Money in Antiquity, vol. II: Monetary Systems — 1878

(3) P.33.

SS CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

cliap. IV, § 1). It is not up to the federal city, headquarters of the common monetary workshop, Megalopolis, which has no at the same time its municipal currency. She hits quarters of silver staters or trioboles exactly sem- blables to those of the Confederation, except that they have in legend MET instead of the monogram of the letters APK (1); many copies unite, moreover, the monogram dedicated of the League to the legend of the city, and this association is almost constant on the brass instruments name of Megalopolis (2), or on those which have on the reverse Pan seated (3), or on those who have an eagle on a fou- dre (4).

Tliyrréôn was the seat of the council of the Acarna-Line nienne (5); this is where she must have had her hotel currencies. But from this hotel, as in Megalopolis, in at the same time as the federal species, mon- municipal silver coins, exactly similar as types and weight to those of the League, except that it is the name of the city which is written in the legend (6). The subscription Dante bronze series from the city of the Oeniades (7) saw the day when this city belonged to the Acarna League nienne and had not yet passed to that of the Aetolians. In effect, as a mark of adhesion to the national confederation

(1) Mionnet, t. II, p. 249 et seq., nos. 37-42.

(2) Leake, Numism. hellen., European Greece, Suppl. p. 133.

(3) Mionnel, t. He, p. 2o0, no. 44; Suppl. t. IV, p. 281, no. 33.

(4) Mionnel, Snppl. t. IV, p. 281, no. 56.

(5) Polyb. IX. 3, 4.

(6) Mionnet, t. II, p. 83 et seq.

(7) Mionnet, t. II, p. 84 et seq.; Suppl. t. III, p. 470 et seq.

THE LAW BANNING ANCIENT COINS 89

iiale, all the parts in question bear im mono- gram, composed either of the letters AKAP, or simply (the AK, or an A, below the bull's head at human face of the Acheloos river (1). This head itself must be considered as a federal type, because we see appear on certain minted copper coins in Lefkada (2), which mark the period of time short enough where this city belonged to the Confederation Acarnanian; it is still accompanied by the letters A K in monogram (3). In the rich suite of coins silver from Leucade, the manufacture of which had begun more previously, this period of membership in the League is indicated, not by a change in the types which remain immobilized, but by the inscription of the monogram of the letters AK in the reverse field [h).

Apart from ApoUonie (5), who, according to his situation, should to be rather originally a town of the Locrians Ozoles and which must have belonged to Aetolia quite late (6), no city of Aetolia proper does not offer us municipal coinage parallel to the federal coinage, which fits well with the character of the constitution of this country, league of tribes rather than cities. But at the moment of cul-

(1) Leicester Warren, p. 16.

(2) Mionnet, Suppl. t. Ill, p. 466, no. 80.

(3) This type would still have been that of the silver coins of Stratos before this city passed to the Aetolians, if the piece in Mionnef, Suppl. t. m, p. 472, is authentic and well described.

(4) Leicester Warren, p. 16.

(5) Mionnet, t. II, p. 88, no. 20.

(6) At the time when Livy (XXVIII, 8) mentions it, this city was Aetolian.

W CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

foundation of the Aetolian Confederation, around the time of their war against the Achaean League, the inhabitants of a certain number of localities foreign to the Etoile own, those of Amphissa (1) and Thronion in Lo- cride (2), as well as the Oeteans (3) and the Jî^nianes (4) in the south of Tliessaly, proclaim their adhesion to the pact federal by striking bronzes in their own names, but similar to those of the Confederation. It's the same way that we saw earlier Bottiée de Chalci- indicates his registration in the Olynthian League or Chalcidian.

At the time of the war between the Achaeans and the Aetolians and that of the Romans, of which the Aetolians were then allies, against Philip V of Macedonia, the Achaeans of the Phthiotide formed a small confederation, client of that of the Aetolians and often confused with it, but yet legally distinct. She does not appear to have had common federal currency; but we have bronze coins minted at this time in the cities of Thebes (5) and Larissa in Phthiotis (6). The types there are diverse and purely urban, the legends those of cities; but all these pieces have in common the presence in the field of the reverse of a monogram formed of letters AX, initials of the name of the Achaeans (7). This is the

(1) Mionnet. t. II, p. 90, nM.

(2) Mionnel, t. II, p. 93, n-^ 29.

(3) Mionnet, t. H, p. 19, n- UO and 141.

(4) Mionnet. Sappl. t. III, p. 278, no. 121.

(d) iMionnet, Siippl. t. III, p. 528, no. 150-152.

(6) Friedloender, Archœol. Zeit. 1809, p. 100.

(7) R. Weil, Zeitschr. f. Numùm. t. I, p. 175.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 91

designation of the league by a monogram which fits on currency a secondary place, as we have seen on the coins of Megalopolis of Arcadia and on those of several of the cities included in the Acar Confederation nanian. In the same way, Demetrias, capital of the League of Magnetes (1), formed under the auspices of the Ro- hands, when it strikes, next to the federal coins which we will talk about again in the following §, species of ar- municipal gent bearing the name of its inhabitants, AHMH- TPIEflN (2), inscribed at the same time a monogram the decomposition of which can provide the letters MA.

6. It seems that, in some cases, cities making part of a national confederation does not limit itself to maintain their right to manufacture a coinage particular, parallel to the federal coinage. Pushing to the extreme the principle of preserving their memory their own groove in its fullness, they claimed what- sometimes have the right to form unions with each other separated and more intimate, within the very bosom of the confederation ration. It is the right of Sonderbimd, that some of the can- sovereign tones of the Swiss Confederation claimed again in 1846 and 18Û-7. Some numismatic facts appear to relate to temporary leagues of this genre, between cities normally included in a more great confederation. Around 300 BC Jesus Christ (according to the style indications), meets us let's build at least six cities in Boeotia, Haliartos, Leba-

(l)Tit. Liv. XXXV, 31.

(2) Mionnet, t. K, p. 10, no. 78.

92 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

dee. Orchomenus, Plataea, Tunagra and Thespiae, which mint absolutely identical bronze coins, having on the right the Boeotian shield, on the reverse the name of the city for short, in the middle of the field without any type. All these pieces are so similar to each other that it is difficult not to recognize the monuments of a perfectly characterized monetary union and even not do not believe them to be made in a common workshop (1). We can compare to this fact that which occurred in the Switzerland in 1825, when the seven cantons of Berne, Lu- Cerne, Fribourg, Solothurn, Bay, Aargau and Yaud united by a Concordat, without any participation of the federal authorities, for the manufacture of a currency common. This bore on one side, with the vintage and the mark of valor, the arms and the name of one of the concordat cantons, on the other the federal cross with a C in the center and around, in legend, THE CANTONS CONCORDANTS OF SWITZERLAND on cantonal coins French-speaking, DIE CONCORDIER CANTONE DER SCHWEIZ on those of the German-speaking cantons. What whatever the canton whose name they bore, these species were legal tender throughout the Corcordat territory, and they were struck in two mints alone- ment, Bern and Lausanne, according to a regulated proportion in advance for each canton (2). It is true to add that at that time Switzerland did not yet have federal currency, but only distinct currencies cantons, carved on very divergent feet.

Moreover, the separate league of Boeotian cities, at

(1) Leicester Warren, p. 10 and 23 et seq.

(2) E. Lehr, Rev. mm. 1874, p. 294 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 93

number of at least six, the existence of which is revealed by the currencies we have just spoken about, were produced in very specific historical conditions. Four of the cities which composed it, Plataea, Thespiae, Tanagra and Orchomenus, had been destroyed by Thebes during the of its greatest power and relieved of their ruins by Philip of Macedon. It is obviously under the auspices of the kings of Macedonia that their union was formed to stand up to the old tea party. bath, or during the time when Thebes, ruined in turn by Alexander, no longer existed, either when Cassandra rebuilt, in SlZi.

We believed we could report in recent times the existence of the Boeotian Confederation another piece of bronze, which would have united the two names of Délion and Tanagra (1); but this currency does not belong to the Boeotia, it is actually from Temnos of Aeolia, and its legend must be read AH;7.ou TApi'wv. Otherwise, all coinage of Délion, whatever its date, is more than twice teux (2).

In the following section we will talk about federal currencies. rales of the Lycian League, which belong, in fact, to the time of the exclusive predominance of the Komains. But it seems useful to me to indicate now, to group all the examples of a rare and truly singular fact, that in the coinage of this Confederation, towards the end of its existence, we note separate unions of cities subject to the federal pact. All of these

(1) Mionnet, t. II, p. 104, no. 73.

(2) Imhoof-Blumer, Numismat. Zeitschr. of Vienna 1871, p. 326- 334.

94 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

unions of which we note today the numis- matics converge around the town of Cragos, which marks its particular line with Tlos, Xanthos, Tel- messos and Myra on silver coins or more often of copper (1), where the name is mentioned at the same time of the Lycian Confederation (2). The inscriptions of the Lycia also appear to mention separate unions of the same genus under the name of crufjLTCoXiTeuofjievoi ^-I^jm (3). At remains, as Mr. Waddington (4) remarked, “the mis- “Lycian daggers, which bear the indication of an alliance ((between two cities, seem to belong to the century of Au- ((guste (5), time when the old Confederacy The Lycian woman began to fall into decadence, ((following internal discord, which ultimately made him (c remove its autonomy by the emperor Claudius, and whose ((these partial alliances from city to city were perhaps (( the germ. » .

7. Some of the most important Greek confederations famous in history have not had a federal currency rattle. This was generally the case for simple symmachies,

(1) Waddington, Rev. mm. 18S3, p. 93; Leicester Warren, p. 41.

(2) The silver coin uniting the names of Cragos and Tlos does not bear not always the mention of the Lycians: Rev. nutn. 4843, ft. XVII, no. 14.

(3) Lower Waddington, Journey to Greece, Inscriptions from Asia Minor, n"' 1290 and 1292.

(4) Rev. num. 1853, p. 93.

(5) The silver coin which combines the names of Cragos and Tlos must being, however, a little earlier than Augustus, under whom the Lycian League abandoned the old Rhodian size of its silver coins, to adopt that of the denarius.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 95

formed by cities spread over a vast area of territory in order to defend against companies of an ambitious enemy. There was then an alliance of States who did not abdicate and did not share any part- tie of their prerogatives of sovereignty, promising themselves only mutual assistance; there was no clean- ment to speak of a confederation having as its link a power real federal. We didn't go further down this path than the creation of a cruv£(^ptov of the allies, intended to serve as war council for joint operations and in certain cases of arbitral tribunal in disputes between the allied cities. The constitutive pact of the Second League Athenian, the text of which has been preserved to us by a inscription (1), shows with great clarity which were the conditions for symmachies of this kind, and we sees how they could not give rise to the creation of a common currency. Also do not know us only a group of currencies that can be described properly symmachic, distinguishing them from mon- federal laws. These are the silver coins minted by several cities of Asia Minor allied after the battle of Cnidus, which was discussed above (under the number 3 in this §). Again we saw, within the sym- general machia, a special, restricted monetary union to several cities, while the other allied cities rose breed their species according to their particular system, in limiting itself to adopting all the symbolic type of THEr- cule choking snakes.

In other cases, when the confederation was not in reality that the effective and very heavy domination of a city

(1) Corp. register attic. t. II, no. 17.

96 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

dominant, jealous of power, greedy for profits provided to him by the management of the league, trans- forming tributaries and subjects of the other cities, nomi- nally its allies, the dominating city kept itself well to create a federal currency whose profits should have been be shared. Instead of creating competition ence to its own currency, it is this which, in an interest selfish desire, she insisted on developing, by imposing on all her subjects to receive it. This is what happened in the first first Athenian League^ in the Delian Confederation, whose oppressive regime raised, during the Pelowar ponnese, so many enemies against Athens among those who should have been his natural allies. Not only this Confederation never had a common currency, but we will see in a positive way, when we we will study in detail the coinage of the Greek cities of Asia Minor between the Persian Wars and time of Alexander (book YI, chap. iv, § 3j, that the time of the Athenian supremacy is precisely in this region that of the greatest divergence from city to city in the monetary sizes. As we said earlier time, this diversity of currencies produced a market on the other such exchange complications, that trade had been led to adopt tetradrachms of Athens as an international currency, with value fixed, everywhere sought after. The Athenians would not have had careful not to push the cities of their empire into the ways of the monetary unit, to put an end to a state of affairs which ensured their own currency an exceptional success and a large export, thus providing them with such beautiful profits in the exploitation of the Laurion mines and in the manufacture of coined species. They favored-

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 97

therefore the variety of standards of local currencies and hindered all attempts to escape it, as much how long did their supremacy last? It's only after the nut- part of their empire that we see forming between the cities they had dominated monetary unions in the kind of that of the electrum bects; it's even alone- ment after the peace of Antalcidas, and under the auspices of the Persian government, which occurs in a large number of cities in Asia Minor a very noticeable movement towards the unification of the monetary standard, a movement which translated by the adoption of the Rliodian silver foot (1).

Moreover, one of the great concerns of politics financial of Athens was to develop the export of the silver coin, where she found one of her best sources of income (see.liv.YI, chap. IV, §1). It's at this point with the view that it regulated the situation of its colonies under the monetary port, at least of those it establishes during the period of its greatest power. At other times of Greek history, we see certain cities possessing sion of an extended external domination, like EhodeS, which allow and promote the coinage of money in their subjects. Thus, during the time when Ehodes had the sovereignty of Lycia, between 188 and 168 BC. AD, most Lycian cities were allowed to strike small silver coins of Rhodian types, where they wrote down their names instead of that of Rhodes, and even sometimes two of these names in monetary union (2). It is likely that the sovereign city was to receive a right to the profits of this coinage of his subjects. At

(1) See. Brandis, p. 223 et seq.

(2) Longpérier, Rev. mm. 1840, p. 405 et seq.; Leicester Warren, p. 37.

II. 7

98 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

on the contrary, when we study the sequences of currencies of Aegina, Naxos and Melos, it is easy to see that the manufacture of silver coins, abundant until then, ceases abruptly with the establishment of the clerucuses Athenians between whom we share the land taken from the an- my inhabitants. The new population of atheist settlers niens only issues copper coins (1). These facts are so well characterized, that they appear to me to reveal a principle followed by Athens with regard to the territories that at that time it reduced it to the state of colonies: a ban on all mon- swimming of money to only use cash from the motherland in this metal, permission to strike alone- ment of small copper coins (2).

(1) On the bronze coins of the Athenian clergy of Aegina, which mark an important date in the history of Greek coinage, see. book VI, chap. iv, § 6.

