. Gauloises of the Library. Royale, p. 140; Cohen, M I, t. I, p. 13, no. oO, and p. 72, no. 283.

Les piècesdécrites dans Cohen, MI, 1. 1, p. 16, no. 5, and p. 70, no26S, engraved inSaulcy, Monetary system of the Roman Republic at the time of Julius Caesar (Paris, 1873), pi. VH, n° 5 and 6, monuments of a mon- provincial swimming of Octave in the Narbonnaise, contemporary and parallel lele. They have often been attributed to Spain; but they do not meet there trent jamais, tandis qu'elles se trouvent toujours dans le midi de la Gaule (Saulcy, mem. cit. p. 26), where consequently they must have been struck.

(2) At the time Octave received this title. the coinage of copper, in- interrupted in Rome since Sulla, had not yet returned there (see Momm- sen, M R, t. 111, p. 8). The new designation which had just been awarded to the master of the empire was reported on a certain number of television broadcasts bronze coins, made in his name in various provinces: see. Cohen, M I, t. 1, p. 69, no. 260 (coin minted in Syria).

(3) Mionnet, Suppl. t. I, p. 1-48, no. 132. — This extremely rare coin, which had not been seen since Panel, is in the cabinet Mr. Etienne Récamier.

The same horned bull is the type of the reverse of aurei and of

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side of the head, have on the reverse AVGVSTVS and an eagle deployed (i).

8. Regarding local currencies in the West under the empire, in Sicily all municipal coinage of the cities Greeks cease with Augustus (2); we no longer knock, and for for a very short time yet, there will be species of this genus that in the Roman colonies. However, the island of Melite, which depends dait from the province of Sicily, still offers us pieces of autonomous copper (3), without imperial effigy, having on one side the Greek legend MEAITAION, on the other the Latin name of C ARRVNTANIVS BALB«s PROPRaefor, who exercised his office in the first years of Au- taste (4). In Numidia and Mauritania, the coinages municipalities of cities cease with the extinction of monarchies indigenous dogs and the establishment of the provincial regime Roman. A few colonies alone continue to have their own currency, and in Spain too we do not find we go more under the first emperors than mon- flooding of colonies and municipalities of ro-citizens

niers of Augustus, which were certainly struck in the imperial workshop of Lugdunum and bear the dates IMP X and IMP XII (Cohen, i/ /, p. S5- 57, n- 116-121 and 137-142). These dates are those of 12 and 10 BC. BC, and it was precisely in the year 12 that Drusus held the first assembly delegates from Gaul for the cult of Rome and Augustus at Lugdu- num (Dio Cass. LXI, 32), before the monumental altar was still completed and dedicated.

(1) Cohen, il//, t. I, p. 70, no. 261.

(2) Eckhel, D N, 1. 1, p. 183.

(3) Eckhel, JDiV, t. I, p. 269.

(4) Borghesi, Bull. arch. Naples. new ser. t. VI, p. 32.

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hands (1). In Narbonne Gaul, the free city and autonomous Massalic presents, as we have already noticed just now, a unique exception, and continues until the 1st century the manufacture of its small qua- in where nothing mentions, any more than in the mon- drowning of Athens, imperial supremacy.

The senatorial province of Africa is the only one, in Occi- tooth, to offer us, at the beginning of the empire, a development municipal coinage of free cities, comparable to that which existed in the East. Following the ruin of Car- thage, a large part of autonomy was granted to the coastal cities of this province, including the territories tories which were later those of Syrtica, By- zacene and Zeugitane. They took advantage of it to widely exercise monetary law as Carthage, in time of its supremacy, had always denied them. This right, besides, they only had it for copper, except Leptis Magna, who struck, around the time of wars civil, a silver coin of the weight of the denarius (2). Their municipal copper emissions continued with abundance during the reign of Augustus, subject only, like that of Greek cities, to the obligation to place there the imperial effigy. The legends are there most often

(1) Only one of the Balearics, perhaps Menorca, dependent on the pro- vince of Spain under the same conditions as Melite of that of Sicily, had an indigenous coinage under Tiberius, Caligula and Claudius, with the double legend Q'ttJ3''iS in neo-Punic characters and INSu/a AWGusta in Latin (Aloïs Heiss, Monn. ant. d'Espagne, p. 422, pi. LXIV, n"' 23- 26;. The fact is all the more remarkable since none of the coinages of the colonies or municipalities of Spain does not go down to the reign of Claude.

(2) L. Millier, Numism. of the anc. Africa, t. II, p. S, No. 13.

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in the local language and in neo-Punic writing (see. book V, chap. m, § '2); some cities adopted Latin. A play by Gergis, or rather by Cercina, mentions laper- proconsular mission which was necessary for this mon- swimming, PERlAissu L VOLVSI PROCOnSuHs (1), and we thereby provides legal information of the highest quality. their, whose indication is unique on the coins of this class. However, as Cavedoni (2) admitted, it is necessary construed as relating to the granting of this per- mission The registration of the names of the proconsuls in the name native on these municipal currencies of free cities; it's as we read that of P. Quinctilius Varus (pro- consul in 7 BC BC) on pieces from Achulla (3) and of Hadrumetus (4), that of L. Yoiusius Saturninus (pro- consul in 6 BC AD) in the same cities (5), and that of Africanus Fabius Maximus (proconsul in 5 BC) in the numismatics of Hadrumetus (6). Already under the Republic blique, the name of P. Sextiliiis, propraetor in 94 BC. AD, had been similarly inscribed on pieces of the latter city (7). The mention of the proconsul is most often accompanied by his effigy, a fact to which we return we will discuss in § 7 of this chapter.

The municipal coinage of the free towns of the province of Africa offers us some examples of associations of

(1) L, Muller, t. II, p. 35.

(2) Bull. arch. Italiano, 186-2, p. 176.

(3) L. Muller. t. II, p. U.

(4) L. Muller, t. II, p. 52.

(5) L. Muller, t. II, p.44 and 52. (5) L. Muller, t. II, p. 52.

(7) L. Muller. t. II, p. 51.

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some neighboring towns for the manufacture of com- munes, for example those of Œa, Zitha and Zuchis (1), of Œa, Macargsa and Bilan (2), of Macarœa and Bilan (3). The examples, as we see, are limited to Syria.

In all towns, this coinage ceases during the reign of Tiberius, who appears to have revoked all missions by a general measure. But numismatics of Hippo Diarrhytus offers us a very singular anoma- bind. Interrupted under Tiberius with that of the other cities (4), its municipal currency suddenly reappears under Albin (5), when for a long time we no longer hit any analogous currency in the West, and continues under Macrinus and Diadumenian (6), with the old legend HIPPONE LIBERA, in which the city proclaims its condition of freedom (7). It is singular that, by granting to a city of Africa an exemption from all administrative rules accepted principles of his time in monetary matters, Albin granted Hippo Diarrhytus with such a favor instead of

(1) L. Muller, t. U, p. 20.

(2) L. Muller, t. II, p. 23.

(3) L. Muller, t. II, p. 27.

(4) L. Muller, t. II, p. 167.

(5) L. Muller, t. II, p. 168.

(6) L. Muller, t. II, p. 170.

(7) This legend raises a problem that has so far been insoluble. The city describes itself as “free”, and yet Pliny the Younger {Epist. IX, 33, 1) the colony trade, which it was not yet in the time of Pliny the Elder {H iV, V, 4). Zumpt {Comment, epigr. p. 407) thought she had become so in the meantime; but this conjecture seems contradicted by the currencies of the time of Albinus and Macrinus, where the city is still Hippo released. Must we therefore admit, with Mannert, that Pliny the Younger purely and simply deceived?

II. 13

194 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

reserve it for Hadrumetus, his homeland. But we encounter from time to time in numismatics anomalies of this kind, which it is impossible to explain (1). We must leave to the discoveries of the future the task of us inter- lend.

9. We cannot end this § without saying a word about monetary law of kings vassals of emperors, as we spoke (§ 3, 2 and 3) of that of dependent kings of the Republic. The coinage of these kings has some importance, and we will study it in detail in book VII, chap. IV, § 5. Its extent and fullness vary according to countries; there are quite numerous restrictions and not uniform enough to establish in an inconsistent manner testable that there was not an absolute right relating to the quality royal lity, but that on the contrary the ability to beat my naie, for vassal kings, depended on authorization of the suzerain emperor, authorization that the latter regulates lied as he pleased and made it more or less wide depending on the circumstances.

(1) A very singular anomaly, with regard to the coinage of provinces, is still the appearance under Philip, at the very moment when we noticed the first significant signs of the trend to centralize monetary manufacturing and eliminate pro-cash vincial to leave only the common currency of Em- worse, the appearance at this time of a provincial copper currency specific to Dacia, PROVINCIA DACIA, and not bearing the letters se (Eckhel, D iV, t. II, p. S et s.; Mionnet, t. I, p. 330 et s,). The parts provincials of Dacia belong to the reigns of Philip, Hostilian and Emilien; they bear dates from a particular era whose point starting point is the year 1000 of Rome, 2i8 of the Christian era (Eckhel, D iV, t, II, p. 9 et seq.).

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The kings of Thrace, whose coinage extends until the principate of Claudius (1), the kings, ethnarchs and tetrarchs Jews of the family of Herod (2), the last of whom stopped reign under Domitian, the kings of Commagene, dethroned by Vespasian (3), the dynasts of Olba in Cilicia, whose numismatics ceased under Claude (4), were never admitted that the right to make copper coins (5), no more than PMlopator, who, succeeding Tarcondimotus, had the title of king in Upper Cilicia, under Augustus (6), and

(1) Cary, History of the kings of Thrace, etc. brightened by the medals, Paris, 1732; Eckhel, D N, t. II, p. 58-60; Ch. Lenormant, iV?im. of r. gr. p. 9-11; Mommsen, Reges Thraciae india a Caesare dictatorship, in VEphemeris epigraphica, 1874, p. 150-165.

(2) Saulcy, Judaic Numismatics, p. 115-133; Madden, History of jewish coinage,\). 81-133.

(3) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 254-259; Lenormant, Num. rs. gr. p. 114-116.

(4) Waddington, Rev. mm. 1866, p. 429-438.

(5) Some silver coins have been attributed to kings of Thracian vassals of the emperors; but those that were attributed to the association ciation of Cotys V and Rescuporis are in reality currencies of the city of Byzantium, where the head of Cotys only appears as a ho- norific to a powerful neighbor; we talked about it in sect. 5 of this §. As for the tetradrachm from the Dresden museum, imitated from those of Thasos, with the legend KOTTOC XAPAKTHP (Cary, History of the Kings of Thrace. ft. It, n° 10), I cannot give it with Cary to Cotys V, nor even with Mr. von Sallet {Zeitschr.f. Numism. t. III, p. 242 et seq.) to Cotys IV, contemporary of Augustus and died in 16 BC. J.-C. He pa- rait positively predates the Empire, and consequently I am led to attribute it to Cotys III, the one whom Piso treacherously rid of his opponent Rabocente, prince of Besses, in 57 BC. (Cic. In L. Pis. 34), and who, nine years later, sent a cavalry force to the Pompey's relief in the civil war.

(6) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 82 et seq.; Lenormant, Num. rs. gr. p. 72.

II. 13.

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as the kings of Edessa of the 1st and 2nd centuries (i). On the contrary, the coinage of silver was permitted, in the system of denier, to the kings of Mauritania, extinct under Caligula (2), under the form of Greek drachmas to the last king of Cappa- doce, Archélaiis (3), died in 17 of the Christian era, whose the coinage continued that of the previous kings and served type of provincial drachmas minted in Caesarea Cappadocia, to the Zenonid kings of Pontus (4), whose country was only reduced to a Roman province in the year 63 AD, and to the Arab kings of Atra, contemporaries of Marc-Au- role (5). The only kings of the Aspurgian dynasty of Bos- Cimmerian phorus, of which we have coins until time of Constantine (6), were authorized to issue cash

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 512-516; Lenormant, Num. rs. gr. p. 130-144.

From the coins attributed to these kings, it is necessary to subtract the silver coins. gent of Mannos Philoromœos, who belong to Atra.

(2) L. Millier, Numism. of the anc. Africa, t. III, p. 103-107; Mommsen, M R, t. m, p. 249 et seq.

(3) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 201; Ch. Lenormant, ISum. rs. gr. p. 80; Mommsen, A/ Tî, t. III, p. 313.

(i) De Kœhne, Prince Kotchoubey Museum, t. II, p. 169-192; Von Sal- let, Collection of Geschichte and Numismatik of the Kônige des Borphorus und des Pontus, Berlin, 1866; Waddinglon, Hev. num. 1866, p. 417- 429; Mommsen, MB, t. III, p. 314; E. Curtius, Ehrendenkmal der Kyzikener fur Antonia Tryphœna und ihre Familie, dans les Monaisberichte of the Berlin Academy, 1874, p. 7-20; Mommsen, Lièges Thraciae India to Caesare dictatore, in the Ephemeris epigraphica, 1874, p. 150-163.

(5) V, Langlois, Numismalics of the Arabs before Islamism, p. 133- 137.

(6) Ch. Lenormant, Num. rs. gr. p. 53-64; De Koehne, Museum of Prince Kotchoubey, t. II, p. 195-388; Mommsen, M B, t. III, p. 292-299.

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['or, by a unique privilege, due to circumstances local and subject to certain conditions, of which we We will turn to § 8 of this chapter.

As long as the permission to mint coins this or that metal was granted to them by the emperor, the Three vassals had ipso facto the right to place their effigy, by virtue of their very quality as kings. But the •more often they had to associate that of the emperor uzerain, although the obligation of the imperial effigy was not >had, for the coins of vassal kings, the same character- era of rigor only for the municipal currencies of illes, and that we find numerous exemptions there. So the head of the emperor is never shown on the species of the kings of Mauritania, those of Commagene u of Upper Cilicia. It is, on the contrary, almost conspicuously present on the drachmas of the Zeno kings ides of Pont (1). At Olba, Ajax, son of Teucros, puts on copper coins sometimes his own head, sometimes that of .'Auguste; the other princes of whom we have mon- ials minted in this city, Marc-Antoine Polémon and 3 King Polemon II, only placed their own effigy there. In 'hrace, Rhémétalces T"" does not coin without putting on es species the head or the name of Augustus, as homage . his suzerainty; the associated kings Cotys and Ehescuporis, [who occupy the throne after him, no longer mention by ien imperial supremacy; but Rhératalces II strikes [e new copper coins where we see on one side its head and his name, on the other the effigy of the emperor Caligula, ith a legend in the form of a dedication: FAI H rEPMA-

(1) Already Polemon? •■ had similarly placed on his drachmas the head of the riumvir Marc-Antoine.

