Money in Antiquity, vol. II: Monetary Systems — 1878

(3) Cilicia, in addition to its silver tribute, provided 360 horses per year vales in the stables of the king of Persia.

(4) Waddington, Mel. of num, 1. 1, p. 79.

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his country had provided, Nothing could be more natural than find among the military coins of Tarsus some some that were minted to pay him and his soldiers. The same HTD legend, which we have just noted the meaning, can be read, traced with characters of one pa- different leography, on one of the large silver coins of the provincial coinage of the Great King in Syria and Phe- nicia (1), whose workshops appear to have been in Damascus and in Sidon (2) (see book VI, chap. iv, § 2). Part of less of this other provincial coinage of the Achaemenids was struck with a military destination, obviously for the payment of the Phoenician fleet^ which constituted the nerve of the maritime forces of the Persian monarch; and the type of the galley, which constantly decorates the reverse of the coins these (3), must relate to the royal fleet. The pay of land troops in the Achaemenid empire, and part- particularly that of the Greek mercenaries, was paid in dari- golden ques (4); it seems that the Phoenician fleet was paid in silver (5), as did the Cilician cavalry, and that there were two special productions of coins to provide for it, each providing currencies from different systems to which the Phoenicians and Cilicians were accustomed by ancient national customs. We already have

(1) Gesenius, Mon.phoen. ft. XXXVI, G; Rev. num. 1853, pi. III,

#2.

(2) Brandis, p. 232 et seq.

(3) These are the currencies described by Brandis (p. 424-426) under the heading brick of the 9th satrapy, 2nd class.

(4) Xenoph. Anabas. I, 3, 21; V, 6, 23; VII, 6, 1; see. Brandis, p. 249; F. Lenormant, Royal coins of Lydia, p. 33.

(5) The Phoenicians, like the Greeks, almost exclusively used lies among them as silver coinage.

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noted above (book I, chap. m, § 3, 1) how much the use of money had become imperfectly naturalized in the Achaemenid empire; the population of all the interior provinces still remained, in the transactions between individuals, faithful to the ancient Asian custom than to use precious metals in exchange gots, in the state of merchandise. It was mainly for the government services that the species those of the Great King, and that of all these services which require but constantly, especially as soon as there was war, the largest sums of coined cash, was the balance troops, in an empire which had little under its control flags that foreign mercenaries or contin- people of vassals, whose loyalty to the way of big wages.

Even more than the Persians, the Carthaginians did war exclusively with armies of mercenaries, the maintenance of which cost them very dear; but this people of merchants preferred to pay soldiers at all costs than fight himself. It's for the maintenance of these mer- naries and in general to meet military expenses that the Carthaginians created in Sicily their first coins (1) (book YII, chap. i, § 1), almost a century before starting to strike in their city^ 'which remained still faithful to the use of metal in ingots (book Yl,

(1) In the inscription on the column of Duilius (which, although restored later, rests on an old background), it is a question of strong sums of gold and silver coined in the booty taken from the Carthagi-

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chap. VIT y § 1). The Siculo-Punicipal currencies had their corners engraved by Sicilian Greek artists; they do not appear do not hold to the weight system according to which Carthage later cut its coins, and that it owed to its founders Phoenician tors, but according to the particular system of coinage of Sicily (1). Two classes must be distinguished of pieces, as did M. L. better than anyone. Thousand: currencies bearing the names of cities constitute killed in a state of autonomy analogous to that of the colonists Latin nies in the Roman Confederation, whose situation political vision undoubtedly served as an example here, as n"lpbD""ir/n Heraclea Minoa, i<1t2Dn Motya, ")SD Solonte, yiS Segesta and >î'K Thermas Himerenses; those who were issued by the authority of the Carthaginian State and the magis- trats that he sent to the island (2). Part of these nières are anepigraphs; but their close analogy with the pieces which have legends and the presence on the front pages and the other symbols of the Carthaginian State, the horse or the horse's head and the palm tree, form a group inseparable. When there is inscription, it is the name itself of Carthage n^iriTllp, like ROMA on the coins Roman state coins struck in Capua or in the workshops branches of Corcyra, Vibo, Crotone, etc. Associated with name of Carthage^ we sometimes read TUriD, and in isolation

nnnD Qv or njnjD w^v.

nJîlD properly means “the camp”; but is it a

(1) On all of these currencies, see. Gesenius, Mon. phoenic. p. 287-297; Ugdulena, Siille monete punico-skuk, Palerrae, 1837; A. Sa- linas. Appendix alla Memoria sulle monete punico-sicule dell'abale Ugdu- lena, Palermo, 1858; F. Lenormant, Essay on the propagation of the alphabet Phoenician, t. I, p. 157-160.

(2) L, Millier, Numism. of the anc. Africa, t. He, p. 74-84.

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locality name? The opinion of Judas (1), who saw the designation of the Magalia district in Carthage^ well that adopted by a philologist of the value of Mr. Sclirœ- der (2), could not rally for a single moment the numismatists tists, since the coins are surely of Sicilian origin link, and not properly Cathaginian. More serious is the opinion of those who think that Panorme, a district general of the Punic forces in Sicily, had received Car- Thaginois a name which meant in their language “the camp.” However, M. L. Millier (3) showed what There are serious objections to admitting that Panorme then enjoyed an autonomy which allowed it to register his name, either alone or associated with that of Car- thage, on the coins which were certainly struck in his workshop. Moreover, in the uses of employment numismatics from the Phoenician dialect of Carthage, D7 is not used to designate the people of a city, as synonym of the Greek ^vifxoç (h)\ we use the word bV3 » ^^^-^^s the meaning of “citizen”, put in the constructed plural state before the name of the city, "TTJlK SV)^52 or "n^K Sv^^U^ [currency] of the citizens of Gadès, "U/Zi\i^ bv^D (currency) of the citizens

(1) Rev. num. 18S6, p. 220-224.

(2) Die pœnizische Sprache, p. 277.

(3) Numism. of the anc. Africa, t. II, p. 81.

(4) The word Dî? in Phoenician, at least in Carthage, seems to have implied qué, as in Arabic, a notion of inferiority that it did not have in Hebrew; it was plebs rather than popuhis. In the votive inscriptions of Carthage discovered by M. de Sainte-Marie and deposited in the National Library nale, the characters to whom the designation CJTnmp DV applies appear to be public servants. See, moreover, Genes, xxxii, 8, and XXXIII, 15, for the use of Dî? speaking of servants, even in Hebrew.

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of Sexli^ K^JTI SViiD {currency) of the citizens of Tingis^ V'S '^V)^^ {currency) of the citizens of Segesta (1). To the ass- milk^ njnD QV, word for word “people of the camp, crowd of camp", is to designate the army, an expression quite done in the genius of the Phoenician language, quite parallel to that which Hebrew offers us with the same meaning, >î::iïin DV “the people of the army” (2), nan^Dn DV “the people of combat” (3). The best interpretation theire and the most probable is therefore that of M. de Saulcy (û), by Lindberg and M. L. Millier (3), translating “the camp” the legend associated with the name of Carthage and “(currency) of the army” that, more developed, which is meet in isolation. The Carthaginian currency of Sicily was essentially, by its origin and by its destination, a military currency; it would thus bear the designation written statement. At the time of their Sicilian wars, the Car- Thaginois paid their mercenaries in silver currency, in the Greek fashion, predominant in the country; after the first Punic war, they paid them in currency gold (6), which they now produced abundantly in their very city.

Which further confirms the opinion to which we hold let's rally about the legend nJflD DV^ that's what we see sometimes another takes its place, Dia^ilD. From this one

(1) See. Schroeder, Phœnh. Spr. p. 181.

(2) Num. XXXI, 32.

(3) Josh. VIII, 13; X, 7; xi, 7. — Cf., for the use of DÎT alone in speaking of the soldiers, Jud. v, 2; viii, 5; ix, 36 and 37.

(4) Mem. of the Acad. Registrations new ser. t. XV, 2'' part. p. 59.

(5) Numism. of Vanc. Africa, t. 11, p. 80.

(6) Polyb. I, 66; see. L. Mlzller, t. II, p. 72 et seq.

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the only reasonable interpretation was given by Lind- berg(l) and M, L. Millier (2); she sees the designation there “accounting officers” (3), military quaestors who assisted the suffète charged with command of the army (li). It is obviously to these quaestors that report the names of men more or less abbreviated (5) which can also be read on some of the state currencies Siculo-Punic; none coincides, in fact, with the name of one of the suffets who commanded in Sicily, whom we con- almost all of us are born.

In front of this military coinage of the Carthaginians at Panorme or Lilybée, we can place another, who also had Sicily as his homeland, but on the side of the Greeks. These are the copper coins which bear the legend AAAIimnN lYM MAX IKON with the head of Zeus Eleuthe- rios, lEYI EAEY0EPIO2, or only 2YMMA- XIKON, with the head of Sicily personified, IIKEAIA, or of Apollo Archegetes, APXAfETAI. Mr. Barclay Head (6)

(1) De inscriptione Melitensi, p. 47.

(2) Numism. of Vanc. Africa, t. II, p. 80.

(3) a\unc is a word formed like lpS?2 “prefect”, which is read on the coins of Leptis Magna (L. Miiller, t. III. p. 3 and 10), and b'û7GD o prince” in the Bible (1 Chron. xxvi, 6). It is attached to the foot of the root i^n, which in this voice takes the meaning of “count”.

(4) Livy (XXVIII, 27), regarding Gades, shows the quaestor with the suffets in the constitution of the towns of Tyrian origin.

(5) Only one is written in full, Syins, by corruption for Syinni, parallel to the Hebrew SNini (see Schrœder, Phœniz. Spr. p. 200); this is the Punic name of which the Greeks and Latins made Bithyas, Bithias or Biiias.

(6) Coinage of Syracuse, p. 37 et seq.; see. Holm, Zeitschr. f. Num. t. II, p. 340 et seq.

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established, in fact, that these coins had been struck for the army of allies gathered from all Sicily by Timoleon in order to resist the Carthaginian invasion (340 av. AD), army whose meeting point was perhaps in Alœsa (1).

The series of coins with the types of Alexander, struck after his death, still offers us a very curious example coinage made during a military expedition. In 1850, a deposit of tetradrachms of Alexander, all of the same manufacture and of a type offering particular details (3), including the other examples are extremely rare and, when knows the place of origin, always come from the Pé- loponnese. All these coins were surely minted at the same time and in the same workshop, in Sicyone, the greatest number of which bear monetary symbols usual in small incidental types in the field. M.L. Millier (4) reported the manufacturing of it in the most certain to the expedition in which Polysperchon, in 316 before Jesus Christ, tried to make himself master of Pelo- ponnese and only managed to capture Sicyone and of Corinth, where it remained until 308. But these pieces not only have the mark of Sicyone; we see there also in small types the certain symbols of many

(1) The legend ZYMMAXIKON, implied vôfjLtajjia, recalls the ZYN of the symmachic currencies of some cities in Asia Minor, after the naval battle of (^nide, which was discussed above, in this chapter, § 2.

(2) Newton, Num. chron. t. XVI, p. 29 et seq.

(3) These are the coins n"' 864-898 of the Numismatics of Alexander the Large by M. L. Millier.

(4) Numism. by Alexander, p. 223 et seq.

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Peloponnesian cities of which Polysperchon could never become possessor, Athene Promachos of Argos, the madman Dr. of Elis, the Dioscuri and the amphora of Lacedaemon, the trident of Troezene and Messene. It is therefore obvious that with a view to further conquests, the Macedonian general, in the monetary workshop he had organized in Sicyone immediately after disembarking, had struck coins bearing the marks of the main cities of which it intended to seize, so as to have them all ready in order to use them for the expenses he would have to incur for his army. He thought that would help them find something better. their reception in the markets of these cities. And this shows how already, less than ten years after the death of Alexander, copies of the conqueror's coins made by the different cities were good for the public, as well as we said earlier (in this chapter, § i, 6), of municipal currencies, including the real legal guarantee resided in the small type, added on the field of the reverse by the issuing city.

Let us finally cite as the last specimen, because we have not here is no pretension of drawing up statistics of mon- military bases of Greek antiquity and to make one complete study, we only want to establish by a few convincing examples their character, and development what had this practice taken; let us quote the king's drachmas Parthian Arsaces VII, Phraates II, who carry, in addition to the ordinary legend, the word KATACTPATGIA “expedition military » (1) or ...TOPOT KATACTPATeiA « expedition

(1) F. Lenormant, Catal. Behr, No. 878; New, Ann. of the Inst. arch. t. II, 2® part. ft. B, No. 11. — The word xaTacTpaxeia is missing from the lexicons, but it is formed in the most regular way and justified by the verb -/-aTacTpa-

•272 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

of . ..go ras” (1). These coins were minted during the great war that Phraates II had to wage against the invasion of the Scythians, a war in which he perished (2). It was in Margiana that the fight took place and the king had gone to cover the Parthyene proper, which was invaded after his death. We have proof of this with a similar drachma, from the same prince, where this is the name of this province, MAPTIANH, which is written in the same place as the word x.aTa(jTpaTsia on those from which we have just separated (3).

3. Military coins, in the Roman continuation of the Republic, are even better characterized, more dis- tincts than in the Greek sequence, because they always carry days the name and title of the commanders who made them to hit; moreover, they have a very great importance historical, because the rules of law which authorized their fa- construction, determined its extent and conditions, was the starting point of the transformation which made the currency of the republican state the currency of the emperor. This transformation took place, in fact, like the whole revolution which substituted the monarchy for the republic, without violent break with old forms, without in- introduce new titles into legal language such as that of king, to which the Romans were more repugnant than to reality of the thing. Keep all the ancient magistrates res by canceling some and bringing the others together on the

(1) Ch. Lenormant, Name. Ann. of the Inst. arch. t. II, \). 198, pi. A, No. 10 cf. von Sallet, Zeitschr. f. Num. t. III, p. 247 et seq.

(2) See. G. Rawlinson, The sixth oriental monarchy, chap. seen and viii.

(3) Von Sallet, Zeitschr. f. Num. t. III, p. 246.

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head of a single man; substitute for Vimperium Civile Limited the fullness of Vimperium militare, introduced into Rome even with the taking of the title from ^imperator, by attaching inviolability of tribunician power and law of exclusive initiative attached to the title of princeps Senatus, such was the work of Augustus, the one by which he organized one of the most absolute and unlimited monarchies that the world has ever known. Likewise, in matters monetary, what he did and what Caesar had started before him, it was to apply to urban currency the principles of military currency, until it exclusive- specific to the provinces, to ensure to the depositary of the supreme power the rights that the old legislation repudiates blicaine conferred on similar matters to Vimperator at the head of his army; this is enough to effect a takeover complete of the authority of a single one over the currency and for confer on the emperor the right of effigy, which became one of the characteristic marks of its power.

It is interesting to follow the details of the process progressive of this transformation, and this is how our study on military currencies will form the transition natural relationship between the two subjects of the principles of law who presided over the state coinage of the Roman Republic Maine and that of the Empire. But, before tackling the problem period of transformation, we must take a look at the monetary powers attached according to public law and republican constitution in Vimperium militare.

Mr. Mommsen (l) treated this chapter in a manner particularly remarkable, and numismatic facts he knew how to deduce the rules of law with certainty.

(1) M R, t. II, p. 57-63.

II. 18

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“The general,” he said, “whether he was called dictator, consul, praetor, proconsul, propraetor, or whether he was only designated by the title à'imperator, had, by the very fact of the command in cheS {imperium) with which he was clothed, the right to coin money, and this right he could exercise legally by his quaestor or proquestor {proquaes- tore or legatus pro quaeslore), throughout the entire extent of the pro- vinces subject to his authority. » Coins minted in these conditions sometimes simultaneously bear the name of the general and that of his financial officer, sometimes isolated- the name of the general or that of the quaestor or pro- quaestor.

((During the civil wars, Mr. Mommsen continues, urban magistrates, such as the urban quaestor and the^ monetary triumvirs, exceptionally replaced: military quaestors; often even commanders of ( army corps {legatipro consule or ^tro praefore), coated extraordinarily consular or praetorian powers were temporarily responsible for coining money.