(2) The question of the limit within which, among the Greeks, modern law netaire was left to a city politically dependent on another, is still very obscure and would require special study. it does not appear, moreover, there have been fixed principles on this subject, and the facts have varied following the spirit of city policy. Sometimes the sovereign city removes all coinage from the dependent city; other times it restricts it to striking only species of copper. There are cases where it reserves the exclusive manufacture of the strongest silver coins, Leaving to the city subject to its authority that the emission of very small divisional pieces of this metal; this is what we observe at Iléraclée of Lucania, in fairly ancient times when it was politically dependent of Taranto, and later among the Pitanates, colony of the Tarentines in Samnium, still politically subordinate to the motherland (Mommsen, M R, t. I, p. 143 and 169). Finally, there are cases where the city de- pending enjoys the fullness of monetary law and issues coins of the same value as those of the dominant city, in fewer numbers only. Let us cite Astyra, whose silver coins equal those of Rhodes, its metropolis, at the beginning of the 4th century (Brandis, p. 486), and Crenides, dependency of Thasos, which during its short existence tence minted, with the gold from its mines, currencies designated by their

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 99

At the time when the preponderance of Tlièbes, under the im- impulse of the military and political genius of Epaminondas and of Pelopidas, almost completely absorbed the Confederacy Boeotian tion, transforming IIé- a gem which had almost always belonged to this city, we see the proportion of the federal coinage decreasing nuer very noticeably and the mass of the mu- coinage ncipal of Thebes to increase so as to exceed much importance (1). Numismatics expresses thus in a sensible form the new position taken by the city of Cadmus. Just as at this moment, in the lan- pledge of historians, Thébain becomes the synonym of fie'o- iien and the expression most often used (2), Thebes^ now mistress of the country until its degradation by Philip and his ruin by Alexander, develops manufacturing of its own currency, of which it alone has the profits, to the expense of the federal currency, which would have had to be shared with the other confederates. It was at this moment that she begins to mint species of gold in his own name (3), while that none has ever been made in the name of the League.

8. I have reserved the numerous group of coins of the Achaean League to talk about it separately. It's the mon- Greece's largest and best federal swimming pool organized, just as the Confederation which issued it was the

legend like those of the Thasiem of the continent, OAZIflN HPëIPO (Mlonnet, vol. I, p. 433, m 12).

(1) Leicester Warren, p. 8 and 24.

(2) See. Freeman, History of federal government^ p. 160 et seq.

(3) Mionnet, Suppl. t. III, p. 523 et seq., n°^ 117 and 118; Catal. Th. Tho- mas, n<" 1419 and 1420.

II. 7.

100 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

the most perfect, the most homogeneous, the one who knew best reconcile the sovereignty that each kept, the confederated cities, with the existence of a federated power really strong common ral, exercising effective authority tive. The superiority of the Achaean League over all other attempts at federation attempted so far among the Greeks is reflected in its numismatics. She makes us penetrate in the inner workings of this Confederation so well constituted^ which could have saved the independence of Greece if it had been formed earlier and if such common jealousies pables that petty had not thwarted her, but who at least managed to cast a final glow on the agony of Hellenic nationality. The federal pact of the Achaeans, dating back to the first and humble beginnings of their League, but to which all the cities which were there had to adhere subsequently aggregated, established the unit of weight, measures and currencies, as well as civil legislation and criminal, throughout the territory of the Confederation, of even though by respecting the sovereignty of cities it gives them required, to be admitted as confederates, to adopt the same type of constitution, with the same magistracy trats (1); it was the way to avoid the heartbreaks that the antagonism between democratic and aristocratic cities ticks had produced in the Greek Confederations previous ones. At the beginning, the federal currency - we could not only a small number of specimens from this period (2) — consisted of silver drachmas and small coins of copper, having both, on one side the head of

(1) Polyb. II, 37,

(2) Cousinéry, Coins of the Achaean League, part, pi. I, No. 1; Zeilschr. f. Num. l, II, p. 138 and 2i6.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS law

Jupiter, on the other, in an olive crown, a large monogram composed of the letters AX; there is nothing more, no indication of city, no mention of ma- gistrate; the parts were obviously fi-apped in a unique workshop, serving the entire Confederation. This form given to federal cash was the most suitable at the time when the League was limited to small towns of Acliaia proper, too insignificant to have each its own currency and who found economy to mint common cash to share profits as they had shared the costs. But it was necessary to adopt a another combination, from the time of Aratos, when the League extended to most of the Peloponnese and even to some territories beyond the isthmus, encompassing bant rich and powerful cities, which would not have re- easily stated to the coinage right that they exercise have been going on for a long time.

It was important not to admit what had great disadvantages in the old Leagues, the manufacture cation by the different confederated cities of currencies municipal currencies parallel to federal currencies^ competition, obstructing traffic and causing so often the trouble, because the accuracy of the weight and the title of these municipal currencies escaped control of the central authorities of the Confederation. We achieved it by an ingenious combination of the two rights of local and common watering combined into one, which regulated a federal concordat under the supervision of magistrates presiding over the entire League. The currency was one of weight, of title, value and types; but each of the cities struck a certain quantity at home, taking as she expenses and profits, under the responsibility of

102 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

its own magistrates, and as a mark of this responsibility stability, as well as as a means of control for federal authorities, she placed there, alongside the common types of the League, its particular brand and the signature of its magistrate.

It is on this principle that the entire organization is based. coins of the Achaean League (1). In silver, these are small parts with a weight of 2 gr. 77, for older, at 2 gr., for the most recent; they have the same types as the pieces of the first period: right the head of Jupiter, almost always without legend (2), on the reverse the monogram of the League, composed of the two letters AX, large, in a wreath of olives life; but now this monogram is accompanied by the symbol or initials of the city where the piece was struck, and the first letters of the name of one or more responsible urban magistrates, seconded or grouped in a monogram (3), all of smaller di- statement (4). Copper coins, all of one

(1) On these currencies in general, see. Leicester Warren, Greek Federal coinaye, p. ii and s.

(2) iEgion alone sometimes puts its name all along the side of the head of Jupiter, as if to indicate that it is the god who has his sanctity tuary in the city, at the same time that it is the city which struck the currency.

(3). Egion and Elis are the only ones to write throughout the name of the magis- responsible contract with the monogram of the League, on the reverse of the silver coins.

(4) On these currencies, see. Cousinéry, Historical and critical essay on the silver coins of the Achaean League, Paris, 182o. Since then, there was no overall work; we only find a few excellent detailed observations in the Colonel's Numismata hellenica Leak.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 103

size (1), have the images of the two protective gods of the Confederation, who had their temples side by side at J^gion (2), on one side Zeus Homagyrios standing, with the name of the local magistrate written throughout, of the other Démé- ter Panachœa seated, with a legend which contains the name of the people of the city, preceded by Tepithetus of Achaeans, who characterizes its submission to federal laws, e.g. AXAIHN KOPlNGinN (currency) of the Achaeans of Corinlhe, AXAIflN AAEIHN [currency) of the Achaeans of Elis, etc. We can thus follow all the events on the Achaean currencies. developments which successively bring in new cities in the League, as also the progress of the policy of Pliilopemen tending to reduce the dangers which resulted of the excessive importance of certain cities, by making grant by the assembly of the Confederation the rights of sovereign cities to localities which first depended of them, separating for example Pagse from Megara, Aliphira, Jiseus, Dipea, Gortys, Pallanteion and Thisoa of Megalopolis, Elisphasia of Mantinea, Coroné of Messène (3).

(1) League copper coins, much easier and much more certain attributions than those of money, have been the subject of more nom- many studies; Sestini, Sopra le medaglie antiche relative alla cunfedera- 2îone rfc^H ylcAei, Milan, 1817; Leicester Warren, The copper coinage of the Achoean League, in the Num, chron. 186i, p. 77-93; Finlay, Num. chron. 1866, p. 32 et seq.; P. Lambros, Ztitschr. f. Num. t. II, p. IGO et al.

(2) Pausan. VII, 24, 1 and 2,

(3) Here is the list of the cities whose mar- ques or the names written in full on the coins of the Achaean League. For each one I indicate the metal of which we know parts.

Achaia.

iEgire (silver and copper). Dyme (silver and copper).

iEgion (silver and copper). Homeland (money).

Cerynia (copper). Pellene (copper).

104

CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

The small silver coins were surely drachmas (1); we will look further for the origin of

Elis (silver and copper). Hypana (copper). Coronet (copper). Lacedaemon (silver).

Ëlide.

Triphylia.

Messinia.

Messene (silver and copper).

Laconia.

Arcadia.

Lusi (copper).

Megalopolis (silver and copper). Melhydrion (copper). Pallanteion (silver and copper). Pheneus (copper). Phigalia (copper). Stymphalus (copper). Tegea (silver and copper). Teuthis (copper). Thelpuse (copper). Thisoa (copper).

Alee (copper). Aliphire (copper). Antigonia-Mantinea (silver and

copper). Asée (copper). Caphya (silver and copper). Clitor (copper). Dipée (copper). Elisphasia (copper). Eva (copper). Gortys (copper). Herea (copper).

Argolis. Argos (silver and copper). Epidaurus (silver and copper).

Asiné (copper). Hermione (brass).

Cleones (copper). Trozene (silver).

Corinthia.

Corinth (silver and copper). Sicyone (silver and copper).

Phlionte (copper).

Megaride. Megara (silver and copper). Pagae (copper).

Islands.

Aegina (silver).

(1) See. Mommsen, il/ /{, t. I, p. 8d.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 105

their size so small (book VI, chap. iv, § 1, and chap. v. § 7). As for those of copper, some bear the mark of value XI, which must be explained by yaV/.oî ^cV.a (1); they were therefore valid for ten chalques, that is to say, with the number of chalques that ordinarily included the draclime from the time of Alexander (see above, book II, chap. i, § I and 2), one-sixth of the piece money.

§ 3. — Coinage of the provinces under the Republic

ROMAN.

1. The establishment of Roman rule brought naturally great modifications in the principles and in the organization of monetary law in the world Greek. But he did not eliminate local coinage. In general, the Romans, especially in the East, left provinces which they acquired by force of arms, or who spontaneously gave themselves great latitude of municipal autonomy. She was almost everywhere accompanied permission to coin money for use local, permission subject, moreover, to regulations and quite numerous restrictions.

We study here especially the vicissitudes of law coinage in the Greek and Eastern world; so it is especially Greek coins beaten under the supremacy of the Roman Republic, which we have to speak of. For- so impossible not to also say a word about the Oc-

(1) P. Larabros, Zeitschr. f. Num. t. II, p. 167.

106 LA. CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

incident, because we could not, without a serious inconvenience, divide this part of our subject in an artificial way, and not taking an overall look at the principles adopted by the Republican government in matters of local coinage of allied or subject countries. The facts will be presented in detail, province by province, in the book VII, chap. iii^ § 6; here we only want to re- sea the rules that emerge from their study.

If we note, moreover, at the time of the Republic, numerous facts about the manufacture of local currencies in In the West, as well as in the East, we are first of all struck by a profound difference in the way in which Rome heard its organization in the East and in the West, not so much from the point of view of the limits of the right left to the provinces and cities and from the point of view of the system monetary (1).

In Italy, Sicily, Sardinia, in the province of Carthage, in Numidia and Mauritania, throughout Es- loincloth, in Gaul and Dalmatia, the Romans, in as their domination is established, do not tolerated that the exclusive circulation of their funds or the manufacturing of local species cut on the type of denier and its divisions. All the old cash that didn't come back not in this type was demonetized. For the new one, or municipal workshops could no longer issue coins of silver, but only divisional currencies of copper brought back to the ace system, as in Sardinia, in Africa and even in Sicily; or else we imposed, even to allied kings and cities which continued to remain legal ly free and autonomous, to now model their

(1) See. Mommsen, MR, t. III, p. 43o.

L\ LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 107

silver coinage on Roman standards. This is how the coins of this metal of the kings of Mauritania, of the cities of Spain between 200 and 1 13 BC. BC, as well as Apol- lonie of Illyria after 2'29('l), are denarii; those of Djrrhacliion from the same period and those of Mas- soiled from the second Punic war (see book VI, cliap. VII, §2), victoriates (see book VII, cliap. m, § 4); finally those of the Gallic leaders from Caesar to the organ- nization of the three provinces by Augustus, quinaries. In all this part of the domains of Rome, there was therefore no only one form of silver currency in circulation. Local currencies were not legal tender for this reason. outside the territory for which they were manufactured quated, but they were able to continue to circulate there, as denarii and divisions of the denarius, long after the per- mission to manufacture them had been withdrawn (2).

In the East, on the contrary, Rome did not want to do violence to habits established for centuries, im- posing the adoption of the standard of the denarius. She limited herself to assuming rer to its own legal tender gold and silver currency, andin advantageous conditions, among all provinces subjects and allied countries. One of the first aid measures for the administrator Roman birth was therefore, in the various countries of the Orient, to establish for the region a tariff fixing the reciprocal value of ancient indigenous currencies and denier, rate according to which transactions had to be settle and who always had a leonine character in favor of the cash of the Sovereign Republic. It's

(1) Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 92.

(2) For the facts which prove it in relation to Spanish funds, see. Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 243.

108 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

as in Greece the atomic drachma was assimilated to the denarius (1); in the province of Asia Minor, every year These Greek tetradrachms, whatever their weight, were priced at 3 deniers (2); in Syria, on the contrary, Pompey fixed the value at k deniers (o). In this way it was blessed a certain number of monetary districts, whose limits did not always coincide with those provinces, constituencies in each of which a particular tariff determined the legal relationship between the native currency and the Roman denarius (4). This established, we left the old existing currencies in circulation tion to stay there with the new value that we had there imposed, trusting in the force of things so that those at hand who the price was too disadvantageous took quickly- ment the path of the crucible and were replaced by the Roman currency. As for the new currencies which we allowed manufacturing, they continued to be cut according to the Greek systems; house only admitted the drachma conforming to the regional rate, that is to say that of various Greek units which were in a report determined with the Roman denarius. Thus, in the province from Asia, all production of tetradrachms was stopped of Attic weight, to let only cisto- phores (see book VI, chap. iv, to this word), whose weight was in fact close to that of 3 Roman denarii, value for which they were priced. In Syria, Pompey

(1) Mommsen, M R, 1. 1, p. 96 et seq.

(2) Mommsen, M R, t.. I, p. Gi et s., 98 et seq.

(3) Mommsen, M R, t. I, p. 46 et seq., 97 et seq.

(4) On the texts which make us aware of the main ones of these tariffs and their explanation, see. Mommsen, M R, t. I, p. 33 et seq.

THERE. LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 109

ceased the issuance of Phoenician foot tetradrachms to Sidon and Arados (1), because these currencies, with a value of 4 deniers, would have had a lower weight, than their circulation rate would have been disadvantageous in the world Roman nae; at the same time, under the auspices of the governments Roman winemakers, they began to manufacture in Tripolis and Arados pieces of attic weight (2), combined in such way that their draclime was a little heavier than the Roman denarius, which was legally equivalent to it (see. book VI, chap. v, | 5). The principle adopted by the Romans in such a case, in order to ensure an advantage to their species, was to impose holding the local currency a little above of Roman currency as intrinsic value and receive the denier at the same rate, which is actually lower. It was, moreover, for its value in Greek drachmas, determined by these leonine rates, that the Roman currency circulated in the eastern provinces; because we know by positive testimonies that, until the Empire, the official accounts themselves were made in drachmas and deniers (3).