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NIKH lEBAITH to Caius Augustus, the Germanic. Had Palestine, Herod the Great and his son the Ethnarch Herod Archelaiis coined their copper without putting no effigy, to accommodate religious sensitivities of their people, and did not mention the emperor on their parts. Herod Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee, made even, because he was obliged to take the same precautions; but at the end of his reign, when he felt his position threatened by the advent of Caligula and prepared to go request it in Rome, he put on the main side of his parts a dedication to Caius Caesar I Germanic. During At this time, Philippe, tetrarch in Iturea and Tra- clionitide, minted coins with the image of Tiberius. The king Herod Agrippa I*"" struck simultaneously in Jewish land species without human representation, and in Oesarea, in pagan land, a few pieces bearing his own image and much more numerous with the heads of Caligula and Claude. Herod Agrippa H did the same under Nero, then, from the reign of Vespasian and the fall of Jerusalem- lem, only pieces were manufactured in his name the imperial effigy.

All the bronze coins of the kings of Edessa since the submission of this city to the empire, during the campaign of Lucius Verus against the Parthians, until the reign of Gordian III, offer on one side the head of the emperor and the other that of the Osrhoenian king, except one, the one who associates his son Mannus with an Abgare. Drachmas silver coins of Mannus Philoromaeus of Atra are in effect imperial fig and have on the reverse only the name of the Arab dynast. Here the Roman emperors conformed were accustomed to the Arsacids, who already rement imposed on their vassals to put their effigy

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on the currency (1), every time they managed to give an effective reality to the suzerainty returned diced by them on all the small principalities Eastern countries which gravitated in the orbit of their monarch shit (see book VI, chap. v, § /i). Numismatics royal of Edessa, all of copper, begins late, with the 1st century of the Christian era, in the period of supre- matie of the Parthians than the happy wars of Trajan only interrupted for a moment. The oldest- his coins, those of Mannus VII, Mannus VIII and of Val (2), have their legends in Syriac estranghelo (see. book V, chap. m, § 5), and some of those of the last deny of these kings present, at the same time as his head, that of his overlord Arsacides, By extending their supremacy tie on the country, the Roman emperors imposed the subs- titration from Greek to Syriac for monetary legends and the presence on the currency of their effigies, like recognition of their sovereignty.

On the gold coins of the kings of the Cimmerian Bosphorus, the obligation of the imperial effigy is absolute and does not admits no exemption. This is due to the very metal of the

(1) Effigies of Arsacid monarchs as overlords on coins of the vassal kings of Persia: Edw. Thomas, Earhj Sassanian inscribe- tions, seals and coins, pi. I, No. 3-S; A. Levy, Zeitschr. d. deutsch. Mor- gent. Gesellsch. t. XXI, pi. Il, n"' 1 and 6-8; Mordtmann, Zeitschr. f. Nu- mism. t. IV, pi. II, No. 21-27. — Effigy of Vologèse II on the coins of copper of Val, king of Edessa: JSum. chron. l. XVIII, pi. on p. 1, no. 4; F. Lenormant, Essay on the propagation of the Phoenician alphahet, vol. II, ft. I, No. 2, p. 7. — Head of Vologèse V on the coins of one of the last kings of Characene: Num. chron. t. XVIII, pi, on p. 1, no. 9; F. Lenor- mant, open. cit. t. II, p. 86, pi. XII. No. 3.

(2) On these currencies, see. F. Lenormant, Essay on the propagation of the Phoetician alphabet, t. He, p. 6-8, ft. I.

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documents, the remission of which constituted a privilege of the imperial verainety (see § 8 of this chapter). And in indeed, the same kings whose gold always has the head of the temple face on its main side and theirs on the reverse, on their copper coins almost never put their own effigy, without that of the overlord.

§ 5. — Coinage of the Roman colonies.

1. At the same time as a large number of Greek cities ques, the colonies, both under Roman law and under Latin, and the municipalities of citizens located outside Italy- lie received almost all, at the beginning of the time of the Emperors directors, the right to issue, under the guarantee of their municipal trats, copper coins of the same system as the general currency of the Empire, with the head and the name of the sovereign, and on the reverse the name of the colony or of the municipality (4).

This was a departure from ancient principles. To flourishing times of the Kepublique, the invariable rule of public law in monetary matters, admirably clear numismatic facts by the work of Mr. Mommsen, had been this one. Citizen settlements and towns including the inhabitants had been admitted to full citizenship rights, finding themselves entirely absorbed into the Roman people, no longer had any right of local sovereignty-, by As a result, they did not coin money and did not use

(1) On colonial currencies in general, see. Valiant, Numismata aerea imperatomm in coloniis percussa, Paris, 1693; Eckhel, D N, t. IV, p. 464-301.

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as official species of the Roman government (1). Cities admitted to restricted and passive civic rights, civil tas sine suffragio, could, on the contrary, have a mon- clean and limited swimming under certain conditions (2). We have a series of grave aes from the Etruscan city of Cœré (3), the one who was the first to be granted citizenship passive, hence the expression cereline law; according to the fact- hurts the weight of the ace of this series (129 gr. instead of 218 gr. which is the weight of the Etruscan Heap at the beginning from the 4th century BC. AD), we must consider it as possible later than 353, date of the city's admission to the city restricted Roman (see book VII, chap. ii, § 2). Capua, during the period when she enjoyed ceretin law with the most of the other towns of Campania, was not alone the seat of a large production of gold coins and of silver in the name of the Roman State (book VII, chap. m, § 1); it also appears under this regime, towards the middle of the lif century before Jesus Christ, having had a coinage municipal copper cut on the system of the ace then in vigor, where she wrote her name in the Oscan language (k); and among the neighboring towns whose legal position was the even, Calatia (5), Atella (6) and Veleclia (7) had towards

(1) Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 210-221.

(2) Mommsen, M R, t. IIJ, p. 222-233.

(3) W. Deecke, Elruskische Forschungen, II, p. 133.

(4) Friedlaender, Oskische Miinzen, p. 9-lo, pi. I-III, Capua, n"' 2-26; Mommsen, M/?, 1. 1, p. 263; t. III, p. 227 and 231.

(5) Friedlaender, Oskische Miinzen, p. 19 et seq., pi. IV, Calatia.

(6) Ibid. p. IS et s., pi. IV, Atella.

(7) Ibid. p. 17 et seq. — This town^^, which is only known by coins with Oscan legends, remains a real geographical problem.

202 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY ^

at the same time a similar coinage (1). But the examples ples of this kind are so limited in relation to the number cities received with passive citizenship rights and of which we have no c a currency, which we must conclude that there was not there an absolute right for cities in this category, and that they could only be minted under specific permission. cial. On the contrary, the colonies under Latin law, legally placed on the same footing as the allied cities of Italy (2), enjoyed the most complete monetary law, under the control of the suzerain authority of Rome, Mr. Mommsen decisively established (3) that until 486 Eome (268 BC), that is to say until the moment when began the coinage of silver in the queen city (book VII, chap. m, § 2), the monetary law of the colonies Latin was without restriction, applying to money as bronze (li). But from 486 it was restricted, to

(1) Mommsen, il//?, t. III, p. 215 and 224.

(2) On the monetary law of the Italian allies, see. Mommsen, M R, t. nor, p. 196-209.

(3) MB, t. m, p. 177-190.

(4) The Latin colonies of which we have silver coins minted in a system different from that of the denier are, classifying them in order seniority of their foundation:

Cora among the Volscians: Mommsen, M R, t. I, p. 2S9; t. III, p. 182 et seq.

Signia among the Volscians: Mommsen, M R, t. I, p. 2S5; t. III, p. 182.

Holds in Campania: Mommsen, t. I, p. 162-163; t. III, p. 182.

Suessa among the Aurunces: Mommsen, t. I, p. 162 and 165; t. III, p. 182.

Alba among the Marses; Mommsen, t. I, p. 255; t. III, p. 182 and 185.

Poestum of Lucania: Mommsen, t. III, p. 182 and 187. We have bronzes from the Campanian litra system of:

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ensure a wider course for the official silver coinage sky of the Republic (1). The coinage of silver was forbidden to all colonies as well as to the Italic allies (2). Shortly after, around 490 (364 BC), Rome reserved in an exclusive manner the manufacture of coins for all of central Italy and closed the colonial workshops of this region (3). At the same time, the ace system was imposed on the southern portions of the Peninsula which had until then had silver coinage and used other monetary systems (4). Finally the allies were ordered who still retained a certain right of coinage and to the Latin colonies which continued to manufacture es- local species, such as Yenusia, Brundisium and Poestum, from give their currencies a lower weight than those of the Republic; thus they struck in these cities secular ass-

Cosa: Moramsen, t. III, p. 182 and 186.

Beneventum: Mommsen, 1. 1, p. 163; t. III, p. 182 and 193.

uEsernia: Mommsen, 1. 1, p. 163; t. III, p. 182 and 193. Finally the Latin colonies which left us aces of liberal weight are:

Ardea among the Rutulians: Mommsen, t.I, p. 183; t. III, p. 182.

Luceria in Apulia: Mommsen, t. I, p. 3i3 et seq.; t. III, p. 182.

Venusia in Apulia: Mommsen, t. I, p. 349 et seq.; t. III, p. 182. I reserve the question of Yaes grave of the cities of Picenum and Arimi- num, to return to book VII, chap. ii, § 4. In my eyes, this mon- nayage is not colonial.

(1) Mommsen, M fl, t. III, p. 191 et seq.

(2) For the suppression of silver coinage among them, see. Mommsen, M B, t. III, p. 202-203. — There were only exceptions for the Bruttians, then counted as outside Italy, and whose silver coins continued until the end of the Hannibal War: Mommsen, M R,t. I, p. 113; t. III, p. 203.

(3) Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 192 et seq.

(4) Mommsen. M R, t. 111, p. 207.

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monastics a century before in Eome it had ceased to have the weight of one ounce (1). The colonies of Copia and Yalen- tia, founded in 193 and 189 BC, did not only ever issued currencies of the ace system cial, which indicates around what date this monetary foot was imposed on the cities of Italy dependent on Eome. Later again, the issuance of aces in the Latin colonies is prohibited nes and .in the allied cities (2), and they were no longer allowed to mint only small divisional currencies. This state of things lasted until the Social War and the Julia laws and Plautia-Papiria (90 and 89 BC)^ who all admire the Italians with the rights of Roman citizenship. The consequence of these laws were to definitively suppress all coinage local in Italy and to replace it with the exclusive use of species these struck in the name of Rome, by virtue of the principle of public law that we pointed out earlier. This is how that with the end of the Social War had ended in Italy all coinage of the colonies, as well as the cities allies (3),

On the contrary, the Latin colonies of Sicily continued then their coinage, since the new provisions relating to Italy did not concern this province. He was the same with those of Spain. But to some others continued to impose a monetary foothold of their municipal species below that of the species officials of the Republic. Like the Plautia-Papiria law had decided that the ace of Rome would be half an ounce

(1) Mommsen, M B, t. III, p. 194.

(2) Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 209.

(3) Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 220 et seq.

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(book VII, chap. m, § 5), that of the colonies had to be de- now a quarter of an ounce (I),

2. The era of Caesar's dictatorship, war civil war which followed his death and the triumvirate, is very important aunt in the history of colonial numismatics. It's while the world begins with some development flooding of the colonies located outside Italy, and in at the same time we see the exemptions appear important to the rules of law rigorously observed until then under the Republic. Amidst the chaos of these times there is a moment of confusion and uncertainty from a legal point of view, which serves as a transition to the regime newly inaugurated by the Empire.

When we see the colony of Carthage beating currency before Augustus (2), it only uses the right that the Latin colonies previously had, to the class which it belongs to at this time. But that of Co- Rinthe was, on the contrary, a colony of citizens, who therefore, according to the old rules, should have be deprived of all monetary rights. Yet we we have colonial species, minted under the triumvirate, with the head of Marc-Antoine (3), and perhaps we should recall wear some of his pieces at the very moment of his

(1) Momrasen, »/ R, t. III, p. 194.

(2) L. Miiller, Num. of the anc. Africa, t. II, p. 149.

(3) Mionnet, t. n, p. 172, no. 180, p. 170, no. 169; Suppl. t. IV, p. 53 et seq., n" 371-374, p. 52, n° 353.

206 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

foundation (1). Here the violation of ancient principles is manifest. It is no less so in the currencies of municipality of Gadès, predating Augustus (2). Dion Cas- sius (3) says, in fact, formally that it was the right of Roman city that Caesar granted in its fullness to the inhabitants of Gades, when he made their city a municipality. Emporiae, in the Tarraconnaise, where Caesar had sent a colony of citizens after the battle of Munda, strikes before the empire of bronze coins where it took the title of municipality, EMPOR — MVNIC(4), which probably had replaced that of colony shortly after the death of the dictator, when, according to what Titus tells us Live (5), the indigenous inhabitants were admitted to the same right as the colonists.

In the same historical period, we still see Arva of Betica and Ilercavonia of Tarraconnaise mint coins where they pride themselves on the quality of municipality; it is necessary to join it, in Baetica^ Celti, Ilipa and lliturgis, because the forms of monetary legends CELTI- TANwm,"lLlPENSE, ILOITVRGENSE, SAGVNTINwm, EBV- SITANVw^ must obviously be supplemented by the word municipium (6). I'm not talking about many Spanish cities-

(1) These appear to me to be the pieces in Mionnet, Suppl. t. IV, p. 50 et seq., nos. 337-342, 344-347.

(2) Eckhel, D N, t. I, p. 20; Alois Heiss, Monn. ant. from Spain, p. 350, no. 37.

(3) XLI, 24; cf. Plin. H N, IV, 21, 36.

(4) Eckhel, D N, t. I, p. 49; Alois Heiss, p. 100 and pi. IV, no. 54.

(5) XXXIV, 9.