“Most often the authorization of the Senate is not mentioned on military coins, because obviously the general in chief, acting within the limits of the functions of his charge, did not need it, and that this coinage was regular. We only know three currencies this class on which mention is made of the authorized tion of the Senate, and these three exceptions serve to confirm the general rule. The first two pieces belong to two lieutenants of Sulla, L. Annius, whom he sent Spain fighting the partisans of Sertorius, also after his return to power, and L. Valerius Flaccus, who governed Gaul at the same time. He is all natural that Sylla, who had managed to put the government

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in the hands of the Senate, also wanted to raise he has the monetary rights of the army general (1). >As for the third exception, it can also be explained; [1 effect, Q. Coponius, at the time of the war between Caesar FC Pompey, did not legally have the right to beat lonnaie, since he commanded the troops as pre- on and not as proprietor; he therefore needed, according to i constitution still in force, a special authorization ial of the Senate to exercise the monetary rights which belonged to the general-in-chief. »

The absolute powers of Vimperium militare were not as, moreover, reserved for the state of war. The commanders the provinces were covered with it, even in times of peace, years the extent of their government. They therefore enjoyed the the same monetary law as the generals in the field, [but, numismatically and in fact, the currencies of The governors of provinces or their quaestors form no distinct class of strictly military currencies, [in that they were struck according to the same principle igal and under the same powers. We saw read above (in this chapter, §3,6) how the right to coinage granted to the common indigenous authorities of Some provinces had been gradually absorbed and unfiscated by the Roman governors, charged only firstly to control it through high surveillance; com- slow the tetradrachms of the Macedonians had ended up

(1) One more example must be attached here, belonging to the same period and being explained by the same reasons; it is the denier that the their brothers L. and C. Memmius, quaestors in Spain during the war Between Sertorius, they signed together, without putting their title there, but tt mentioning the authorization of the Senate: see. Mommsen, M R, t. II, . 427 et seq.

II. 18.

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become those of the praetors of the province and their questions tors, how the cistophores, of national currency of the province of Asia, issued by the prytanes of the cities, had been transformed into the currency of the proconsuls. It results of this gradual progression that things had followed, that the coinage of provincial governors in normal times evil, as it continued with a certain continuity, is a fact which begins historically later than the strictly military coinage, operated in circumstances exceptional resources, for the urgent needs of the war. In addition, the coins of the first class, those governors, follow the original systems in the East Greek which had been admitted for provincial currency cial, with an official and fixed rate for the correspondence of their values with those of the Roman state currency; in the West itself_, where the central government of the Republic public did not tolerate provincial coinage according to another system than that of the denier and Tas, these mon- nais always have a very pronounced local character, which shows that their circulation was limited to the province. Often a city name is written there at the same time as that of the governor. Strictly military currencies, struck by the generals at the head of active armies, always fit, with very rare exceptions, into the state currency system of the Republic; they don't are distinguished from urban currency only by the nature of the authority which had them manufactured-, also, in practice, there were they fully assimilated; instead of having a limited circulation, they had the same legal tender throughout the entire extent of the Roman Empire. In the deposits of coins from the time of the Republic, we find these mon- military coins mixed with urban currencies; we observe

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only those which were struck in the provinces these distant ones are not yet found in the deposits of Italy almost contemporaneous with their emission, because it took a while for them to arrive, not- health from hand to hand, all the way to Italy.

4. It seemed useful to me to first draw up a sort of sta- list of provincial coins minted up to the second triumvirate, in the name of the governors or their quaestors, by virtue of their imperium or its delegation for this special object to the financial officer. It will be noted that, despite the local character of these species, the legend of Roman magistrate is always there in Latin, even in the Greek countries, except on a few copper coins of the ]VIace- doine and Cyrenaica.

Later Spain.

CN. IVLIu.9. L. Filius. Quaestor — CORDVBA. Small bronze (1). Date uncertain, but belonging to the end of the seen" century of Rome.

VRSONE — L-APpuleius. DECimus, Quaeslor. Large bronze (2).

The name of L. Appuleius Decimus can still be read on a piece without city name, which Mr. Landolina-Paterno (3) has

(1) Eckhel, D iV, t, I, p. 18; Alois Heiss, Monn. have. from Spain, ft. XLI, Corduba, n° 1. With the same types, but without city name: Alois Heiss, Ft. XLI, Corduba, No. 2.

(2,^ Eckhel, D N, t. I, p. 28; Aloïs Heiss, pi. XLVII, n" 3-5. — The Munda coin bearing the name of the same quaestor (Eckhel, D N, 1. 1, p. 2o) appears not to be authentic.

(3) Monete consolari sicule, p. 15.

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given to Sicily, deceived by the resemblance of the type with that of the Liljbée coins. The date of this quaestor is doubtful; j\I. Alois Heiss relates it to the time of Augustus, whose laureate head he believes he recognizes in the right of the coins which bear his name. But this effigy identification is far from offering complete certainty (1).

Sardinia.

ATIVS. BALBVS. FRaetor — SARDVS-PATER. Average bronze (2). Atius Balbus was praetor around 62 BC. AD; I already noticed above that there was really no no decisive reason to consider, as we do usually, its currency as commemorative and struck under Augustus, rather than as issued by himself during in his government (in this chapter, § 4, 7).

Sicily.

We have already spoken above (in this chapter, § 3, 5) copper coins of the Tas system minted in the workshop of Panorme by the quaestors of Lilybée (3).

(1) Eckhel (0 N, vol. I, p. 18 and 38) is still a provincial quaestor of the Q- PEDECAIws whose name can be read on Carteia coins (Alois Heiss, pi. XLIX, n°' 4 and 5), because it would also be found on a Urso coinage published by Florez [Medallas de Espana, t. H, pi. L, n" 2). It would not, in fact, be possible to see in him, in this case, a municipal magistrate of Carteia. But it remains to be seen whether Urso's piece, which we have not seen since Florez, was very authentic.

(2) Eckhel, D N, t. I, p. 271; t. V, p. 143; Cohen, M C, pi. XLVIII, Alia; Spano, Bullet. arch. Sardo, t. I, p. 9 et seq.

(3) Eckhel, D iV, 1. 1, p. 233 et seq.; Fr. and L. Landolina-Paternô, Mono- grafîa délie monete consolari sicule, Naples, 1852; Fr. Landolina-Paternô Lettera al Riccio intorno ad alcune monete romano-sictile, Catania, 1853: Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 59; t. IIL p. 237 et seq.; Catal. of gr. coins in tk Brit. Mus., Sicily, p. 124-129.

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Only one of these magistrates takes his office title: M/. ACILIw^. Quaestor. Aces and seedlings. This Manius Acilius is probably the one who was consul in 144 BC. and whose monetary triumvirate is known to us in the series Roman by denarii and aces (1).

Despite the absence of the mention of the title, we consider in general, and you have the right to do so, as being provincial quaestors all the Roman magistrates including the names are inscribed on the coins of the same series. Eckhel (2) attributed the coins bearing the name CRAS- SIPES to Mr. Furius Crassipes, praetor of Sicily in 173 av. AD (3); they don't seem to me to be able to be so old, and I would rather see Mr. Furius Crassipes there who minted denarii as aedile curule a little before 81 BC. (II). Likewise, one could admit that the NASO whose name we find on some of these pieces is the same character as L. Axius Naso who minted at Rome, with an extraordinary commission and probably bly as urban praetor, between 74 and 50 BC. (5). In general, moreover, all the assimilations that one can try to try between the names of the quaestors of Sicily, inscribed more or less in abbreviation on copper coins minted at Panorme, and the homonymous individuals known in history are extremely doubtful. He is even

(1) Cohen, M G, pi. I, Acilia, No. 1; ft. XLVI, Acilia, No. 3; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 331, no. 138.

(2) D iV, t. I, p. 234. (3)T.Liv. XLII, 1.

(4) Cohen, M C, pi. XIX, Furia, n° 4; Mommsen. M R, t. II, p. 454.

(5) Cohen, M C, pi. VII, Axia, nos. I and 2; Mommsen, M R, t. 11, p. 503, no. 203.

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impossible, in the current state, to arrange chronologically ment the series of these quaestors. Everything you would know to say with certainty is that their coinage does not exceed not the dictatorship of Caesar, if he even achieves it. Moreover, it seems obvious that the documents where the name of the magistrate Roman, whole or abbreviated, occupies the field of the reverse, placed in a crown, or accompanies a type personnel, changing with each magistrate, are surely of the fourth century of Rome, even rather of the second than of the first half, and later than the type coins of the soldier armed from head to toe and with the names of magistrates always very abbreviated, often expressed by mono- grams. And, among these, the oldest appear well be those where the monogram is also found Greek of Panorme.

It was in Sicily that the copper coins with the legend C ALIO— BALA (2), which pa- come from the same character as the coins of the sequel Roman, minted shortly after 104 BC. (3). But his provincial quaestor coinage (because we cannot separate adorn these coins from the questorial currencies of Palermo) is necessarily several years later than its Roman coinage as a monetary triumvir, and it is to wrong that we often bring them closer to each other.

Under Caesar, it is no longer the quaestor, but the propraetor of Sicily who signs the provincial coinage of the mint of Panorama. We have proof of this by the ace in the legend

(1) Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 240.

(2) Cohen, M C, pi. XLVI, JËlia, n° 1.

3) Cohen, M C, pi. I, Mia, No. 3; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 380. li^ 189.

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M- ACILIî/5 PROPRaetor {[), which belongs to M. Acilius who governed Sicily (2) after having fought in the civil war under the orders of Caesar (3). Names of propraetors of the same province, having exercised their office between 3i and 27 BC. AD, and proconsuls of the period later in the reign of Augustus, still appear in the numismatics (4); but they are read on co-currencies lonials also bearing the names of the duumvirs, authors monetary remission. Their name therefore no longer appears there only to date, and that of the proconsuls is still to the ablative, a case whose use leaves no doubt on this intention.

Macedonia.

MAKEAONnN TAMIOT TAIOT nOnAlAIOT, or sim- plly FAIOT TAMIOT. Greek system bronzes (5). MAKEAONflN TAMIOT AETKEIOT OOAKINNIOT-

Greek system bronzes (6). These two quaestors must be attributed to the early times of the reduction of the country in the provinces, between approximately 146 and 126 BC. AD

MAKEAONHN. LEOatiis. Tetradrachm (7). Around 120.

(1) Morell, Acilia, pi. there; Capranesi, Bullet.de lliisLArch. 1834, p. 74; 183d, p. 43.

(2) Cic. Ep. ad. fam. XIII, 30.

(3) Caes. Bell. civ. III, 15, 16 and 39.

(4) Borghesi, Bullet. arch, Naples. 2' series, vol. VI, p. 31 et seq.

(5) Eckhel, D N, t. II, p. 62; Bompois, Chronological examination coins minted by the Community of Macedonians, pi. IV, 6® category gorie, n°' 1-7.

(fi) Eckhel, /, c. ; Bompois, pi. IV, 6" category, n" 8.

(7) Bompois, pi. II, 2" category, n" 1 and 2.

282 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

I have already spoken above about these pieces (in this chapter, § 3, 6) and showed that the legatus j is probably a legalus pro quaestore.

CAE... FRaetor. MAKEAONflN — AESILLAS. Qmestor, or only MAKEAONflN — AESILLAS- (luaestor. Tetra- drachmas and drachma (1). Uii shortly before 89 BC. AD

MAKEAONHN — SVVRA-LEOatus. PRO- Quaestore, Tetradrachms (2). Struck by Bruttius Sura, proques- tor of the praetor Sentius Saturninus, from 89 to 87 BC. AD On the date of these last two series of tetradrachms, see. above, in this chapter, § 3, 6.

HPAKAEOTZ iOTHROI GAIION. Tetradrachm of ordinary type of those of Thasos of the last period (3); in the field, SVRa, the last two letters linked in monogram (li). It is still necessary to recognize the name here by Bruttius Sura.

BiTHYNIA AND BRIDGE.

It is only for the record that we recall here the coins of this province, where we read in Greek the names of the three governors C. Papirius Carbo, between 74 and 72 av. AD; C. Caîcilius Cornutus, between 69 and 65, and C. Vi- bius Pansa, between 64 and 60 (5). These are not, in fact,

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. II, p. 61; Bompois, pi. V, V category, n" 1- 5 and 7.

(2) Mionnet, Suppl. t. III, p. 5, no. 34; Bompois, pi. V, 7* category, No. 6.

(3) On this type, Eckhel, D N, t. II, p. 5; Mionnet, t. I, p. 435, n°* 30-39.

(4) P. Gardner, Nim. chron. n. s. t. XVI, p. 302; Zeitschr. f. Num. TV, p. 430.

(5) Sestini, Lett. num. dicontinuaziom, t. Vil, p. 64 et seq.

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(the coins issued by these magistrates, but coins names of towns (1), where their names appear preceded by the preposition èm, which makes this mention a simple date, “under the government of N.”

Asia.

AIINIOT. ANOrnATOT. POMAinN. Copper coin struck at Atarnée (2). Mr. Waddington thinks that Cn, Asi- Nius was proconsul around 77 BC. AD

TVLLI-PROCOnSulis. Cistophore struck at Tralles (3). Q. Tullius Cicero was proconsul of Asia from 6 1 to 58.

C FABI – M. Filii. PROCOnSulis. Cistophore hit in Apamea, Ephesus and Tralles (4). C. Fabius was pro- consul in 58-57.

T- AMPI- T- Filii. PROCOnSulis. Cistophore hit

(1) C. Papirius Carbo: Amisos, Mionnet, t. II, p. 344, no. 81. — Apamée, Mionnet, t. II, p. 412, — Nicaea, Mionnet, t. He, p. 449 et seq., n<" 206-209. — Nico- media, Mionnet, t. II, p. 465 et seq., n<>s 298-302; Suppl. t, V, p. 166 and s., n" 964-972. — Prusa, Mionnet, t. II, p. 479, n° 373.

C. Csecilius Cornutus: Amisos, Mionnet, Suppl. t. IV, p. 438, No. 13S.

C. Vibius Pansa: Apamée, Mionnet, t. II, p. 411, no. 18. — Nicaea, Mionnet, t. II, p. 430, no. 210. - Nicomédie, Mionnet, Suppl. t. V, p. 168, n<" 973-975.

(2) Waddington, Splendor of the Asian provinces of the Roman Empire, Asia, No. 17.

(3) Pinder, Ueber die Cistophoren, p. 567. No. 172; the room is doubtful.

(4) Pinder, p. 567, n" 173-176; pi. I, n" 17 and 18.

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in Ephesus, Laodicea and Tralles (1). T. Ampius Balbus pro- consul in 57-56.

One year gap in numismatics, as in our knowledge on the succession of proconsuls of Asia,

[C] PVLCRI. AP. F. PROCOîiSulis, on a cistophore struck at Epliese (2); C- PVLCHER. PROCO?iSu/, on those of Pergamon and Tralles (3). C. Claudius Pulcher, pro- consul from 55 to 53.

Gap of a name in numismatics and in the succession transfer of proconsuls (53-52).

We have not yet encountered currencies in the name of Q. Minucius Thermus, proconsul in 51-50.

Quaestor, no other name. Cistophores struck at Epliese and Pergamum (4). These coins were minted by the orders of L. Antonius Pietas, quaestor of Minucius Thermus, to whom he left the administration of the pro- vince leaving in the spring of 50 (5). He governed it, in the absence of the proconsul, until the arrival of the Pom- chiefs Paeans C. Fannius and Q. Csecilius Metellus Plus Scipio, with whom he was still as proquestor in September November 49 (6).

We have cistophores with the names of C. Fannius (7) and

(1) Pinder, p. 568, n"' 177-182; pi. I, n" 19 and 20.

(2) Pinder, p. 568, no. 183; ft. 1, no. 21.

(3) Pinder, p. 569, n"' 184-187; pi. I, n" 22.

(4) Pinder, p. 571, n-202 and 203; ft. I, no. 30.

(5) Cic. Ep. ad. fam. He, 18.

(6) Joseph. ^«/. Jud. XIV, 10, 13 and 17; see. Waddington, Fastes of Asian provinces of the Roman Empire, Asia, 33 and 34.

(7) Pinder, p. 569 et seq., n°^ 188-191; ft. I, n"" 23 and 24.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 285

Q. Caecilius Metellus (i), minted in 49 and 48; but these characters did not have regular titles like gou- winemakers; it was as army leaders that they rose nayé, and we will rank their species among the currencies military.

CiLICIA.

p. LENTVLVS. p. F. IMPERATOR. Cistopliores struck in Apamea and Laodicea (2). P. Lentulus, proconsul of 56 at 53.

AP. PVLCHER. AP- Filius. PROCOnSw/. Cistophorus struck at Laodicea (3). — PVLCHER. IMPerator, Cisto- pbores struck at Apamea (4). Appius Claudius Pulcher had the proconsulate from 53 to 51 and was hailed imperator during in his government.

Mr. CICERO-PROCO/iSm/. Cistophore struck at Apa- mee (5). — M-TVLLms. IMPerator. Cistophorus struck at Laodicea (6). The great orator Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia in 51-50; all readers of his Letters remember come from the childish vanity that he put into adorning himself with title of imperator after having been awarded it by the dats following the capture of a few nasty villages of Taurus mountain people (7).

(1) Pinder, p. 370, d*^ 192; ft. 1, no. 25.

(2) Pinder, p. 570, n" 193-195; pi. I, n- 26 and 27.

(3) Pinder, p. 571, no. 199; ft. I, No. 28.

(4) Pinder, p. 570, nos. 195-198.

(5) Pinder, p. 571, no. 200.

(6) Pinder, p. 571, no. 201; ft. I, no. 29.