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p, 39u. — We do not know why and verlu of what privilege Tyr was, on the contrary, admitted to continue manufacturing cation of its tetradrachms on the old foot, which was maintained until that in 183 of the Tyrian era, 57 AD. 11 is probable that the tetra- municipal drachmas of Tire were not received at the right of circulation free in the province of Syria according to the data of the 4 denier tariff, but that they were treated in foreign currency, subject to exchange, in outside the city itself.

(2) Momrasen, M R, t. I, p. 47.

(3) In the year 711 of Rome, we were still counting in Syria by tetradrachms: Cic. Ep. ad fam. XII, 13, 4,

110 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

2. From the point of view of monetary law, as well as of public, it is important to distinguish in the Roman system the allies of the subjects. Without doubt, in fact, the privileges the quality of allies were only nominal; if those that who had been admitted as such to the clientele of the Foreign City nelle were free of rights and nominally sovereign Customers, this sovereignty was rendered in practice completely illusory, reduced to a simple mu- nicity, and the allies also found themselves subjects. However, from a monetary point of view, they seem to have well had the general right to mint silver coinage, by virtue of their legal position rather than a special authorization. It was to take away from them right, always subject, moreover, to surveillance and a regulation, not to give it to them, that it was necessary a special decision.

Most Greek cities, in the West or in the East, that we know to have enjoyed the title of free and autonomous, while being enclaved in Roman provinces, we offer, during this period of their history, a mon- silver nayage, of fully autonomous appearance, which for some continues until the establishment of the Empire. We can cite among others, in this genre, the series of Massalia^ of Apollonia and of Dyrrliachion in IWj- rie, of Athens (1);, of Alexandria Troas, of Cliios, of Rho-

(1) The time when the manufacture of Athenian tetradrachms ceased is still very difficult to determine. M. Mommsen (ili R, vol. III, p. 283) think that the city lost the privilege of coining silver during its capture by Sylla; Beulé {Coins of Athens, p. 100 et seq.), that this right must have been maintained until Augustus. This is the opinion to which we are inclined would most willingly, because we believe we will find there, among the ma- monetary gistrats, figures after Sulla, among others the Themistocles, who was Daduch of Eleusis around 55 BC. AD

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 111

of Tyre, Tripolis of Syria and Arados. It is necessary join that of Side of Pampliylie, a town of which no text literary does not determine the legal position, emerging only part of numismatics. The manufacture of tetra- drachmas of Side, head of Minerva with a victory on the reverse (1), continued until the time of the second triumvirate (2), since, when Marc-Antoine had given Pamphylia to Amyntas, king of Galatia, he continues it nua again without any other change than the inscription of his royal name (o). The circulation of these tetradragons Side as a provincial currency seems to have been tolerated throughout the extent of Pamphylia (i), whose situation remained very indecisive and wavering until 25 BC. Christ, where it definitively formed a province with the Galatia. But they were not received in the province of Asia only after having been stamped with a countermark which assimilated to the cistophore (5), much lower in weight, which made it in this province the equivalent of 3 deniers Romans, while in Pamphylia they were worth four.

Even more so than when it comes to simple cities declared free and autonomous, the right of coinage of silver and copper belonged freely to the countries that the Eomains, while waiting to reduce them later in pro- vinces, organize into nominally free Confederations, under their auspices and protectorate. T. Quinctius Fla-

(1) Brandis, p. 496.

(2) Burgon, Nim. chron. t. VIII, p. 82 et seq.; Mommsen, M B, t. I, p. 99.

(3j Borrell and Burgon, Num. chron. t. VIII, p. 62 et seq.

(4) Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 310.

(y) Pinder, Ueber die Cistophorm, p. 552, pi. I, No. 3L

112 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

mininus, that his Greek policy was good faith where only a trap was hidden, was the great creator of Confederations of this kind, after his victory over Phi- Lippe V of Macedonia. We have silver coins of all those he established in the north of Greece (1), Thessalians (2), Perrhebes (3), Magnetes (/i), Euboeans (5). These are federal cash issued in com- mun a.u name of the people; but, among the Magnetes, the capital, Démetrias, produced at the same time a silver coinage gent (6). All these Confederations, as well as those who had a more ancient existence in pro-Greece pre and whose federal coinage occupied us in § pre- yielded, were dissolved by the Romans during the capture of Corinth and the formation of the province of Achaia; the manufacturing of their coins therefore only lasted fifty

Ci) Tit. Liv. XXXIII, 32; Polyb. XVIII, 29, 3.

(2) Caveioni, Spicilegio numismalico, p. 56; F, Lenormant, Rev. mm. 1852, p. 211 et seq.; Leicester Warren, Gnek federal coinage, p. 20 et seq.; II. Weil, Zeitschr. f. Numism. t. I, p. J76 et seq.

(3) Leake, Numism. hellen., European Greece, p. 88; Zeitschr. f. Nnm. t. I, p. 181.

(i) Leake, Numism. hellen., European Greece, p. G7.

(5) Mionnet, t. II, p. 301, n°^ 9 and 10.

It was between the death of their king Amynandre and the year 146, the date of the reduction of all these countries into Roman provinces, which the Athamanes struck the republican coins bearing their people's name (Mionnet, t. II, p. 89, n" 21; Supjpl. t. III, p. 481 et seq.). As for the documents of ^Enianes, imitated from those of the Thessaiian League (Eckhel, D N, t. II, p. 135; Mionnet, t. II, p. 8 et seq., nos. 66-69; Suppl. t. III, p. 277 et seq., n"^ 115120), we must place its manufacture between 168 and 146, the first first date being when the Romans took them out of the Confederation Aetolian.

(6) Mionnet, t. II, p. 10, no. 78.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS li:j

nine years old. When the Romans, a little later (1), restored nominally blessed the Greek Leagues, whose existence no longer seemed to offer them any political danger, they were no longer did not return the right to common currency; they were not more allied, but tributary and subject. The League of Tliessaliens received him alone again, around the time of Caesar (2), and kept it during the Empire (o), but for the copper only, not for silver.

After the defeat of Perseus, Macedonia was not all first reduced in the provinces; to break its powerful unity national, it was divided into four Confederations, named ly independent. We have beautiful coins silver which bear the names of the first and second conde of these Confederations, MAKEAONflN nPOTHl and MAKEAONHN AEYTEPAI (4), copper coins from the fourth (5); but until now we do not know any currency of the third, the one of which Pella was the capital. Exactly contemporary are shown, by their ca- characters of style and manufacture, silver coins to the same guys who have the legend MAKEAONHN

(1) Pausan. VII, IG, 10.

(2) The first strategist name found on this new mon- Ihessalian nayage is that of Pelnuos, which provides a body of auxiliaries to Caesar in the campaign of Pharsalus: see. Leake, Transact. of the R. Soc. of Literalure, 2^ ser. t. IV, p. 75; F. Lenormant, Rev. num. 1852, p. 213 et seq.

(3) Until Gallienus: Mionnet, t. II, p. 6-8; Suppl. t. III, p. 208-277,

(4) Mionnet, t. I, p. -456 et seq., nos. 47-62; Bompois, Examination of mon- naies of, the Community of Macedonians, pi. 111, 3* category and 4%

QOS 1-4.

(5) Mionnel, t. I, p. 457, no. 65; Bompois, pi. III, 4^ category, n" iet 6.

II. 8

114 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

AMOAIinN (1) and BOTTEATON (2); these surprising currencies nent at first glance, because they would seem to reveal a separate autonomy granted to Ampliaxitide people (3) and of the Botteatide or Bottiéide of Emathia, fact of which it there is no question in history, which denies, on the contrary, the very positive data that we have on the organization of the four Confederations. But the Am- phaxitide was the most important part of the second of these Confederations; it's in this district where the capital was located; its inhabitants could therefore perfectly entitled MaxecJ'ovs; 'A;xçà^early, and precisely tetradrachms with the legend MAKEAONflN AEYTEPAZ are very few in number for the development of my swimming that one would have the right to expect in this rich territory. So I see in the tetradrachm MAKEAONHN AIVIOAIION a variety of the coinage of the Second Con- federation; and I am prepared to consider it to be that of the third silver coins with the legend BOTTEATON, because the Bottiéide held a similar place there to that of Ampliaxitide in the second. What com- completes the connection, it is that the silver coins of the Bottéates, of which I speak, correspond to pieces of

(1) Rev. num. 1866, pi. X, n° li.

(2) Mionnet, t. I, p. 470, n^ 167; Suppl. t. III, p. 50, nos. 329 and 330; Bompois, Num. chron. n. s. t. XIV, p. 2"23.

(3) Oa has coins, but of bronze, to the legend AM0AZION sim- plement (Mionnet, l. I, p. -i62, n"' 98-100), which no longer fit into these autonomy data going as far as the coinage of money, but in those of the more restricted right to manufacture a municipal currency copper blade, granted to most of the towns and townships of Ma- Cedony under the regime of the four Confederations and under that of the Roman province. The tetradrachm MAKEAONHN AMOAIIfiN is completely different.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 115

copper coiitcmponiines with the legend MAKEAONHN, more a large monogram, composed of the letters BOT (1), which for a long time it has been reported to the people of La Bottéa- tide. It is therefore necessary to read in full Ma/ts^ovcov Bor-sarwv, for- mule exactly })arallel to Ma/.s^ovwv 'Aj^/^aa'cov; we don't found the same for the monetary designation of inhabitants of any other district or city of the Macedonia (2).

In 188, the Romans gave Eliodes, treated by them at that time in entirely independent power dante, Lycia, which they had just kidnapped, with the rest of Asia Minor, to Antioclius the Great of Syria. I reported just now (§ 2, 7) the silver coins which belong to relate to this period of Rhodian domination over Lycia. It was very short, because in 168 Rome put an end to it, constituting the Lycian cities into an independent League under his guardianship (3). This is how the Confederacy was formed of the Lycians, always favored by the Romans, who increased still occupied the territory after the war of Mitliridate. It lasted until the reign of Claudius, who reduced the country in the province in the year 4-3 BC. AD, and if internal dissensions tines, which occurred under the first emperors, precipitated rent this outcome, until Augustus the Lycian League was famous as a model of strong federal institutions. rales, well-regulated government and good understanding

(1) Mionnpt, Siippl. t. III, p. 2 et seq., n°^ 6, 28 and 31; Bompois. Num. chron. n. s. t. XIV, p. 223 et seq.; Examination of Community currencies of the Macedonians, pi. I, n° it; II, No. 19.

(2) M. Bompois {Examination, etc. p. 41) also admits that the parts of copper that I have just recalled represent the coinage of the three sixth Confederation.

(3) Tit. Liv. XLIV, 15; Polyb. XXX, 15.

n. 8.

116 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

between its members. She had borrowed a lot from its organization following the example of the Acliean League, and the rich federal coinage whose monuments she bequeathed to us ments (1) is exactly combined according to the principles of that of the Achaeans. He offers us small pieces of silver, carved according to the monetary system of Rhodes (see. book VI, chap. v, § 6), having on one side the head of Apollo, the protective god of Lycia, on the other the god's lyre, in a slightly hollow and very flattened square (arrangement copied from Rhodian coins); the legend consists of name AYKinN or more often its abbreviation AY and the name of the city of issue, indicated by two or at most three letters. There is therefore an inscription of the name of the people of the city with recognition of the superior power of the Confederation; because you have to read AY/.iwv riA-capatwv, AYxtwv ZAvôtwv, etc. , as we saw on League brass Achaean AXAION KOPINGION, etc. The only difference essential is that in Lycia we never encounter the signature of the responsible local magistrate, constant at the Achaeans. Some rare silver coins have simple- mentions the word AYKIHN, without indication of city (2). The types of copper are a little more varied than those of money: it is mainly the head of Artemis with a stag on the reverse, or that of Apollo with the bow on the reverse and the god's quiver in a slightly hollow square (3).

(1) On the coins of the Lycian League, see. Koner's memoir in the Beitrœge z. has. Miinzkunde by Pinder and FriedUender; Waddington, Rev. num. 1 8 j3, p. 88 et seq.; Leicesler Warren, Greek federal coinage, p. 33-44.

(2) Borrell, Num. chron. t. X, p. 80.

(3) This square tends to disappear during the first century BC. AD; he still missing on the coins of Bubon, which Muréna brought into the League around 84 BC. AD

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 117

Sometimes, on these small bronze pieces, we do not no longer sees with the initials of the city those of the Confederation deration, AY; but the use of federal types sup- plée (1). We spoke above (§ 6, 2) of alliances of cuij.-noliTtxiôazvot $r,[j.oi, which begin to show themselves on the coins of the Lycian League around the time of Au- taste and which mark the appearance of the first germs of divisions which led to its downfall. It is also under Augustus that the Lycians abandon their ancient monetary system keep quiet, to start minting silver coins which retalon is modeled on that of Rome and the bronzes of Roman ace system (2), currencies which keep for-

(i) According to Arlemidore, cited by Strabo (XIV, p. 66i), twenty-three cities first formed the Lycian Confederation. We have so far noted the names of 19 on the federal coins of one or the other metal. These are:

Antipbellos. Olympos.

Aperlae. Palara.

ApoUonia. Phellos.

Araxa. Podalia.

Arycanda. Rhodia or Rhodiapolis.

Cragos. Teimessos.

Cyaneae. Tios.

Limyra. Trebenna.

Massicylos. • Xanihos.

Myra.

It is necessary to add to this list the names of Bubon, of which we have just mention the late introduction into the League, and of Phaselis, who made it part some time in the 1st century BC. J,-C., but had left it at the time when Strabo wrote. I would be quite willing to believe that this Phaselis' exit from the Confederation coincided with its capture and demise. mantelement by P. Servilius Isauricus, in the Pirate War.

(2) Cavedoni, Observations on the coins of Lycia, p. 11; Leicester Warren, p. 38; Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 311.

118 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

both up to Claude their autonomous and federal character. In 96 BC. BC, the will of Ptolemy Apion bequeathed Cyrenaica to the Romans; but they did not make one province directly administered by magistrates of the Republic until 66, following the events of the Pirate War. During the 30-year interval between Despite these two facts, Cyrenaica was a self-governing republic. name is the Roman protectorate. It was then that they were minted silver and bronze coins of the types usual Cyreneans with the legend KOiNON (1), mention- nant the Republican Community, which then governed the country; these currencies are very reliably overminted on bronzes of the Ptolemies, which fixes their date (2). After the formation of the province, all coinage of silver ceases in the country; but we still mint a coin provincial copper, regulated on the ace system, which bears, sometimes in Greek, sometimes in Latin, the names of the magis- Roman trats responsible for the administration of the country, and whose manufacturing continued until Augustus (3). To date from this moment, it is the Roman denarius which circulates in the province as silver coinage. The aureus and the denarius silver of Q. Cornuficius, praetor of Africa after the death

(1) L. Millier, Numism. of Vanc. Africa, t. I, p. 37 et seq., n° 103 114.