(6) However the piece where we would have read the Aunicipium ARVENse (Florez, Medallas de Espana, t. III, pi. LIX, No. 9; Eckhel, D N, t. I, p. 14) , ve- rified on the original possessed by the Cabinet of France, is none other

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gnoles that we know, by later geographers and by registrations, having been municipalities, and of which we have coins of the same age; it is likely that it is by virtue of their title of municipalities which they monetized, because it seems from then on to have no longer been in Spain local coinage only in the municipalities and in the colo- nies. But I prefer to limit my examples to cities who take this quality on their currencies and whose legal position, at the time when they struck them, is in- questionable. I also leave aside the abundant numisma- tick of Obulco (1), where the city never registers its title of municipality; without doubt we have the proof, by the documents where we read the names of the two aediles, first in Turkish writing. taine (book lY, chap. vi, § 2), then in Latin, and by the slightly later coins and all Latin where is mentioned the decision of the decurions ordering the issuance monetary sion, which this city only coined after have received the title of municipality and the Latin organization or Roman. But the date of its copper species is absolute- indeterminate, and which makes the fixation even more obscure is that the overthrows of one city on the other (2) show that their manufacture was contemporary with a purely indigenous autonomy coinage, with legends Turditaines in its neighbor Castnlo (3).

that a piece from Ilipa whose legend was retouched with a burin by a modern hand.

(1) Delgado, Ntievo método de asifîcacion de las medallas de Espana, t. II, p. 219-237, pi. LV-LXI; Alois Heiss, Monn. ant. of Spain, p. 302- 30o, ft. XLIII and XLIV.

(2) Alois Heiss, p. 41.

(3) Alois Heiss, p. 284 et seq., pi. XXXIX, no. 1-17.

Mr. Heiss believed that the coins of Castulo, Turditane and Latin,

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But, in Macedonia and Sicily, we have the mon-

bore the effigy of Augustus, which, despite some distant analogies some features, would only be admissible for sections 20 and 21. On all the other pieces, we see a diademed head, and never this royal diadem, badge odious to the Romans, would not have been given to the Emperor. Leaving of this inaccurate data, the same scholar (p. 37 and 306) endeavored to place the issue of the Obulco bronzes between 44 and 27 BC. It’s pro- probably make them go a little too low. It seems difficult to me to admit that purely indigenous autonomous currencies, such as those of Castulo, contemporary with the pieces of Obulco municipality, have could have been struck after Caesar, even in Baetica. But I believe that we can take the manufacturing down to its shipment from Spain. When we spoke above (in this chapter, § 3, 4) of the withdrawal general coinage permissions to Spanish cities after the War of Numantia, this only applied to the license to strike species of money, and it is probable that there is, even in the province Citériere, more than a purely indigenous autonomous currency, to. legend Iberian, but in bronze and especially in types other than the rider, fa- bricked after the War of Numantia. Furthermore, this measure only applied to Citerior Spain, where the revolts had taken place who motivated her. It had no reason to exist for the Ulté province. later, where it seems that the cities of Phoenician origin, sitting on the bed- toral, were coined alone at that time. Throughout the Ulté province later, there is only one city that issued money belonging to the period of the great silver coinage of the Later province; it's the one whose Iberian legend pst explained as giving the name in Iliberi by Mr. Aloïs Heiss {Monn. ant. of Spain, pi. XL VIII, n" 1-4), that of IIipa according to other interpreters. As for the coinage of copper towns in this region, with Turditan as well as Latin legends, it was late, and I do not believe that it hardly offers any pieces prior to the i*"^ century BC. Begun later than in the Citériere province, as far as the interior is concerned, the issuance of bronze coins produced by a purely indigenous autonomy also continued later in Baetica. So it is positive that Gades continued, until Caesar made it a municipality of citizens, to strike as a free non-Latin or Roman city its autonomous copper with legend Punic.

All this would lead me to think that contemporary currencies from each other, from Castulo and Obulco, must have been hit a little before Caesar, who gathered his troops under the latter city in his

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laies of Stobi (1) and Enna (2), where these towns take the [uality of municipalities, and which predate the constitu- definitive ution of the Empire. It is true that today, ) following the discovery of the Salpensa tables and ^alaca, it seems positive, as admitted by MM. Momm- ;en (3) and Rudorff (4), that there were municipalities of Latin law alongside those of Roman law, although this law still revoked in doubt by MM. Zumpt (5) and "Wal- ;er (6) . The development of municipal coinage killed outside Italy, as we see )between the death of Caesar and the organization of imperial power ial, would therefore not necessarily be in all cases a dolation of the old principle depriving monetary rights cities admitted to full citizen rights. For For the most part, we can think that these are municipalities of Latin law. But it is not the same with Corinth and Gades; there, they are positively a colony and a mu- licipe, both Roman citizens, who, despite of this quality, issue a local and particular currency, distinct from that of the Roman State. The existence of my- colonial buildings of Vienna, in the country of the Allobroges,

;war against the sons of Pompey. Nothing prevents, moreover, that 'we admit that Obulco was a municipality under Latin law, and in this case it could mint money from that time without deviating from the principles equals during the time of the Republic.

(1) Eckhel, D N. t. II, p. 77; Mionnel, 1. 1, p.488, n° 288.

(2) Eckhel, D N, 1. 1, p. 207.

(3) Stadtrechte, p. 400.

(4) Roem. Rechtsgesch. I, § 12.

(5) Stud. rom. p. 269 ​​et seq.

(6) Gesch. roems. Redits, I, § 217.

II. 14

210 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

minted between 725 and 727 from Rome, 29 and 27 BC. (1), is therefore not as absolutely decisive a reason as believed it MM. Herzog (2) and Zumpt (3), to think that this city initially only had Latin law and had to gives Augustus that of a complete city. Its coinage could perfectly well be a derogation from the rules an- ciennes, similar to that which we observed at Co- rinthe. And in fact, at the same time, Lugdunum, bier as a colony of citizens, as rightly noted quer M. Ch. Eobert (/i.), also minted coins of similar bronze, with its name COPIA (5).

The Gauls, in the Narbonnaise province, offered us yet, at the time of the first triumvirate, another de- singular departure from the rules which, for several centuries, limited the coinage of colo- nies. Nemausus (6) and Cabellio (7), colonies under Latin law, Lugdunum (8), of Roman law, all recently founded. dated, then produce quinary emissions, analogous

(1) La Saussaye, Numism. of Narbonne Gaul, p. 129-131, ft. XV.

(2) Galliœ Narbonensis historia, p. 90-94.

(3) Stud. rom. p. 332 et seq.; How, epigr. p. 370.

(4) Numismatics of the province of Languedoc, p. 47.

(5) Eckhel, D N, t. I, p. 73; Duclialais, Med. Gauloises of the Library. Royale, p. 137 et seq.

(6) La Saussaye, iVum. of Narbonne Gaul, p. ISo, No. 5, pi. XIX, no5; Robert, Numism. of theprov. of Languedoc, p. 41, pi. 111, no. 32; Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 254.

(7) La Saussaye, p. 142, no. 1; ft. XVII, n° -1.

(8) Eckhel, D N, t. V, p. 38; Borghesi, Oss. num. dec. X, 7; in the Complete Works, 1. 1, p. 498 -, Duchalais, p. 136; Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 268.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 211

gues to those manufactured then in Aquitaine, the Celtic and Belgium, the chiefs of the Gallic tributary cities silence. It is true that some of the quinaires struck at Lugdunum in 41 and 40 BC. BC bear the name of AN- TONIm mPerator IIIVIR Rei Publicae Constituendae, and those of Cabellio the name of the other triumvir which succeeds him gave way in the government of Gaul, LEPldus. These coins can therefore be considered as currencies issued under the Military Vimperium (see g 7 of this chapter), where the names of Lugdunum and Cabellio do not would only appear as indicating the place of issue (1). But this explanation is no longer possible for those who- ners of Ncmaususoiion reads only HEMausus COLonia and even for the one from Lugdunum who only wears LVCV- DVNI, without inscription of the name of Marc-Antoine. Here, we are positively in the presence of colored currencies nial, although silver.

3. The facts that we have just grouped show how much the principles of law regarding coinage colonies and municipalities, under Latin law or under Roman, had become uncertain during the disorders from the period of the civil war and the triumvirate. We can say that there were no longer any fixed rules, and that everything was left to the discretion of provincial or local authorities. In this matter, as in all things in general a complete reorganization had become necessary' when the victory of Actium had made Octavian the master

(j) This is the opinion of Mr. Ch. Robert, Num. of the prov. from Languedoc,

14.

p. 47.

II.

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of the world. An absolutely new rule was then adopted tee (1). There is no longer any distinction between colonies or municipalities of citizens, and colonies or mu- nicipes enjoying only the privileges of Latinity; all are equally admitted to making munici species blades, which can only be made of bronze. It is that in indeed there is no longer in this fact, as formerly for the Latin colonies, a right belonging ipso facto to a restricted sovereignty, but a gracious concession, a privilege granted specially to this or that city determined by sovereign authority. Also many of colonial coins do they mention the authorization particular under which the manufacture had place (2). But for this type of mention, uses vary depending on the provinces and localities. She is constant for the colonies of Lusitania, and almost constant for those of Baetica; on the contrary, in Spain Tarraconnaise, Csesaraugusta is the only one to recall the origin of the permission she received. In Africa, we we see similar mention that in Carthage, Utica and Clypée. Throughout the Orient, it is only found on two isolated coins from Corinth and Patrius of Achaia. We remain, under the Empire, faithful to the principles of the law Plautia-Papiria, in that none of the towns located in the territory of Italy, and also vested with the right of cited complete, does not receive authorization for mu- nicipal. Pœstum is the only exception on this point. We said small copper coins to the heads of Augustus and Tiberius, bearing the names of the municipal duumvirs and the

(1) Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 339.

(2) Eckhel, D N, t. IV, p. 497; Mommsen, M.R, t. III, p. 339. .

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legend PAEsti Signaium SenaÈus Considlo (or more often PSSC), Signaium Paesti Senalus Considto or T... D... From Se?îalus Sententia (1). Here, it was the Senate which had given license for this exception to the privilege which was up to him to manufacture alone, in his workshop Rome, copper currency intended for the circulation of Italy at the same time as it was legal tender in all the Empire.

Outside Italy, permission was, at least in the beginning, given directly by the emperor. This is what prove the formulas PERMmw AVGVSTI (or PERM- AVG), PERMISSV CAESARIS AyOïisti (or PER- CAES- AVG), PERmmw mPeraioris CAESARIS AVGVSTI, which are read on the species of the Spanish towns of Ceesarau- gusta, Ebora, Emerita, Italica, Julia Patricia (Corduba), Romula and Julia Traducta. They belong to each other to the imperial provinces of Tarraconnaise and Lusitania^ the others to the senatorial province of Betica; likewise^ in the senatorial province of Achaia, in Patroe, we also encounter the mention of a personal authorization bell of the emperor, INDVLGENTIAE AWGnsli MOHETA IMPETRATA (2). These permissions given by Auguste himself, if they were revocable in their nature, were granted once and for all and did not need to be renewed, even at a change of reign, as much that they were not removed. Thus Italica and Romula, in the Baetica, inscribe on their coins, in the time of Ti-

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. I, p. 159; t. IV, p. iU; Cavedoni, BuUet. arch. Naples. t. II, p. H8; Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 219 et seq.

(2) Eckhel, D N, t. II, p. 237; Mionnet, t. II, p. 192. n» 326.

214 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

bere, PERMmw DlVl AWGuHi (1). It is probable that the most of Augustus' direct authorizations for the mon- copper plating of colonies, as for that of towns natives in Africa and the Orient, were issued between 27 BC, date when the organization of the provinces was completed, where Octave received the title of Augustus and where the new rules for local coins had to be put into force, and 15 BC, date of the sharing of the coinage of the Empire between the authority of the Emperor and that of the Senate (2) (see § 8 of this chapter, and book VII, chap. IV, § 1). At that time, while manufacturers Monetary relations in the provinces were regulated by the emperor and made by his agents, the Senate had still the exclusive management of the state currency of all metals, struck in the Rome workshop; he did not manufacture there then no copper money, and, consequently, there had an interest in promoting and extending digital broadcasts local supplementary income in the provinces.

After the monetary reorganization of the year 739 from Rome, 15 BC, the permissions of mon- swimming in the colonies was the responsibility of the proconsuls to each province. These proconsular authorizations are not not then only inscribed on city currencies located in the senatorial provinces, such as Africa and Narbonne Gaul, but also on those of towns of imperial provinces, such as Syria. Most often, we mentions the name of the proconsul or legate; for example, at Berytus, we read: PERMmw SILANI, from the legate Q. Cœcilius

(1) Mionnet, t. I, p. 17 et seq. n" 131-34, p. 23, n» 186; Aloïs Heiss, Monn. ant. of Spain, p. 880, no. 8, p. 393, nos. 2, 3, o and 6.

(2) Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 8 et seq.

LOE IN ANCIENT COINS 215

Metellus Creticus Silamis (I), at the end of the reign of Augustus and at the beginning of that of Tiberius (2). On the mon- naies of Cljpée, in the province of Africa, at the time of Tiberius, we read successively the mentions: PERMISSV L APRONI PROCOnSulis III { tertium) and PERMISSV P CORNELI DOLABELLAE PROCOnSidis (3), which dates from the years 773 and 777 of Rome (20 and 24 AD). This clearly shows that monetary permissions news, for the colonies, was now given by each governor personally, and just for the time of his government, to be renewed at the entry into charge of his successor. After Tiberius, the permissions are no longer mentioned in the captions currencies. “It seems,” remarks Mr. Mommsen (4), that, since they were only temporary and spring of the governor, they gradually merged with general supervision and superior control that the governors had always exercised over the coinage nominally free cities and states under the suzerainty cleanness of Rome. » It is only on the coins of Corinth, from the time of Doraitien, which we still read: PERMmw IMPe- ratoris, because the city received again, from Domitian, the right of coinage that Vespasian had taken away from him (5). The mention of proconsular permission has sometimes place in a very abbreviated form. Borghesi (6) established

(1) Eckhel, D iV, t. m, p. 278.

(2) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 3o7; Mionnet, t. V, p. 338, no. 20.

(3) L. Millier, Numism. of the anc. Africa, t. II, p. ISS et al.

(4) M R, t. m, p. 340.

(5) Eckhel. D N, t. II, p. 243; t. IV, p. 497.

(6) Oss. iumism. dec. X, 4.

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than the letters PPDD (or DDPP), which are read in the field of coins of the colony of Cartilage (1) and the mu- nicipium of Utica (2), must be explained in Permissu Proconsulis Decurionum Decreio. We saw everything time (in this chapter, § 4, 7) that, in the counter- marks affixed to bronze coins of the type of the altar of Lugdunum, PP was also positively the abbreviation of the words permissu proconsulis.

There is no need to seek another interpretation for them. on those of the colonial currencies of Nemausus (3) where they show themselves, placed in such a way as to have no special relationship with One of the two heads, of Augustus and of Agrippa, who decorate these pieces, and also in a way completely independent of the IMP DIVI F legend. attempts to read these letters by the words Palronus Parens, relating them to Agrippa (4), or Pater Patriae, by reporting them to Augustus (5), contributed not a little to confuse the chronology of the colonial coinage of Nemausus, with the idea that he must be entirely ante- laughing at 27 BC. AD , because we do not read the name Augus-

(1) L. Miiller, Numism. delanc. Africa, t. II, p. 149 et seq.