(7) Ep. ad fam. He, 10.

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CyRENAIQUE.

AOAAIOY. Dupondii, as and seedlings of various types (1). — L. LOLLIVS. Dupondii, as and seedlings of various types (2). L. LoUius, one of Pompey's fifteen legates in the war of the Pirates, was charged in 66 BC. AD, to reduce the Cy- reuaic in the province and remained there until Qk as pro- praetor (3).

The types and the Greek legend of L. LoUius appear having been immobilized for 23 years on the provincial currency cial, while the governors succeeded one another (4); we're there reads, in fact, dates that go from A to KT.

nOYniOC — POY0OC. TAMIAC, ANTICTPATviyoç. nOY- niOC. TAMIAC or AYAOC. nOYniOC. TAMIAC. ANTI- CTPATTjyo;. Dupondii, as and seedlings (5). L. Pupius Rufus, quaestor exceptionally vested with the authority to pro- praetor (6), must have been the one who governed Cyrenaica at the end of lili and at the beginning of /|.3 (7), this province having been given in place of Syria, on the proposal tion of Antony, to Cassius (8), who refused to accept him and

(1; L. Millier, Numism. de fane. Afrique, t. ï, p, 153 et seq., No. 383-396.

(2) L. Muller, t. I, p. IbS et s., n- 397-421.

(3) Borghesi, in Cavedoni, Osserv. ^operated the mummy untied Cirenaica, p. 65 et seq.; L. Muller, t. I, p. 458.

(4) L. Muller, t. I, p. 160.

(5) L. Muller, t. I, p. 161 et seq., n° 422-428.

(6) Eckhel, D N, t. IV, p. 427; Pauly, Real-Encydopœdie, t. VI, 1 ■■'= part. p. 102.

(7) L. Muller, t.I, p. 163.

(8) Appian. Bell. civ. III, 8; IV, 57. Cf. Cic. IlPhilipp. 38; Dio Cass. XLVII, 21.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 287

organized resistance in the East in the name of the party of tyrannicides. Soon after, C. Cornuficius, propraetor of Africa and supporter of the murderers of Caesar, occupied militarily Cyrenaica and extended his authority there.

Africa.

C. FABIVS. CATVLVS. IIVIR- — P. SEXTILIVS. PRO. Praetore. APricae. VlIVJr. EPulonum. Small bronze, which appears to have been struck at Hadrumetus (1), whose magistrate muni- cipal would be designated by the first name. P. Sextilius, gou- governor of the province of Africa in 94 BC. BC, was the one who issued the order to withdraw to Marins, disembarked at Cartliage(2).

5. If we now carry out an analogous review military coins of the Roman Republic until the death of Caesar, we will have to place at the top two very distinct groups of currencies minted under the regime of the sextantary ace and the denarius of Sk to the pound (book VII, chap. III, § 3), Tun even at least after the introduction of the size of the victoria in the system of silver coins gent (book VII, chap. m, § /i), but both ante- to the Flaminia law (book VII, chap. m, § 3). one of these groups was therefore issued between approximately 245 and 217 av. AD, while the emission of the other, the one who com- takes the victory, is restricted between 228 and 217. Both are characterized by the letter Q placed in field (3).

(1) L. Millier, Numism. of the anc. Africa, t. II, p. 51, no. 25,

(2) Plutarch. Mar. 40; cf. Appian. Bell. civ. I, 62.

(3) First group: D'Ailly, Research on Roman currency,

288 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

The factory is that of southern Italy rather than that of Eome itself, so much so that Mr. Mommsen (1) sees in the Q the mark of one of the established branch workshops in the years immediately preceding the second Punic war. It seems more natural to me to see the initial from the word dnaestor. This indication of the function of that who issued an extraordinary currency, without adding his name, is entirely in the republican spirit of the time. Moreover, we still see coins later anonymous publications, bearing a simple Q, for example the cistopbores of L. Antonius Pietas in Asia and some of the cash minted for Sylla before his dictatorship, of which we we will occupy a little further.

One might be tempted to explain by IMPemior the mo- nogram which signs a group composed of denier, victo- riat and as (2), which seems to have to be classified towards the end of Hannibal's War. However, as the factory is that of urban currencies, we must rather see here only- ment the letters MP, initials of the names of the monetary, as we have on other groups of the same period the letters MA, ME, MD, MT, also linked in mono- grams.

Where we must recognize currencies with certainty

ft. CIX, n"' 6-10; it includes quinary, sestertius, triens, quadrans and sextans.

Second group: D'Ailly, t. II, pi. LXXXVI, n" 4-7; he understands victoriat and quinaire. We see a Q of particular shape on these pieces, where Baron d'Ailly would like to recognize a worm or a leech serving as a currency symbol.

- {i)M R, t. II, p. 236, nM8.

(2) Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 245, no. 32; D'Ailly, t. II, pi. CVUI, No. 15.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 289

military, as Mr. Mommsen has already done, it is in gold coins of 60.10 and 20 sesterces minted under of the Flaminia law (l), in the first years following saw its promulgation (book VII, chap. m, § 3). The va- their very great which is attributed to them with regard to their weight of metal, and which they bear inscribed, gives them the character of exceptional currencies and necessity (see more binding, book II, chap. i, § 1, 4). The work in is Greek, from southern Italy. So they were hit by the generals who pursued in this region the war against Hamiibal. The 40 sesterces coins have, in general, in the field of symbols, that we must consider to be seen as the personal brand of each generation rals, an anchor, a spearhead, a black pole, a pen- tagone, which allows the silver coins to be brought together and copper to the ordinary types which, presenting the same symbols, must be attached to the same broadcasts sions (2). According to the usual system among the Romans

(1) Mommsen, M R, t. He, p. 57, M3 et seq., and 236, no. 19.

(2) Anchor, gold coin, denarius: D'Ailly, t. II, pi. LXVIII, n°^ 1 and 2, — The anchor appears to have been the symbol of one of the families who played the greater role in affairs in sixth century Rome; also lies- he on several very distinct groups of copper coins, where they ace weight varies. Which of these groups would best correspond to the gold coin, according to the monetary foot on which it is dealt, joined to the ace the initial of the word Quaestor: D'Ailly, t. II, pi. LXVIII, n"' 13-16. There is there combination of the personal symbol and the indication of the title of a quaestor, by the initial of its title.

Spearhead, gold coin, denier, victoriat, quinary, ace, sowing, triens, quadrans, sextans, ounce: D'Ailly, t. II, pi. LXXXII, No. 13-20, LXXXIII, n" 1-5.

Gnarled staff, gold coin, denarius, victoriat and copper coins since the ace: D'Ailly, pi. LXXXVI and LXXXVII, n"^ 1-11.

Pentagon, gold coin and denier: D'Ailly, pi. XCII, n"' 10-16. II. 19

290 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

(we will come back to this in book lY, chap. i and m) to take, whenever the cognomen was the name of an object material, the figure of this object for monetary emblem, the knotty stick, scipio, which reproduces on denarii of a fairly large number of various broadcasts, would be the em- natural blue of Cornelius Scipio, and the gold coins who present it could, with a fairly large degree of truth- semblance, to be considered as struck by the great Scipio, by virtue of his military powers, while he was preparing his expedition in Sicily and in the south of Italy. tion of Africa (204 BC).

The Second Macedonian War (200-197) was marked speaks of the golden stater of T. Quinctius Flamininus (1). The le- Latin gender T- QVINCTI clearly shows that this coin was struck by the authority of Flamininus himself, and not by the Greeks in his honor. The piece is of weight Greek (2)^ reproducing that of the staters of Alexander whose it also copies the reverse type. This is the only time that we will see a Roman general have this made for his noun a gold coin of the Greek system; but the circum- Historical tances explain such an anomaly. It was necessary although Flamininus cut his coin on a foot in use in the country where it was to circulate (3). However, at this moment ment, the Roman monetary system was still unknown

(1) Mionnet, Suppl. t. III, p. 260, n^ 706; Reo. num. 1852, pi. VII. H" 1 ; Postolaccas, KaxâXoyoçTwv àpxaîwv vo[J.i(j[AdtTwv tou 'AOr^vriaiv 'E6vixov; Mouaeîou, n° 1669.

(2) Mommsen, M R, t. H, p. 116. — The weight of the Paris copy is 8 gr. 50, that of the Athens copy 8 gr. 532.

(3) These parts connected, moreover, quite easily with the Roman weights; it took 37 1/2 to do with almost exactness rigorous one Roman pound, 73 to make two pounds.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 291

the Greeks. Later, on the contrary, Sulla was able to give a ) aliquot part of the Roman pound as aurei weight [he had it struck in Greece, because for several generations ations the Orientals were accustomed to the weighted system- al and monetary of Rome.

The name of T. Quinctius, on his stater, is followed no title; it was then the custom in Roman coinage dwarf. As long as it remains in force, we have no no means of distinguishing, among the deniers of the ro- uaine, military currencies and urban currencies. We •raised at that time, on the silver species of the Republic )lique, the names of a certain number of characters Ms- loriques, who could perfectly well have been called to show layer as army generals; but we cannot say ;i it is in this capacity, or simply as monetary magistrates- ;urban areas, which they signed with money. What is alone What is certain is that the use of military coinage existed during this period. We have proof )ar the numismatics of the Italiots revolted in the War 50cial. They imitated in everything the magistracy, the laws and the uses of the Roman constitution, just as they cal- staked their cash on the funds of Rome. But the Ita- Iots then borrowed from the Romans the double manufacturing parallel ion of urban currency, that among them it is necessary call it civil currency, and military currency. Their civil nonnaie bears only for state legend the lom of Italy, ITALIA on Latin coins (1), VN3Th3 Viteliu on Oscan coins (2), without coin name shut up. Their military coins have the names of the gene-

(1) Friediaender, Oskische Miinzen, pi. X, ii*"* 14-18-

(2) Friedloender, pi. IX, No. 1 and 7.

ir.

19.

292 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

rals coated with Vimperium, with or without the legend of Italy. This is how we read the names of the two consuls appointed to Corfinium in 90, the Marse Q. Pompse- dius Silo and the Samnite C. Papius Mutilus, who issued in this very year, as consuls com- commanding the armies, or rather the following, as clothed powers of proconsul. The first is written in Latin, Q. SILO (1), the second still in osque (2), and the shape the most complete is 'JI-TVHH. > . ITTNNTT. > G. Paapi. G. Mulil; he begins by putting his name alone, without title (3), then I add the qualification of QVTRQama embratur (4), corresponding to the Latin imperalor, of which it had been saluted by his soldiers. It is unknown whether the Numerius Luculeius or Lucilius, son of Marcus, unknown to history, of which a few deniers offered the name in the Oscan form am. >I>I3V^ . He/| Neither. Luvkl. Mr (5), was a general or a military quaestor. Historians are also silent on the account of Minius leius son of Minius, im • $lh3l • IHH Mi. leiis. Mi., whose name is read on the gold coin (6) that Mithridates had Amisos made for the Italiots (see. above, in this chapter, § 3, 3); but he obviously had-

(1) Friedlaender, pi. X, No. 19.

(2) Even on a bilingual piece, where you see the legend on the right Latin ITALIA: Friedlaender, pi. X, No. 21.

(3) Friedlaender, pi. IX, n"^ 4, 8 and 10. — On a denier, we read at on the right the name of the general, Mutil, and on the reverse that of the Samnites, Safinim: Friedlaender, pi. IX, u° 3.

(4) Fridlaender, pi. IX, nos. 6 and 9.

(5) Friedlaender, p. 77, pi. IX. W' 2 and 3.

(6) Friedlaender, p. 73; Pinder and Friedlaender, Beitrœge, I, p. 176; Momiusen, M R, t. II, p. 426, no. 223.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 293

ment an important military command and was the main character of the embassy sent to the king of Bridge.

In the years preceding the Social War, the Roman suite offers us only three groups of pieces which can be attributed with a serious chance of certainty to army quaestors. One includes the denarius which bears the name of C FVNDANIws. Quaestor (1) with a guy relating to the triumph of Marins over the Cimbri and the Teu- tones, in 101 (2), and on the corresponding quinary a Victory crowning a trophy, with the carnix or Gallic trumpet (3). Other examples, such as we will meet along the way, are of a nature to to admit that the monetary powers, delegated by the general to his quaestor, continued until the day before of the triumph, and that it is still the military quaestor who minted the currencies intended to be distributed in large quantities greetings to the soldiers on this occasion. This coinage triumphal was legally extra-urban-, but, in practice- tic, we often had to make available to the questioner tor the tools of the mint of Rome.

Victory written on a trophy shield Gallic or Germanic weapons, next to which is the carnix^ such is still the type of the quinary signed by C EGNATVLE!w5. Quaestor (4). This part belongs

(1) Cohen, J/C, pi. XVIII, Fundania, No. 1; Mommsen, M R, t. He, p. 390, no. 196.

(2) Borghesi, Oss. num. dec. XVII, 4, Complete Works, vol. II, p. 307 and 3.; Cavedoni, Ann. of Vlnst. arch. t. XI, p. 312.

(3) Cohen, M C, pi. XIX, Fundania, no. 2.

(4) Cohen, M C, pi. XVII, Egnatuleia; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 376, No. 18-i.

294 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

certainly around the year lO/i. It therefore seems to me obvious that we must still see in C. Egnatuleius one of the quaestors of Marius, and that his coinage must have been minted for the service of the army in 102, between the defeat of the Teu- tones and those of the Cimbri.

The third group we want to talk about is signed of the quaestor Q. Lutatius Cerco; it includes denarius, qua- drans and ounce (1). This character is most likely a military quaestor, but history does not know him. He has must have minted a little before 104 (650 from Rome). It's there all that can be said about it, and we cannot connect its species at a specific event.

Sulla's wars, since his departure for the East against Mithridates until his dictatorship, will offer us for the first time a numerous series of coins military some. This series is all the more important so much so that it is illustrated by literary testimony. After having spoken of the friendship which united Lucullus to Sulla and told how the latter took him into his war against Mithridates as quaestor, Plutarch adds (2): ((It was through his care that the Peloponnese was struck “the majority of the currency issued during the "War of Mithridates, from which the name Lucullian came to “this currency which remained in circulation for a long time, having (( had the opportunity to spread and exchange quickly “by paying the expenses necessitated by the needs of the “war. » Never, in fact, had a general found himself, as much as Sulla was then, imperiously obliged by

(1) Cohen, M C, pi. XXV, Lutatia, no. 2; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 353, No. 162.

(2) Lucull. 2.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 295

the circumstances of creating a new currency for needs of his army with the metallic resources he could have been obtained in any way in the country where he was going to operate. “In the past, very well said Mr. Mommsen (1), the general of Rome landed with his full box: he drew from Rome and by sea all the supplies viewings that he needs. Sylla arrived with his hands empty; the sums raised with great difficulty for the campaign of 88 having been spent in Italy, he had to live on requisitions. » This is how, in the course of his first first year of campaign in Greece, he emptied the treasures of temples of Olyrapia, Delphi and Epidaurus, giving to the gods, to compensate them, half of the territory of Tliebes confiscated. “When Mithridates, peace made, had “retired in Pontus,” Plutarch recounts (2), “Sulla “imposed on the province of Asia a war contribution (( of 20,000 talents and charged LucuUus with collecting it in “metal, then converting it into money which he had made “quer. »

These LucuUian coins, minted in Greece and Asia by the order of Sylla commanding his army, reached naked down to us, and La Nauze has already recognized them in the last century. The inscription of Sylla's name with the title to the imperator and the foreign factory in Rome, all Greek^ but at the same time, especially for the money^, bearing the marks of haste, determine them indeed in a certain way. These are gold coins of weight of 1/30 of the Roman pound and silver denarii, having exactly the same types in both metals, at

(\) Roman history, t. V, p. 288. (2) Lucull. 4.

296 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

straight the diademed head of Venus and in front of her Cupid holding a palm, on the reverse a prsefericulum and a lituus between two trophies, alluding to the two greetings to'imperalor received by Sylla, the first previously in Italy, during the Social War, the second in Greece after the successes which opened the campaign; the whole thing is accompanied by the legend L- SVLLA- MPerator. ITERVM, distributed between the two faces (1). The size of the aureus 30 to the pound is an innovation which then appears for the first time in the scale of Roman coins (book VII, chap. iii^ § 5); we will see it continue in all of Sylla's military broadcasts.

In fact, these do not stop in the Orient, but continued throughout the civil war which brought him to following the possession of supreme power. The disembarks- ment of the conqueror of Mithridates in Brundisium, at the com- beginning of 83, is marked by the denarius in the legend L- SVLA- IMPera^or(2) and to the type retracing this event- ment (3), copied from that which the remains of the Italian rebels had adopted six years previously, to celebrate the

(1) Cohen, M C, pi. XV, Cornelia, n" 17; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p.440, No. 232 c.