(2) From the same period are certainly the bronze coins, without indicative legend of city, with the head of the goddess Rome, accompanied of his name, and on the reverse a bee (L. Mliller, t. I, p. 29, n"* 100-102), then the municipal coins of the city of Cyrene, in copper, with the same types (L. IMiiller, t. I, p. 59, n° 280), or with the lyre, the free horse or the bow and quiver, on the back of Apollo's head (L, Millier, 1. 1, p. 58 et seq., n"' 270-283). Some of the latter are overstruck on coins of the Ptolemies.

(3) L. Millier, t. I, p. 152-170 and table V.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 119

of Caesar and supporter of tyrannicide, on which we sees the head of Jupiter Ammon (1), were surely struck in Cyrenaica, like the denarius of the same character where the head is that of Africa, topped with the remains of a elephant ('2), was in the province of Africa. The head of Jupiter Ammon has yet to be assigned to a manufacturer Cyrenean tion of the deniers, some in the name of Marc-An- toine (3), the others in the name of Augustus (/ï); they were struck by Pinarius Scarpus, who had command of an army corps of Antony in Africa and declared himself in favor Augustus after Actium (o); the first are even signed by him. But, next to the Roman money, the ancient silver coins of the country, at least those of appropriate weight that, remained in circulation, by virtue of a tariff which had established the ratio of their drachma to the denarius; even they must have held a very large place there, since the provincial silver coins with Greek legend, that Trajan would have struck later in Cyrenaica (6), are not denarii and quinaires, but drachmas and coins Attic trioboles, as has been very well seen by ]\I. Mommsen (7) .

(1) Cohen, M C, pi. XV, Cornuficia, n° l. (-2) Cohen, M C, pi. XV, Cornuficia, n° 3.

(3) Cohen, MI, t. I, p. 26, no. 48.

(4) Cohen, J/7, t. I, p. 43, no. 13.

{')) Eckhel, D X, t. VI, p. 57, 82 and 87; Borghesi, in Cavedoni, Osserv. sopra le monete délia Cirenaica, p. 71.

(6) Eckhel, D N, t. VI, p. 443; Duchalais, Rev. num. 1831, p. 101; L. M\\\\

(7) i)i iî, t. III, p. 331. — On the other hand, the Attic tetradrachm Latin legends, with the efflgy of Antony and Octavia on one side, that of Tiberius on the other (Eckhel, D N, t. VI, p. 161), which M. Mômmsen relates door to Cyrenaica, rather belongs to Pamphylia.

120 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

We have just reviewed the main examples (read silver and copper coinage manufactured under the suze- rained of the Roman Republic, in the cities that it dealt with autonomous allies and in the countries it had organized into Republican Confederations subject to its protectorate. The same monetary right in its fullness for the two metals belonged, as unreason, to the States which had at their head vassal kings of Home; this is what the series of Gallic leaders between Caesar and Augustus (book YII, chap. m, ^6), those of kings of Numidia after Jugurtha (\), kings of Mauritania (2), which continued until Caligula (book VII, chap. iv, § 5), of the last monarchs of Cap- padoce (o) and kings of Galatia, like Brogitaros (4) and Amyntas (5).

3. But never the right of coinage thus preserved by cities, peoples or princes subject to Rome, extended to gold. With a jealousy that reminded that formerly shown by the Achaemenids, the Repu- blique reserved exclusively the manufacture of the watch born of this metal, without allowing it to his vassals (6). And if gold coins were issued in the provinces, it was

(1) L. Millier, Num. of Vanc. Africa, t. III, p. 38-48.

(2) Ibid. p. 93-137.

(3) See. Mommsen, M R, t. HI, p. 312 et seq.

(4) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 403, no. 12; Suppl. t. VII, pi. XIII, no. 3.

(3) Borrell and Burgon, Num. chron. t. VIII, p. 62 et seq.; D. de Luynes, liev. num. 1843. p. 233 et seq., pi. XII.

(6) See. Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 344.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 121

by (the generals of Roman armies, like T. Qiiinctiiis riamininus or Sylla, acting in the name of the remembrance rained of Rome and by virtue of the rights of their imperium (see further, § 7 of this chapter).

When Mithridates temporarily captured Athens, de facto subject to the Romans for 60 years, but enjoying still of a nominal freedom which was marked by the con- tinuation of the minting of his silver tetradrachms, he immediately made money in this city, as if to pro- proclaim in a resounding manner the severing of ties with Rome, a gold stater to the types of Athens, on which its name appeared next to that of the city (1). In the rules of the Roman alliance, this was a usurpation and a felonious denial, similar to that committed by the revolting Italiots, in the Social War, by also minting a currency gold (2). It seems, moreover, very positive, according to the weight Greek, the manufacture and type of this gold coin, that it was Mithridates who had it struck at Amisos for the rebels of Italy, when he received their embassy (3), and the Minius leius whose name is inscribed there was one of the sent. The King of Pontus liked to multiply the challenges of this kind to the pretensions of Rome, and it is thus that immediately by establishing himself in Pergamum, once master of the province Roman Empire of Asia, he hastened to have his statues made there tons of gold (4).

(1) Beulé, Bev. mm. 1863, p. 176-179.

(2) Friedloender, Oskische Miinzen, p. 73; Pinder and Friedloender, Bci- triicje, I, p. 176; Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 42G, no. 225.

(3) Bompois, The monetary funds of the Social War, p. 27 et seq.; cf. Zeitschr. f. Num. t. II, p. 88.

(4) Eckhel, D N, t. II, p. 36o; Mommsen, M/}, t. III, p. 300.

122 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

The only exception to the rule that I have just indicated, the only concession of gold coinage made to a prince vassal of Eome throughout the duration of the Republic, is observed at the time of civil wars and perhaps considered one of the most significant expressions of disorder of these times. Shortly before the battle of Philippi, Brutus, to reward Coson, prince of Tirace, for having opened his treasures to the Republican Party and thus allowed to lead to his own downfall, grants him authorization tion of striking gold coins, on which one reads its full name written in Greek letters, next to the mono- gram in Latin characters indicating the general's name Roman (1). For a time we thought we could reach h this one another example of exception, whose author would have been Mark Antony, allowing h Amyntas, king of Galatia and Pamphylia, minting small gold coins in Side's workshop (H); but today he is fine established that these pieces are only the forging of a skilled forger of Smyrna (3).

In Gaul we can follow almost step by step the progress of the Roman conquest through the extinction of the ancient native gold coinage; we see it being replaced silver quinaires of Roman weight, imitated from those of last century of the Republic and copper coins from system of as (i) (see book YI, chap. viil, § h; book YII,

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. He, p. 219; Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 283.

(2) Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 300 and 311.

(3) L. Meyer, Numism. Zeifschr. of Vienna, t. III, p. 437.

(4) We know that the legend SIMISSOS PVBLICOS LIXOVIO, indicative of both the value and the people who struck the coins? can be read on several copper seedlings from the Lixovians, the weight of which relates to

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 12;3

chap. m, §G). This new form of money appears, moreover, having begun to introduce themselves into Cel- tick some time before Caesar, among the peoples who spontaneously included in the clientele of Rome, like the Aedui (i). Note in passing that the flibrification of silver quinaries and coppers following the Roman system, but apparently autonomous, by the cities Gallic women and their chiefs, only ended in 29 BC. BC, when of the definitive organization of the three provinces of Gaul by Augustus. As for the gold staters, the last ones were struck, in the midst of the vicissitudes of the supreme struggles for expiring independence, by the two greatest ad- versaries that Caesar met, through Vercingétorix, when he found himself placed at the head of all Gaul under lifted (2), and by this king of the Bello vaques that the texts im- prize-winning and the manuscripts of the Commentaries call Correus^ but who in reality, and according to the currencies, was called CRICIRVS (3).

The jealousy of the Roman Republic over the world

stain at the foot of the semoncial ace introduced into Rome by the Plaulia-Pa law piria; these coins, it is thought, date from around 52 BC. AD: Saulcy, Rev. num. 1861, p. 165 et seq. ; 1862, p. 177 et seq., pi. VI.

(1) jI. de Saulcy supposes that the quinaries to the legend KAAGT GAOT, which must be attributed to the Aedui, began to be minted as early as 123 BC. BC, when this people concluded an alliance for the first first time with the Romans: Rev. archéul. new ser., t. XVII, p. 127 et seq.

(2) For the complete series of gold coins of Vercingétorix, see. Saulcy, Numismatics of the Gallic chiefs mentioned in the Commendations Taries of Caesar, p. 28-30, ft. IV, n°* 57-65.

(3) Gold, silver and copper coins from Cricirus: Saulcy, Ouvr. cit. p. 30-32. ft. IV, No. 66-75.

124 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

The wealth of gold was so great that even the kings of countries entirely independent, when they are in the sphere of Roman action and may fear drawing upon themselves the wrath of the Queen City, refrain from striking pieces of this metal. The manufacture of gold coins in the lagid kingdom of Egypt ceases with the minority of Pto~ Lemeo Philometor and the tutelage of Mr. Emilius Lepidus; we has none of the last Seleucids of Syria, of the kings of Pergamon or Cappacoco. In Macedonia^ the golden series royal ends at Philip V and the battle of Cynoscé- phales; Perseus did not leave a stater of this metal (1). Only the gold coins of Nicomedes II Epiphanes in Bithynia (2), one of which bears the date 160 CE of the country, 138 BC. BC;, form in this historical period there is a singular exception, with the pentastater of Tyre. of Tan 102 BCE (3), especially the first ones, because, under Nicomedes II, Bithynia had been for quite a long time- time already drawn into the orbit of Roman politics. It is necessary that at this moment a particular circumstance has induced to use towards him a tolerance that the Senate refuses almost always knows and turns a blind eye to privilege that he arrogates to himself.

4. It seems that the government of Rome, by virtue local circumstances, and i)particularly to draw profit from mining products by making them monetized on

(1) That which was attributed to him (Mionnet, Siifpl. t. III, p. 2S6, n» 683) is positively false.

(2) Mionnet, t. II, p. 509, nos. 49 and 50.

(3) Zeitschr. f. Numism. t. IV, p. 6.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 125

place and spread in commerce in the form of coins struck, not only permitted, but prescribed to vassal peoples and placed in the conditions of allies, the coinage of silver on a large scale.

The mass of tetradraclimes of the first Confederate Macedonian rations established after the battle of Pjdna, who still meet today not only in the country itself, but as far as beyond the Danube, in Va- lachia and Transylvania, is something almost incredible (1); they are found there in deposits of several thousands, so much so that in general we limit ourselves to giving them to cast iron without trying to place them in the trade of medals. So that such quantities of a currency are still discovered after so many centuries, it is necessary that the manufacturing has exceeded all ordinary limits. This fabulous abundance of emissions can be explained, remains, if you take into account what it was precisely in First Macedonia where the mines which since Pliilippus II had created great wealth of the Macedonian kingdom (2). But the treaty of 168 had

(1) Eckhei, D N, t. II, p. 63; Cousinéry, Journey to Macedonia, t. I, p. 231.

(2) At the triumph of Paul Emile over Macedonia, it was reported, following Plutarch [Aemit. 32 and 33), 7o0 vessels each containing three talents of coined silver (in total 2.2o0 Attic talents or 58.941 kilo. 450 gr.) and 77 each containing three talents of gold coin (in all 231 talenis or 6,051 kilos. 322 gr.). By converting gold and silver according to the tenth proporiion which then reigned in Greece, this would make a total value of 27,360.00 (> silver drachmas in mixed mon- nayé; by converting it according to the ratio :: 11.91: 1, admitted in Rome around the same time, 30,007,260 drachmas. This last sum, translated into Roman currency, gives 134,432,414 sesterces. Velleius Paterculus (I, 9) therefore exaggerates a lot, or counts the metal not

128 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

formally prohibits the exploitation of these mines (1); it's only in 158 did the Senate allow them to reopen (2), and in 14:6 came the revolt of Andiiscos, which brought the creation of the Macedonian Confederations. The tctra- draclimes in question, the multitude of which astonishes us in- core today, were therefore only struck for a space of 8 years (3). This is enough to say what the prodi- great activity of their manufacture, which in these conditions could only be desired, and not only tolerated, by the suzerain power.

The Carthaginians had forbidden Spain, during their domination, any manufacture of a silver currency indigenous (4); they only let their currency circulate there of State, for which at least one workshop had to be established in New Cartbage (5), near the silver mines

coined for a value much higher than that of the currency, when he says that Paul-Émile then enriched the treasure by 210 million sesterces; Pliny {H N, XXXUI, 3, 18) says 230 million.

(1) Tit. Liv. XLV, 18 and 29.

(2) Cassiodor. year. 39"; see Mommsen, Hist. rom., t. IV, p. 28.

(3) Borghesi, Osserv. num. Dec. XVI, 1-4, in the Complete Works, t. II, p. 233 el s.; Mommsen, M R, t. I, p. 281.

(i) Yet some of the silver coins of Gadès with legend Punic (Mionnet, t. I, p. 12, n" 77; Delgado, Nuero métodode clasipcacion from the medatlas aulûnomas de Espana, t. II, pi. XXV, n°* l-ll) appear go back to the time of Carthaginian domination. But Gades was a ancient and sacred Phoenician city, which the Carthaginians could not submit to the same regime as the natives; they had to leave him the privileges of a free and allied city.

(3) L. Miiller, Num. of launch. Africa, t. II, p. 107. — Even the mon- copper plate, although manufactured in the country (L. Miiller, vol. II, p. 109), was a Carthaginian corner. However, there seems to have been a coinage of copper to particular types, but probably always made in the name

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 127

people whose exploitation had taken on such great activity under the Barcids. By an opposing policy, the Romans favored and developed in all the cities of Es- Citérieure loincloth the manufacture of an indigenous currency of this metal, cut on the foot of the denarius of 8Z|. by the pound (see book VII, cliap. m, § o), since the first con- quest until the War of Numantia, a time when the con- transfer of monetary law appears to have been uniformly revoked for the entire province (1).

We know the numerous series of improper currencies usually called Celtiberian (2). If the decipher- ment of the legends of these coins, traced using the Iberian alphabet (see book V, chap. vi, § 1), and consequently their certain attribution to the different cities and ferent peoples who caused them to be struck, still present problems of the greatest obscurity^ they form at least a perfectly one and defined group, whose place in history is very clear. All were handled festly issued at the same time and for quite a short space of time, despite the abundance of this mon- of the sovereign Republic, in Bélique (L. Muller, t. II, p, 147). The ancient Punic cities, such as Gadès, Abdera, Malaca, Sex, perhaps only then had their own independent bronze coinage. Still, it is not certain that, for several of them, it is not under the Romans it began.

(1) Saulcy, Autonomous mints of Spain, p. 12; Mommsen, M R.

t. m, p. 2i5.

(2) Main works on these currencies: Saulcy, Essai de classifica- tion of autonomous currencies of Spain, Metz, ISiO; Boudard, Essay on Iberian numismatics, Paris, 1859; Alois lleis>, General description ancient coins of Spain, Paris, 1870; A. Delgado, Nuevo mé- todo de clasificacion de la 7ncdallas autônomas di Espaha, Seville, en During publication, two volumes have already appeared.