(2) L, Millier, t. II, p. 159els.— On these coins, the letters DDPP are sometimes found at the same time as the name of the proconsul, but this last appearing there in a form which only implies a date, as C VIBIO MARSO PR COS II, “under the name proconsulate of C. Vibius Marsus. »

(3) La Saussaye, Numism. of Narbonne Gaul, p. 159 et seq., ft. XIX, No. 40-46; Robert, Numism. from the province of Languedoc, p. 44 et seq. ft. IV, n"' 10-12.

(4) La Saussaye, p. 170.

(5) Eckhel, D N, t. VI, p. 112; Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 256.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS^ 217

his(1). More familiar with epigraphy than numis- However, the scholars who supported this thesis had not not had the opportunity to notice that several times the name to ''Au gus tu is absent from the coins after 727 of Rome (2), while it is not omitted in the inscriptions. Us had not been able to recognize either, what emerges for- so many? the most incontestable characters of style and manufacturing, that the copper coinage of Nemausus lasted a very long time (3), and that it offers one of the the best established examples we have in anti- absolute immobilization of types and legend of a city^ which slavishly copies them long after they have lost all current meaning (see book IV, cbap. vu). But if we discard these two erroneous data, the historical classification risk of aces from the colony of Nemausus, with two heads of Octave-Auguste and Agrippa and on the reverse of the crocodile- dilating in front of the palm tree, becomes easy and very clear. There has three primitive groups, the succession of which has been re- known by M. de La Saussaye, Duchalais and M. Ch. Ro- bert: IMa tête d’Octave est nu, a group whose manufacturing tion must be placed between 36 BC. BC, where Agrippa received the rostral crown which never fails on these coins, and 27 (727 from Rome); 2° the head of Augustus is girded of the civic crown, of oak leaves, which was given to him awarded in 27 BC. BC in the name of the human race (4), at the same time as it received its new name of ^^w-

(1) Momrasen, /. c. ; Herzog, Galliae Narbon. prov. rom. hist. p. 106.

(2) Ch. Robert, open. cit. p. 51.

(3) Ibid. p. 22.

(4) Plin. H N, XVI, 3, 4; Dio Cass. HE, 16; see. Eckhel. D N, t. VI, p. 88.

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gustus; 3° the head of Augustus is laureate, and the letters PP are added in the right field, on both sides. In reading Permissu Proconsitlis, this last group of mon- naie is placed quite naturally following the reorganization Monetary sation of 739 of Rome, 15 BC. AD, to which we reported the handover to the proconsuls of the provinces these of the right to authorize the coinage of the colonies.

It will perhaps be objected that Nemausus, having obtained an- later from Augustus himself one of these permissions imperial powers which, as we have seen, were given once for all, no longer needed, under the new regime legal, to receive one from the proconsul. But we must remark- query that precisely at this moment Nemausus, by the pro- length of its coinage, became the object of a verification exceptional table in the Narbonnaise province, because all the other colonies in the same province stop beating coinage around 15 BC. (i); at the same time, its currency acquires a new role, which would be sufficient to justify a new proconsular authorization and above all its mention; remained the only one who struck in the province, she receives an authorized course outside the territory of the colony, which really makes it a provincial currency. Aces of Nemausus are found in singular quantities. lier abundant throughout the entire extent of the Narbon-

(1) Cabellio's most recent piece (La Saussaye, Num. de la Gaule Narbonne, p. 143 and pi. XVII, n° 6) is from the 11th consulate of Augustus (23 av. AD). The aces of Vienna on the bow of the ship do not extend no later than those of its neighbor Copia, which are replaced died in 10 BC. BC by the provincial bronzes at the altar of Rome and Au- taste and should no longer even be made in the year 12, when we started to issue gold, silver and silver coins in the Lugdunum workshop bronze to the cornupet bull.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 219

naise (i), up to the surroundings of Geneva (2). Read majority of the examples of the first two groups are stamped with countermarks^ the same as on the bronzes to the type of the Lugdunum altar (see in this chapter, §4.7; book IV, chap. v, § 1); we notice those which transformed the coins into imperial currencies, those who, like DD, taught classes in the territory other colonies, and the PP hallmark, granting circulation throughout the province. On the contrary, the countermarks are very rare on the coins of the third group, where we only ever see those who have a military origin shut up. This proves that the letters PP engraved on the corner even these pieces gave them the provincial course resulting both, for the products of previous issues, from the point of view zoning by the same letters.

After the reign of Augustus, when the coinage of Nîmes continued with a servile reproduction of the same types, with a rapid decadence in relation to art, we indifferently copy the old pieces of one or more the other group (3). The currencies for which we continue difficult to reproduce in this way the old types to which the public

(1) In the rest of Gaul, they are no longer found in large numbers than at river fords and in thermal springs, where one can admire put that it was travelers or bathers who offered these coins from their province. Thus we discovered a thousand link to Bourbonne-les-Bains.

(2) Soret, Mém. of the Geneva Historical Society, t. I, p. 233.

(3) See. in Ch. Robert, Numism. of the prov. of Languedoc, pi. IV, Nos. 4 and 6, two specimens of later copies of pieces from the first group, well characterized in that the engraver no longer understood the rostral crown of Agrippa's head and made it a crown of laurel.

21^0 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

was accustomed to having then, by the extent of the sphere of their circulation, a much more provincial character than colonial, although they still bore the legend COL NE M ; also we hardly ever encounter countermark on these imitation pieces, if not military hallmarks or imperial hallmarks, giving courses outside the province. There are also counterfeits quite barbarous of the aces of Nemausus (l)^ where the legends no longer have any meaning and which certainly have not been made in the city's workshop. They cannot be explained that with the character of provincial cash, coated with from a certain moment by these currencies; and we meet against barbaric counterfeits of the same kind for provincial species from the Lugdunum workshop, to the types of the altar of Rome and Augustus, of the cornupetian bull or the eagle. It was around the reign of Nero that we had to stop knocking coins to guys in Narbonnaise and in the name of Nemausus, around the same time when the manufacture for the three Gauls of bronzes relating to their reverse the image of the altar of the confluence of the Rhône and the Saône.

4. I have just pointed out the time of the cessation of coinage in the various colonies of Gaule Narbon- naise. In general, any production of colored coins nial coins, such as provincial currencies or local currencies municipal authorities of indigenous towns, where there were still some, ends very early in the provinces of Occi- tooth. In Sicily, the numismatics of the colonies do not exceed

(1) LaSaussaye, pi. XX, n" 38; Ch. Robert, pi. IV, n° 7.

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not the reign of Augustus (1), in Africa and Numidia that of Tiberius (2), in the various provinces of Spain that of Caligula (3). Alone, in the West, Babba of Mauritania minted currency until under Emperor Galba (4).

After this time, mentions of colonies on the imperial coins minted in the West do not reappear more than twice, in exceptional conditions.

When Commodus, among other follies, had the incredible idea of wanting to make Rome lose its name and pro- claim a colony (5), we struck, in 190 AD, sesterces and copper dupondii in the name of this COLonia Lucia AUtonia COMmodiana (6), with one of established types of colonial numismatics (7), the dater, dressed in the fashion of the cinclus gabinus, conducts around the location of the city the plow, reaches made from an ox and a cow, with which he traces the furrow limits (8d. These pieces bear the mark of Tatelier senatorial, SC, which replaces the Decurionum Decreto of

(1) Eckhel, D N, 1. 1, p. 18o.

(2) Eckhel, D N, t. IV, p. oOO. — This is the time when also stops in the province of Africa the coinage of the native towns; see. the §4, 8.

(3) Eckhel, DiV, t. I, p. 2.

(4) Eckhel, D N, t. IV, p. 1o3; L. Mliller, Numism. of Pane. Africa, t. m, p. 172.

(5) Lamprid. Commod. 8; Dio Cass. DXXII, 15.

(6) Eckhel, D N, t. VII, p. 122; Cohen, M I, t. III, p. 127 et seq. No. 469 and 470.

(7) Eckhel, D N, t. IV, p. 489.

(8) Cat. ap Serv, ad Virg. ^n. VII, 735. — A golden statue of weight of a thousand pounds representing Commodus in this act was raised on the occasion sion of the constitution of Rome as a colony: Dio Cass. LXXII, lo.

222 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

ordinary colonial currencies (1), carie Senate, in its debasement, had then agreed to take, too, the name of Commodianus (2), and to proclaim himself the council municipal of Colonia Commodiana.

We have billon coins from Emperor Postumus, including the reverse offers the figure of the personified Currency, with the legend COLonia CLaudia AOR\Ppina or Colonia Claudia kugusta Agrippina (3) and the date of the 4th consulate of this prince, 265 or 266 A.D. But these are certainly imperial currencies and not municipal currencies blades of the colony. The combination of legend and type of the reverse only indicates that it was in Cologne that Postume had established his main monetary workshop, same as its most usual residence for defense of the Rliin line. Also a billon coin of the same emperor, in the legend lOVI VICTORI, still indicates the same workshop by the two letters Colonia Agrippina pla- created in the field (4).

A. unlike the West, in the East the mu- nicity of the colonies continues until the same period than that of Greek cities. In the 1st century and the beginning cement of 111% we even see it take a development more considerable than in previous periods, because a large number of cities in the Orient were then declared colonies, particularly by Septimius Severus and his successors

(1) Eckhel, D iV, t. IV, p. 482.

(2) Lamprid. Commod. 8.

(3) De Wilte, Rev. num. 1862, p. 41-50; Research on emperors of Gaul, pi. 11, nos. 16 and 17.

(4) De Witte, Rev. num. 1862, p. 47; Emperors of the Gauls, p. 37, No. 131 a.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 223

cessors, and transform their Greek currencies semi- autonomous in colonial currencies. Examples of this coinage, like that of the Hellenic cities, of- come very rarely under Gallienus (1), and he ceases entirely with Aurélien's monetary reform.

5. The official language in the colonies was Latin, even in those where it had not actually been sent of settlers and where it was the indigenous population who had been called en masse in this capacity. Also Latin is the language of the legends of the vast majority of currencies colonial (2). Even in the big cities of Syria and of Arabia, made colonies in the 3rd century, the substitution of a Latin legend to the Greek legend coincides with the chan- condition of the city, for example in Laodicea and at Tire under Septimius Severus, at Sebaste under Caracalla, at Sidon and Bostra under Elagabalus, Damascus under Philip. This Latin is, moreover, very often barbaric, full of solecisms and mistakes of all kinds; we see that it is a language that the inhabitants did not speak and that the municipal magistrates themselves knew only imperfectly indeed. However, as Greek tended to become little by little, in the 3rd century, a second official language in the eastern provinces, and to pass there on the same foot than Latin, we see it used exclusively on the colonial coins of Thessaloniki of Macé- doine, declared colony by Trajan Decius (3), of Philippo-

(i) Eckhel, D N, t. IV, p. 500.

(2) Eckhel, DiV, t. IV, p. 470.

(3) Mionnet, Suppl. t. III, p. 17o.

224 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

polis of Arabia, who received this title from Philip with his name new, as well as almost all the colonies of the Mesopotamia, Edessa (from Commodus), Carrhae (from from Marcus Aurelius), Nisibis (from Elagabalus), Resaena and Singara (from Alexander Severus), finally Zaytha (from Trajan); alone in this region, the colony of Nineveh has Latin coins (1), and the gene- reality of the use of Greek in all these cities is also so much more remarkable that they had all received legionary settlers. We will talk later (§ 8) about coins of Antioclia, or the legend giving the name of the city with the title of colony, awarded by Caracalla, is in Greek; but these are not municipal currencies of the colony; the presence of the letters S C characterizes them as species of Empire, leaving the senatorial workshop. A Patrae of Achaia, whose colonial coinage is entirely Latin, we exceptionally encounter a piece with a legend Greek dedicated to Nero, NEPONI, in one circumstance which Eckhel very well determined (2) and which makes it a commemorative medal rather than ordinary currency nary (3). In the colonies of the Asian provinces, if the main legends are in Latin, with the exceptions that we have pointed out the accessory legends, particularly rement those which explain the types, are often traced

(1) On the coins of the colony of Nineveh, see. the articles of MM. de Saulcy and E. Muret, Annuaire de la Soc. franc, numismatics, t. IV, p. 212-220.

(2) D N, t. II, p. 2.%.

(3) See. what we said above (book I, chap. i, § 1, 8) of the non-monetary nature of medals with Greek legends struck at Co- rinthe in honor of Antinous, at the expense of the priest of this new god, Hostilius Marcellus.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 225

n Greek on the same coins whose inscription with the character official is Latin. Already, in the coinage of high periods of the Republic, we notice, on the coins of [some of the Latin colonies of Campania and Jamnium, the presence of a main legend in Latin and an accessory legend in Greek (1).

There is no city currency taking the title of nunicipe, other than Latin legend.

Under the Republic^ until the Plautia-Papiria law, the olonies under Latin law located in Italy have signed their use their name simply, without attaching their iter of colony. It was the same in the colonies of in Sicily until the end of their coinage, because, in this >rovince^ Enna alone qualified as a municipality on its nonnaie, while Panorme and Agrigento do not write there )as their colonial quality. In the Spanish provinces, There are only part of the colonies and especially the municipalities [who take the title in numismatics (2); step- wolf others omit it. On the contrary, in Africa and )laugh, colonies and municipalities take care extreme not to fail to qualify oneself with these names which eur ensured an exceptional position (3).

For colonial currencies, as for those of the Greek rules, the general rule is that of the obligation decorate them with the effigy of the emperor or people

(1) Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 180.

(2) Osca de la Tarraconnaise uses the not itrbs as a synonym for municipium: VRBS ViCTm OSCA, £ckhel, D N, t. I, p. 53; Alois Heiss, Monn. ant. of Spain, p. 157 ;ts.,pl. XIII, nos. 9, 13 and 17.

(3) Eckhel, D N, t. IV, p. 470.