(2) a It should not be looked at, says Mr. Momm>:en (M R,l. II, p. 440), the coins of Sylla on which we read IMP as older than those on which we find IMPITERVM; ca. we know, by the inscriptions, that the use of adding iterum only began to s introduced around this time, and that it had not yet become a fixed rule or exactly followed. »

(3) Morell, Teas. t. II, Cornelia, pi. V; Borghpsi,0«s. Jium. decade. VIII, 1, and XVI, 9; Cavedoni, Bullet. of the Inst. arch. 1844. p. 24. — Good that this piece has not been revised in original since Morell, there is no decisive reason to doubt its authenticity more than Bor- ghesi and Cavedoni.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 297

boating of sailors returning from Africa (1), when the democratic party of Rome had joined its cause to theirs. In the campaign of 83, where Sylla had his base of operations in southern Italy, corresponds to the emission of the aces of ordinary type, with the legend L. SVLA- \MPErator (2), which are only found in the Neapolitan provinces (3) and j were surely minted, as well as gold coins from weight of 1/30 and 1/36 of the pound (4) and silver coins people, who have the head of Venus on one side, like the mon- Lucullian horns from the East, and on the other a double horn of abundance with the single initial Quaestor (5). That these last coins belong to the series of coins of Sylla, as Cavedoni was the first to show (6), there is no no way to doubt it, based on their weight and type of law; the one on the reverse is that of the Valentia coins in Bruttium (7), which seems to determine the place where

(1) Friedieender, Oikische Miinzen, p. 83, pi, tion of the type by the landing of Marius, proposed by Cavedoni [Bullet. of rimt. arch. 1843, p. 144), fits very shabby with the de- details of the representation than that of Mr. Friedlœnder, who sees in it the embarkation in the Orient of the embassy sent by the Italiots to Mithridates.

(2) Cohen, M C, pi. HE, Cornelia, no. 13; Mommseu, M R, t. II. p. 440, no. 232 b.

(3) Riccio, Catalogo, p. 76.

(4) See. Mommsen, M R, t. He, p. 117.

(5) Cohen, M C, pi. XV, Comelia, No. 18; Mommsen, M R, t. II. p. 437, no. 246; D'Ailly, Research on Roman currency, vol. IT ft. LXXVII, nos. 5 and 6.

(6) Historical-archaeological story of precipui ripostigli di medaglie con- solari (Modena, 18S4), p. 147.

(7) A semoncial quadrans, that is to say from this era, to the simple legend ROM A, bears the same double cornucopia as a symbol

298 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

Sulla, during this period of the civil war, had fixed the monetary workshop of his quaestor (1). In accordance with his policy of showing himself then only as the agent of the restoration of the authority of the Senate, the leader of the party aristocrat hides his name on gold and silver which he has struck; he only inscribes it on the metal most vile, on copper. Also, to this group of minted coins for military needs during the struggle, natural fact- following the one that must be placed in 80, immediately after the recovery of Rome. In this new group, the denier has almost exactly the same types as in the previous one- tooth, the head of Venus and the cornucopia, simple this time (2), with a caption which only mentions the Senate, without monetary name, EX Senatus Consulta (3). On the corresponding pile, with the same legend, the symbol traced above the ship's bow is the legionnaire of the victorious army, leaning on his lance (4). But in

in the field (D'Ailly, t. II, pi. LXXVII, n" 7); we could perhaps link it to this show,

(1) Meanwhile, in Rome, the Senate, dominated by supporters of Cinna, in the first months of 82, had all the metal treasures removed. temples to mint money, in order to pay the troops opposed to Sylla (Val. Max. VU, 6, 4). This was the urban praetor, Q. Anto- nius Balbus, who was responsible for this broadcast (Cavedoni, Sagyio di osser- vàzioni, p. 32), and we have his coins, with the legend Senatus Consulta — Q. ANTOft't/s. BALBus. PRaetor (Cohen, M C, pi. III, Antonia, No. I; Mommsen, M R, t. He, p. 448, no. 236).

(2) Eckhel (D N, t. VI, p. 192) conjectured that the cornucopia could sometimes be an emblem of the Senate.

(3) Cohen, M C, pi. XX, Julia, No. 8; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 458. No. 247; D'Ailly, t. He, pi. LXXVII, no. 3.

(4) Cohen, M C, pi. LVl, Julia. No. 1; D'Ailly, t. II, pi. XIII, n-1-4. — An ace, with the same legend and the same symbol, also bears the name

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 299

at the same time, during his triumph in February 81, Sylla, using one last time his right to imperalor, made for a triumphal currency, intended to be given in largesse to soldiers, by his military proquestor L. j\lanlius, the same one who is designated as having com- fought at his side at the battle of Porte Colline (1) and who was then governor of Narbonnaise around 77 (2). This triumphal currency includes two species, aureus 30 to the pound and denier, struck with the same coins; the type on the reverse traces the triumph itself (3), and the double legend is L. MANLIw*. PRO- Quaestore (4) — L. SVLLA. mPeralor (5).

A fourth aureus weighing 1/30 of a pound is signed «ur the right of A- MANLIws. A- ^ilius. Q.uaestor (6). He was

of C. LIC]INIm5. L. ?ilius. MACER (D'Ailly, t. II, pi. XCIII, no. 5), the same one who, vir praetorius, suffered condemnation in 66. This, from remains, brings no obstacle to the rapprochement of the aces with the de- money deniers who also have EX. S- C-, no more than to our attri- bution of date for one and the other.

{l)Flat. %//.29.

(2) Oros. V, 23; T.Liv. Epit. XC. Caesar (Bell. civ. III, 20) calls him L. Mallius, and Plutarch {Scrtor. 12) L. Lollius.

(3) Eckhel, DN, t. V, p. 190; Cavedoni, iVî/oti studi sopra le monete comolari (Modena, 1861), p. 17.

(4) I leave aside the T which is seen, apart from the legend, on the right to part of the copies; the explanation is still very-doubtful teuse. Mr. Mommsen (M R, t. II, p. 442) sees the number 1 turned upside down and the indication of Sulla's age at the time of his triumph, 50 years; Mr. Cavedoni {Nuovi studi, p. 17), the initial of the word Triumphalis.

(5) Cohen, M C, pi. XXV, Manlia, n"' 2 and 3; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 440, no. 232 a.

(6) Cohen, M C, pi. XXVI, Manlia, nM; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 440, No. 232 d.

300 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

certain will be struck in the Orient, according to its style and its fa- brick; its date cannot be earlier than 81, since it represents on the reverse the equestrian statue raised near the Rostres to Sylla during his dictatorship (1),L. SVLLae. FELice. DlCtatori, as the legend that accompanies this type says. A. Manlius must, therefore, have been the quaestor of Mu- réna, and this coin is one of those which were struck in Asia after the departure of Sulla, with the proceeds of the war contribution. From the end of 82 or the beginning ment of 81 is another military currency, struck in Gaul, the denarius of C VALerm^. FLACcus. IMPERA- Tor (2). Valerius Flaccus was governor of the province Gauloise and had won the title at'imperalor in the summer of 83 (3); rallied to the cause of Sulla after his victory here, he came to triumph over Rome in 81 {II). His denier is a of the rare military coins which bear the note EX-Sena- you. ConsuUo, which proves that he only had him hit after having joined the senatorial party.

The war against Sertorius provides several currencies of the class which concerns us, all struck in Spain gene (5):

EX. Senatus Consulto — L- and C- MEMIES- L- FUii. Scabies-

(1) Appian. Bell. civ. l, 97; cf. Cic. IX Philipp. 6.13; Vell. Paterc.ll, 61; Sueion. Caes. 7o; Dio Cass. XLII, 18. and XLIII, 49.

(2) Cohen, M C, pi. XL, Valeria, No. 4; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 4i8, 11” 237.

(3) Cic. Pro Quinct. 7, 28; cf. 6, 24.

(4) Gran. Licinian. p. 39, ed. from Bonn.

(5) The war of Sertorius must also have been the occasion for coinage to woolen legends of a good number of peoples of Spain, and also of the issue of the last copper coins with Iberian legends.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 301

ria, denarius of very barbaric manufacture (1). These two brothers Memmius are known to have been around for quite a long time quaestors and proquestors in the armies opposed to Ser- torius. Mr. Mommsen showed, through the study of burials- ments of the currencies of the Republic, that their denier could not have been struck later than 82; Sjlla had therefore sent these two characters to Spain immediately that he had been master of Rome.

EX. Se7iatus ConsuUo. C-ANNIw5. T- Filius. T. Hepos. PROCOnSul — L. FABrn^. L- Filius. H\SFaniensis. Oxiaes- tor, deniers (2).

EX- Senalus- ConsuUo. C- ANNIVS- T- Filius. J- t^epos. FROCOnSul — C- TARQVITIi^x. P. Filius. Clmestor, of- deny (3). Annius's expedition against Sertorius is the year 81. The two quaestors who assisted him passed after his recall to the party of Sertorius, where the History found them again a few years later (-4).

Q. Caecilius. Metellus. Fins, \mperator, denier (5).

\lAPerator, denier whose type of right (the head of the Piety, alluding to the nickname Pius) is the same as

(1) Cohen, M C, pi. XXVII, Memmia, no. 3; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 427, no. 226.

(2) Cohen, MC, pi. II, Amia, n"' 1-4; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 449, No. 238 0.

(3) Cohen, M C, pi. XXXVIII, Tarquitia; Mommsen, il/ B, t. II, p. 449, No. 238 b.

(4) L. Fabius Hispaniensis: Sallust. Hist. III, 4, ed. Dietsch. — C. Tar- quitius Priscus: Frontinus. Straiag.ll-, S, 31.

(5) Cohen, M C, pi. VIII, Caecilia, no. 10; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 459, n" 248 a.

302 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

on the previous one (1). If we were to believe Plutarch P), the greeting of Metellus Pius as imperator in Spain would not have taken place until 79; yet the currencies which give this title appear a little older; Mr. Mommsen believes in an error on the part of the historian (3).

We know the immense credit of 18 million deniers which was granted from the public treasury, in lli, for armaments against Mithridates and the Pirates, especially for the construction of a fleet (4). It seems well established today today (5) that it was not the generals and their questions tors, but by exception the urban quaestor^ that the Senate was then responsible for monetizing the ingots taken from the eerarium. We have monuments from this extraordinary show- nary in the deniers, including a common fort, which, with the EX-Senatus formula. Consulta, bear the signature of this urban quaestor, sometimes with his ordinary title, CN. LEN^w/w5. Quaestor (6), sometimes with a qualification exceptional, LEl^Tulus. CVRator, ^ (Jenariis). FLan- say (7). It is then that it seems to us that we should naturally place ourselves really, rather than to the monetary magistracy

(1) Cohen, M C, pi. VIII, Caecilia, n° 11; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 459, n" 248 b.

(2) Sertor. 22.

(3) In any case, Sulla was already dead when the coins were minted of Metellus; we were moving away from the culminating moment of the aristocratic reaction tick; this general therefore no longer felt obliged to mention on the mon- military force the authority of the Senate, as was done during the lifetime of the dictator tator.

(4) Pl. Lucull. 13.

(.5) Mommsen, AI H, t. II, p. 475.

(6) Cohen, M C, pi. XIV, Cornelia, no. 10; Mommsen, /. c. No. 2o9 o,

(7) Cohen, MC, pi. XIV, Cnrnelia, n° 11; Mommsen, /. c. No. 2o9 b.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 30 <

regular of the same character (l), a few years ago ravant, the manufacture of the aureus of the weight of 1/42 of a pound bearing the name CN-LENTVLms (2).

There is an aureus, the size of 36 to the pound (3), which was certainly minted outside Rome and offers the legend MAGNVS — FROCOnSul, with for types on one side the head of Africa wearing an elephant skin, on the other the triumphant in his chariot (-4). Mr. Mommsen (5) leads to Pompey's first triumph, in 81, after his African War, Cavedoni (6) in the second^ in 71, after the submission of Spain, Eclihel (7) to the third, in 61, triumph over Mithridates and the Pirates celebrated with a exceptional shine. Without doubt, there is something singular to see in this last era placed on the coin of Pompey the head of Africa, theater of his first exploits, instead of a type relating to Asia; but he had only triumphed over Africa as its proprietor, and it is only in the Pirate War and in that of Mithridates that he could call himself proconsul. Moreover, we see a son of the triumphant, still a child, mounted, following usage, on one of the horses of the chariot, and this circum-

(1) Magistracy marked by denier, as and semià: Cohen, M C, pi. XIV, Cornelia, nos. 7 and 8; ft. HE, Cornelia, nos. 9 and 10; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 43o, no. 2-29.

(2) Rev. ium. 1856, pi. X, No. 7; Cohen, M C, pi. XIV, Cornelia, no. 9; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 436.

(3) Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 118.

(4) Cohen, M C, pi. XXXIII, Pompeia, No. 2; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 4SS, No. 24f5.

(5) M R, t. II, p. 456.

(6) Appendix R al saggio di osservazioni, p. 149, il) DN, t. V, p. 281.

304 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

constancy still imperiously postpones to the time of Asian wars of the general, then reached the height of the popularity. It therefore seems to me that we must return to Eckhel's opinion, or at least admit that we have there a military coin struck by the order of Pompey during his campaigns in the Orient, currency in the type of which he anticipated in advance his future triumph, in recalling the previous ones.

Caesar was not, at the beginning of his career, clothed with the function of monetary triumvir. The denarius so abundant that bears its name, CAESAR, with the types of the elephant and of the insignia of the sovereign pontificate (1), is the currency which he had struck in his province, either in Cisalpine, or in Narbonne, by virtue of its imperium and for the military needs, during the duration of its wars in the Gauls, from 58 to 50.

The civil war, which broke out immediately afterwards and said Caesar master of the world, gave birth to a very large quantity of military coins, which deserve to be grouped here, classifying them by their dates. There was of these coins minted in all parts of the world Roman by the two parties, because successively the struggle took place there transported and continued his adventures there.

And first, the retreat of Pompey in the East with the Se- nat and all the regular magistrates of the city of Rome, when Caesar had crossed the Rubicon and taken Ariminum, produced in 49 a strange phenomenon. It is then in the pro- oriental vinces that the urban magistrates transfer their coinage; they are the ones who issue and sign

(1) Cohen, M C, pi. XX, Julia, No. 10; Mommsen, M R, i. II, p. 496,

No. 278.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 305

in this year most of the military currencies of the Pompeian party. Cicero (i) speaks of silver coinage which we defeated at Apollonia during this year 49, while that the headquarters of Pompey and his supporters was in this city. Borgliesi (2) established, in fact, that it is where the denarii, quinaries and sesterces were made of the regular monetary triumvir C. CONSIDIVS-PAETVS (3). According to the style of the pieces he signed, one of his colleagues legacies, M/. CORDIVS. RVFVS. IIIVIR (4), had organized a workshop on the Pont side; he marks his coins with the Senaius Consulta formula, to mark the origin of the right by virtue of which he thus monies outside the conditions normal functions of his office, while Considius Poetus, operating in the city where the Senate was transported, did not need to write a similar note on its species. As for the third member of the normal monetary college of the year, Q. Sicinius, he had gone on board the fleet of Rhodes, commanded by the praetor C. Coponius; it's there he had the denarius made where his name is alone (5) and the one which bears the double legend C COPONIVS PRaetor — SICINIVS-IIIVIR (6). It is the only currency that associates cie an urban triumvir to an army commander, clad himself from an urban magistracy; cir-

(1) Ep. adfam. XIII, 29.

(2) Oss. num. dec. XIV, 4, Complete Works^ t. II, p. 152.

(3) Cohen, M C, pi. XIII, Considia, n° 4-10; Mommsen, M H, t. II, p. S43.

(4) Cohen, M C, pi. XIV, Cordia, n"' 1-6; Mommsen, /. c.

(5) Cohen, M C, pi. XXXVIII, Sicinia; Mommsen, M R, t. He, p. S39.

(6) Cohen, M C, pi. XIV, Coponia, n"^ 1 and 2; Mommsen, /. c.

n. 20

306 Lk CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

such extraordinary constancy to produce a sem- bble phenomenon, and these two characters believed it necessary be sure to mention the authorization of the Senate on the documents that they made together. The numis monuments matics of this period still offer us the names of the different members of a college of three monetary, C. Antius Kestio (i), T. Carisius (2) and A. Licinius Nerva (S), who appear to have belonged to the party Pompeian and having coined in the provinces. Cellar- doni (4) saw in them the monetary triumvirs designated in Orient by the Senate for the year 48, and, without being certain, this opinion has great plausibility on its side.

Alongside these cash signed by the monetary magistrates normal of the Republic, who should have ruled the world urban swimming if circumstances did not allow it prevented, we have the currencies that, in the same year- born 49 and in the following until the battle of Pharsalus, the generals of the various armies of the senatorial party strike according to their military im'perium, and sometimes in very irregular conditions from a legal point of view. Coins of the army of Epirus, denarii made at Apollo- nie at the same time as those of the triumvir Considius Fœ- tus, are signed by the two consuls, assisted by a quaestor urban, as a finance officer responsible for directing the issuance sion, L. L£Hlulus. C. MARCe//î/5. COnSules — HEKhis.