128 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

swimming. Silver coins are imitated from denarii Romans to the oldest type of the head of Rome cas- quée, with the reverse of the Dioscuri on horseback, type again maintained after the first reduction of the denarius (book VII, chap. III, § 2 and 3), whose standard they follow. We see there on one side the head of a god or hero with a short beard, on the other a rider with various attributes, the lance in stopping or holding a palm. These invariable types reproduced on the corresponding bronzes, which follow the ace system.

The silver coins in this series were designated by Latin writers under the generic name à'argentiwi osce7ise, and we see, by the enumerations of the loot carried in the triumphs of Northern Spain, in the 5th century Rome, that they then formed the background of the circulation metallic, with Roman denarii, but larger abundance (1). The name (Margentum oscense seems to come of the town of Osca among the llergetes, next to which were located rich silver mines (2). It is probable that the metal coming from these mines was mainly

(1) bed. Liv. XXXIV, 10 and 46; XL, 43,

A very important remark for the classification of these currencies has was made for the first time by M. Mommsen [M R, t. III, p. 144): is that, in the triumphs over Later Spain, the spoils included only once from the Roman denarii (Tit. Liv. XXXVI, 21 and 39), always large quantities of gold and uncoined silver, never cash indigenous. It therefore seems that the manufacture of local silver species was limited to the Citérieure province, at the time when these currencies were issued. Consequently, for this time it would be necessary to extend to all of Spain Later what Strabo (III, 3, 7) says of Lusitania: that there was no currency and that precious metals were used by weight in exchanges.

(2) Plin. ONE, XXXIV, 10, 48.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 129

employed, or perhaps before that of other mines, for the coinage of Citerior Spain. We can even add- put that it was in Osca, near the mine, that the pees the first of these currencies, and that the bearded head who decorates them is that of a local and eponymous god, named Osca, special protector of mines, who will have been reproduced by other Spanish peoples in imitation tion of emissions from the city of Osca itself. In fact, he exists a Roman denarius, minted in Spain, the year 714 of Rome (ko B.C.)” by Cn.Domitius Calvinus (1), in the course of his campaign against the Cérétans (2), currency where the OSCA legend, explanatory of the type, accompanies the head which constantly decorates Vargentum oscense. Maybe was even Osca the common eponymous god or hero of the indigenous population of Spain^, the last of whom descendants, in the Basque country, still give to themselves the name of Esques or Eusques. Mr. de Saulcy and Mr. Delgado admits that the expression "argentum oscense" was a simple synonym for “Iberian money”. However- therefore it is necessary to note the persistence of the type specific to Celtiberian coins on copper coins with legend Latin of the city of Osca, which are later, and up to on the one that this city struck with the imperial effigy, as municipality, from the reign of Augustus to that of Caligula (3). This late permanence of the Vargentum type oscense is only noticed to the same degree in a

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. V, p. 203; Cohen, M C, pi. XVII, Dotnitia, n-7.

(2) d:o Cass. XLVIII. 42; Vell. Paterc. II, 78.

(3) Eckhel, D N, t. I, p. 53; Alois Heiss, Monn. ant. from Spain, p. 157-59, pi. XIII, nos. 9-14 and 16-18; XIV, n-^ 19, 23, 24, 26 and 27.

II. 9

J30 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

small number of cities in Spain (1); it is of a nature to make believe in a relationship existing between Osca special- ment and the name, like the origin, of the currencies in question.

That these coins were all struck between the first first creation of the Citérieure province under a praetor Roman, in 206 BC. AD, and the War of Numantia, in 143, this is what numerous proofs establish (2). The style of the coins in question suits admirably at this time; copied from Roman species, carved on the foot of the denarius and the ace, they are necessarily pos- subsequent to the re-establishment of the Roman province. The triumphs where we see them carrying in the spoils are an- born 195, 194 and 180 BC. BC (559, 560 and 574 Rome). On the other hand, the first coins with legends Latinas minted in Spain were minted under the government republican, in the 7th century of Rome (3). They were issued in particularly favored cities, Carteia, Latin colony since 117 BC. AD, Sagunto, Corduba. However, these pieces are exclusively made of copper. So that the manufacturing of a local copper currency was then a privilege, it is necessary that a previous circumstance had caused, for some time now, revoke for the entire period ninsulates the permission of the coinage of silver, and this circumstance cannot historically, within the limits of

(1) In the Latin moanayage before the Empire, at Carisa, Iliturgi, Obulco, Olontigi, Segobriga and Toletum. In effigy coinage imperial, in Bilbilis, Segobriga and Segovia.

(2) Voy, Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 242 et seq. ; F. Lenormant, article Argentum oscense in the Daremberg Dictionary of Antiquities and Saglio.

(3) Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 59.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 131

:time when she finds herself thus enclosed, having been other than The War of Numantia. For the simple coinage of to follow, it even seems that permission was then required special of the Senate. This is what results from the parts of this metal struck in Toletum by the indigenous chief CE LT A M Bi/s 3t by a romanized character named CALDVS, C. F, pieces with Latin legends, but not much later than those has Iberian legends, since they continue the types and the sizes. He inscribed, in fact, following their name, [the origin of the coining license they had received, EX Senatus Consullo (1).

It was in vain that Mr. Aloïs Heiss (2) thought he found a B.n of non-receipt against the determination of date at the [^which we have just adhered to, in the fact that the ace of coins with Iberian legends are of semoncial weight; he would therefore like to consider them as posterior to the Plautia law- Papiria (89 BC)” which established this standard in the Roman state currency (book VII, chap. m, § 5). But precisely we will see, in § 5 of this chapter, that, from the second half of the 6th century of its existence, Rome

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. I, p. 58; Alois Heiss, Monn. ant. from Spain, p. 263, pi. XXXIV, Toletum, ii"' 1 and 2.

It is quite difficult to interpret the letters that Caldus adds on his currency after EX Senatus ConsultO, because the legend is entirely EXSCOIQ. What adds to the difficulty is that we are not sure that there are no mistakes, with the barbaric way in which they are written the inscriptions of the piece. The spelling of the character's name is there dO.SVDJVD.

Caldus Caii filius is the son of a Spaniard admitted to the Roman city by C. Coelius Caldus during his praetorship of Spain, in 102-98 BC. AD; but he may have been leader of the Carpetans of Toletura very soon after; Celtambus seems older than him.

(2) Monn. ant. of Spain, p. 7 and 133.

II. 9.

132 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

imposed on the foederali of Italy and the colonies of right Latin to make the ace of half an ounce, while she- even still struck the ace by an ounce. Even more so, she had to impose this rule on the indigenous populations of Spain, subject to its empire, and consequently the object tion that we thought we could lift falls by itself. Moreover, like this silver and copper coin of the cities of Citerior Spain was exactly con- form to the official Roman standard, when the minting ceased per, it was not therefore demonetized and withdrawn from the traffic. These species were still common in the country a hundred years later, at the time of the second triumvirate (1). Indeed, the Roman denarius of Domitius Calvinus, who copy the head, is from /jO BC, and the imitation of bronzes from this series are evident in the pieces of copper with the legend HISPANORVM, struck in Sicily by the Spanish troops in the service of Sextus Pompey (2).

(1) However, from the beginning of the 1st century BC Well, the Iberian denarii no longer formed more than a small part of the cash circulating in Spain. In the Cazlona deposit, in- foui around 9i BC, J.C. (Mommsen, Atin. de l'Inst. anh. 1863, p. 11-15; M H, t. II, p. 124 et seq.), there were eight of these pieces, of the oldest and the most recent, already worn, against 682 Roman denarii and a victor laughed. Iberian denarii appear to have been absent from the treasures of Roman denarii discovered in Oliva (the burial was approximately contemporary of the Social War: Mommsen, Aun, de Fins. arch. 1863, p. 15-22; M U, t. II, p. 126-131), at Pozoblanco (burial beyond same period as that of Oliva: Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. 130-132) and Cordoba (buried around 38 BC). The Livia deposit, buried around 43 (Mommsen, M R, t. II, p. l-i4 et seq.), contained an old Iberian denarius with 982 Roman denarii and a victoriaate (Aloïs Heiss, Monn. ant. of rSpain^ p. 155), and that of Fuente-Alamo, dating from the same period, 1260 Roman denarii and one Iberian (Alois Heiss, /. c).

(2) See. Alois Heiss, Ann. of the Society. franc, numismatics, t. III, p. 279 et seq., pi. XVIII.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 133

From the observations which have just been made it results that this monetary series, so numerous and whose pro- products are so abundant, saw its manufacture limited to a period of 63 years at most. Here again, as in the Pre- first Macedonia, it is obvious that it was not alone- permissible, but encouraged and favored by authority Roman^ and that it is linked to the rich mines money of the country. We will note, in the course of this work, a very large number of facts which prove that, in general, ancient governments, following the principle cipe which was later that of the Spanish monarchy in Mexico and Peru, when they had mines iPor or silver on their territory^ did not allow any to be exported products by trade only in the form of money, in order to benefit from the added value of the coined metal always on the metal in ingots. Spanish money were not legal tender outside the province, but the trade removed them as metal merchandise, and it is probable that it is only in this form that the exit of money from the country was permitted, to its destination countries other than Italy. This indigenous coinage does not should, moreover, be tolerated under similar conditions. tions only with a sharing of its benefits by the authority Roman. The uniformity that we notice in the pieces, with very different legends, even gives the right to doubt that they were really struck in the different verses cited whose names they bear; or would rather tend to believe that manufacturing would have been concentrated in a small number of workshops near the mines. Or^ from the year 160, it was common knowledge until in the East that it was the Romans who had put the hand directly on the gold and silver mines of Es-

134 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

loincloth and who derived immense profits from it for their public finances (1). We could therefore admit that it was they themselves who, keeping for themselves the benefit of coinage, manufactured for the people of Spain these currencies which then had to return to their boxes as tribute. By giving the manufactured cash qué thus by them in the province, with the metal of its mines, the form of an indigenous currency, in the name of the cities, the Romans made it easier for the Spanish to take gnols accustomed to the system of the denier and the ace, which became thus for them national, and flattered their self-esteem by an attention that the government of Carthage. When it came to taking Spain from the Carthaginian, Kome had decided to give the role of his troops a liberating character. During the period where we place the issue of so-called celtibé-currencies nothings, the Spanish provinces found themselves in a very particular political situation, which required great consideration towards individual susceptibilities genes; the country was only imperfectly subjugated, and, in outside the points where their garrisons were located, the praetors had to deal with a series of small, simple peoples fully tributary, when they were not in revolt, having their own bosses and complete autonomy at them. It was the same condition as that of Gaul between Caesar and Augustus, at the time when we observed also a large coinage of silver on the ro-foot hand by the indigenous cities and their chiefs, coinage only composed of quinaries, while that of Es- loincloth is of deniers.

(1) I Maccab. viii, 3.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 135

5. When Sicily was reduced to a Roman province, in 241 BC, the Mamertines of Messina remained enter into the condition of italic allies, where their admission had been the cause of the first Punic war, and Tau- Romenium received the same title in 212, after the capture of Syracuse. A certain number of Greek cities were de- declared autonomous and exempt from tribute, like Segesta, Centuripae, Alaesa and Panorme, where the praetor resided. In the ordinary law of the provinces, the cities placed under these two conditions should have, as a result of their legal position, the municipal coining license, for silver as well as for copper. But the Senate had resolved to apply to Sicily the rule established for Italy since Rome began to mint coins, the ban on all manufacturing of silver coins other than the state currency of the sovereign Republic (see g 5 of this chapter, and book Vil, cbap. m, § 2), The exceptionally favored cities of the province therefore only had permission to emit small copper coin (1), which they manufactured according to the year ancient indigenous system, which was easily coordinated with the Roman system of the ace and the denarius, the litra of Sicilian copper, in its last state of reduction, equivalent to lant to the tenth of the sestertius (2) (see book VII, chap. i, § 1); Syracuse did the same for more than a century and half after the fall of its independence (3). The mon- watering of the cities that we have named under the dominion Roman nation, and under these restrictive conditions, was

(1) Mommsen. M R, t. III, p. 23o.

(2) Mommsen, A/ fi, 1. 1, p. 118.

(3) Barclay Head, Coinage of Syracuse, p. 75 et seq.

136 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

quite abundant; the products are still legendary Greek, except in AlsBsa (1) and Assorus (2), where the language adopted, at least from a certain period (3), was Latin. Alongside this municipal coinage, I had a provincial copper coinage, of the Roman system, issued by the Roman authorities {h). The quaestors of the pro- vince (5) transmit, putting their name in full or in abbreviation, aces, seedlings and quadrans, having at right the heads of the same deities as on the cor- pieces respondents of the Roman State series (book VII, cbap. ii, § 3), except that the head of Apollo or that of Ceres is substituted sometimes kills that of Hercules on the quadrans; at the re- verse, the name of the Roman magistrate, in a crown, occupies the field, or it accompanies the partial symbol person chosen by this magistrate; many have adopted the same type, of a soldier armed from head to toe. When there is on these currencies the indication of a place of issue, it is the Greek monogram containing the first elements of the name of Panorme, monogram which is also found on

(1) Catal. of gr. coins in theBrilish Muséum, Sicily^ p. 28.

(2) Ibid. p. 31.

(3) In Aloesa, Latin legends only appear at the moment, whose date is still undetermined, when the city was made a Roman colony; like autonomous and immune city under the Romans, it had first minted with Greek legends.

(4) Eckhel, D N, t. I, p. 233 et seq.; Fr. and L. Landolina Paternô, Mo- nografia untie monete consolari sicule. Naples, 18S2; Fr. Landolina Paternô, Lellera al Riccio intorno ad alcune monete romano-sicule, Catania, 1853; Momnisen, M /?, t. 111, p. 237 et seq.; Catal. of yr. coins in the Brit. Mus. Sicily, p. 124-129.

(5) The only one of the Roman magistrates named on these coins who has added his title, M'. Acilius, qualifies as quaestor: Cohen, M G, ft. XL VI, Acilia, no. 2; Mommsen, M 71, t. II, p. 59.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 137

the autonomous people of the city. Instead of bearing the name of quaestor, the oldest aces, semis and quadrans, those which form the head of the series, have on the reverse, in a crown, a large monogram composed of the letters very nOR (1), initials of the name of Porlus, which seems to have was the name adopted in Latin for some time, as a translation from the Greek Ilavopp; (2). Thus, during a good part of the republican period, after the conquest, the Panorme workshop simultaneously issued a double mon- municipal watering^ in Greek legends, in the system of the Sicilian litra, provincial with Latin legends, in the name of Roman officials and in the ace system.

The combination of municipal coinage rights tonome, restricted only to species of copper, which was^ as we have just seen, applied first to privileged cities of Sicily, became, during the formation of the provinces of Macedonia, Acliaia and Asia, the law common in Greek cities. Or at least those to whom we granted permission to coin money did not receive it only in these conditions, because, however many are the cities which minted currency with all the external forms of autonomy, but only in copper, in these provinces under Roman domination and before the empire, their list offers too many gaps vague and too significant for us not to recognize not that special authorization from governors was required, that the right was not absolute. Apart from the few more privileged cities, like Athens and those which been listed at the beginning of section 2 of this §,

(1) Eckhel, D iV, 1. 1, p. 234.