11. 15

226 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

of his family. However, here again the obligation is not completely absolute, and we encounter a certain number of exemptions. At Gades, the head of Agrippa is accompanied generated titles M VN HERE PI PARENS, MVNICIPI PATRONVS or MVNICIPI PATRONVS ET PARENS, and even we read M AGRIPPA COS III MVNICIPI PATRON on pieces which do not have his effigy (1). Before the Empire, we have some examples of this monetary inscription of character names as colony bosses or municipalities. It is in this capacity obviously that certain pieces of Gadès (2) name BALBVS POHJifex^ that is to say L. Cornelius Balbus, made a Roman citizen by Pompey, the first man born outside Italy who was raised to the consulate (in 40 BC), also decorated with the office pontiff (3). An Emporise coin mentions P Ay Reiiiis COT ta PAtronus (li). Finally older- ment, before the Plautia-Papiria law, on a piece by Paes- tum the two municipal magistrates, instead of bringing as usual their title of duumvirs, are qualified of bosses, a superior title that they had at the same time, CN CORnelius M TWCcius PATRoni (5).

Sometimes, even without the character's name

(1) Alois Heiss, Monn. mit. of Spain, pi. LU and HIM, n"' 42-46; Delgado, Clasificacioii de las medallas de Espaîia, t. II, pi. XXXI- XXXIV.

(2) Eckhel, D N, t. I, p. 20; Delgado, pi. XXIX et seq., n- 83-89; Alois Heiss, pi. LU, no. 37.

(3) See. his biography by La Nauze, Mém. of the Acad. of the Insert. anc. ser. t. xix, p. 327 et seq.

(4)Eckhel. /)iY, t. I, p. 50.

(5) Eckhel, DiV, t.I, p. 158.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 227

îpresented is accompanied by the epithet of divus^ the effi- ies of members of the imperial family on coins The colonies have a commemorative character, and were not laced on these currencies until a fairly notable time later i death of those whose features they trace. The numis- latic of Caesaraugusta, in the Tarraconnaise, we offers a particularly characteristic example. The head 'Agrippa, accompanied by the legend M- AGRIPPA- L- F- OS- lli, is found there on species bearing the names of uumvirs of the colony, which other currencies establish 3nt, exercised their office in the time of Caligula (1). At este, the effigy of Agrippa appears several times on Roman coin coins in silver or bronze with an intention of commemoration and restitution, t always, in this case, the legend mentions the third consulate (2); it was indeed the particularly date imeuse in the life of Agrippa, that of the year when the empire had been constituted and where Octave had received the name of Au- ;uste.

The types of reverses are also varied on the coins the some of the colonies that in the series of Impe- Greek dialects; they then allude to ancient memories historical and mythological lirs of the localities where the color lie had been established. As a special chapter of this (work will be devoted to the general history of monetary types ;aires (book IV, chap. i), I would not talk about it here, no )more than I spoke in the previous § of the types of municipal coins of Greek cities, if on the species

(1) Alois Heiss, Monn. ant. of Spain, p. 209, pi. XXV, n<" 28 and >9, and pi. XXVI, n-o3-o6.

(2) Ch. Robert, Num. of theprov. of Languedoc, p. 50.

II. lo.

228 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

these copper colonies in the imperial age there were certain special types and characteristics, which repro- occur in almost all cities and which relate to their legal status.

I have already spoken of one of these types, the one who represents feel the rite of the foundation, when the plow traces the furrow delimiting the location of the city (1); this type, like that of the Roman she-wolf nursing both twins (2), appears indifferently on the coins of the citizen colonies and those under Latin law (3). Eckhel(4] decisively established that the type of Silenus Marsyas standing, a wineskin on his shoulder and hand

(1) The cities where it was noted are:

jElia Capitolina of Judea. Heliopolis of Cetesyria.

Antioch of Pisidia. Neapolis of Samaria.

Apamea of Bilhynia. Parium of Mysia.

Beryte from Phoenicia. Patrsed of Achaia.

Bostra of Arabia. Ptolemais of Galilee.

Csesaraugusta de Tarraconnaise. Resena of Mesopotamia.

Caesarea of Samaria. Sidon of Phenicia.

Corinth of Achaia. • Sinope of Paphlagonia.

Dertosa de Tarraconnaise. Tyans of Cappadocia.

Emerita of Lusitania. Tire of Phoenicia.

(2) Eckhel, D N, t. V, p. 492. — On the currencies of:

Alexandria of Troad. Iconium of Lycaonia.

Antioch of Pisidia. • Laodicea of ​​Syria.

Apamea of ​​Bilhynia. Neapolis of Samaria.

Damascus of Celesyria. Parium of Mysia.

Deultum of Thrace. Patrse of Achaia.

Sprouted from Galatia. Philippi of Macedonia.

(3) We also find the type of the She-Wolf on the coins of both municipalities, Cœla of Thrace and Italica of Baetica.

(4) D N, t. V, p. 493 et ​​seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 229

Elevated right (1), in the same pose of the famous statue the Roman Forum, was a symbol of Latin law possessed )ar cities. Servius (2) says in fact that a similar statue stood on the forum of each of the Latin cities free, to express in a plastic form the notion of their freedom. This given, let us note that this type means îatif is the most common on Cœla coins in the ^hersonnese of Thrace; there is important data there ians the question, still controversial, of knowing whether there was the municipalities of Latin law as well as Roman law.

The type of military ensigns indicates for the colony ine origin due to a rferfwc/fo of veterans, especially when the The badges are accompanied by the numbers of the legions which ) provided the colonists (3), because the signs, without these indications

(1) Coins of the colonies of:

Alexandria of Troad. Neapolis of Samaria.

Beryta of Phenicia. Parium of Mysia.

Bostra of Arabia, Patrse of Achaia.

Damascus of Celesyria. Sidon of Phenicia.

Deultum of Thrace, Tire of Phoenicia. Laodicea of ​​Syria.

(2) Ad. Virg. ^n. 111.20; IV, S8; Macrob. Saturn. IV, 12.

(3) Here is the list of indications of this type that can be found on the Colonial coins, classified according to the chronological order of the emperors ï who were due the deductions:

August.

Acci de Tarraconnaise: LEG. Ml {Tertia Augusta) — LEG. VI [Sexla Victrix).

Caesaraugusta of Tarraconnaise: LEG-IV [Quarta Macedonica) — LEG* VI {Sexta Victrix) — LEG. X {Decima Gemina).

Emerita of Lusitania: THE • V. X {Quinta Alaudae cl Décima jcrnina).

Patricia of Bética: THE. V, X {Quinta Alaudae and Décima demina).

230- CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

cations, are also found as a monetary type of the muni- cipe of Italica in Baetica and purely Greek cities of Nicaea and Juliopolis of Bithynia, as well as of Hierapo- Syrian lily. Even, on provincial or national currencies cities other than colonies, one can sometimes encounter

Patroe of Achaia: XXI I {Vigesima secunda Dejotariana). Antioch of Pisidia: V [Quinta Macedonica).

Phenician beryte: V (Quinta Macedonica). — VI [Sexta Ferrata) — VHI {Oclava Augusta). Philippi of Macedonia: COHORfes FRAEtoriae.

Claude.

Plolémais of Galilee: IV, VI. IX. X, XI (Quarta Scythica, Sexta Ferrata, Nona Hispanica, Décima Freiensis and Undecima Claudia).

HADRIEl^r.

Heliopolis of Celesyria: LEG. H {Legio Hadriana, it is difficult to determine what it was precisely).

Septimius Severus.

Tire of Phoenicia: LEG. Ill> GAL [Tertia Gallica). Elagabalus.

Sidon of Phoenicia: LEG. III- PART {Tertia Parthica). Alexander Severus.

Ressena of Mesopotamia: LEG. Ml- GAL {Tertia Gallica). Gordian III.

Viminacium of Moesia: IV. VII {Quarta Flavia and Septima Claudia). On Viminacium pieces, the signs bearing these numbers are in the hands of the personified Province.

Philip.

Damascus of Celesyria: VIF. IIIGAL or S-T (Sexta Ferrata and Tertit Gallica).

Heliopolis of Celesyria: LEG. V. MACED. VI II- AVG {Quinta Macedonica and Octava Augusta).

We see from these examples that the deductions were provided by the veterans of the legions quartered in the province itself, or in its region! close neighborhood.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 231

put up signs bearing legion numbers, to recall those who had their usual quarters there. Thus, on the provincial bronzes of Dacia^ the Pro- vince personified holds in his hands two signs where we sometimes read the numbers V and XHI, indicating the two legions which then garrisoned the country, the Quinta Macedonica and the Decima terlia Gemina (i). On billon coins from the Alexandria workshop with heads of Numerian and Carinus, the type of the eagle holding a crown in its beak is accompanied by a legend mentioning the ACr. B- TPAI (2)^ i.e. Lef/io Sècunda Trajana^ which had, in fact, its cantonments in Egypt.

§ 6. — The State CURRENCY of the Republic

ROMAN.

1. We still have, to complete our study on the law monetary in antiquity, to now carry our re- gards on the Roman series itself. There we go find the right of coinage constantly allocated, under the Republic and under the Empire, to sovereignty, whatever whatever form it takes.

Throughout Republican times, it was name of the State and under its official guarantee that are manufactured about currencies. For a long time, they do not wear that fairly uniform religious types, arrested by the

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. He, p. 5.

(2) Mionnet, t. VI, p. 489, no. 3396, and p. 491, no. 3612.

232 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

public authorities and drawn from the religion of the State; the first legend, at first the unique and until quite late the main, is the name of the town, ROM A.

This legend, despite its nominative form which deviates completely from Greek habits in such a case, is not not the indication of the place of issue, but the mark of the sovereignty of the Roman state. So it first appears on coins issued in the name of the Republic, but excluding from the city of Rome itself. The first serious aes cast from Rome, that of the liberal system (book VII, chap. ii, | 3), is anepigraph; to find on the currencies of the ate- Roman link the legend ROM A, you have to go down to the emissions already greatly reduced serious aes sions which are approaching of the triental weight (book VII, chap. ii, § S), that is to say which were made around the middle of the 5th century in Rome; still the legend only appears on the internal divisions. lower, hammered; but, as long as we use the cast iron process for larger sizes, they remain without registration.

On the contrary, in the full reign of unreduced liberal weight, we see aces cast at the legend ROM A, which were made in an as yet undetermined city in Italy central (1) and whose types and style are entirely different made foreign to the urban workshop (2). The same legend bed on a minted series, Greek style and semi-weight

(1) The letter U, which is seen in the field of the reverse on some of these aces, must be the initial of the name of the place of issue.

(2) The types are: Head of Minerva facing front wearing a three-piece helmet egrets; ^ Ox walking to right. ; Marchi and Tessieri, Lœs grave del Museo Kircheriano, uncertain, pi. V, No. 15; ft. extra n" 1; Baron d'Ailly, Research on Roman coinage, 1. 1, pi. XLVIII; Mommsen, M H, 1. 1, p. 189.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 233

libral, which only offers the divisional sizes of triens, quadrans, sextans, ounce and semuncia, and whose issuing workshop was surely in a town of Apulia or Campania, perhaps in Suessa (1).

In the currencies of the three metals struck for the Republic in Capua and known as the series Romano-Campanian (2) (book VII, chap. m, §1), from- then 340 until 317 BC. BC, the legend is RO- MANO, spelling with anousvara (â) for Roma- noun (/j.), old genitive plural used here in the manner Greek (3); after 317, it is ROM A, in the Roman way, and it never fails, either under one or the other form.

(1) Marchi and Tessieri, class I, pi. XII, n" 2-5; D'Ailly, t. II, pi. LXVII, n°'l-9; Mommsen, M R, t. I, p. 190.

(2) Mionnet, t. I, p. 127 et seq.; Suppl. t. I, p. 237 et seq.; Cohen, M C, ft. XLIII and XLIV; Ch. Lenormant and De Witte, El. des mon. ceramogr. t. I, p. XLi-XLV; Mommsen, M R, 1. 1, p. 260-267.

(3) On this spelling habit in Latin, particularly on numismatic monuments, see. Longpérier, Rev. num. 1861, p. 333- 330; we will return to this in book V, chap. ii.

(4) The legend ROMANOM, with full spelling, can be read on a square ingot weighing several pounds (Eckhel, D N, t. V, p. 50; Rev. mm. Belgian, t. 11, ft. VII and VIII; Mommsen, M R, t. 1, p. 176 and 329); he does not appear to have been cast in Rome itself, and the date may be relatively late. dive for a monument of this class (see book Vil, chap. ii, § 2). As for the ingot of the same nature bearing N. ROMANOM [Rev. num. 1864, pi. X and XI; Mommsen, M R, i. l, p. 331; t. IV, p. 6 et seq. ft. Ul and IV), it is so singular that I cannot take its authenticity for absolutely certain, despite the high authority of the judges who have admitted.

(5) Fiiedliender, Oskische Miinzen, p. vi.

234 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

2. All the oldest silver coins of the Roman series, whose broadcast began in 486 from Kome, 268 BC J.^C. (book VII, chap. m, § 2), were made exclusively in Rome itself. A little later, towards 525 of Rome, 229 BC. AD, and even perhaps before, the government of the Republic established in the provinces a number of branches of the urban workshop, intended to manufacture state currency in the provinces (1). At this time, all Roman species, besides the legend main ROMA, bear a monogram or some letters indicating in abbreviation the name of the city where they were been hit. The secondary workshops were located in the consular district, which included Italy with Cisalpine Gaul and Tulyria (2). On silver coins, we find the marks in ROMA monogram (3), independent during the main legend whose letters are detached, VIBo (4), KOPzupa (5), and in separate letters Lw- ceria (6), CROTo (7). “We do not know until now, note Mr. Mommsen, only one denarius of this kind, and it is

(1) Mommsen, M R, t. II, p.5S;Bahrfeldt,Ze/7sc/ir./'.iV«m. t. V, p. 40-61.

(2) See, Mommsen, Die. Rechlsfrage zivischen Cœsar und dem Senate, p. 8-

(3) Cohen, Jtf C, pi. XLIII, nos. 5 and 7; ft. LXX, No. 6; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 22S, no. 6; D'Ailly, t. II, pi. CIX, n"' 11-18, pi. CXIII, n° 12.

(4) Cohen, M C, pi. XLI, Vibia, No. 1 and 2; Mommsen, M R, t. He, p. 231, no. 11.

(5) Cavedoni, Bull, of the Inst. arch. 1856, p. 77; Riccio, Catal. ft. III, ti° 15; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 230, no. 9; D'Ailly, t. II, pi. CIII, 11" 4 and 5.

(6) Riccio, Catal. ft. V, n"' 1-4 and 19; Monete di Lucera, class IV, nos. 1, 3, 4, 8 and 13; Mommsen, M R, t. He, p. 227, no. 8; D'Ailly, t. II, ft. cm, n- 10-17, CIV, CV and CVI. n-1-11.