(1) Cohen, M C, pi, III, Anlia, nos. 1-4; MommseD, .1/ R, t. He, p. oi3. (:2) Cohen, M C, pi. X, Carisia, nos. 8 and 9; Mommsen, /. c.

(3) Cohen, M C. pi. XXIV, Licinia, n"' 3-7; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 544.

(4) Ragguaglio deripostigli, p. 218.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 307

Quaestor. yRBanus (Ij. In the province of Asia, two men represent the Pompeian party and exercise parallel- lely power in his name; it's the urban praetor C. Fannius and Q. Caecilius Metellus Plus Scipio, who went then, after Pharsalus, organize resistance in Africa. They seize, in place of a regular governor, the manufacturing of cistophore tetradracbms in the province and sign them with their names, C- FAUnius. POHJifeûo. PRaetot on coins minted in Apamea, Ephesus and Tralles (2), Q. METELLVS- PiVS- SCIPIO- mPerator on a part minted at Pergamon (3). In all the currencies of the in the East, the name of Pompey is not mentioned; despite his boundless vanity, the concern for external forms legality causes it to fade behind the Senate and consuls. But it is no longer the same in Spain, because there, on the contrary, he is in possession of the title official and regular proconsul. The two prosecutors of later or later Spain, in 49, while Afra- Nius and Petreius prepare to receive the first Caesar's tack, strike in the name of the absent proconsul, in signing them as responsible monetary, the funds (-4) where we read MAGNW5. PROCOnSul — CN- PISO- PRO-

(1) Cohen, M C, pi. XXIX, Neria; Momrasen, M R, t. II, p. 337.

(2) Pinder, Ueher die Cistophoren, p. o69ets., n"* 188-19J, pi. I, n"' 23 and 24. -

(3) Pinder, p. 570, no. 192, pi. I, no. 25.

(4) Mr. Momrasen {Ann. of rinst. arch. 1863, p. 73; M R, t. II, p. 534 and s.) seems to me to have been right to attribute to this date the currencies of which we speak, reported by Eckhel {D N, t. V, p. 281), Borghesi and Cavedoni [Saggio di osserv. p. 113; Ragg. of ripostigli, p. 210) to the Pirate War, where Mr. Terentius Varro was also one of the legates of Pompey, but not Cn. Piso.

II. 20.

308 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

Quaestore (1) and MAGNm. PROCOnSul — VARRO- PRO- Quaestore (2) .

While the monetary triumvirs, emigrants with Pom- -pee, transport urban currency to the provinces, Caesar, who became master of Eome, settled in this city the manufacture of his currency at ^imperator, the only one he can strike; replacement of the emission seat two kinds of money is absolute; each one hits each other precisely where the law prohibited it. Barely in possession of the queen city, Caesar forces the doors of the oerarium to find the metal resources necessary for the expenses of the civil war. With the ingots he withdraws from it, he makes strike the denarii on the head of Venus and on the back of Aeneas carrying Anchises, with the legend CAESAR (3), the aureus of exceptional weight of 37 to the pound (4), the denarii and the quinaries (5) which also have the head of Venus, with on the towards a trophy alluding to the conquest of Gaul and the legend CAESAR or CAESAR. \MPerator (6). In the

(1) Cohen, M C, pi. X, Calpurnia, No. 25.

(2) Cohen, M C, pi. XXXIX, Terentia, n°6.

(3) Cohen, M C, pi. XX, Julia, No. 9; Mommsen. M B, t. He, p. 532.

(4) Rev.mm. 1860, pi. XVI, No. 3; Cohen, Mi, t. I, p. 8, no. 11; Momm- sen, M R, pi. XXXI, n" 4. — On the authenticity of this piece, con- wrongly tested, see. the note by M. de Witte in Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 541.

(5) Cohen, M C, pi. XX, Julia, no. 13-16.

(6) The date of these last documents is determined in an absolute manner. clearly specified by the number J.I I, which is read to the right of part of the examples please. Borghesi {Oss. num. Dec. X, 7, Complete Works, t. I, p. 495) and the Count of Salis (Rev. archaeol. new ser. t. XIV, p. 17 et seq.) have, in Indeed, shown that this figure relates to the age of Caesar, who had just reached dye 52 years old when he entered Rome.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 309

first half of 47, before Caesar's return from the East in Rome and its second dictatorship, A. Auienus, then in Sicily as proconsul (!)_, issues the funds there at double legend C. CAESAR. \MPerator, COnSw/. \TERum — A. ALLIENVS. PROCOnSul (2).

It is after Caesar's return and before his departure for the African war, that is to say in the autumn of M (3), that we must place the emission of the very rare aureus at the le- Gentle CAESAR. DlCTator — ITERî^m (/i). He inaugurates the system of the size of 40 aurei to the pound, which Caesar no longer gave up and which was maintained until the monetary reforms of Augustus (book VII, chap. m, §6). We could not, moreover, place its manufacture more late, since at the end of the same year or at the beginning ment of 46, before the battle of Tbapsus, Q. Metellus Scipio copied its size in the aureus he issued in Africa, with its name, Q. lAETELlus. PIVS-SCIPio. \MPerator, and that of P- CRASSVS- WHiajius. LEOatus. PRQ. PRaelore (5); this aureus is, like almost all- days, accompanied by a similar denarius, and there is a another denarius with the same two names; it's the one who offers as a type of another of its faces the figure of the Genius Terrae Africae (6). Army military coinage Pompeian of Africa still includes the denarius which

(l)Eckhel, DN, t. V, p. 134.

(2) Cohen, M C, pi. II, Alliena; Momrasen, M R, t. II, p. S41.

(3) Mommsen, it//{, t. II, p. 541.

(4) Cohen, M C, pi. XX, Julia, no. 18.

(5) Cohen, MC, pi. VIII, Caecilia, n*» 12.

(6) Cohen, M C, pi. VIII, Caecilia, n° 13.

310 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

nitles names Q- METELLms. SCIPIO- mPerator — EPPIVS- LEOalus. Plandum. Curavit (1), with another which is signed only from Q- METEL/ws. PIVS- SCIPIO- mPerator (2). Finally, in Utica, where he had established himself (3), Cato made silver coins, where he takes the title of proprietor, whose authority legally he could only have exercised in Sicily, M- CATO- PRO- PRaetore (4), and where he renews the types once adopted by his father, when he was triumvir monetary (5) .

In the year 46, before Caesar's triumph and his third proclamation as dictator (6), belong to the deny the COnSul legend. TERTmm. D\CTator. ITERwm — AVGVR. POHTifex, MAXimus (7), and the struck aureus in a still undetermined province, from ex-work ordinarily crude in some of the copies, which associates the names of C- CAESAR- COnSul. TERtium — A- HIRTIVS. PRaetor, or PRaefectus (8). It is also in /i6 it is necessary to place the resumption of regular coinage

(1) Cohen, M C, pi. XVII, Eppia. — We can also read, at the end of the legend, Feriundum Curavit or Faciendum Curavit.

(2) Cohen, M C, pi. VIII, Caecilia, n° 9.

(3) On the true homeland of these coins, which Mr. Mommsen believed first minted in Sicily, see. the note of the Duke of Blacas in Momm- sen, M R, t. II, p. 539.

(4) Cohen, pi. XXXV, Porcia, nos. 7 and 8.

(5) Cohen, Ft. XXXV, Porcia, nos. 5 and 6; Mommsen, MB, t. II, p. 396, No. 203.

(6) Eckhel, D N, t. VI, p. 7.

(7) Cohen, pi. XX, Julia, no. 17; Mommsen, M R, t. If, p. S42.

(8) Cohen, M C, pi. XIX, Hirtia; Saulcy, System my. of the Rep. Roman in the time of Caesar, pi. II, nos. 6 and 7.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 311

monetary triumvirs in Eome, because we have five names of similar magistrates, which surely belong ment he at this time, L. Hostilius Saserna (1), LoUius Pa- likanus (2), L. Papius Celsus (3), L. Plautius Plancus (4) and L. Valerius Acisculus (5), giving almost complete two monetary colleges, which appear those of the years 46 and 45, But the legal urban coinage, composed of money, do not suppress, when it reappears, the mon- extraordinary imperial swimming, even in Rome, where Caesar implanted it. At the end of UQ or at the beginning from 45, the dictator entrusted its care to Munatius Plancus, then prefect of Eome, who issues Taureus and the half- aureus to the C- CAESar inscriptions. D\Ctator. TERtiuin — L. PLANCVS. PRAEFectus. WREis (6).

Meanwhile, Pompey's sons take control of the greater part of Spain and organized the army that Caesar will have to fight at Munda, in 45. They have there also, their military currency, the deniers with the names CN- MAGNVS. mPerator{l)— M. POBLICIms. LEGatus, PRO- PRaetore (8) and CN. MAGNVS-\lAPerator. Pilius (or simple- CN. MAGNVS. IMP)— M- MlHATius. SABINws. Pro.

(1) Cohen, pi. XIX, Hostilia, W'14.

(2) Cohen, p. XXV, Loliia, n°' 1-3.

(3) Cohen, pi. XXX, Papia, n"' 2-5.

(4) Cohen, pi. XXXIII. Plautia, No. 7.

(5) Cohen, Ft. XL, Valeria, No. 6-14.

(6) Cohen, pi. XXVIII, Munatia, r.os 1-3; Morarasen, M R, t. II, p. 542.

(7) It is always Cnaeus Pompey the son who takes his first name on the coins, never the father (Mommsen, M R, t. il, p. 536).

(8) Cohen, pi. XXXIII, Pohlicia, no. 8.

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Quaestore (1), as well as Tas de uncial weight which has the only CN legend. MAOnus. IMPerator (2). We know that a few months after the defeat of Munda, where his brother had perished Cnoeus, Sextus Pompey renewed the war in Spain and remained there until after the death of the dictator, until moment when he was called to Italy, at the end of lih. Mr. Momm- sen (3) demonstrated that it was during this time that he made make in Spain the denarii with the image of Piety, PIETAS, and the legend SEX-MAOnus. PIVS-IMPerator or SEX. MAOnus. IMPerator. SALutatus (4), the aces to inscribe MAGNVS option. PIVS- IMPerator (o) and those where we read MAOHus. PIVS. IMPerator. Filius—EPPIVS- LEOatus (6), or only the name of the legate (7). At this moment in history- Roman tory, copper coins were only minted in Spain, where the particular habits of the country require but imperiously. It is, in fact, still in Spain that the types report, if characterized from this point of view (8), aces bearing the double legend CAESAR. DlCtator. TER- tium — C. CL0VI?^5. PRAEF ectus{d). C. Clovius was sure- one of Caesar's prefects in the war of Junda,

(1) Cohen, pi. XXVIII, Minatia, nos. 1.4.

(2) Cohen, Ft. LXIII, Pompeia, No. 6; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 534 and 537.

(3) Ann. of Tins. arch. 1863, p. 73 et seq.; .)/ R, t. II, p. 538 et seq.

(4) Cohen, M C, pi. XXXIII, Pompeia, nos. 3 and 4.

(5) Cohen, Ft. LXIII, Pompeia, no. 8.

(6) Cohen, pi. LXIII, Pompeia, no. 7.

(7) Cohen, pi. LIV, Eppia.

(8) Eckhel, D N, t. V.p. 169; t. VI, p. 7; Mommsen, Atin. of the Inst. arch. 1863, p. 75; Mi?, t. II, p. 532.

(9) Cohen, pi. HE, Clovia, no. 6.

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perhaps one of the prefects of his fleet, and it is probable that he we must make the same judgment on Q. OPPIVS- PRaefectus{i)j although its copper coins do not bear the name of the dictator, because they have a close analogy of types, of manufactured and of monetary size with those of Clovius.

At the end of 45, Caesar, increasing the number of minors magistratus, transforms the monetary triumvirs into four tuor virs (see further, in this book, chap. m, § 2), of which the first took office at the beginning of Tanned kk. At the beginning of the same year the senatus-consulte who ordered to put the effigy of Caesar on currencies (2). The new quartet, L. Flami- nius Chilo, L. JEmilius Buca, M. Mettius and L. Sepullius Macer, had already started to mint deniers without this effigy (3); in the few days that separated the new law of the proclamation of Caesar as dictator perpetual and father of the fatherland, M. Mettius, L. ^Emilius Buca and P. Sepullius Macer had the coins struck where we already see the portrait of the master, but with only the D\CTator titles. QVARTwm (/t) or IMPERa^or (5); finally, around the month of February, the institution of perpetual dictatorship was greeted by the extraordinary broadcast dinally abundant in silver coins at the head of

(i) Cohen, pi. LXI, Oppia, nos. 2 and 3.

(2) Dio Cass, XLIV, i; Zonar. X, 12. — The history of digital portraits Caesar's themes were handled masterfully by Mr. von Sallet, Zeitschr. f. Num. t. IV, p.l2S-144.

(3) Cohen, pi. XVIII, Flaminia, n° 2; ft. II, ^milia, nos. 12 and 13; ft. XXVIII, Mettia, nos. i and 2; ft. XXXVII, Sepullia, nos. 1-3.

(4) Cohen, pi. XXVIII, Mettia, n° 5.

(5) Cohen, Ft. II, Emilia, no. 14; pi. XXVIII, Mettia, no. 3 and 4; ft. XXXVII, Sepullia, n° 5.

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Caesar D\CTator. PERPETVO (1), signed by L. Flarainius Chilo (2), L. jEmilius Buca, P. Sepullius Macer and C. Cos- siitius Maridianus, substituted for M. Mettius (3). All these coins are silver; there are no gold currencies authentic with the portrait of Caesar and a name of monetary triumvir (4), and we will even see a little further than legally it cannot have existed. The aureus of the beginning of 44 is still imper- ratorial, without mention of urban monetary, and it does not have the effigy of the dictator; this is the one where we read CAESar. DlCfa- lor. Q.\ARhim—~ COnSui. QVINQu?es (5); he was hit at the inauguration of Caesar's fifth consulate, before the inauguration of perpetual dictatorship.

A. Hirtius had been appointed by Caesar propraetor of the Gaul Belgium for that same year!ik, but it was remained in Rome and had his province governed by a delegate (6). Also it was in his name, A-HIRTIVS, that was

(1) Cohen, pi. II, ^mj/m, n°' 15-17; ft. XXXVII, SepulUa, n"' 6-8; ft. XVI, Cossutia, n° 3 and l.

The denarii, signed by Sepullius Macer and Cossutius Maridianus, who give Caesar the title of PARENS-PATRIAE (Cohen, pi. XXXVII, Sepuîlia, n° 9; pi. XVI, Cossutia, n° 2), were struck in the .months after his death, under the influence of Marc-Antoine.

(2) Cohen, Ft. XVIII, Flaminia, no. 3. — Caesar's head is not accompanied carried no title, but this title is obviously grouped with those other monetary ones.

(3) Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 546; Von Sallet, Zeitschr. f. Num. t. IV, p. 131.

(4) Cohen, M C, p. xx et seq.; MI, t. Vil, p. 2; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 5il; t. III, p. 2; Von Sallet, Zeitschr. f. Num. t. IV, p. 132.

(5) Cohen, M C, pi. XX, Julia, no. 19; see. Cavedoni, New studio, p. 14.

(6) Cic. Ep.adAtiic. XIV, 9.

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then struck a small bronze coin which is found very usually in the vicinity of Trier (1). The types slavishly reproduce those of Caesar's denarius to the type of the elephant and the insignia of the pontificate, currency which had been particularly widespread in Gaul during the war, since it was, as we have already said, the one that the general had struck for the needs of his troops. A copy had even already been minted bronze in the name of CAESAR, which we also meet ment in the country of Trier (2) and which may have been issued by Caesar himself during his campaigns in Belgium. Hirtius' delegate thus imposed on several Gallic chiefs who ruled in the province, between others to a leader of the Remes, Athedias (3), to place on their copper species the name of the governor, under the form A- HlRtius. IMPerator, at the same time as theirs clean (4).

(1) A. Senckler, Miinzender allen Triererer. r?ans the t. XI of Jahrh. des Vereins der Freimde des Allerih. fiir die Rheinlande (1847); La Saus- saye, Rev. num. 1848, p. 236 et seq.; Saulcy, Rev. num. 1838, p. 443.

(2) A. Senckler, mem. cit.; La Saussaye, l. c.

(3) It is written there, in mixed Greek and Latin letters, A0! I- DIAC, and appears the same as other parts offer us in the form purely Latin ATISIOS-

[Â) Saulcy, Rev. num. 1858, p. 440-443; 1868, p. 409.