(2) Moramsea, M R, t. III, p. 238.

138 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

which coined money because they were considered entirely free and allied, a con- transfer of this kind, of a lower and remaining monetary right restrained, corresponded well to the normal condition of cities Greeks, subjected to a heavy tribute and placed under the au- direct authority of the governor of the province, but at the same time time possessing a restricted autonomy which leaves them knows the possibility of governing themselves in their internal administration, except high surveillance who sometimes intervened, even in these private matters vees (1).

' 6. The principle adopted in the organization of the pro- vince of Achaia had been the isolation of the Greek cities, of which all the Leagues had been dissolved; there was therefore no regional institutions, and the only link of unity of the province was under the authority of the Roman governor, extending due on all. In this situation there could not be rise to a monetary right for the province envisaged as a body. It was different in Macedonia and Asia, provinces which enjoyed a real personality legality.

We lack precise documents to determine just how where did administrative authority and independence go? of KOINON MAKEAONflN, whose name is inscribed on coins of the imperial era (2), But a mention of

(i) This legal position of Greek cities was defined by hand master by Mr. Momrasen, about the province of Achaia: Hist. rom. t. IV, p. 349.

(2) Mionnet, t. I, p. 4S8 et seq., 5o4-b62; Suppl. t. III, p. 8-14, 223-231,

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 139

this type is sufficient to establish the existence of pro-institutions indigenous vinciales, a sort of deliberating assembly under the direction of the Roman governor and having part in administration. The Community of Macedonians, orga- nized in the province that was established in 146 BC. AD, after the defeat of Philip Andriscos, was put in position session of a monetary law, which extended even during about half a century in the manufacture of species of ar- gent.

There is a fairly rich series of silver coins and bronze which bears the name of the people of the Macedonians, MAKEAONflN. Eckhel (1) reported them at the time of last kings of Macedonia, whose small bronzes bear try types analogous to those which predominate there; this opinion was adopted by the generality of numismatists, and it is the one that very recently Mr. Bompois defended in an important monograph of these monographs naies (2). However, it seems to me that it must absolutely be rejected. In my eyes, the pieces of the MAKEAONflN legend could only be minted after the formation of the province Roman; they follow those of the four Confederations formed after the Battle of Pydna, instead of preceding them historically.

I have already indicated above (in this chapter, § 1.4) the reasons of public law which do not allow me to admit be that the kings of Macedonia, whose monarchy was so strong and so concentrated, could have allowed a common coinage, in the name of the people, alongside their

(1) D iv, t. II, p. 61.

(2) Chronological examination of the coins struck by the Community of Macedonians, Paris, J876.

140 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

royal coinage. As for the proofs of the date that I assign to the series in question, they seem numerous to me and conclusive. The silver sizes that we see there are the tetradraclime, the triobole and the trileemiobolus of weight Attic, which since Alexander was the only one in use in this country. But between the tetradraclime and the triobole we find let's counter an intermediate piece, which no longer fits into the normal divisions of the Attic system (1); gold, sound pbids is that of the Roman victoriat (book VU, cliap. m, § h), who was only able to enter the country after the con- quest. One of the most remarkable bronzes as tra- vail (2) has a capital Latin D above the legend Greek MAKEAONflN, arranged in two lines and occupied pant the field with the backhand. Others (3) cannot be separated from the bronzes, identical in work and type, where reads the name of the Roman quaestor C. Publilius (h). Finally, on the silver tetradragons, we see at a certain moment introduce without any change in type, without any hiatus between the pieces which do not have and those which have this mention, the Latin word abbreviated LEG (5).

The LEOalus mentioned in these latest currencies may be a legatus pro praetore, temporarily charged of the administration of the province, or a legatus pro quaeslore, like that on other tetradracbs in the name of the Macedonians, to which we will return in a moment, designates the more complete indication

(1) Bompois, ouvr, cit. pl.I, n"» 4 ot S.

(2) Bompois, pi. II. No. 16.

(3) Bompois, pi. II, n-20 and 21.

(4) Bompois, pi. IV, 6th category, no. 5.

(5) Bompois, pi. 11, 2* category, nos. 1 and 2.

There LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 141

LEGPROQ. The intervention of the quaestor in the manufacture coinage made outside of Kome is also indicated quated by a simple Q, without a proper name, on a few cis- tophores (1) and on a denier and an aureus of 36 at the book (2), struck at Yalentia in Bruttium (3) during the return of Sulla to Italy (see § 7 of this chapter and book VII, chap. m, §5).

The series of coins of the Provincial Community of the Macedonians has in the beginning a pure physiognomy autonomously, in silver as in copper -, the monograms found there are Greek and appear express the names of native monetary officers. There is even one of the silver coins (II) where we find the mo- nogram composed of the letters in, which is also found ment on pieces of Philip V, Perseus and the Pre- first Macedonia. As M. L. Millier (5) recognized, this monogram certainly designates Zoilus who wrote his name throughout on some tetradrachms of Per- sated, particularly remarkable as an art (6) -, he was master of the mint of Amphipolis for almost a half century, and under the kings also had authority over the monetary workshops of Pella and Uranopolis. Soon this completely indigenous character only remains for the species of copper-, there is limitation in the monetary authority of the co7n-

(1) Pinder, Weber die Cistophoren, p. 271.

(2) Cohen, M C, pi. XV, Cornelia, no. 18; Mommsen, M R, t. He, p. 247, No. 246.

(3) The types of the coins are those of this city.

(4) Bompois, pi. I, No. 4.

(5) Rev. num. 1867, p. 91.

(6) Mionnet, Suppl. t. 111, p. 257, n- 689 and 690, pi. XI, no. 4.

142 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

Macedonian mwne. The tetradrachms still continue to carry the national legend MAKHAONflN, but it is the quaestor or proquestor of the province who directs their manufacturing and who puts his mark on it. Already a little earlier Before (1), questorial currency had made its appearance in side of the currency of the indigenous commune, in the form of species of copper bearing, with the name of the Macedonians, that of the quaestor written in Greek, MAKEAONHN TAMIOT TAIOT nOnAlAIOT, MAKEAONnN TAMIOT AETKEIOT ct)OAKINNIOT (2). From the moment when the Latin brand of the Roman financial officer begins to show himself on tetradrachms, silver coins are no longer minted of smaller sizes. Maybe it's in the early days of the regime of the new monetary regulation indicated by these different changes, and the date of which can be approximately ten or fifteen years after the creation of the province, that it is necessary to attribute certain pieces of a low-title billon (5) which appear to have replaced the small silver coins as divisional currencies superior to copper. These billon coins feature Greek monograms of responsible magistrates, without doubt of those delegated by the indigenous commune, and the production was obviously very short.

The first issues of tetradrachms to the legend MAKEAONflN, up to those where the Latin word is shown LEG, appear to have followed each other with enough continuity and

(1) The pieces of the quaestors C. Publilius and L. Fulcinnius, according to their style, clearly belong to the early days of reduction of the country into a Roman province.

(2) Bompois, pi. IV, 6* category, n"' 1-8.

(3) Bompois, pi. IV, 5® category, n° 1.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 143

for a fairly short time. All these parts, having on the right the bust of Artemis in the center of the Macedonian shield nien, form a group of close unity. But, like You showed Mr. Mommsen (1), this provincial coinage was no longer an absolute right; it depended on the pleasure of sovereign power and could only take place in under a special and temporary authorization from the government verneur. As a result, it only occurred at intervals, according to administrative and especially military needs (see § 7 of this chapter). Also all the characters of style do they indicate a hiatus of around forty years between the first group of tetradrachms in the name of the Ma- Cedonians, of which I have just spoken, and a second, where the types are other, on one side the deified head of Alexander, on the other the insignia of the questure placed in the middle of a crown. On these new tetradrachms, we still read the Greek legend MAKEAONflN, but at the same time always names of Roman officers^ written in Latin (2). The most numerous of these coins (o), struck in the three workshops in Amphipolis, Thessaloniki and Pella (4), bear the name AESILLAS Quaestor on the reverse and sometimes to the right the abbreviated indication of the governor on which he depended, C/E. PR, We don't know how to complete

(1) MR, t. m, p. 282.

(2) Friedlander, Zeitschr. f. Num., t. III, p. 177-182; Bompois, pi. V, 7* category, n<" 1-6.

(3) There is a drachma which corresponds to it: Bompois, pi. V, 7th category, No. 7.

(4) The first two of these cities are indicated by the letters A and 0, the third, as at the time of the four Confederations and on the brass of the quaestor C. Publilius, by the monogram BOT, of laBotteatide.

144 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

the name of this last character, but in any case it is anterior to Sulla, since he bears the title of FRaetor and not that of cleaner. Other tetradrachms, released exclusively sively from the workshop of Thessalonica, have on the reverse SVVRA LEGatus PRO Quaestore. We cannot hesitate to recognize here, with the illustrious Borghesi (1), Bruttius Sura, legate of Sentius Saturninus, governor of Macedonia from 89 to 87 BC. This clearly dates this monetary group, still very one and tightened into a short space of time. THIS. PR is the predecessor of Sen- tius Saturninus in the government of Macedonia, and remission of tetradrachms in the name of the Macedonians, which these two successive praetors had under the direction, one of his quaestor, the other of his proquestor, had for the purpose of meeting the financial necessities which founded upon them on all sides, following the invasion of Mithri- date in Europe and attacks only since the year 92 before Jesus Christ he had never stopped provoking against Macedonia to clear the way, incursions of the Thracians and revolt of the pretender Euphenes. Having to face these dangers, while Italy was in the grip of the Soviet War cial and civil dissensions, the praetors of Macedonia doine were then obliged, as Sylla soon was afterwards in Greece and Asia Minor (see § 7 of this chapter). clown), to find metallic resources in the country which were necessary for them and to create the currency intended to the pay of their troops as well as the service of their intention dance.

That the province of Asia possessed under the authority of the

(1) Osserv. numism. dec. XVI, 1-i; in his Complete Works, t. II. p. 236 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 145

Roman hepub a regional silver coinage, according to fully autonomous parentage at the beginning, and that this currency was the cistophores (see book Vï, chap. ix, at this word), it is a fact today so well established that Mr. Pinder (1) and Mr. Mommsen (2) even admitted that the cistophores had been created only at the formation of the Roman province, in 133 BC. I already have said (in this chapter, §1.5) that I did not share this way of seeing, that I believed that the manufacture of cis- tophores had begun under the kings of Pergamum and had only continued under the Romans; I will come back in- core later. Whatever the case, the debate cannot more bear on this point, and it is incontestable that the the vast majority of these silver coins date from the time of Roman domination. Cistophora have a large analogy with the products of the federal coinage of the Li- Achaean League and the Lycian League. They are the same coins of a uniform type and weight, intended to circulate indifferently throughout the entire country, whatever their place of issue. They don't come out of a central workshop; but, on the contrary, a certain number of cities strike them, writing their name in abbreviation (3),

(1) Ueber die Cistophoren, p. 5S2.

(2) M R, t. I, p. 63 et seq.; t. UI, p. 301 et seq.

(3) These cities are:

In Mysia:

Parion. 'Pergamum.

Adramytlion Atarnée (?).

In Lydia:

Sardis. Tralles.

Thyatira. II. 10

146 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

sometimes placing their particular symbol there, perhaps small dimension, in the field, and attaching the signa- ture, more or less abbreviated, of the municipal magistrate responsible responsible (1). There is no, as on the tetradrachms of Macedonia^ of common legend offering the name of a people; the province of Asia had no national unity; it included countries that were originally very diverse, and it was a sort of federation of subject Greek cities in Rome, which the governor administered there.

About 70 years after the formation of the province, or began to inscribe in Latin the names of the proconsuls of the province on the reverse side of the cistophores. The first who read there is that of Q. Tullius Cicero, who had the govern- ment from 61 to 58 BC (2). In 50 and 49^ the province remains without a governor, during the beginnings of the civil war; it was then that the quaestor Lucius An- tonius, who remained alone at the head of the financial administration cière, strikes cistophores which he signs with a simple

In lonie:

Ephesus, Srayrne.

In Caria:

Nysa.

In Phrygia:

Apamea. Laodicea,

(1) The responsible municipal magistrate is surely here first prytanes of the city, designated on the coins struck in Pergamum by the monogram of the letters FFPTT, initials of its title (see in this book, chap. m, § 1, 4).

(2) Pinder, mem. cit. p. 545 and 567.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 147

Q, initial of the word Qmaestor^ without writing his name (1), Until then, the name of the magistrate responsible for the city of issue remained written in Greek on the coins, at the same time time as that of the proconsul in Latin. Lucius Antonius is the first to disappear this mention, which reappears on the cistophores of the praetor C. Fannius (2), in the last month of 49, to absolutely end the same year of the battle of Pharsalus, while Q. Csecilius Metellus More exercises military power in the province as to^imperator, in the absence of a regular governor established (3). Any trace of intervention by the mu- nicipales thus disappears from these currencies, and under Marc- Antoine the cities where they are struck also stop there put the initials of their names (4).

At the time when the names of the Roman governors of the province of Asia began to be registered on the cis- tophores, Phrygia, one of the regions where and where these currencies circulated, had been distracted from Asia to be joined to the province of Cilicia. These are therefore the names of the proconsuls of Cilicia that we see on the cisto- phores of Apamea and Laodicea, struck from 56 to 50 BC Jesus Christ (5). But it does not follow from this that the cistopliores would then have acquired legal circulation throughout the province of Cilicia; on the contrary, everything indicates than those whom the leaders of this government had struck

(1) Pinder, p. 546.

(2) Pinder, p. 569.

(3) Pinder, p. 546 and 570; Moramsen, M R, t. III, p. 302.

(4) Pinder, p. 555 and 573.

(5) Pinder, p. 547,570 et seq.

II. do.

148 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

ment had their course limited to Phrygia. We we have already said, the monetary districts do not correspond did not always lay exactly at the administered limits. tratives of the provinces.

g 4. — Coinage of the provinces under the empire.

1. this The Roman denarius, says M. Mommsen (1), was, from the time of the Republic, the only currency having currency indiscriminately in all countries subject to domination of Rome, while the currencies of the provinces do not circulate legally only in those for which they had been minted: thus the Roman denarius had value both in Italy and in Spain and Syria, while the provincial currency struck for Spain was not accepted in Syria, no more than the coins of Syria were not accepted in Spain. And when we see in history that Augustus returned the coins, measured them res and obligatory Roman weights throughout the range of the Empire (2), this only means that he ordered that all public accounts and all tariffs were made and drawn up according to the Roman system; because, on the one hand, there It had already been a long time since the money had been circulating in the pro^ vinces, and, on the other hand, Augustus did not suppress the provincial and local currencies. The inscriptions found in Asia Minor and in which it is not made mention, as far as we know, of another species of

(1) M R, t. m, p. 312.