(7) Cohen, M C, pi. XXVII, Metilia, n° 1: Mommsen, i[/ fi, t. II, p. 230, No. 10.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 235

marked with the monogram of Rome; it seems that the at- secondary bonds only issued the victoriat, the quinary and the silver sestertius with the whole copper series from of the ace, and that they have always been forbidden to hit denarii; the powers granted to them would not have thus comj)orted that the manufacture of money division- nary or second order. » A number of workshops even only struck copper; these are the ones you want include the brands Chmsium (1), KApwa (2) and raestum (3). The letters C-M appear to designate a final locality where silver victoriates were issued (4). All those of these workshops that we can determine were located in Latin colonies or in allied cities enjoying of the conditions of the most favorable alliance (5), and what some of them, like Luceria, Canusium, Ca- poue^ Corcyra, manufactured at the same time coins of copper in their own name.

This organization of secondary workshops in various

(1) Riccio, Catal. ft. V, No. 21; Monete di cità, p. 42; Mommsen, MR, t. II, p. 232, no. 12; DAilly, t. II, pi. CI, n° 1-16.

(2) Riccio, Catal. p. 18; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 233, no. 13.

(3) Riccio, Catal. ft. V, nos. 7-9, 18 and 22; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 23S, no. 17; D'Ailly, t. He, pi. CVIIl, n° 12-19, and CIX, nos l-S.

(4) Riccio, Monete di famiglie, Tp. 262; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 234, No. 16; D'Ailly, t. II, pi. CI, ms 17 and 18.

M. Bahrfeldt [Zeistchr. f. Num. t. V, p. 33 et seq.) further explains by city names a few isolated letters which are seen in the field of silver coins of the same period, taking H for the initial of Her- donîa, C like that of Cammum. But, as these letters meet trent on deniers, I would believe that we must recognize there marks of Roman monetary institutions rather than branch mints.

(5) Crolone, where one of these workshops was located, did not receive its colony from citizens only in 194 BC. AD, that is to say after the broadcast of the series that we are talking about had already ended.

236 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

cities does not appear to have been of long duration. Here we go again uttered during the course of Hannibal's war, to return to the system of centralized state coinage in the Rome mint, with the exception of coins struck ex- ordinarily in the provinces by virtue of the powers of military Vimperium, particular coinage of which we will deal with | 7 of this chapter. At least, if some of the hotels of the accessory currencies of which we have just speak, like that of Luceria and that of Psestum, by- seem to have continued their broadcasts for some time yet state currency, they no longer gave absolutely than copper species.

3. Wherever they were manufactured, the silver and copper coins of the Roman Republic from a high period bear the inscription ROMA, a brand of the sovereignty which caused them to be struck. On currencies of silver, remarks M. Mommsen (1), this legend has not never missing before QlxO of Rome (114 BC); we even sees it almost always until 650 (104; BC. AD), with a few rare exceptions. Since the year- born 670 (84 BC), it is no longer used only for indication of the type, for example on some deniers of T. Carisiiis and Cato of Utica, in the Caesarean era. We can him lend the same meaning to some earlier pieces. laughing. The oldest denarius of certain date which does not does not bear the name of Rome as the name of the city raine is that of the urban quaestors Cépion and Pison (2),

(1) M R, 1. 11, p. 166.

(2) Cohen, MC, pl.X, Calpurnia, n"2i; Mommsen, MB, t.II, p. 383, n° 192.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 237

minted between 651 and 65Zi (103-100 BC); the last of certain date which bear it are those of L. Piso Frugi (1) and D. Silanus (2), minted in 665 (89 BC). AD), » and it is to oppose it to the ROMA legend that the Italiots inscribed ITALIA or Vileliu in Oscan on their funds during the Social War (3).

“Therefore, all money bearing the name of Rome, when this name is not intended to explain the type, should be considered as predating the Soviet War. cial, and all those who do not wear it will be unquestionably ably after the year QliO.

((The legend of the name of Rome is seen much more long on copper coins than on silver. In some series, we see it on the copper coins and not on the denarius. ROMA reads on all aces of uncial weight (see book VIT, chap. m, § 3), except for one, that of Lentulus Marcellinus (li). The name of Rome does not tend likely to disappear only after the adoption of the system semoncial (book VII, chap. m, § 5) -, and even then this suppression was not as absolute on copper as on money, because the name of Rome still reappears on the aces of Sextus Pompey. »

This is the name of the monetary magistrate, signing the document

(1) Cohen, M C, pi. IX, Calpurnia, no. 3-21; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 407, no. 212.

(2) Cohen, M C, pi. XXIII, Junia, n"» 4-10; Mommsen, M R, volume II, p. 409, no. 213.

(3) Friedlaender, Oskische Munzen, pi. IX and X; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 420-426.

(4) Capranesi, Ann. of the Inst. arch. 1842, p. 131; Borghesi, Osserv. num. Dec. XVII, 6, in the Complete Works yi, II, p. 32; Mommsen, MR, t. II, p. 401, no. 207.

238 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

as responsible, which thus tends, in the second half of the 20th century of Rome, to gradually supplant the Gentle ROMA. The oldest coins, like the old ones cast copper coins of the earlier age, did not bear no such signature in any form. We only saw in law the mark of the value of coin (i) and on the reverse the name of the sovereign city. The oldest form of the signature of the responsible magistrate sand, borrowed from the uses of the Greeks, was the introduction in the field of the reverse^ as an accessory type, of the sym- personal bole engraved on its seal (see book IV, chap. III, g i). We already have examples before the reduction of the denarius, which occurred in 217 BC. (book VII, chap. m, § 1), and Mr. Mommsen (2) believes he can fix the first appearance of these monetary symbols around o20 of Rome (234 BC). “Since then,” remarks the scholar Prussian, despite the soon general custom of putting

(1) Here are the chronological rules that Mr. Mommsen {MR. t. II, p. 164) asks about this type of indication: “The old silver coins all bear the sign indicating their value, with the exception of the victoriat, because it was considered almost like a foreign currency having a commercial value rather than a monetary value (see.

book. VI, chap III, §4) Jus(^u'in 6i0de Rome (114 BC), the value

is always indicated on the deniers; since around 66o (89 BC), it never is, and between these two dates there is no fixed rule. This

criterion is one of the most infallible for fixing the age of currencies.

mark of value was preserved longer on copper than on money; there are series in which we still find it on the copper, while it has already disappeared from the silver. At the time of the system uncial, it is sometimes missing on the smallest fractions, for example example on the half ounce and on the ounce, very rarely on the quadrans or on the ace. After the adoption of the semoncial foot, it is more often missing wind on aces, and then we find it again on fractions. »

(2) M R, t. II, p. 171.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 239

all letters the name of the currency on the coins, we still finds, towards the middle of the seventh century of Rome, deniers which have no other accessory mark than an em- monetary problem. The names of these do not meet not before 537 (217 BC), but soon after. We seen appearing on both copper and silver. Originai- rement, the name of the monetary was written in linked letters together, thus forming a sort of monogram, and the letters were only detached from each other when that it became impossible to make a ligature, like for TOD, GR; so we settled for an abbreviation- tion. Later, these intertwined letters appear more ra- rement^ and replace them with initials. It's only towards the end of the 6th century that monetary finally to put their names in full. The name of Eome, which is without exception written in full, remains for some time associated with that of monetary silence; we saw that it disappears around the middle of the 7th century, the name of the currency having become the legend main, after having initially been only a simple access evening. It was then that, by a rather singular turnaround, the name of Rome, before disappearing entirely, still shows from time to time in the form of a mo- nogi-amme (1), and even, more rarely, indicated by a simple initial (2).

(1) On the funds of L, Marcius Philippus (Cohen, M C, pi. XXVI, Marcia, no. b; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 346, n° lo6), by T. Didius (Cohen, M C, pi. XVI, Didia; Mommsen, t. II, p. 349, n° 158) and L. Piso Frugi (Cohen, M C, pi. IX, Calpurnia, n°^ 3-21; Mommsen, t. II, p. 407, n» 212).

(2) On some copies of the denarius of A. Albinus (Cohen, M C, ft. XXXV, Postumia, n° 4).

240 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

“According to the old legislation, each civil servant was independent of his colleagues and could exercise the functions of his office without their assistance. It is according to this principle that we see from the beginning only one name of monetary on the coins, which also took place on more often. However, during the 20th century, we find two and sometimes three coins named at the time.

((The titles of functions and honors do not begin cent to be mentioned on coins only on a date quite recent. In the second half of the twenty-first century, this indication becomes frequent on emission parts extraordinary; it even happens that the name of dignity is there without that of the dignitary. However, it is necessary note that the indication of dignity was not essential thinkable, even on coins struck extraordinary- lies, . . . Naturally, the ordinary officers of the currency were the last to put on their coins the title of their office. » It was obvious that the name written on the currency should be presumed that of a magistrate regular currency, unless otherwise indicated.

II. The gradual modification of the types of money the Roman Republic follows a path exactly parallels that of the modification of the legends. During throughout the ancient period, the types remain uniform, of a religious character; they are those of the State.

On the right, we see the head of Pallas or rather of the goddess Rome (1), wearing a winged helmet. This head is maintained

(1) On the uncertainties to which the preliminary determination gives rise

THE DAXS LAW ANCIENT COINS 241

held without variation until the middle of the seventh century the Roman era. "There are only six or at most seven denarii with the mark of their value and the name of Rome on the reverse, which deviate from this rule (1). » And all these pieces date back to 640 (Hù BC). This is not only later, when the name of Rome changes place or that it is entirely missing, that we see the head of the goddess Rome usually replaced by that of another division nity or by that of one of the ancestors of money. Again, until the dictatorship of Sulla and even during his time, alongside pieces with new types, there are some which retain the old guy.

The oldest reverse of the silver coins of Rome is, as everyone knows, the type of the Dioscuri to horse j as they appeared fighting in the ranks of the Romans at the battle of the lake. Regille (2). But, from before the first reduction of the denarius and even the appa- rition of small personal monetary symbols^ we

cut of this head, see. Olivieri, Saggi delV Accademia di Cortona, t. IV, p. 133; Eckhel, D N, t. V, p. 84; Borghesi, Oss. mm. decade. I, 4; That- vedoni, Saggio di osservazioni, p. 124; Aldini, Sul tipo primario untie an- tiche monete délia Rumana Republica, in the Mem. delV Accadem. di Torino, 2= ser. t. III and IV; F. Kenner, Die Romatypen (Vienna, 1837), p. 11 et seq.; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 8, 19 and 181; D'Ailly, Research on Roman coinage, t. II, p. 43 et seq.

(1) Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 181.

(2) The Dioscuri were, moreover, assimilated to the Penates, Moreover, he we must not forget that, as Mr. Mommsen remarks (M R, t. II, p. 29), a the Dioscuri were considered the tutelary gods of the Roman knights, that is to say of the portion of the people-king who took care of more particularly commerce; the ovi district was located the temple which was devoted to them could be considered as the center of business, like the Rome Stock Exchange. »

n. 16

242 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

also sees the introduction of the type of Diana or the Moon into a bige (1), and, a little later, after the reduction, that of Victory in the same chariot drawn by two horses worth (2). These are the funds of these guys who were called from bigati^ appellation which later became a generic designation of ancient silver coins republicans (3). “The replacement of Victory by other deities in the chariot, the substitution of the qua- rode to the bige and from deer to horses as a team of Diane (4), seem to have to be reported at the end of the 6th century of Rome or rather at the beginning of the VIP (5). »

Around the year 620 (134 BC), the first types of personal setbacks to monetary ones, and alluding to their name or great historical memories of their family, begin to show themselves on the pieces and take the place of fixed types of State. The oldest examples are provided by the corners of:

C. Minucius Augurinus (6), representing the monument raised before the Trigemina gate to L. Minucius, consul and

(1) Cohen, M C, pi. XLIII, n-8 and 13; Moramsen, M R, t. II, p. 226, n" 7; D'Ailly, vol. II, pi. LI, i\°' 12-14.

(2) Cohen, il/C, pi. XLIU, No. 11; Mommsen, .1/ R, t. II, p. 262, No. 59; D'Ailly, t. II, pi. LI, n°^ lS-18. — About these big guys and their chronology, see. KUigniann, Zeilschr. f. Num. t. V, p. 62-72.

(3) Plin. H N, XXXIII, 3, 44; Tacit. German. 3; T.Liv. XXIII, 15; XXXIII, 23.

(4) Cohen, M C, pi. XLIII, No. 10; Mommsen, M R, t. IT p. 289, No. 94.

(5) Mommsen, M R, l. II, p. 182.

(6) Cohen, pi. XXVIII, Minucia, n° 3; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 303, No. 109.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 243

demvir, and at the same time, near this monument, Mr. Minucius Fsesus, the first augur named among the plebeians (1);

Sex. Pompeius Faustulus (2), type of the shepherd Faustulus tulus discovering the she-wolf who breastfeeds Romulus and Ré mus under the Ruminai fig tree;

Tiberius Yeturius (3), recounting the service ment of the allies during the treaty concluded by the consul T. Veturius Calvinus with the Campaiiians and Sam- nites (4).

From 620 to 650 of Rome (134 to 104 BC), the an- These reverses, to the types of the State, swing in number the new ones, those whose types vary and are specific to monetary ones. In this last class, it is then necessary report, in order of seniority, those of the funds of:

Q. Marcius Philippus (5), with the equestrian image of Philip of Macedonia (6);

Mr. Caecilius Metellus (7), with types reminiscent of life- Ci) Eckhel, D N, t. V, p. 2do; Mommsen, t. II, p. 301.

(2) Cohen, M C, pi. XXXIII, Pompeia, No. I; Mommsen, t. II, p. 30o, No. 110.

(3) Cohen, M C, pi. XLI, Veturia; Mommsen, t. II, p. 306.

(4) I cannot understand how Mr. Mommsen could admit a only moment the possibility of seeing in this type an allusion to the treaty concluded by the same consul T. Veturius Calvinus following the disaster of Caudine Forks. This was not a family memory that could be be tempted to remember about the currency.

(o) Cohen, M C, pi. XXVI, 3Iarcia, n" 4; Mommsen, t. II, p. 33i, No. 142.

(6) Borghesi, Oss. num. dec. III, 7, in the Complete Works, vol. 1, p. 208.

(7) Cohen, M C, pi. VIII; Cœcilia, n°' 6-8; Mommsen, t. II, p. 333 et seq., n- 143 and 144.