We will also see, a little further, the name of Munatius Plancus written on one side of a Gallic coin, which bears the name of the leader on the other VLATTV. This could give rise to conjectures, with M. de Saulcy (Monetary system of the Roman Republic at the time of Caesar, p. 22), that on the quinaries of the Pictons with legends DVRATîo* — IVLIOS (Duchalais, Med. Gauloises of the Library. royal, p. 14, n" 26; Saulcy, mem. cit. ft. VI, n°8) and Sequanes with legends IVLIVS — TOGIRIX (Saulcy, mem. cit. pi. VI, n° 9), Julius is perhaps not a gentiliium

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6. Our study on military currencies under the Roman Republic led us to review all the numismatics of Caesar, to classify the monuments on their specific dates. Two most notable innovations maples mark this numismatics and are of a nature to justify those who want to leave Caesar behind monetary of the emperors: it is the inauguration of a factory cation now continuous of gold coins minted Rome itself, then the introduction on coined species of the effigy of the living man invested with supreme power. Both were borrowed from the latitudes that the republican legislation left the right of coinage exercised following military Vim'penum.

For the manufacture of a gold currency, the question is not not doubtful. As decisively established Mr. Mommsen (1), there are no gold coins from the period republican than those struck by the generals outside Rome; or at least the only one that was struck in the queen city before Caesar, by a civil magistrate, the aureus of Cn. Lentulus, was not by a simple triumvir mo- netary in the exercise of his ordinary power, but by the urban quaestor, endowed with an extraordinary commission, and this for military arms costs.

That a similar way of acting was, as is desired the Prussian scholar (2), the result of a profound and wise

Roman adopted by the Gauls Duratius and Togirix in honor of the con- petitioner, but the name of Caesar himself, inscribed by virtue of his impetus rium on the coinage of its clients, as a mark of submission of these to Roman authority.

(1) il/ /î, t. II, p. 117.

(2) M R, t. He, p. 117.

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calculation of economic policy, in order to leave the big trade to administer freely, and without intervention of the state, its metal resources, left in the form of ingots, or whether it only held on to a principle sumptuary cipher, analogous to that which made the Senate refused for so long to create a silver currency Rome itself; in any case, it is certain that until Caesar, no kind of gold was manufactured in Rome, except that metal was excluded from the normal scale of currencies urban. However, gold had been abundant for a long time. time in the Eternal City; all the big deals trading was settled in gold; but it is in the form of linen- golds or foreign currencies treated as merchant dises (the philippes or Greek staters of the weight established by Philip of Macedonia), that this metal was used in exchanges (see above, book II, chap. i, § 2, 3).

As early as 357 BC, freedmen were struck slaves a tax of 5 0/0, which was paid in gold and, because of this, was called aurum vicesimarium (1). The proceeds from this tax were deposited in the state coffers and accumulated to the point that, when in 209 BC we resorted to this last resource to cope with the pressing needs of the Republic^ there were four a thousand pounds weighing. This was not, moreover, the only source which brought gold into the public treasury. Without doubt the republican government was in the habit of demanding of the defeated the payment of contributions in money (2), that is to say in the metal of which he formed his own mon- naie, and it was only exceptionally that he granted them

(4) T. Liv. XXVII, 10; cf. VII, 16. (2) Plin. HN, XXXm, 3, 51.

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the ability to pay in gold at a certain rate, such as we saw above (book II, chap. i, § 1, 2 and 4) that the Aetolians had been permitted to do so (1); but masses of gold huge quantities were reported as loot after each happy war. Gold therefore came to form the main portion of the reserve that was kept in the aerarium. According to Pliny (2), in 157 BC, it was for 4/5 that gold entered this reserve, and when Caesar, in 49, got his hands on the oerarium, more than half the value in the box consisted of ingots of this metal (3). It was, in fact, in ingots that gold was preserved in the Treasure from a very ancient time (4). These linen gots were cast of an exact weight under supervision monetary triumvirs (5), and a law of Sylla defended to introduce any alloy (6). When we speak, to a high period, of payments in gold made by the Treasury (7), it was in ingots of this kind that they had been made. It's also in this form that individuals possessed sums of the same metal. Following a theft committed at Larinum in 69 BC, the disappearance was noted a large sum of coined silver and five pounds of gold

(1) Polyb. XXII, 15, 8; T.Liv. XXXVIII, 41.

(2) H N, XXXill, 3, 55; see. Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 109.

(3) Plin. H N, XXXm, 3, 56.

(4) Varr. after No. Marcell. p. 5:20.

(5) Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 46. — This is why gold is counted in the attributions of the triumvirs at a time when they did not strike more coins of this metal (among others, Cic. De kg. III, 3, 6).

(6) Digest. XLVIII, 10, 9.

(7) Lucil. after No. Marcell. v. Advertising, p. 513; cf. v. Rogare, p. 382.

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in ingots (1). In the famous Cadriano deposit, buried at the time when the civil war broke out between Caesar and Pompey, several thousand silver denarii were found and a certain number of gold bars (2).

Naturally, the generals, when they addressed their army of appeals for funds to the Senate to support at the expense of their campaigns, asked that they be sent gold rather than silver; they could thus receive larger values in a form less bulky and more easily transportable. We sent them in ingots weighed by the pound, but of which we took into account in the public registers in sesterces of money, according to a certain rate of proportion between the two metals (3). This is how L. Scipio, having received 6,000 pounds of silver and 480 pounds of gold, we accused him of only being able to account for 2 thousand lions of sesterces of expenses, while he had some sent 4 million (4). In another passage from Titus- Live (5), we see a general who had asked for 100 pounds of gold obtain only 80,000 sesterces, that is to say 20 pounds precious metal (6). In preparations for the first first war against Mitliridate, land was sold

(1) Cic. Pro Customer. 64, 179.

(2) Schiassi, Ritrovamento di medaglieconsolari fatto a Cadriano, p. 24.

(3) Mommsen, MR. t. II, p. 111.

(4) T.Liv. XXXVIII, S5.

(o) XXXIX, S.

(6) These two examples fit into the data of the proportion :: 1: 11.91 accepted between the two metals in Rome in the 5th century of the city (see above, book II, cbap. i, § 1, 4), proportion according to which the golden book was worth 4,000 sesterces.

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of the public domain to obtain gold, and one reassures thus seemed 9,000 pounds (1), which were almost entirely ment spent in Italy, in the civil unrest, before the departure of Sjlla for the Orient. It is these shipments of linen- gots that the general made money or used for his expenses in the form in which he had received them, depending on whether he deemed it suitable and according to the habits of the country where he was operating. In general, we have seen this through the examples that we we grouped together, we transformed the linens into minted species. gots received from the aerarium or from contributors tions levied on the country or spoils, in wars Eastern, because in these countries the use of the mon- naie d'or was general; the commander in chief was thus benefit from the monetary benefit of its military fund and of the surplus value that the coined metal acquired on the metal in ingots. In the wars in Spain, no one made more money than silver and copper, because these were the metals usually admitted into circulation. lation of the country.

Until Caesar, moreover, the gold coinage minted by the generals in the provinces where they were waging war had taken so little right of bourgeoisie in the monetary system Roman that there was no fixed size according to which we made these parts. We just gave them the weight of one of the aliquot parts of the pound, but each gene- ral individually adopted a certain type, without seeking- dear to make it conform to that which others had chosen; chosen; we thus varied between i/30, 1/36, 1/37, 1/-40and 1/42 of a pound. The aureus of every commander-in-chief, cut according to these principles, is not a piece of one value He) Appian. Mithridat. 22; cf. Oros. V, 18.

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their round, but of a certain divisional weight of the book, like an ingot whose stamp of public authority blique guarantees weight regularity and accuracy ie title, and whose value in circulation relates at the commercial rate of the pound of gold. Which makes it this- for a currency, and not a simple commodity, is that the weight always stays a little below the precise rate of the division of the pound, within the limits of superiority of the effective size of the species coined by compared to the theoretical size, which the ancients admitted always as constituting the right of seigniorage in fa- worm of the one who issued the currency (see book VI, chap. i). So i/oO of the pound is exactly 10 gr. 915, and the maximum effective weight of the Lucullian aureus, at flower corner, 10 gr. 85; 1/36 pound, 9 gr. 096, and the maximum weight mum of the aureus of 36 to the pound of Sylla and Pompey 9 grams; just as 1/40 pound is theoretically 8 gr. 1S6 and the effective weight of Caesar's aureus 8 gr. 16. We will also show, in the book VIT, chap. m, I 5 and 6, that by adopting the sizes of 1/30 and 1/^0 of the pound, Sylla and Augustus certainly had the intention to bring their currencies very close together gold military species of Greek coins of the same metal, to which the trade was accustomed for a long time date.

Caesar, as we have said, was the first to implant Kome, in 49 BC. BC, the coinage of gold, which had not until now been carried out only in the provinces where the armies laughed. From this time until his death, its coinage of Roman gold continued without interruption, and in 46 he entrusted its management to an urban magistrate^ the city prefect. But, as was very rightly remarked II. 21

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mark Mr. Mommsen (1), even with this innovation considerable, he did not modify the old regulations re- related to urban money itself, to that which the monetary triumvirates manufactured and administered under the control of the Senate. Under him, neither the triumvirs nor in its last year the quartet which replaced them cerant, had no part in the manufacture of species gold. Until the end, Caesar's gold coinage, although struck in Rome, remains exclusively imperatorial; she is issued directly in his name, following the powers belonging to his title as Umperator or dictator. When a magistrate responsible for directing manufacturing under his orders are mentioned there, it is never one of the mon- ordinary urban spaces. This is why all Caesar's gold coins signed with the names of triumvirs or monetary quartets, which were published at various eras, ended up being recognized as false after a closer examination. There is none, and it cannot exist, because, according to the laws in force, the Senate and the ordinary monetary authorities, who were its agents, had no no right to issue them. It is only, as we we will show later, the year after the death of Caesar that the Senate brought gold species within the framework of normal urban currencies, which the four tuorvirs and who depended on his authority.

7. The question relating to the monetary effigy is less completely elucidated, and, on this point, innovation continues

(1) M R, t. III, p. 2.

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summoned under the dictatorship of Caesar was much more considerable, leading to many more consequences.

In the chapter i" of book IV, in special treatment- ment of types in ancient numismatics, we are- We will try to sketch the history of the use of placing on the currency of portraits of living characters, instead from the heads of the gods. It is in the Achaemenid empire that we will see it happen for the first time, and I hope then to prove that, in this empire, the right of effigy belonged exclusively to the sovereign, that the so-called portraits of satraps, whose existence is accepted on certain currencies by a large number i scholars, are in reality portraits of kings of Persia, which we can even manage to determine. Among the Greeks, the first portrait to appear on currency, during life ie the one it represented, was the portrait of Alexander the jrand, and even then he only showed himself there in a distinct manner. turned, giving the features of the king to the head of Hercules. Direct monetary portraits, where we are no longer constrained Disguises of this kind begin with Démé- trius Poliorcetes, Ptolemy Soter and Seleucus Nicator. In Greek customs, the effigy of a living person has always an essentially monarchical character: the right of place on the currency is one of the prerogatives which belong belong exclusively to royalty.

This is why the Romans were so reluctant to time for this use, and rejected it as long as it lasted for the Republic, just as they rejected all forms which recalled the odious name of king. Some latitude which, in the corruption of the reputed government blicain, would have ended up being left to the monetary authorities, to put on the money that they made guys mint 11.21.

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them personal, alluding to their name^ retracing the memories of their family, the features of their deceased ancestors lebres, the effigy of a living man was always absolutely excluded from the currency of Eome (see above, in this chapter, § 6, 4). In the subject composed of small figures, the monetary sometimes even manages to represent a scene where he played a personal role; thus, on the funds which he issued as curule aedile, in 58 BC Christ, Mr. J^milius Scaurus represented the submission of Aietas, king of the Nabataeans (1), received by him for two years previously; even earlier, between 103 and 100, the two quaestors Pison and Cépion, on the money they made bricked ADFRy7nentum. EKlYjidimi. EX. Senatus. Con- suUo (2), featured on the reverse two seated quaestors one near the other on their court, with ears of corn in the field. But it was far from there to place on the main side- capital of currency, reserved for divine heads, its own large portrait or that of a living character dressed of supreme power.

Even the almost universality of currencies issued by army generals and provincial governors, time of the Republic, does not admit the effigy. Without doubt, the subjects where the general who used his imperium to issue the species, are relatively, much more multiplied in the types of reverses on military currencies than urban currencies;

(1) Cohen, M C, pi. I, .'Emilia, u<" 1 and 2; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 489, ii° 273-, see. Borghesi, Oss. num. Dec. XV, 1, Complete Works, vol. He, p. 185.

(2) Cohen, M C, pi. X, Calpurnia, No. 24; Mommsen, M R, t. Yes, p. 38j, u° 192; see. Cavedoni, Append. al saggio di osservazioni, p. IG4.

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on the pieces I this kind where their names were inscribed or only those of their quaestors, Marius, Sylla and Pompey represented their cliar of triumph, in which they stand by themselves, and that with circumstances which are strictly personal to them; Sylla also did of the image of his equestrian statue the monetary type of a of his quaestors. But, while going that far, neither Marius, neither Sulla, nor Pompey, nor the less brilliant generals whose we have listed the currencies, have not traced the their facial features on the right of these pieces.

However, from a high time, we have the stater of T. QuinctinsFlaminious, which shows its head depicted in the same place as the effigies of the Greek kings and the same way, except that she is not surrounded by the diadem, with such an individual portrait character. And This- tory has not preserved a trace of difficulties that this fact raised for him by the Senate and the people, if ever proud, however, of everything which, in Rome, seemed to fect to royalty and so quick to repress it from the bottom deny torture. It must not have been judged that he had exceeded there the limits of the faculty resulting from its imperium^ because, after his return, it was not continued less to leave him the upper hand and the direction of all matters relating to Greece.

Is the example of T. Quinctius Fhimininus, moreover, absolutely isolated during the Republican period? The Sardinian coins of Atius Balbus would offer a second example of a portrait of a Roman character living on a provincial currency, struck under the Imperial Imperial silence, if it were well established that it is by itself that they were issued; I am inclined to believe it; but, like the question is still doubtful, like many scholars,

326 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

precisely because of the effigy (the only motif of a similar conjecture), think that these currencies are only commemorative and date from the principate of his grandson Auguste, I will leave them aside. But it is impossible for me not to draw attention to certain currencies of copper from Nicaea, bearing the dates of the years 233 and 235 from the Bithynia era. We see on one side, with the legend NIKAIEHN, a bare virile head, a very characteristic portrait of a Roman from the last century of the Republic, on the other a Victory with the legend EniT-OTIBIOT-nANIA (1). There are also similar coins from Nicomedia, with the same legends and the same head (2). So far, this head has been described as that of Caesar, because one does not didn't expect to see another one on pre- laughs at Auguste. But in reality this effigy has nothing common with that of Caesar; it’s a completely different portrait. Moreover, the dates inscribed on the coins are opposed absolutely to this identification of the head of the coins struck at Nicaea and Nicomedia under the government of Vibius Pansa. It is now well established and recognized by everyone that the era of Bithynia is the same as that of Pont and also starts from 297 BC Christ (3). The years 233 and 235 of this era are therefore 64 and 62 BC (4); this is the very moment where Pompey, conqueror of Mithridates, ruled as master

(1) Mionnet, t. II. p. 4d0, n" 210; Siippl. t. V, p. 79, u"' -iOl-40-4; Saulcy,S^sf. monet. of the Republic. rom. in the time of Caesar, pi. Ylll, No. 1.

(-2) Mionnel, Sapj]l. t. V, p. 169, no. 981.

(3) Seslini, Lett. nutn. dl conlinuazione, t. VII, p. 64.

(4) A piece was even published bearing the date of the year 232 = 63 before .lesus-Chfist; but it is not certain that the reading is accurate.

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the affairs of Asia, and where the rising star of Caesar was in core far from being able to compete with his. The head figured on the coins of Nicaea and Nicomedia offers, in fact, much more resemblance with that of Pompey than with that of Caesar, and it is, for my part, that of the general who was then for the Asians more than a king, whom I would be willing to recognize, but without dare to give this as certain as impossibility absolute to see Caesar there. In any case, chronologically and iconographically, we can only hesitate between two portraits on the currencies we are talking about, that of Pompey, the most likely in the data of his- tory, or that of Vibius Pansa himself. Even in leaving the choice between two still undecided, we have here a second example of a numismatic portrait of a Roman alive, exercising military command outside of r Italy j example still prior to Caesar and that it is necessary record next to that of Flamininus (1). This pa- should lead us to think that, if habitual use re- even affected military currency, the fact of placing his effigy on the species that he had directly minted or to let it be represented on the local coinage, subject to placed under his control, of the Greek cities of his province, was not considered as a culpable usurpation of the from a commander in chief. The unlimited latitude of rights attached to his absolute imperium went that far, although, in practice, he generally refrained to use this faculty.