(2) DioCass. L.II, 30.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 149

silver currency than the denier, provide us with the proof. A remarkable inscription from Cibyra (1) on proves even better. After having designated an amount in drachmas of Rhodes, she immediately gives the equi- are worth in Roman denarii. Egypt is the only province Roman which is an exception to this general rule. He pa- realizes that, at least until the time of Diocletian, the public accounts continued to be settled in drachmas and in obols. »

Under the Empire, three kinds of currencies must be distinguished, state, provincial, municipal and local. It will be spoken of state currency from a legal point of view in § 8 of this chapter. We will therefore limit ourselves here to taking a look an eye on the redes including the two other kinds of currencies reveal the existence and application, by referring to the book VII, chap. iv, § 4, for the detailed statement of the facts, classified in Geographical order.

2. There are provincial silver coins only in East, in the provinces where the habits of the popula- tion still hold on to the Greek system of the drachma. The go- Imperial government then struck coins cut on the standard of that of Hellenic drachmas to which the natives are accustomed, but by modifying more or less this standard to put it in an exact relationship with the denier, the only currency officially adopted for the public table throughout the Empire.

Most often, silver coins made in this way for the service of a specific province is a currency

(1) Corp. inscr.graec. No. 4380.

150 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

purely imperial, which has no premises other than its type and its special weight system. The name of the province is not does not appear, because the issue is made in the name of the sovereign, in the name of the central government, and the coinage does not bear in no way the character of indigenous autonomy.

This is the case of the most numerous and most important, of those which were manufactured for richest and most populous provinces, for the provinces which could have politically counted a considerably in the Empire. Let us mention above all the subscription dant coinage of low grade silver and copper, released from the Alexandria workshop for particular circulation from Egypt (1); let us also mention the drachmas issued from of the year 17 AD. BC, date of the reunion of the country with the empire, in Caesarea of Cappadocia (2); the name of the city is not there inscribed only from Septimius Severus, and always under the form KAICAPeiA or KAICAPeiAC, which involves only one simple indication of place of issue, while on the contemporary bronzes we have the name of the inhabitants in genitive plural, KAICAPGCON, which denotes coinage municipal of the people of Caesarea. The numerous series of tetradrachms of highly alloyed silver, which the workshop of An- tioche manufactured for Syria, is also in the same case (3); the name of the city only appears from the two Philippe, and again in the form of a pure indication

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. IV, p. 26 et seq.; Mionnet, t. VI, p. 45-514; Suppl. t. IX, p. 24144; Fenardenl, Ancient Egypt, Roman domination, Paris, 1873; Momrasen, MR, t. III, p. 332 et seq.

(2) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 187 et seq.; Mionnet, t. IV, p. 408-437; Suppl. t. VII, p. 660-709; Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 314.

(3) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 287 et seq.; Mionnet, t. V, p. 170-191; Suppl. t. VIII, p. 131-139; Mommsen. M /?, t. III, p. 319 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 151

workshop, ANTIOXIA. It is also impossible to dispute ter the nature of purely imperial currency minted only on a particular foot, different from that of the general birth of the empire, with a view to local convenience, for the series, so well studied by M. Pinder (1)^ of tetra- Imperial silver drachmas with Latin legends from Asia Minor, which continues under the empire the series of cistophos- res, but with different types. The circulation area of these species was not restricted to the province of Asia, but also certainly extended to Bithynia, Pamphylia and Galatia. There was no need for their manufacture cation a unique and constant workshop^ but, on the contrary, it is obvious that, depending on the era, tetradrachms imperials in question were struck in different cities of the provinces which have just been named, by example in Ephesus, Sardis, Nicomedia, Perga. But it is only according to the indications of manufacture, style and especially according to the types that one can arrive for what- some have a determination of origin of this kind. In made of place of issue mark, we only find the word SARD on a Hadrian tetradrachm and a mono- gram containing the first letters of the name Ephesus in Greek on didrachmas and drachmas that Nero and Vespasian tried for a moment to substitute the tetra- drachmas (2). The words COMmwne ASIAE which accompany the image of the temple of Rome and Augustus on the tetra- drachmas of several emperors, such as those of COM-

(1) Ueber die Cistophoren und iiber die Kaiserlichen Silver medallions of the rUmischen Provinz Asia, in the Memoirs of the Berlin Academy for 18S5; see. also Mommsen, M fi, t. III, p. 302.

(2) Eckhel, D N. t. IV, p. 279; Pinder, p. 576 et seq.; Mommsen, Af fi, t. m, p. 307.

152 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

mune B\T hyiiiae written at the same temple on tetradrachms of Hadrian, relate to the organization of the cult of the Augustan temples of Pergamum and Nico- media, each served by the Community of one of the two provinces (1), and not to the intervention of these Communities nated in coinage. The proof is in the room which makes one read next to the temple the more extensive legend Senalus Populusqiie Roma?ius, COMmune B\Thyniae; she relates to worship and the construction of the temple, as that which accompanies the representation of an arc of triumph on a tetradrachm of the same series, at the head of Augustus, Senatus Popuhisque Romanus SIGNIS RE- CEPTIS.

The name of the province and its people is not either more pronounced; the captions, written exclusively in Greek, are exclusively imperial, on the funds minted settled in Lycia after the suppression of the Lycian League and the reduction of the country into a province, under the reign of Claude (2). These coins have the old national type on the reverse of the lyre of Apollo or of two lyres, and the manufacture continued until under Trajan. Like, despite their Greek legends, they are imperial funds of the same weight as those of Roman corner, they were admitted its throughout the Empire on an equal footing with them and circulated as far as the banks of the Danube and Germany (3).

Under the reigns of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus, after the conquest of Osrhoëne and northern Mesopotamia

(1) Diod.Sic. LI,20.

(2) Eckhel, D N. t. III, p. 1; Mionnet, t. III, p. 430 et seq.; Suppl. t. VII, p. 1 et seq.; Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 311.

(3j Mommsen, MB, vol. III, p. 312.

THE LAW BANNING ANCIENT COINS 153

trio in the campaign of Lucius Yérus against the Parthians, or manufactured, probably in the workshop of Edessa, a series of small silver coins of fairly irregular weight linked, but approaching the system of minted drachmas stops at Caesarea of Cappadocia; they were intended to the special circulation of the new province (1). The le- people are Greek; they have the head and the name on one side of Marcus Aurelius, of Faustina, of Lucius Vérus, of Lucille or Commode, on the reverse of various types, but always with the legend YneP NIKHC PCOMAICON or YneP NIKHC TCON KYPICON CGBaGTâiv.

Are still purely imperial, with no mention of self- local rities of province or city, certain species of people of Greek weight, which were intended for circulation provincial^ but struck in fewer numbers, which do not do not constitute continuous series and appear singly ment in an exceptional and temporary manner. Such are the tetradrachms of Yespasian and the didrachms of his sons, associated by him with the Empire, struck in Cyprus with Greek legends (2); a tetradrachm with legend Latin struck under Tiberius in Pamphylia (3), before the entry of this province in the constituency where circulated the pieces continuing the cistophore series; finally the drachmas of Trajan in Cyrenaica {li).

These facts are all the more important to the point of

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. S20 et seq.; Mionnet, t. V, p. 638 et seq.

(2) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 83; t. IV, p. 419; Mionnet, t. III, p. 672 and s^ Suppî. t. VII, p. 305; Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 327 et seq.

(3) Eckhel, D N, t. VI, p. 161.

(4) Eckhel, D iV, t. VI, p. 443; Duchalais, Rev. num. 1851, p. 101; L. Muller, Num. of the anc. Africa, t. I, p. 172, n"» 4i3-445 and 448.

154 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

view of the study of the conditions of public law and the le- monetary legislation, that several of the provinces of which we we have just noted the existence of a silver coinage purely imperial, although intended for re- regional, offer us at the same time a provincial coinage copper cial, made in the name of the Koivov of the province. This is the case of Bithynia (1) and Cyprus (2). While reserving in these provinces the exclusive manufacture of the provincial silver coinage, the Emperor abandoned copper to the leadership of the Community assembly of the natives, as in the empire's currency he had left this metal to the authority of the Senate (see § 8 of this chapter). Two other countries offer us a coinage exclusively copper issued under the emperors and with their effigies, but in the name of the Indigenous Commune: it is the Macedonia (3), where monies are no longer minted

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. II, p. 403; Mionnet, t. He, p. 410. — It is Hadrian who gave a monetary right to the Community of the province birthplace of his dear Antinous. Previously, provincial currencies of copper in Bithynia had been made as coins of the Emperor, bearing with the formula è7tt...àv6uuàTou, under the procon- sulate of IV, which has the character of a date, the names of the proconsuls, and of the procurator under Vespasian, who had momentarily modified the ad- ministry of the country: Eckhel, D N, t. II, p. 400 et seq.; Mionnet, t. II, p. 408 et seq.

(2) Eckhel, D iV, t. III, p. 84; Mionnet, t. HI, p. 671 et seq. — Early from the bronze series of Cypres under the Empire, we meet under Au- tastes a proconsular coin with Latin legends.

(3) Eckhel, D N, t. II, p. 64; Mionnet, 1. 1, p. 458 et seq., 554-562. — On the first imperial empires of Macedonia, up to Vespasian, we read on one side the names of the Emperor and on the other the title of ZEBAZT02 MAKEAONflN, which seems to qualify him as "the Augustus of Macedonians”; from Domitian, the legend on the reverse is KOINON MAKEAONnN.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 155

land of silver, and Thessaly (I). On the other hand, in Judea, we note the manufacture of small parts of purely imperial copper, intended exclusively for the region and receiving a particular form, to accommodate the religious sensitivities of the inhabitants. We saw higher (in this chapter, §1,4) than after Simon Mac- Chachaeus the Hasmonean princes had only struck small bronze coins, as a precaution for those suspected of tibilities of the Seleucids. Herod, their successor, did not receive of Augustus, like most vassal kings, allowed it coinage only restricted to the same metal. When Judea, from the year 6 AD. AD, was admitted nistered by an imperial procurator, the monetary workshop was born national remained in operation. The Roman procurators did minting small copper coins of the same types than those of the last indigenous dynasts (2), without the effi- imperial power, which was so repugnant to the Jews; these currencies bear, in terms of legends, only the name of the emperor and the years of the Tere of Augustus, beginning in 727 Rome, 27 BC AD; manufacturing continues until the explosion of the great revolt, under Nero. These are these small copper coins that the Gospel calls Xctttov (3)

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. II, p. 135; Mionnet, t. II, p. 6 et seq. — Until Hadrian, the Thessalian League, reconstituted under Caesar, mints its currency of copper in the manner of a republic simply vassal of the Empire; on the right is the effigy of the suzerain emperor, with his name, on the reverse the national legend OEZZAACON and the name of the League strategist. It is only then that the legend on the reverse becomes KOINON

oecCAnN.

(2) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 497; Saulpy, Judaic Numismatics, p. 138 et seq.; Numism. of the Holy Land, p. 69-78; Madden, History of Jews cornering, p. 134-IS3; Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 326.

(3) Luke, XXI, 2.

156 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

OR xo^pavT-/i; (1), which seems to indicate that in the official accounts they were listed as equivalent with the Roman quadrans (2). For the payment of the sacred tax from the half-shekel to the Temple (3), the religious horror that inspired any currency with a human effigy had to make We only used the old silver coins of the Hasmoneans, piously preserved for this purpose, and, as half shekels were very rare by comparison with whole centuries, the moneychangers of the Temple asked paid a strong agio to change the shekels into half shekels (4). The Gospel calls cJt-^paypv and «rrarÀp the coin employed to pay this tax (5). But, for the cens to pay to the imperial tax authorities, we used currencies to the image of the emperor (6), provincial tetradrachms or Roman coin denarius. The latter circulated extensively already in the country in the time of Jesus, and the Gospel evaluates the price of things of high value in denarii (7), Other prices, minimal, are expressed in aces, accapia (8), and indeed it is probable that those of the senatorial workshop from Antioch came in large quantities to Judea.

(1) Matt. V, 26; Luke, xii, 42.

(2) It would be very difficult to admit that the quadrans of the workshop Rome came to travel as far as Judea; such small coins don't usually travel. In the senatorial workshop established at Antioch for the coinage of copper, we did not mint quadrans,

(3) Joseph. Ant. Jud. XVIII, 9, 1.

(4) Maimonides. From sicl. III, 1. .

(5) Matt. XVII, 24-28.

(6) Matt. XXII, 15-21; Luke, xx, 20-2S.

(7) John. vi, 17; xii, 5.

(8) Matt. X, 29; Luke, xir, 6.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 157

Under Vespasian, after the capture of Jerusalem, they struck in Judea the only Greek imperial coins which bear the name of the country, and this to celebrate its defeat, the coins bronze to the legend lOYAAIAC EAAWKYIAC (1). They must have been struck in the workshop of Caesarea, same as the aureus of Titus with the corresponding Latin legend laying IVDAEA DEVICTA (2). We then have, under Domitian, some Lutin copper coins from cials^ without the letters S C, that their work and their origin- constant nance, as well as their types, show having were minted in Samaria or Caesarea to circulate in Ju- dice (3). Then, from that moment on, Judea did not possess no more own provincial currencies; she used those of the province of Syria.

In all these facts, we see quite clearly emerging the delimitation of the main monetary districts provincials admitted into the Empire, and most of which had been established by Augustus himself. As already we observed it under the Képublique, they do not coincide not exactly related to administrative divisions. So several provinces with separate administration are united to form the broadcasting district and of circulation of the tetradrachms which are grafted onto the an- old series of cistophores. On the other hand, countries placed under the same administration and in the same pro- Vince, like Crete and Cyrenaica, have currencies

(1) Saulcy, Numistn. Judaica, p. ISS; Numism. of the Holy Land, p. 79 et seq.; Madden, Jewish coiiiage^ p. 183.

(2) Cohen, M I, 1. 1, p. 347, no. 45; Madden, p. 190.

(3) Cohen, MI, t. I, p. 430, nos. 354 and 355; Madden, p. 197; Saulcy, Numism. of the Holy Land, p. 80-82.

158 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

different. Bithynia and Pontus form a single pro- vince; but monetarily Bithynia is aggregated to Asia, while Pontus is distinct from it. The community monetary standard between several of these constituencies of provincial currencies, Syria, Cappadocia and Cyprus, is likely to make one think that their species could this case circulate from one to the other, and the metal deposits stones that we discover confirm this hypothesis thesis. It's perhaps even to make it easier between classes monetary between these provinces which were not allowed to be minted only tetradrachms in Syria and drachmas in Cappa- doce: the first of these provinces was thus obliged to borrow from the other the divisional pieces and the second multiples to the first.

In general, there is only one central workshop per each constituency, and it is placed in the metropolis, in Antioch for Syria, in Caesarea for Cappadocia, in Alexandria for Egypt. If the manufacturing is not con- centered in the same way in the constituency which includes Asia with Bithynia and Pamphylia, it is precisely because it includes several provinces and that in that of Asia several cities have the rank of me- tropole (1).