II. i6.

244 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

tories of his family in Sicily on the Carthaginians and in Macedonia;

Q. Fabius Maximus (1), type of Valencia in Es- loincloth (2), to allude to the victory of one of its an- cetres on Viriathe (â);

C. Servilius (4), retracing one of the twenty-three combats singular in which his ancestor M. Ser- was victorious vilius Pulex Geminus (5);

M', ^milius Lepidus (6), representing an arch of triumph with an equestrian statue, that it is quite difficult to explain historically (7);

L. Marcius Philippus (8), with the image of the statue equestrian raised on the Forum to Q. Marcius Tremulus, vain- queur of the Hernics (9);

(1) Cohen, M C, pi. XVII, Fabia, n- 3 and 4; Mommsen, t. II, p. 337, nMiS.

(2) Cavedoni, Saggio di osservazioni sopra alcune medaglie difamiglie ro- mane, p, 43.

(3) Appian. Hispanic. 6S and 67-69.

(4) Cohen, M C, pi. XXXVII, Servilia, n<" 1 and 2; Mommsen, volume U, p. 339, no. 146.

(5) Borghesi, Oss. num. Dec. IX. 7, Complete Works, vol. I, p. 441.

(6) Cohen, M C, pi. I, JEmilia, No. 3; Mommsen, t. II, p. 345, No. 153.

(7) The explanation of Eckhel (D N, t. V, p. 127), who saw the bridge here Emilien, is not possible to maintain, because this bridge was not built that in 21 BC. (Mommsen, Epigraph. Analect. n° II; Berichte d. K. Sachs. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch. 1850, p. 323; Corp. register lat. t. I, p. 174), that is to say almost a hundred years after the issue of the denarius.

(8) Cohen, MC, pi. XXVI, il/arcm, n° 5; Mommsen, t. II, p. 346, No. 156.

(9) T. Liv. IX, 43; Cic. Philip. VI, 5, 13; Plin. H N, XXXIV, 6, 23; see. Becker, Roma Topogr. p. 323.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 245

P. Licinius Nerva (1), where we see the tribune C. Licinius Crassus assembling the people for the first time in the septa (2).

From 650 Kome (10/|. BC), the types of the Roman silver coins are infinitely varied and entirely ment delivered to the whim of the monetary authorities (3), who do not put little more than subjects borrowed from the history of their families or talking images recalling their names by real puzzles. The types relating to events con- Temporary symptoms are rarer and only begin then. The The first that we can cite are those of the denarius where we sees the two urban quaestors Pison and Cépion buying wheat (4), under the Lex frumentaria of L. Satur- ninus (5), event which took place in 651 or 654 from Rome (103 or 100 BC), and Italian denarii from the Social War, with the type of the italic bull terras- health of the Roman she-wolf (6) or of Sailors disembarking in Italy (7).

However, despite these innovations, older types

(1) Cohen, .1/ C, pi. XXXVIII, Silia; Mommsen, t. II, p. 330, No. 160.

(^2) Varr. De re rust. I, 2, 9. — This explanation, ingenious and certain taine, is due to Mr. Mommsen.

(3) Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 183.

(4) Cohen, M C, pi. X, Calpumia, n° 24; Mommsen, t. II, p. 383, No. 192.

(3) Anonymous. Ad. C. Herennium, I, 12, 21; see. Cavedoni, Appendix al saggio di osservazioni^ p. 164.

(6) Friedlsender, Oskische Munzen, pi. IX, No. 6; Mommsen, t. II, p. 331 (addition of the Duke of Blacas).

(7) Friedlaender, Oskische MUnzen. ft. X, no. 13, p. 84. On the significance tion of the type, see. Cavedoni, Bull, of the Insl. arch. 1843, p. 144.

246 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

of State will be preserved for a long time to come. So the Italians copied the type of the Dioscuri on some of their deniers in the Social War (1), and we even find, although rarely, after the middle of the 19th century in Rome, if not the Dioscuri, at least the bigi and the quadriga with Diana, Victory and other deities. They don't disappear definitively disappeared only around 690 (64 BC).

The type of the victoriat, religious type and which we can considered as State, remains immutable since the in- troduction, in the Roman silver series, of this mon- naie, which owed its name to its type (see book VII, chap. III, §4).

On copper, the old types are preserved more faithfully. only on money, and, when we see some values there laughs, they never introduce personal subjects to monetary ones. Mr. Mommsen (2) very well indicated the causes of this fact: “First the fixity of types was more necessary for these coins than for those of silver, because that it was necessary to be able to easily distinguish them from the others Italic coins of the same metal. Then (see book VII, chap. m, § 5) the emission of the as ceased around the year 600 of Rome (154 BC) only to reappear exceptionally- from 650 to 670 (104 to 84 BC) (3) and disappears come back again around 680 (7/|. BC), a time when which the great variety of personal setbacks to mon- taires is shown on silver coinage. »

This variety of types of money, left to the fan- silence of the responsible magistrates, was a gi'and abuse, which

(1) Friedloender, pi. IX, n»- Y ot 8; ft. X, No. 21.

(2) M R,t. II, p. 184.

(3) Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 72 et seq.

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is enough in itself to show what corruption had been introduced in the government of the Republic. But this license, abusive itself, did not infringe the fundamental principles of monetary law. It's all- days to the State alone which belonged to the issue and the guarantee currency. The sign, characteristic since Alexander the Great, of the possession of currency by a single man, the right to have his features represented there, was re- rocketed to all citizens, however powerful they were, at least there where the regime of Vimperium Civile extended. Sylla himself, in his years of absolute power and without control, don't dare usurp it. Caesar the first, like crowning the edifice of its supreme power, takes possession of the currency, and, as exclusive master of the right to strike it, has his effigy placed there. We see- We will, moreover, in the next §, how he grafted this usur- pation on a particular datum of ancient uses, how he introduced into Eome itself a privilege military coinage, until then strictly confined in provinces foreign to the constituency laire.

5. “We do not know,” said Mr. Mommsen (1), “what was in the origin the part given to each of the powers constituting guardians of the Republic in the exercise of part of the sovereignty which consists of coining money; but what we know about the last two centuries can we provide sufficient data to assess what had took place in earlier times. At this time, the

ri) MR, t. II, p. 41.

248 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

people, the Senate and the magistrates collaborated, each for their part, to the legal remission of currencies, this branch of administration so important to fortune public, and which can be called the living expression of autonomy.

“The people, gathered in the comitia by tribes, decreed everything relating to emission, weight, division, to the metal of currencies, to the ratio of metals between them. We see this through the Fapiria law (book VU, chap. II, § 3) and the Flaminia law (book YII, chap. m, §3) on the weight of the ace, by the Flaminia law on the proportion of the unit of silver with the unit of copper, by the law Livia (above, book II, chap. ii, § 3) on fiduciary currencies ciaries, which then had to be issued at the same time as real currencies, by the Clodia law (book YII, chap. m, § 4) for the removal of 3 sesterces coins and for the assimilation to the quinary of those which still remained in circulation, finally by the Papiria law (book VII, chap. m, § 5), which orders a new issue of coins of a sesterce (1).

Within the limits of these legal restrictions, it was at most supreme gistrat, to him who was clothed with Vimperium^ that should in principle be the responsibility of sovereignly fixing the time, extent, mode of monetary issuance and the species of currencies to be issued. But this is where we need to distinguish in Roman monetary legislation the regime urban, that of Vimperium Civile, of the regime of vinces where Vimperium militare is exercised. We know how much the Romans, in the development of their freedom, sought-

(1) Borghesi, Osserv. num. dec. XVII, 1-S; Complete works, t. II, p. 283 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 249

constantly seek to limit, and even eliminate, as far as possible, the authority of the first magistrates of the Republic, especially as regards finances and to the state coffers. Was the direction of the currency in the beginning handed over to the consuls, as thought Mr. Mommsen (1)? We can only make conjectures tures in this regard. However, what seems to favor a such hypothesis is the observation of the short period of a regime where state coinage was not done alone ly in Rome, but in a certain number of workshops branches, distributed throughout the district consular. They are much better designed, in fact, administered very like that of Eome by employees delegated by the consul (2), rather than by special urban magistrates cials, which their existence seems to exclude. But we have given that we had given up during the. second war punishes this system, to return to concentration of the normal coinage of the State in the mint of Rome. A from the moment when this principle prevailed again in the. practice, it is almost certain that the exercise of the share of sovereignty which consists of the manufacturing and the issuance of coins was no longer entrusted to consuls, but to particular magistrates, the monetary triumvirs. We will deal in detail with these magistrates in the rest of this book^, chap. m, § 2. We will see that their office was not at first a regular magistracy and permanent institution, but a temporary commission porary, the coinage taking place only at intervals, at as needs arise. This

ii)MR,t. II, p. 4-2.

(2) Mommsen, M R, l. II, p. 56.

250 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

It was only around 665 in Rome (89 BC) that the trium- monetary virat became an ordinary magistracy, and that currency issues continued regularly and without interruption. But already, around 650 (104 BC) or a little before, they were frequent enough for us to distinguished the ordinary currency, struck in its direction triumvirs, extraordinary currency, issued by other very magistrates to provide for outside of normal emissions males with an exceptional and temporary need for cash. The monetary triumvirs were therefore the magistrates regular executives for the manufacture of coins; they operated under the control of the Senate; but precisely the intervention of this body for the surveillance and direction tion of the triumvirs was a fact so normal that one wonders thought of mentioning it on the documents (1). As for the extraordinary broadcasts, it is a senatus-consult who decided them and entrusted their care to a specific magistrate. Also almost all the currencies that we have, carry both the name of urban quaestors (2) or of aediles (3),

(1) Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 64.

(2) Mr. SERGI. SILVS. Q—EX.S. C: Cohen, M C, pi. XXXVII,

Sergia; Mommsen, M R, t. II, n° 168 (a little before 630 from Rome).

L. TORQVA. Q. EX. S. C: Cohen, pi. XXVI, Manlia, No. 3; Mommsen, n° 169 (a little before 650).

CN. LEN. Q. (or C\Rator tk FLandis) EX- S. C: Cohen, pi. XIV, Cornelia, no. 10 ell; Mommsen, no. 259 (680).

P. SLOW. p. F.L.N.~Q. S-C: Cohen, Ft. XIV, Cornelia, n" 12; Mommsen, No. 260 (around 680).

L- PLAETORI. L. F. Q — S. C: Cohen, pi. XXXII, Ploetoria, No. 1; Mommsen, n° 268 (a little before 688).

(3) P-GALB. AED. TRC — S- C: Cohen, pi. XXXVIII. Sulpicia, No. 2; Mommsen, No. 266 (685).

Mr. PLAETORIVS. Mr. F- AED.CVR — CESTIANVS- S- C:

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follow it with the mention EX Senalvs Consullo or Sena- tiis Constdto. Mr. Mommsen (1) established that every time that on the coins of the Roman Republic we find a name without a title expressed, but followed by the formulas De Se- natus Senlentia (2), FiiblicE Senatus ConsuUo['d), EX Se?ia- tiis Consulta {A) or simply Senatus Consulta (5), it does not

Cohen, Ft. XXXII, Plœtoria, n°^ 2-9; Mommsen, no. 267 (around 685).

EX. S. C M. SCAVR. AED CVR— H. HVPSAEVS- AED.

TRC: Cohen, Ft. I, .'Emilia, n"^ 1 and 2; Mommsen, n° 273 (around 696).

P- YPSAE S- C: Cohen, pi. XXXII and XXXIII, Plautia, n-4 and j; Mommsen, n° 274 (same date).

CN. PLANCIVS. AED. CVR. S-C: Cohen, pi. XXXII, Plautia; Mommsen, No. 276 a (700).

A. PLAVTIVS- AED- CVR. S-C: Cohen, Ft. XXXIIl, Plow^ia, n» 6; Mommsen, n° 276 b (700).

(1) M R, t. He, p. 63.

(2) Tl. Q. D. S. S: Cohen, pi. XXXVI, Quinctia, No. 4; Mommsen, n" 186 (a little before 660).

C CASSIVS. L. SALINA. D S- S: Cohen, pi. LU, Cassia, no. 1; Momnisen, no. 243 (a little before 673).

(3) PE. S. C — SLOW. MAR. F: Cohen, pi. XIV, Cornelia, Nos. 5 and 6; Mommsen, n° 207 (a little before 670).

(4) EX. S^ C — CETEGVS: Cohen, pi. XIV, Cornelia, no. 2; Mommsen, n° 179 (between 640 and 6S0).

(5) S-C — T|. CLAVD. Tl- F. AP. N: Cohen, Ft. XII, Claudia, No. 3; Mommsen, n° 231 (between 668 and 671.

C HUSBAND. C F. CAPIT. S. C: Cohen, pi. XXYl, Maria, n-1-3; Mommsen, n° 249 (between 675 and 679).

S- C' — C- NAE. BAL: Cohen, Ft. XXIX, Ncevia; Mommsen, n» 253 (a little before 680).

S. C — L-PROCILI. F: Cohen, pi. XXXV, Procilia, n-1 and 2; Mommsen, n° 256 (a little before 680).

Mr. VOLTEI. M. F. S- C D- T (from thesauro?): Cohen, pi. XLII,

252 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

This is not a regular triumvir, but a character charged with an extraordinary commission. And, in fact, all these mentions are found exclusively on coins after the middle of the 7th century of Rome, on silver coins, like those of the quaestors urban residents and city councilors; in addition, many characters to which they relate can be recognized historically only for urban questors.

The legal and administrative organization that we come from to indicate was that of urban currency. But, below- excluding even the more or less restricted coinage right left to certain provinces, and of which we spoke in § 3 of this chapter, the necessities of distant wars of the Romans, with the consumption of money that re- imperiously proclaimed the pay of the troops and the service

Volteia, n^ 4, cf. 1-3 and 5; Mommsen, n° 2b7 (a little before 680).

L. FARSVLEI — MENSOR- S- C: Cohen, pL XVIII, Farsuleia, n-1 and 2; Mommsen, no. 262 (between 680 and 68o).

S- C — L. RVSTI: Cohen, pi. XXXVl, Rustia, No. 1; Mommsen, No. 264 (between 680 and 68S).

S- C. — SVFENAS: Cohen, pi. XXIX, Nonia; Mommsen, No. 271 (around 694).

S- C- — FAVST: Cohen, pi. XV, Cornelia, n"' 21-23; Mommsen, No. 275(700).

MESSAL. F — PATRE. COS-S-C: Cohen, pi. XL, Valeria, n»S; Mommsen, No. 277 (701).

L-AXSIVS. L-F — NASO. S. C: Cohen, pi. VII, Axia, n-l and 2; Mommsen, n° 283 (between 68U and 704).