(1) Pompey's head is seen on the coins of Pompeiopolis, but it has a commemorative character; it is that of the founder, reproduced long after his death, because it is even found on dated pieces from the year 229 of the era of the city, which fell under the reign of Marcus Aurelius.

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After these remarks, an aureus from Caesar, which we have left aside just now, will seem less suspicious to us only to Mr. Von Sallet (1), who however does not dare to con- damn in a formal way. The copy that it possesses sede the British Museum is today regarded as false by the conservative scholars of this establishment; but that of the Paris Cabinet offers all the appearances of authenticity and is judged as good by the finest and the sure pines connoisseurs of our country. I want to talk about the aureus, very similar in style and manufacture to the one signed by A. Hirtius, on which we see on the right the head of Caesar laureate and veiled as pontiff, with the legend C- CAESAR, and on the reverse the insignia of the two qualities augur and great pontiff (2). If this part is anthen= tick, as we are led to believe, it is not in no necessary way to suppose, with Mr. Mommsen (3), that it was struck after the death of Caesar (4), nor even that it could only be done following the decree of the Senate on the introduction of the ef&gy of the dictator to the law of mon- naies. It is, in fact, a purely imperatorial piece, which did not apply the legislation relating to urban and senatorial currencies. From the point of view where we we place, and that I believe the true, there is nothing impossible that Caesar himself, at a certain moment of his dictatorship, doing as Flami-

(1) Zeitschr. f. Num. t. IV, p. 133.

(2) Cohen, M C, pi. XX, Julia, n° 20.

(3) M R,t. III, p. 3.

(4) In this case, according to the rules so well established by Mr. Von Sallet (Zeitschr. f. Num. t. IV, p. 13S et seq.), the piece would necessarily prior to Caesar's Apolytheia, which took place at the end of 43 BC. AD

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ninus, and this again in a province, because the piece is not no strictly Roman factory, introduced its pro- pre effigy on its imperial gold coinage, giving thus the first example to which the Senate conformed.

The decree of the latter, as very judiciously remarked Mr. Mommsen (1), could only have an effect for the currency which was within its attributions, for the silver urban currency signed by the quartet. He did not concern the imperial gold currency, whose dictator disposed of alone and freely. 11 was intended to transport in urban currency, and to establish there at the state of fixed rule, which had not been for military currency silence of Vimperator than a faculty of which Caesar himself hadn't dared to use much. The very fact of the decree made by the Senate in February lik seems to me an argument in favor of the idea that among the Komains the modern effigy netaire, at the end of the Republic, did not seem a prerogative necessarily implying royalty. Without have, with regard to the external forms of its power, the cunning prudence which succeeds so well in Au- taste^ Caesar was obliged to show certain considerations towards the traditional horror that the Roman people preserved for the name of royalty. He had to refuse^ although bad mood, the tiara that Antoine presented to him, and the title of king, by which some saluted him. The his- Torians list the external signs of royalty, which, in the honors accumulated on his head, mainly caused clearly the indignation of the Republicans and half the gnards in the hands of the conspirators of the Ides of March; they never include the law which granted him the honor

(l)M/?, t. III, p. 3.

330 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

(the monetary effigy. It is even important to read the way of which Dio Cassius (1) relates this law. Listing all extraordinary honorary privileges that the servility of the Senate lavished on Caesar after his elevation to dictatorship perpetual, he classifies them into three groups, those which assured in perpetuity in Rome itself the powers of Military Vimperator and the honors of the triumphant, those which gave him life censorship and the inviolability of tri- buns, finally those which, hitherto unheard of among the Komains, completely affected the exterior of royalty. However, it's in the first class and not the third that he mentions the introduction of his portrait on the currency.

We must see, moreover, what happened immediately after the death of Caesar^ to fully realize the idea that the Romans then attached to the monastic effigy silence, of what it really was from the point of view of the public law of the time. During year 4i, a few months after the death of the dictator, the quartet monetary P. Sepullius Macer, entirely devoted to left Antoine, did not limit himself to continuing to put on the cash that he signed, and which were urban funds subject to the control of the Senate, the head of Caesar (2), already dead and not yet deified, or the image of the temple of Clemency of Caesar (3); he also minted denarii with the effigy of Antony, the head veiled as an omen and the beard long as a sign of mourning (4). Antoine and Octave, before

(J) XLIV, 4.

(2) Cohen, M C, pi. XXXVII, SepulUa, n° 9.

(3) Cohen, pi. XXXVII, SepulUa, n'' 10.

(4) Cohen, pi. XXXVII, SepulUa, x\^ 11.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 331

of having assumed the title and absolute authority of triumvirs, mid- put their own portrait on the military coins they struck at the beginning of 43. What is more si- still significant, is that some of the party leaders republican, Sextus Pompey (1), Labieuus (2), Domitius Ahenobarbus (3), and the tyrannicide Brutus himself (4'), believed themselves entitled to do the same and did not see in the application of their effigy to military currency a de- lied to the program of their cause • it is true that the ex- extreme rigidity affected by Cassius led him to abstain from it hold. A fortiori the triumvirs inherited at the point from a monetary point of view of the honorary prerogative granted to Caesar- not only did they use the right of effigy on their imperial currencies, but their portrait is introduced duisit regularly on the senatorial currencies, issued by regular monetary magistrates. It is, moreover, under the triumvirs that the monarchical character of the effi- monetary policy became more pronounced, so as to con- lead to what it was under the Empire. They brought her closer much more than before of what it had been in the Greek monarchies, by not reserving it for their own authority, of an exceptional character, half civil and half military; instead of doing this or letting pertain to the right of effigy only of members of their fa- miles temporarily invested with a military imperium, who could have legally justified the introduction of their

(1) Cohen, pi. XXXIV, Pompeia, no. 10.

(2) Cohen, Ft. VII, Alia, No. 1.

(3) Cohen, pi. XVI, DoniUia, n° 16.

(4) Cohen, pi. XXIV. Jnnia, n"» Ifi 1«.

332 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

trait on the currencies (1), they behaved truly- ment as kings, when they associated with their image on the cash coins those of children like Marc-Antoine the son (2) or women like Octavie (3). By this, the effi- gy was no longer the attribute of a legal power of the Republic that, but a privilege of a completely monarchical character- chic, that the depositaries of supreme authority can will share their imagination with people who do not possessed no title resulting from the principles of law ])public. Antoine even went so far as to place on one of his deniers, hanging from her head, that of a foreign queen, of Cleopatra (Zi), while he accepted the same association

(1) Thus, on the aurei and the deniers where L- ANTON IVS- COnSul, at the time of the war of Perugia, put his effigy with that of his brother the triumvir, by having these coins signed by his proquestors M, Cocceius Nerva (Cohen, M C, pi. XIII, Cocceia, n° 1) and M. Barbatius (Cohen, M C, pi. VIII, Barhatia, no. 2), we can admit that he used rights of his military imperiuin.

(2) Cohen, M C, pi. V, Antonia, no. 36; Zeitschr. f. Nim. t. II, pi. IX, 11"" 2. The coins at the head of Marc-Antoine the son, called of the Greeks Anthylle, were struck when her father made her put on the manly dress, by designating him as the heir to his power over the Romans, while {[he made oriental kings from the other sons he had had from Cleopatra. The factory is Egyptian. These currencies make it possible to rectify the given by Dio Cassius (LI, 6), claiming that it was after Actium that Antoine gave the manly robe to his son; the triumvir carries, in fact, MPerator titles. III- CONSUL. ITERum. DESIGN«rw*. III, which cannot go lower than 32 BC. AD, since in 31,

In the year of Actium, Antony was Imperator quartum, Consul iertium.

(3) Roman Aureus: Cohen, M C, pi. V, Antonia, n° 3i, — Currency? of copper from the prefects of Antony's fleet, of which we will talk again a little further. — Cistophores from the province of Asia.

(4) Cohen, M C, pi. V, Antonia, no. 37; M I, 1. 1, p. 37, no. 1.

Servius {ad jEmid. VII, GSi) provides very extraordinary information nary about the coins of Antony and Cleopatra. Antonlus, he said, Augusti sorore contemplated, poslquavi Cleopatram duxit uxorem, monetam

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 333

on the royal coins that the sovereign of Egypt made strike in its States (1). here, the forgetting of traditions was complete, the outrage against Roman morals blatant.

Romanus (ehèu posteri negahitis) Emancijjatus feminae Fert vallum, and arma miles ^ and spadonibus Serve rucjosispotest (2).

While acting as a true sovereign, Antoine was better

ejus iiominein Anafjnia civitatejussit fci'iri. This cannot apply to denarius known to Antony and Cleoparal, minted in 33 or 34 BC. AD after the Armenian campaign, ARMENIA DEVICTA. It also seems- their impossible to admit historically that Octave, master of Italy, could have allowed coins to be struck at Anagnia in Latium where Antony did her sister the outrage of publishing the repudiation, by returning to Cléo- pale the honors of his legitimate wife. Virgil's commentator was obviously echoed here by an inaccurate legend, which could have give birth to the aureus, of very Italian manufacture, where the head of An- toine is associated with that of a woman, which some scholars have still taken for Cleopatra, but which is certainly Octavia. It therefore seems that the distinction between the portraits of Cleopatra and Octavia, so much discussed among the moderns (see Eckhel, D N, vol. VI, p. 48, S6 et seq.; and the excel- slow dissertation by Mr. Bompois, Rev. num. 1868, p. 63-101), was already for the numismatists of Imperial Rome an obscure and controversial. See. what we said about these medal lovers Romans of antiquity, volume 1^'', p. 80.

Some modern scholars have proposed another explanation {Nuin. chron. n. s. t. VII, p. 269; Zeitschr. f. Num. t. II, p. 290); they sup- posited that in the historical text from which Servius drew this data it was question of coins struck in Alexandria, that is to say real ones coins of Antony and Cleopatra, but that in the manuscript that the commentator had before his eyes the name of the city was abbreviated, such way that he could read Anagnia for Alexandria.

(1) Mionnet, i. VI, p. 33, no. 266-268; Feuardent, ancient Egypt, Coins of kings, pi. VIII, nos. 443, 447 and 448.

(2) Horat. £/30(L IX, il.

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inspired^ conformed better to the Roman spirit, when he required Polemon I", king of Pontus, to put his effigy, to him triumvir, on the main face of the royal coin, as a sign of subjection (1). Also, on this point, Augustus and did the other emperors follow his example (see more above, in this chapter, §/i, 9).

Even after the constitution of the Empire, until a certain period of the reign of Augustus, we see governors of senatorial provinces keep and exercise the right of effigy, parallel to that of the Emperor, as a consequence of the Vimperium with which they are clothed. M. L. Millier caught a glimpse of the first (2) and Mr. Waddington has definitively demonstrated (o) this capital fact that the por- traits of several proconsuls of Asia and Africa, Mr. Tul- lius Cicero (4) (24 BC), P. Cornelius Scipio (5) (11-10 BC), Paullus Fabius Maximus (5-/t BC), C. Asinius Gallus (between 1 BC and 2 CE) and jM. Plautius Sylvanus (6 AD) in Asia, P. Quinctilius Varus (7-6 BC), L. Volusius Saturninus (6-5 BC). BC) and Africanus Fabius Maximus (5-4 BC) in Africa, are seen on municipal species of several several towns in their constituency (0) and even on

(1) Mionnet, t. II, p. 364, n" 30; De Kœhne, Musée du, prince Kolcliou- bey, t. II, p. 175.

(2) Numisin. of the anc. Africa, t. II, p. 40 and 46.

(3) Rev. num. 1807, p. 102-126.

(4) This effigy is the only doubtful one; it could be, as have thought many scholars, that of the great orator, placed by the inhabitants so much of Magnesia on their currency to flatter his son.

(5) Waddington, Splendor of the Asian provinces of the Roman Empire, p. 92.

(6) The singularity and political importance of the fact lie in the fact that these

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 335

provincial currencies issued in their name. The explanation that we must give it, the character that we must attribute to it, was the subject of a very interesting controversy between M. Mommsen and M. Millier (1). As it always happens in such a case, these two eminent masters seem to me to be to have each been partly right and partly wrong; but the general point of view from which Mr. Mommsen views the fact is, I believe, the most accurate. We cannot say, in fact et, with M. L. Millier, that “the presence of professional heads consuls on currencies is sufficiently motivated by the honors paid to them in the provinces. » He doesn't is not, in fact, a simple honor, some exaggerated that it was, of which we could leave the free disposal to the initiative of the subject cities, but of a real participation in one of the essential prerogatives of the sovereignty (2). We studied above what had

portraits of proconsuls were placed on coins during their lifetime and during their administration. Because, for the commemorative effigies of famous dead people, whose names bring glory to cities, benefactors whose memory we want to honor, they are frequent in the continuation of the Greek Imperials, where. they did not raise, on the part of the imperial power, more jealousy than their introduction of monetary on urban currency had not been excited by the government republican of Rome. Sometimes portraits of this latter type have were traced on coins almost immediately after the death of the individual they represent. Such is the case of that of P. Veidius PoUio, the friend of Augustus, on coins from Caesarea-Tralles (Von Ballet, Zeitschr. f. Num. t. m, p. 136-139; t. IV, p. 198).

(1) Mommsen, Hermès, t. III, p. 268-273; L. Muller, Numism. of the anc. Africa^ Suppl. p. 40; Mommsen, Zeitschr. f. Num. t. IV, p. 69-73; L. Millier, Zeitschr. f. Numism. t. IV, p. 29b-308.

(2) The right of effigy permitted under the Republic to the general invested with Military Vimperium holds that it exercised temporarily, in the ex- due to his command, the fullness of the sovereignty of the people-king.

The most exaggerated honors paid to provincial governors

336 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

was the political meaning of the obligation, imposed on cities to which the license to mint money was granted, to put the portrait of the Emperor or members of his family, and our research led us to the same re- results that Mr. Mommsen, namely: that this was a real right of monetary effigy, inherent to sovereign power (above, in this chapter, § 4, 5). Moreover, in the province of Africa, it is not only cities that place the portrait of the proconsul on their local currency, it is on provincial currencies issued directly by the proconsuls, by virtue of their authority, that the effigy of Africanus Fabius Maximus is certain (1), and that of L. Passienus Rufus probable (2). How, moreover, if there had only been an honor that the cities could will freely return to the provincial governors, Can we explain why we don't see any more examples of it afterwards? year 6 AD? that this honor was exclusive-

in the Greek lands, their divinization during their lifetime and during the exercise of their office, marked by the erection of temples or the tion of games in their honor (see Mongault, Mém. de i’Acad. des Inscr. anc. ser, t. I, p. 333 et seq.; Waddington, Rev. num. 1867, p. 104 et seq.), are facts which belong to the Republican period and which show how far did the prerogatives of the imperium exercised in the pro - vinces, The law formally authorized them (Cic. Ad Quint, fratr. I, 1, 9). The Empire, on the contrary, put an end to it. Augustus condemned these practices by his example in not allowing a temple to be built for him without dedicate at the same time to divinized Rome (Sueton. Octuv. 52). As for the later emperors, they would not have tolerated from the procon- only a competition to their own divinity.

(1) Rev, numism. 1867, pi. IV, No. 8; L. Miller, Nuinism. of Vanc. Africa, t. He, p. 61.

(2) L. Millier, Numism. de Vanc, Africa, Suppl. p. 43 et seq. — This professional consul, who took office in 3 AD. J.-C, seems to have put the head of Au- taste to the right of his coins, and his own on the reverse.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 337

especially to the two provinces of Asia and Africa, that is to say to the two senatorial provinces whose governments winemakers held the first rank, being those who were taken born among the consular figures? Everything indicates that this is a political fact of major importance, and Mr. Mommsen gave the true legal formula when he pointed out that at least initially, in fiction constitutional, established by Augustus, of the sharing of government government of the provinces between Caesar and the Senate, the governments governors of the first two senatorial provinces had theoretically, in their constituencies, powers similar to those that the prince, universal governor in as long as the i7nperatoi\ had throughout the extent of the Empire. It was therefore natural that they had a right of effigy by reil, as delegates of this sovereignty of the Senate after which we saw in the senatorial provinces, and particularly in that of Asia, the head of the Senate person- nified to be placed on the currency as well as the impervious effigy rial. Mr. Mommsen also perfectly established that it was when the influence of Tiberius began to become powerful health on the mind of Augustus, now devoid of everything other heir, than this right, which flowed naturally from the constitutional provision for the division of provinces in imperial and senatorial, was withdrawn from the proconsuls from Asia and Africa. But where we cannot follow the Berlin scholar, it is when he claims to see in this right effigy of the proconsuls of Asia and Africa a concession made in the Senate by Augustus to assert his dynasty, in 6 av. BC, when he designated Caius Caesar, son of Agrippa, for his successor, concession revoked after a short time of years. Even without arguing about the portrait of Cicero the son, who can still be considered doubtful, we u. 22

338 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

we have that of P. Cornelius Scipio at a later date older than that which Mr. Mommsen's system assi- would be annoying at the beginning of this use. So there is there, in my opinion, a fact which is linked to the ancient public law data from the end of the Republican period, and this fact, after having been the result of the fiction of the par- tage of sovereignty over the provinces, is maintained until a fairly advanced period of the reign of Augustus, instead of being just an innovation tried for a moment by the Emperor. We must not forget that we is far from having yet noted all the examples of effigies of proconsuls of the senatorial provinces who can meet on contemporary coins of Augustus, until the beginning of the Cliretan era. We won't have a list which can be considered as almost complete, that when an in-depth study has been carried out to the point iconographic view of all the heads that, on the city coins, in the Greek Imperial series in particular, the numismatists of the past attributed to Augustus, but who often move away, in the most common way more sensitive, of its real resemblance.

A final fact will show that around sixty years after the right of effigy had been taken away from the proconsuls of Asia and Africa, the Republican Party, which still existed and attached itself to the traditions of ancient legality, ran- among these traditions was the right for governors of provinces to put their portrait on the currency, do not seeing point, therefore, in the presence of the effigy an absolute monarchical sign, despite the use of it does the emperors. Among the attempts to restore the Kepublique, which accompanied the fall of Nero and whose numismatic history has been so well traced by the

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 339

Duke of Blacas (1), one of the most important and characterized was that of Clodius Macer in Africa. Revolted one of the first against the tyrant, he did not act as Galba and did not take the title of Emperor; the currencies that he bequeathed to us (2) show in him a con- defeated by the Republic, which respects its forms and observe all the ancient laws. It copies the types and appearances of republican funds; he only takes the title of governor of the province of Africa, renewing even the old qualification of propraetor, which had not survived the Republican times and which Augustus had substituted that of proconsul. The imperium attached to this title was sufficient to legally justify its issuance monetary sion-, but, like the generals of the senate party- torial under Sylla, he also inscribed on all his mon- use the formula Senatus Consulta to express that to its sovereignty now resides in the Senate, and no longer on the head of a single man. However, with this scrupulous respect for republican forms, this affection tation of a return to the old forms, he does not believe in derogate by having one's portrait represented on a denier where we read, with the S-C, the legends L. CLODIVS. MACER — PROPRAEior. AFRICAE.

8. In the first days of January 43, in the series of deliberations in which he attempted to reconstruct on legal bases the government of the Republic, the

(l)Bei/. mm. 1862, p. 197-234.

(2) The most complete and accurate description is in L. Millier, Numism. of rancor. Africa, t. II, p. 170 et seq.

II. 22.

340 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

Senate took care of the reform and reorganization of currencies (1). The main result of his work at this subject was the definitive admission of gold cash among urban currencies, as well as monetary quartets manufactured under the direction of the senatorial authority. This is a fact that Mr. Mommsen has perfectly established (2), and, as this scholar remarks, the “Senate could not hardly do otherwise; not wanting to abolish coinage gold in the capital, which had now been taken over bititude, it was necessary, according to the laws of the Republic, the con- proud of the ordinary magistrates appointed by the Senate. )) Already it seems that, in the last months of the year pre- ceding, this body had, by a special deliberation, charged with an extraordinary issue the two praetors C. Norbanus and L. Cestius; the aurei that they made strike bear the indication of their origin, due to a senatus-consulte (3). The new law of January 43 entrusted the manufacture of gold currency to the computer quartet naries, and it is in fact by their care that they were struck this year and the following (see in this book, chap, m,

§2).

The military currency continued, moreover, as by past, to subsist alongside urban and senate currency rial; the troubled events in which we lived even then gave it an enormous development, in at the same time as the image of the general author of the broadcast it became a habitual occurrence. You can follow step by step in military currencies all the adventures that take place

(1) Cic. VlIPhilipp. 1, 1.

(2) M R, t. m, p. 4.

(3) Cohen, M C, pi. Xîl, Cestia; ft. XXIX, Norbana, n° 1.

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period between the death of Caesar and the establishment of the trium- virat.

Thus, the war of Modena, which fills the last months of 44 and the first of 43, gives birth to denarii where Antony represents on one side the head of Caesar, on the other his own with the legend M. ANTONiws. \MPerat07' (1), to those of Decimus Brutus under the name of ALBINVS-BRVTI. Filius (2), recalling his adoption by Postumius Albinus, with the numerous silver coins of the consul C VIBIVS. C. Filius. C-liepos. PANSA (3), killed in the fight with his colleague A. Hirtius, and to those he issues jointly with Decimus Brutus (4). Beaten under Modena, Antoine crosses the Alps and will operate in the Narbonnaise its junction with Lepidus; they then emit the denarii, certainly minted in the south of Gaul, where we see on one side the insignia of the auspicious quality with Mr. ANTONms. IMPera^or, on the other the insignia of pontificate with Mr. LEPIDms. \MPerator or M- LE PI Dm. CON- Sul, \fAPerator (o). Octave, proclaimed imperator during the war of Modena, immediately struck the denarius which offered its head, long beard as a sign of Caesar's mourning, with the

(1) Cohen, M C, pi. III, Antunia, no. 2.

At the time of the formation of the triumvirate, he made a new issue- sion of deniers to the same type (Cohen, pi. III, Antoiiia, n° 3), where it takes the singular title of M- ANTONius. \MPerator. Rei. Publicae. Consti- tuendae. instead of imperator, triumvir rei publicae constitutetidae, which then becomes his regular title, like that of his colleagues.

(-2) Cohen, pi. XXXV, Postumia, n°.8 10.

(3) Cohen, pi. XLI, Vibia, n<" I2-1S.

(4) Cohen, pi. XLI, Vibia, n° 16.

(5) Cohen, Ft. III and IV, Autonia, n"^ 12-15. There is a corresponding quinary laying, with the sole name of Antoine: Cohen, pi. IV, no. 46.

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legend C. CAESAR. mPerator (1), and on the reverse the statue equestrian that the Senate had awarded him when he left to fight Antoine (2). In the month of July of this year 43, he snatches by force his elect- tion at the consulate, and upon taking office, on August 19, he issues Taureus on which he takes the qualifications of C. CAESAR. Consul. POUTifex. AVGur (3). Finally, in in the fall he deals with Antoine, and it is then, before the triumvirate is organized and has taken on an existence legal, that the aureus and the denier appear which associate the names (the effigies also on the aureus) of CAESAR- IMPe- rator and ANTONIVS. \MPerator (4), neither still taking the title of triumvir.

Meanwhile, the ill-fated expedition of C. An- tonius, sent to Macedonia by his brother when the war of Modena broke out, and there defeated, taken prisoner, .then after some time put to death by Brutus, is the occasion of the striking of a military aureus in the name of C. ANTONIVS. Mr. Pilius. PROCOnSut (5). Munatius Plan- cus, propraetor of Celtic Gaul in 44 and 43, making like Hirtius in Belgium, imposes on a Gallic chief, whose the precise homeland is still undetermined, to place its name, L. MVNATfw5, to the right of the bronze pieces he made strike, while the reverse bears that of this leader, AFFAMOC or ATTAMOC (6). We also read MVNaf^w5. \MPeralor au

(1) Cohen, pi. XXI, Julia, No. 2o.

(2) Vell. Paterc. 11.61.

(3) Cohen, pi. XX, Julia, n° 21.

(4) Cohen, pi. III, Antonia, nos. 7 and 8.

(5) Cohen, Ft. IV, Antonia, n° 22.

(6) Ch. Robert, Bev. num. 1859, p. 230; A. de Barthélémy, The Liberties Gallic, p. 10; E. Hucher, Mél. of numism. 187S, p. 323 et seq.

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right of a completely barbaric quinary, whose manufacture recalls that of the peoples of the banks of the E-hin and which seems having been beaten among the Kauriques (1), where Plancus founded the colony of Augusta (2), today Augst.

We will see later (in this book, chap. m, § 2) that at least part of the monetary quartet insti- killed at the beginning of 43 were driven from their functions and that others were substituted for them, either by Octave at the time he seized the consulate, either by the triumvirs to reestablish their power, which took a legal existence on November 27. Like Caesar, the trium- virs received or took the right of effigy on the coins urban and senatorial. We therefore see their portraits on part of the aurei and denarii signed by the quartet monetary values of 43 and 42, on a part only, because the same quartet simultaneously struck species whose types are purely personal to them, without effigy of any of the triumvirs. The head of Lepidus was re- presented by L. Livineius Regulus (3) and L. Mussidius Longus (4) (43 BC), that of Antony by L. Livi- neias Eegulus (5), L. Mussidius Longus (6), P. Clodius C. filius (7), which also appears to be from the year 43 (8), and C. Vibius Yarus (9), who seems to have exercised his functions

(1) Ch. Robert, Rev. num. 1859, p. 230.

(2) Mommsen, Inscr. reg. Neap. lat. No. 4089.

(3) Cohen, pi. XXV, Livineia, n° 7.

(4) Cohen, pi. XXIX, Mussidia, nos. 8 and 9.

(5) Cohen, Ft. XXV, Livineia, n° 8.

(6) Cohen, pi. XXIX, Mussidia, no. 10 and II.

(7) Cohen, pi. XII, Claudia, n"' 9 and 10.

(8) Von Sallet, Zeitschr. f. Num. t. IV, p. 133 et seq.

(9) Cohen, pi. XLII, Vibia, n° 22.

344 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

tions in /i2. As for Octave, besides the monetary kids than Antoine (4), we see his effigy on the coins of the four luorviri quaestore designati,Ti. Sempronius Gracclius (2) and Q. Voconius Vitulus (3), whose magistracy must be placed in 41, a time when he was alone in Italy. Next to these senatorial and urban currencies, they all three have their imperial and military coins, bearing their image, where often the portraits of two of them are associated them (4). In addition, a consul of their party, Cn. Domitius Calvinus, struck in 40, during his campaign against the Cerrétans in Spain, military funds which do not bear only his name, DOUiiius. CONSUL \TERum. IMPE- ralor (5), without mentioning the triumvirs.

The adventures of the war of Perugia can be followed in a series of military coins. At the beginning of his que- real with Octavian, the consul L. Antonius Pietas, out of Rome to join Fulvia, strikes for the service of his troops the aureus and the denier who have the head of his brother Marc-Antoine, with the title of triumvir, and on the reverse the figure of Piety/ with the legend PIETAS- COnSul (6); the war is open, and L. Antonius retires to Perugia,

(1) Livineius Regulus: Cohen, pi. XXV, Livùieia, W' 9 and JO. Mussidius Longus: Cohen, pi. XXIX, Mussidia, nos. 12 and 13. Clodius: Cohen, pi. XII, Claudia, W' i±-\i.

Vibius Varus: Cohen, pi. XLII, Vibia, n° 23.

(2) Cohen, Ft. XXXVII, Sempronia, n° 7 and 8.

(3) Cohen, pi. XLII, Voconia, W' 3 and 4.

(i) Lepidus and Antony: Cohen, pi. III, Antonia, n° M. Lepidus and Octavian: Cohen, pi. II, Mmilia^ n° \'è. Antoine and Octave: Cohen, pi. III, Anionia^ n"' 4 6.

(5) Cohen, Ft. XVII, Domilia, no. 7.

(6) Cohen, pi. VI, Anlonia, n"^ 23 and 24.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 345

WHERE Octave comes to besiege him; it is at this moment that appears hold the coins where the consul places his portrait in same time as that of his brother, coins signed by M. BARBATIM5. Quaeslor, Provincialis (1) and M-NERVA- PRO. Quaestore Provinciali (“2). At the capitulation of Pé- rouse, the quaestors and proquestors of L. Antonius, like his soldiers, pass into Octave's camp; in sign of reconciliation, they issue currencies, which they sign, where the effigies of Marc-Antoine and Octave are associates (3), and their colleague L. GELU'w^. Q.uaeslor. Pro- vincialis does the same (4).

9. The military numismatics of the adversaries of the trium- virs during the civil wars^ of the last defenders of the republican cause, is very rich.

These are first of all the currencies of the armies of tyranni- cide, which almost all bear the name of Cas- sius or that of Brutus, associated with that of one of their places- tenants. They can be divided into two groups, those which are before or after the greeting of the two leaders as imperalores by their troops, when they made their junction in Sardis, in the first months of the year 42. The second therefore belongs entirely to the year

(1) Cohen, pi. VIII, Barbatia, n° 1.

(2) Cohen, Ft. XIII, Cocceia, n° 1.

(3) Cohen, pi. VIII, Barbatia, No. 2; ft. XIII, Cocceia. n" 2.

(4) Cohen, pi. XIX, Gellia, n° 2. — It is more than probable that we • will one day find the slightly earlier coins of L. Gellius

with the head of L. Antonius, similar to those of M. Barbatius and Mr. Cocceius Nerva.

346 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

born whose end saw the battle of Philippi, and it is much the most numerous.

First group.

CAEPIO. BRVTVS. PROCOnSw/, denier (1).

Q. CAEPIO-BRVTVS. PROCOnSul — L. SESTIms. PRO.

Quaestore, aureus, denier and quinary (2). All these coins of Brutus proconsul were minted in Macedonia doine, his province.

C-CASS\us. Pro. CONSUL — M. AQVINVS-LEOatus, aureus (3) . Probably struck in Syria, the province of Cassius,

Second group.

Q. CAEPIO. BRVTVS. mPerator, denier (ti)* Minted in Macedonia.

C CASSIW5. mPerator — M. AQVINVS. LEOatus, au- reus (5). Probably struck in Syria.

BRVTVS — LENTVLVS. SPINT/ier, aureus and de- deny (6).

C CASSIm. IMPerator— LENTVLVS- SPI NT/ter, aureus and denarius (7). Cornelius Lentulus Spinther commanded in the province of Asia.

(1) Cohen, M C, pi. XXXVIII, Servilia, n° 7. — The quinary corresponds author is anonymous: Cohen, pi. XXIII, Junia, no. 3.

(2) Cohen, Ft. XXXVIII, Sestia, no. i-3.

(3) Cohen, pi. XI. Cassia, u° 10.

(4) Cohen, pi. XXXVIII, Servilia. No. 7.

(5) Cohen, Ft. XI, Cassia, No. H.

(6) Cohen, pi. X, Cornelia, no. 6.

(7) Cohen, pi. XII, Cassia, w» 13-15.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 347

Q. CAEPio. BRVTU5. mPeralor — C. FlaWius. HEMI- CiUus. LEGatiis, PRO. PRaefore, denier (1). We don't know the country of issue.

Mr. BRWTus. mPerator — COSTA- LEOatus ^ aureus and denier (2).

BRVT«5. IMPem/or — L» PLAETorm. ŒSTianus, aureus and denier (3). Hit in Epirus, where he commanded Plœtorius Cestianus.

to CAEPIO. BRVTVS. IMPerator — M- SERVILIVS. LEGa^t^^, aureus and denier (ft).

C CASSIW5. mPerator — M. SERVILIVS-LEGa^W6, aureus and denier (5). The types of coins of M. Servi- lius show that he had command over the fleet who defeated the Rhodians.

BRVTVS. mPerator — CASCA- LONGVS, aureus and denier (6). Servilius Casca, one of Caesar's assassins after having been his friend, commanded in the province from Asia.

To these currencies we must add those of a few genera- members of the tejrannicides party who did not include the names of Cassius or Brutus:

MVRCVS- IMPera^gold, denier (7). The types of this coin show that it was minted at the time Statius Murcus commanded the Ionian fleet.

(1) Cohen, pi. XVIII, Flavia.

(2) Cohen, Ft. XXIV, Junia, n" 18; pi. XXX, Pedania.

(3) Cohen, pi. XXIV, Junia, n° 16.

(4) Cohen, pi. XXXVIII, Servilia, no. 9. (5J Cohen, pi. XI, Casuia, nos. 9 and 12.

(6) Cohen, pi. XXIV, Junia, no. 17; ft. XXXVIII, Servilia, n° 10.

(7) Cohen, pi. XXXVIII, Statia.

348 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

Q. C0RNVFICIW5. AVGVR. \MPerator, aurei and de- deny (1). Cornuficius, propaetor of Africa, declared himself for the Republican Party and fought in its favor in this part of the Roman world; the types of its currencies attest that they were struck partly in the province of Africa and partly in that of Cyrenaica.

As for the aurei and the denarii of AHENOBARBws — CN-DOMITIVS. L. F- IMPerator (2), each to its own effigy, the others at the head of his ancestor the great Domi- tius Ahenobarbus, they are after the battle of Pbilippes and belong to the nearly two years (jue en- lands where this character held the seas with his ships, without wanting to submit to the triumvirs; the types of re- verses allude to his most brilliant exploit, the destruction of Octavian's fleet at Brundise. When Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, in 40, decided to join the party of An- toine and brought him his fleet, he struck, in the military workshop silence that he had organized, the aureus and the denarius which carry on one side the head and the legend of the triumvir, on the other its own name (3).