S- C— p. CRASSVS. Mr. F: Cohen, pi. XXIV, Licinia, No. 2; Mommsen, n° 293 (between 69d and 700).

T. VETTIVS — SABINVS. S-C: Cohen, pi. XL, Vetlia, No. 2; Mommsen, n° 303 (between 680 and 704).

Q. POMPON I — RVFVS. S-C: ft. XXXIV, Pomponia, no. 3; Mommsen, no. 309 (a little after 700).

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS iJ53

of stewardship, as well as those of the administration of the immense territory subject to the Republic, obliged frequently to carry out extraordinary broadcasts state currency outside Rome, in the provinces, by the general of the army in the field or the governor of the province, as well as financial officers attached to his command, quaestors or proquestors. As Mr. Mommsen (1) very well said, “the right to coining was part of the nature of Vimperium which he was attached to. Limited in Rome and subject to certain some restrictions like Vimperium Civile, he participated, outside Rome and to the ends of its empire, the omnipotence of Vimperium militare. » Coins struck under the latter authority form in Roman numismatics from the Republican age a class important, which deserves to be studied separately, all the more that we will take this opportunity to take a look general overview of military coinage in antiquity.

I 7. — • Monetary right attached to imperium

MILITARY.

1. Throughout antiquity, money has been the sinews of war. We cannot fight without spending a lot, and every State engaged in a war has always needed a great quantity of cash coined to pay its soldiers, meet the needs of the stewardship services responsible for

(1) M R, t. II, p. 44.

254 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

keep them alive_, as well as the enormous expenses that the ar- requirements already required in antiquity as in ours days. Also wars have always brought among the history of extraordinary currency issues.

They required all the more similar issues. ions that in general, among the ancients, coinage had no not the character of continuity and regularity that it took on among modern peoples. In the political system of Greeks at the time of their independence, the fragmentation the infinity of small local sovereignties which exercised monetary law, with the difference presented between they the species of the different cities, did not allow that it was otherwise, The circulation of currencies each city was very restricted, hardly leaving its territory. There were only certain cities, in possession exceptionally extensive foreign trade or well placed in particular conditions by the pos- session of mines providing abundant products, which could deliver with continuity and on a large scale to the production of coined cash, because their currency, adopted from large-scale commerce by a sort of general convention, took, as we have shown above (in this chapter, g 2, 1), an international character- national, and became for these cities one of the most important export goods. Elsewhere, we quickly reached for the production of domestic cash necessary for domestic transaction needs; so we were all naturally led to wait, to proceed with new new emissions, that some circumstance had produced a decrease in the metallic mass in circulation, in causing a part of the territory to leave or there occurs a need for exceptional expenses. In this case, — and,

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 255

as I said, it was the war which provided the most often on such occasions, — it was generally necessary have recourse to a special manufacture of coins. In indeed, the habit was to keep precious metals into the public treasury in the form of ingots rather than spirits coins, and to pay the expenses it was necessary to give monetary form. Outside of big cities trading places like Athens, Corinth, Rhodes, Syra- cuse, Taranto and a few others, we do not encounter any abundant and continuous numismatic series as in the monarchies, like that of Macedonia and those which formed remnants of Alexander's empire, because These monarchies alone had enough territory and power. pulation, as well as enough budgetary expenditure an- nual in the maintenance of their administration and their standing army, to require the constant payment of a certain proportion of new species in the circulation culation.

Apart from these cities, the list of which would be short, and of these monarchies, the Hellenic coinage of the centuries of full independence has always taken place, in every city and each state, at intervals only, as and when measure of needs and with interruptions often very prolonged. The necessities of war have, perhaps more than all others, gave birth to emissions of this gender, and we can relate with certainty to the events military ments which fill Greek history the origin origin of a large part of the coins that have left us Hellenic cities. For the very cities that had a continuous coinage and for monarchies, it is very rare that the extraordinary expenses of a great war have not brought about extraordinary development in

256 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

the manufacture of currencies, and often issues which can be recognized by particular characteristics.

It is important, moreover, to distinguish, in currencies of which the needs of the war thus led to the manufacture, two very distinct classes, the emissions which, although made with a specific aim, to meet the necessities present, fall into the series of regular coinage to bind and normal cities and kings, — these are by far the most numerous, — and the military currencies proper- ment said. We will only deal with these last ones here.

nières.

Military coins in antiquity differ as completely obsidian currencies to which we had sometimes resorted to in modern ages (see more top, book II, chap. ii, § li). These are not currencies of necessity of an essentially fiduciary nature, without intrinsic value, to which we gave a value of exceptional convention but essentially temporary rarity, to then remove them from circulation by exchanging for real cash, when the circumstances tances which had motivated the emission were once past. On the contrary, in general, they are currencies of excellent quality, as good as those in the world normal swimming, because they were made to provide for expenses that had to be paid in cash of the nature more real. Three-quarters of the time, they were issued to pay mercenaries who were difficult on the qua- ity of the pay and who would have refused their services rather than agreeing to be paid in bad money. What characterizes the military coins of antiquity, it is that they were struck by the generals placed at the head armies in the field and for the service of their armies,

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 257

instead of being by the regular magistrates of the towns and in the ordinary workshop. Sometimes the generals, in the middle of their war operations, carried out broadcasts of this kind with the metallic resources that provide them- know the loot taken from the enemy or the contributions raised on the countries where they operated; sometimes they did it with the metal that the public treasury of their country sent them under ingot form.

This military coinage, operated by the generals in the mid- place of their armies, whose products were worth those of the normal coinage of the cities and remained quite natural- ment in traffic, once they had entered it^ is a thing particular to ancient uses. But he It should be noted that precisely the simple processes and rudimentary, used by the ancients for the manufacture of their currencies (see above^ book II, cliap. m, § 1), made it easy. There was no need then, to proceed der to an issue of currencies, to organize all the ins- complicated and expensive tallation that our pro- perfected transfers. In an occupied city, provided that it contained goldsmiths^ who were put in requi- situation, we quickly and inexpensively set up a workshop provisional monetary. In the camps themselves, provided that we had the metal and two or three experienced workers. the material of the field forges, which every army drags necessarily following it, was enough to strike mon- naies.

2. “Datames the Persian,” recounts Aristotle (1), “being at the (1) Econom. II, 24.

II.

17

258 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

"head of his army, could provide soldiers, ((at the expense of the enemy country, whatever was necessary to “their daily subsistence, but he had no money “gent to give them for their pay. As they re- "claimed and that the time had come when he had promised "to pay it to them, he gathered them together and declared to them that, without "doubt, he did not lack money, but that he had de- “placed in such a locality. Having said this, he went to this place. “straight with harnessed carts; arrived in the neighborhood, (c he took the lead and forced the priests to give him “all the silver vessels contained in the temple; he them charged at the mules and brought them back to camp as “animals of burden carrying cash. When the ((soldiers saw them coming, they thought it was the ((expected currency, which would be immediately available to them (( distributed, and took courage. But Datame told them ((that we had to wait until we arrived at Amisos^, distant from <( several days of walking that the winter made more “painful, to monetize this metal. »

This curious story shows us coinage in action military, as we have tried to define it, and what makes it particularly interesting is that we have coins of Datame, with Greek legend, struck in Paphlagonia with the Sinope type (1), which have large lucky to be those whose production is told by Aristotle.

The writers now lost, which Photius has extracted for the creation of his Lexicon, spoke of a mon- Thibronian land, ©lêpcoviov vo^Aiapia, so named because that the Lacedaemonian harmost Thibron or Thimbron had it

(1) Waddington, Mel. of mm. 1. 1, p. 82, pi. VI, No. 1.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 259

was struck when he commanded the army assembled at Lampsacus against Tissaphernes, army in which died the Ten Thousand, leaving the service of the Thracian king Seuthès (1). Here we have a second perfect example- characterized as military currency, reported in the ancient writers, although unfortunately we do not have still been able to apply this name of Thibronian currency to a known numismatic species (2).

Among the events of the end of the 5th century BC era, there is one who necessarily, even though Tliabi- tude would not have existed and still the power of coinage exercised by the generals would not have been re- known as legitimate by public law, was to bring the creation of a military currency: it is the revolt of the Athenian army stationed at Samos, against the government oligarchical structure of the Four Hundred, when she recalled Alcibiades and placed him at his head. No longer recognizing the government of Athens, until the moment when the same revolution is accomplished in the motherland, the army of Sa- mos had become like an independent colony, living on her own resources and obliged to create herself everything she needed. For several months, she could not receive any money from Athens, from the government

(1) Xenoph. Anabas. VII, b-8.

(2) It is wrong that Mr. Mommsen (M R, t. I, p. 87) wanted to recognize the Oiêpwvtov v6[ii(T(Aa in the silver coins which bear the name of Seu- thesis itself (D. de Luynes, Numism. des Satrap. pi. VI, p. 45; Num. chron. t. XX, p. 131), since it was only after leaving his service and having been paid by him, that the Ten Thousand passed under the orders of Thibron. Moreover, it is probable that the silver coins in question, which form a very salient exception in the numismatic series of Thrace at this time, were minted for the payment of the Ten Thousand, when they demanded their back pay before leaving,

H.17.

260 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

whom she had repudiated; the subsidies that Alcibiades had first promised on the part of Tissaplierne did not come neither, because the satrap still floated between the two par- tis and in this situation found it simpler not to balance none. However, cash was needed for the enormous expenses that the administration of the army and the fleet was doing, so as to put itself in a position to resume start the campaign as soon as possible. This cash, we had to brick yourself with the metal resources that Ton managed to obtain it in some form. Beat currency was moreover at that time a way of asserting sea the popular sovereignty that the army claimed to reside der in it, as long as democracy has not been reestablished in Athens. Now, there exists a silver currency that all factory and style characteristics relate precisely at the end of the 5th century; its types, like its weight, are those coins from Samos, but the caption reads A0EN lA (1). This currency was explained as the monument of a monetary convention between Athens and Samos, made unlikely, because Athens had no need to con- ventions of this kind to have its currency accepted with eagerness in all markets, which means that we let us not see it in common coinage with any city; moreover a union currency, following the usual rules tules, would simultaneously carry the types of the two cities allies. It is much more natural and much more likely to read here AOENatwv ZApu [currency) of the Athenians of Sa- mos and to recognize it as the product of military coinage of the army^ during the months that she lived independent of the government of Athens. Adoption of type and weight

(1) Borrell, Num. chron. t. VII, p. 74; Brandis, p. 469.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 261

of Sumos is naturally explained with this origin, because it is for purchases on the market of Samos itself and neighboring towns that the currency was minted. We can moreover admit that the Samians had made one condition, by putting the workers and the tools of their mint at the disposal of army chiefs Athenian.

In no series from ancient times, the mid-century coins literary no longer take up space and are of a nature more certain than in that of the Achaemenid empire. As we have already noted above (in this chapter, § 1, 2)^ almost all the pieces which bear names of high-ranking Persian officials mentioned in history, especially those which came out of the workshops of the Cilicia, a country of strategic and political importance first order as ensuring communications between the interior of the empire and the countries of the Mediterranean basin terranea, almost all these parts must be put away in the category that concerns us. It's like generals placed at the head of armies in the field, and not as sa- traps exercising the regular powers of this office, that the characters in question made them and there write down their names. These military coinages took place in the towns where the armies had their base of operations. Tiribaze, who was satrap of Armenia, minted money at Issus for the service of the troops he commanded against Cyprus; Pharnabazus, satrap of Hellespontic Phrygia, and Datame, satrap of Cappadocia, did the same to Tarsus when they successively had the leadership of forces directed against Egypt, forces whose base of support provisioning and gathering was in this city. Moreover, the silver coinage of the royal workshop

262 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

of Tarsus (book YI, chap. iv, § 2), very extensive coinage and of which we have numerous specimens, had a exclusively military destination, was manufactured for the pay of the troops and the fleet. The currencies themselves same, output from this workshop, with or without gene-name raux, bear proof of this in the word HÎD (1), which reads on most of them (2), written in Arabic characters- ancient means (book Y, chap. m, § 4). The explanation true and certain of this word was found by Mr. Blau (3); it is the oldest example that we know birth of pelilevi, that is to say of the use of a semi- tick to express an Iranian term. Zend offers us the word mizda has balance”, modern Persian muzd^ corresponds to dant to Greek fjit.c6oç; mizdya is therefore a Persian word by- completely safe and regular training, parallel to that from the Greek pcotoç, with the adjective meaning to which belongs is due to the pay, which is used for the pay.” It is this word that he must be recognized in the HTD of parts from the workshop Tarsus, where it applies to money itself as “intended for pay”. The meaning is further clarified by the exceptionally developed legend of one of these pieces from the workshop of Tarsus, "jbn IKiriTT^V bv n HTQ, word for word “(coin) for the pay which (is) for Abdzohar of Cilicia”; the preposition Sv has a meaning which does not does not lend itself to ambiguity; the currency does not come from “Abd-

(1) For the fixation of the material reading of this word, see. Wadding- your, Mel. of num. t. I, p. 71 et seq.

(2) D. de Luynes, Num. of the Satraps. ft. III and IV (under headings Abdsohar and Gaos); ft. VIII and IX, nos. 3-14; Brandis, p. 430, 500

and s.

(3) Zeitschr. d. deutsch. Morgenl. Gesellsch, t. IX, p. 81; From numis Ache- menidarum aramaeo-persicis, Leipzig, 18S5.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 263

zohar”, it was made “to” pay for it. The destination special of the products of the Tarsus workshop, as it results from the very word inscribed on these species, is in a very remarkable agreement with the passage where Herodotus (1) says that the satrapy of Cilicia paid annual tribute to the Great King 500 talents of silver, of which 40 remained in the country for the pay of the cavalry corps which were there quartered. We know that the kings of Persia were provide the tribute, not in sums of coined species, but in weight of metal (2). The share of that of Cilicia which remained in the hands of the satrap, without going to the treasure central of the empire, for the military destination indicated by Herodotus, had to be coined on the spot^ before being employed in the pay of the troops; and this explains the origin gine of the entire series of coins with the HTD legend. The cavalry corps quartered in Cilicia were in large part supplied by the country itself, whose horses were famous (3). Abdzohar, like the Sam or Sama, which is named on some other similar coins of date one slightly later, probably struck under Alexander (see above, in this chapter, §1,3), was a dynast from Eastern Cilicia or Commagene, from the country itself where we find on the throne, in the 2nd century B.C. yours, an Abdissarès and a Samès, of which we have pieces to Greek legends (4); as such, he had to order right a portion of the cavalry contingent, that which

(1) III, 90.

(2) Herodotus. III, 89.