3. The provincial silver coins of Crete have a different character from those we have until now reviewed. We read there the name of the emperor, that of the Roman governor, that of the people of the province, finally that of the city of issue more or less abbreviated, because we

(1) Marquardt, Handb. d. rom. Al{erth. t. III, 1, p. 139.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 159

hit in Eleutliernse, Gortjne, Hierapytna, Cydonia and Polyrrhenion (1). Generally, these coins are issued at name of the Cretans, KPHTE2, and the name of the emperor is at dative of dedication. The making of these kinds of money only took place, moreover, during the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius (2). Afterwards, we only find coins of copper bearing the effigy and the imperial legend, reverse the mention of KOINON KPHTHN; they extend gent until under Caracalla. When a currency comes from cial silver reappears for a moment under Trajan, it is all imperial, with on one side the head and the legend of the emperor in Latin, on the other the image of the goddess Dic- tynna and the inscription Al KTYNNA KPHTHN (3); the people of the province is only mentioned in one way indirect, in the qualification of its national goddess. “The name from Crete still found on silver coins imperial of the first reigns, judiciously notes Mr. Mommsen (i), only proves that the government did not attach much importance to this small State^ and that he did not believe it necessary to thwart, from the outset, his tendencies towards autonomy and its hopes for freedom. »

In Cilicia, a province to which one could still leave without political inconvenience certain appearances of freedom, we are going even further down this path. Coinage of provincial money, which never seems to have been very

Ci) Eckhel, D N, t. He, p. 301 et seq.; Mionnet, t. II, p. 2S7 et seq.; Suppl. t. IV, p. 296 et seq.; Mommsen, MR. p. 330 et seq.

(2) The analogous piece from the reign of Nerva (Mionnet, t. II, p. 239, n** 9) is false.

(3) Mionnet, Stippl. t. IV, p. 297, no. 8.

(4) M R, t. III, p. 349.

160 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

numerous, but which extends until under Caracalla, takes the form of a semi-autonomous coinage of the city of Tarsus, metropolis of the province (1). If these parts have still the imperial effigy, the name of the city is inva- laughably written on the reverse, with the title which gave it the privilege of issuing currency for the province; we're there sometimes even finds the Assembly mentioned, KOINO- BOYAION, who sat in this city.

4. This naturally leads us to examine the facts local and municipal coinage during the period of the Empire, and the rules that emerge from it.

As expected, we do not encounter silver coins local people only in towns which have the title of free, autonomous and immune. Still all those who are in In this case they do not enjoy this privilege. Some of the greatest, richest and most glorious cities that retain nominal autonomy, such as Athens, Rhodes, Cyzicus, no longer have permission to issue only copper coins. The facts of my- accumulation of silver by the cities under the Empire are, moreover, few enough in number so that we can all review (2d.

(1) Eckhel, D iV, t. III, p. 72 et seq.; Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 329.

(2) It is necessary, above all, to remove as false the following documents: vantes, which have been cited as examples of coinages of this genre:

Bagae (Lydie), at the head of Gallien: Mionnet, t. IV, p. 18, no. 92.

Clazomène (lonie), at the head of Augustus: Mionnet, t. III, p. 70, No. 77.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 161

Tire continues to manufacture its tetradrachms of ar- fully autonomous form, without anything reminiscent of imperial supremacy, until after the year 183 of his Lo- wedge, 57 AD. (1), that is to say in the first years of Nero's reign. Tetradrachms purely imperials of Antioclia, minted for the province of Syria, which we talked about earlier, do not begin that in 54 of the Christian era. Previously, under Augustus, the city of Antioch, as a municipality, had issued in his name from the tetradrachms at the head of the emperor, since the year 25 until the year o6 of the Actiac era, that is to say from o av. BC to 6 AD (2). This coinage then had ceased, by a cause which remains unknown to us, and Seleucia, succeeding to the privilege of Antioch, had manufactured tetra- drachmas under the same conditions (3), from the year 38 to the year 54 of the era of Actium (4), therefore until under Tiberius (5),

The Lycian League, a republic only vassal of Rome and the emperor, continues its coinage of silver until Claude, who puts an end to his existence. Only,

Seleucia of Calycadnos (Cilicia), at the head of Hadrian: Mionnet, t. m, p. 600, no. 294.

Tralles (Lydie), at the head of Matidie: Mionnet, t. IV, p. 184, No. 1066.

(1) Eckhel, D N. t. III, p. 380; Mionnet, t. V, p. 416.

(2) Eckhel, D iV, t. III, p. 272 and 287.

(3) Mionnet, Suppl. t. VIII, p. 188, no. 288.

(4) Mionnet, t. V, p. 276, no. 887.

(5) We also have a Greek tetradrachm from Tiberius which appears to have been struck Laodicea, where the name of the city is not written, but where we see those of two local magistrates: Mionnet, Suppl. t. VII, p. 170, No. 220.

II. 11

162 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

we have already noticed (in this chapter, § 3, 2), it then abandons its old monetary system to strike denarii and bronzes of the ace system. But these parts still have the old federal types and are issued in the name of the League and its cities (1). The effigy imperial replaces on the right the head of Apollo, like homage to the overlord, but it is without legend.

Under Augustus, we still meet in Byzantium what tetradrachms with the name of the city and the portrait of the emperor, but not his name (2), and in Chios a drachma which has on one side 1EBA2T01 and on the other the name of the local magistrate, but no effigy (3). In these two localities, this coinage of silver does not continue any longer late.

I. Aodicea of Syria strikes a few tetradrachms on his name and at the head of the sovereign, first under Nero (/i), then under Hadrian (5). The emission of the latter coincides with the moment when the Antioch workshop almost ceases completely to strike his imperial tetradrachms, to resume manufacturing only under Pertinax (6). The removal of the privilege of owning an art workshop

(1) Cavedoni, Observations on the coins of Lycia, p. H; Lei- cester Warren, Greek federal coinaye, p. 38; Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 3H.

(2) Eckhel, D N, l. II, p. 59; Mionnet. 1. 1, p. 449, n-149 and 150.

(3) Mionnet, t. III, p. 278, no. 128; Suppl. t. VI, p. 402, no. 113.

(4) Mionnet, t. V, p. 248, no. 719.

(5) Mionndt, t. V, p. 251, no. 736; Suppl. t. VIII, p. 173, no. 229 and 230.

(6) Mommsen, M R, t. III, p. 230. — However, we have one or two te- tradrachms of Marcus Aurelius and one of Commodus, which fit into the series of those of Aotioche.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 163

provincial government had been one of the measures by which Hadrian had punished the rebellion of Antioch, and we know that it was only Septimius Severus who, at the request of his son Caracalla, restored to the city all its ancient rights (1).

Moreover, Hadrian, the traveling emperor and in mind cosmopolitan, also granted to cities other than Laodicea the exceptional right to mint silver coins particular. It was under him that Gas of Cilicia, who immediately took then the nickname Hadrianae, attested by numismatics, minted silver coins of the weight of the ancient staters of the province (2); it was under him that the very abundant issue of drachmas from Amisos of Pontus, who continued under Antoninus (3). Finally Stratonicea of Caria we offer a tetradrachm in his name, with the head and the name by Antoninus the Pious (4).

We see how restricted and sporadic these facts are. It is clear, from this, that under the Empire the principles of monetary legislation are no longer the same as under the Republic, that the cities declared free and autonomous no longer have, by virtue of their very situation, the right absolute to mint a silver coin of their own. In the very rare cases where they have the license to coin this metal, it is only after formal permission, special, temporary and revocable, of the Emperor; and in generally this authorization only remains for a short time in force. Their coinage, moreover, is, despite its external forms of semi-autonomy, completely

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 297.

(2) Mionnef, t. III, p. S40, n" 19; Momrasen, MR, t. III, p. 329.

(3) Eckhel, DN, t. II, p. 348; Mionnet, t. II, p. 344 et seq.

(4) Mionnet, t. III, p. 378, no. 440.

II. 1 1 .

164 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

subject to the supervision and direction of the governor of the province, regulated by its ordinances (1). A kind of right, the indication and the solution of which have given us been preserved by the Digest (2), is based on the fact of a governor who, around the time of Marcus Aurelius, had monetized the cash of a city, which unfortunately soms or does not give us the name, as being of a title too altered.

5. With the scarcity of coinage permissions money granted to cities under the Empire, contrast, in On the contrary, the breadth and ease deployed, for all the provinces of the Orient, by the imperial government in the granting of local coinage authorizations copper. This permission becomes the ordinary fact for all the cities in the eastern half of the Empire. He is very few towns in these countries, even of the second order, which are not represented in the immense series known as the Greek imperials. Many, who had not had coinage specific to previous eras, then only their appearance in numismatics. This multi- application of municipal coinage permissions, limited to copper, during the imperial era, was due to several causes. We were flattered by privileges of this kind, which little consequence, the vanity of the Greek cities, and they are attached to Roman domination. It was one of the expressions most externally sensitive aspects of this policy of emperors, who, from the first day, tended to favor

(1) Mommsen, MR, t. III, p. 240.

(2) XLVI, 3, 402.

LOr IN ANCIENT COINS 165

the provinces, frighteningly oppressed by the aristocracy Roman in the last days of the Republic. In at the same time, it appears to be an economic necessity, in compensating, through this development of local currencies, the insufficiency of the copper coinage of the Empire, whose production had been handed over to the Senate (see § 8 of this chapter, and book VII, chap. iv, g 1). There was, in fact, for the entire immense expanse of the Roman world, only two senatorial mints, one in Rome and the other in Antioch (see in this book, § 8 of this cla[)iter, and chap. IV, § 2). It was not enough to produce the mass of additional copper currency necessary for be- care of daily circulation, small acquisitions of the daily life of millions of men subjected to scepter of the emperor • not to mention the difficulties of communications and the cost of transport of this mon- naive, essentially cumbersome, would not have allowed that from Rome and Antioch it spread in great quantities to the depths of the most remote provinces. The development of this municipal coinage for the circulation internal lation of each city therefore responded to a verification table need^ from the moment that the emperor had not responsible for supplying copper money to his subjects, by having her struck by her authority in ate links distributed among the various regions.

But if permission for municipal copper coinage was thus given with extreme ease, it did not constitute nowhere killed a right existing by itself; she resulted from formal authorizations, subject to name- many restrictions, severe regulations, and partially revocable. And in this respect we do not enter we see no difference between the condition of the cities

166 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

declared most solemnly free and autonomous, and that of cities which did not enjoy the same privileges. All the former gained was the ability to write high-sounding titles of freedom in the legends of their municipal currencies. But, from a monetary point of view silence, no real rights resulted. Among some as with the others, the series of coins struck under emperors often offer notable interruptions, revealing periods of suspension of the mon- nayage, that the historical facts known by the writers and the inscriptions are not always enough to explain. The condition of a free city does not even translate into a greater development of municipal coinage; there has certain cities endowed with the broadest privileges and commercially important, such as Byzantium and Rhodes, whose monetary series at the time of the emperors is sin- regularly poor compared to those of cities which do not enjoy do not know nominally such beautiful rights. Note, from remains, to complete the determination of the nature of the per- coining missions, which had to be given by the emperor directly or in his name by the government neur of the province (see what will be said in the following §, about the colonies), that for many cities they were only temporary and very short. We would make a long list of cities where we only have coins under one or two emperors; but, in general, they are second or third rate cities.

Moreover, so that the semi-autonomy concession monetary, thus granted to the municipal administration of so many cities, was not too extensive and too significant to mark its origin, as well as the rights of the imperial verainety, an almost absolute rule imposed

bA. LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 167

place on the main face of the municipal currency of copper the effigy and name of the emperor or a member of its family, and the name and type of the city on the reverse. Very few cities, like Athens, Chios and Mas- soiled (1), to the ])restige which attached to their name and their souvenirs, to be allowed to leave copper coins that they struck a fully autonomous appearance, putting only their name and their types, without mention of the prince who reigned in Eome and who really held them in his hand.

The common name of Greek Imperials is, moreover, not very accurate and does not correspond to the true nature of

(1) M. Mommsen {M R, t. III, p. 233) and M. Herzog (Ga///ae A'arfeonen- sis provinciae romanae historia, p. iQi) believe that all coinage ceased in Massalie after the capture of this city by Cé?ar, because of the absence of Mention of emperors on Massaliote coins. But it was only- ineat the right to mint a silver coin which it then lost. He is indisputable that the manufacture of silver species from Massalie takes place continued until this moment, and on the other hand the mass monetary series liote continues long after the cessation of the coinage of money, in the form of very small copper coins, some of which some, according to all the characteristics of the manufacture and style, belong nent to an advanced period of the imperial era (La Saussaye, Numism. de Narbonne Gaul, Massilia, n°' 388-421, 423-431). A copy of the n" 429 of M. de La Saussaye, coming out from under the corner, was found Aix in the cinerary urn of a tomb from the 2nd century AD (Saint- Vincens, cited by La Saussaye, Numisra. of Narbonne Gaul, p. 88), and this is not the most recent of these pieces. Without doubt, the privilege which Ma^^salie thus enjoyed was unique in the West; but there was no no other Greek city in this half of the Roman world either who would have retained the same, despite all the rights that Caesar had entrusted to him lifted, his status as free and even his authority over some other cities (Strab. IV, p. 181), like Athenopolis (Plin. H i\, III, 4). Also Pom- ponius Mêla (II, 5), under Claudius, would he have admired that she had remained in this condition, and in the 6th century Agathias (1, [>. 12, Paris ed.) said that she had only ceased to be Greek to become barbarian.

168 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

these currencies, which, despite the obligatory presence of the effi- gies of the sovereign^ are municipal and not imperial. He It is important to insist on this point today that in France some numismatists, too little erudite if they have a great practical handling of medals, claim, yielding to petty considerations intended to flatter tastes of curious ignorant people (1), bring back numismatics two centuries ago, going back from Eckhel to Vaillant, removing see the series of Greek Imperials of the geographical order than cities to place it under the rubric of impediments reurs. The formulas of the legends of these documents determine express their true character in the most precise manner (see. book. IV, clip. II). The names of the emperors are always days in the nominative, in the accusative, case which reveals a formula of honor, or in the dative, case denoting a dedication, never in the genitive case, which would characterize the possession of the mon- nae ; it is, on the contrary, the name of the city, or more often wind of his people, which is in the genitive case of belonging; the currency is that of the city's inhabitants. She doesn't therefore strikes not for the prince and by his authority, but by the city itself, on its own behalf and under its own guaranteed. The agents of the sovereign only give the permission and maintain control. It is by way of honor neur, a mark of respect and submission, of recognition birth of sovereignty, that the head of the emperor there is engraved where in the truly free times the bust of the city's protective deity. Also this effi- is gieimperiale sometimes exchanged at the same time

(1) Even if I put myself from the point of view of the purely curious, I would not know understand this trend. Why wouldn't we be also flattered to place in his medal a rare city that an imperial head little common?

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 169

against the head of a divinity (1), at Cyzicus, for example, against that of Coré Sotira, or that of a protective genius, of an allegorical personification of the people or the Senate, AHMOC, rePOYCIA, lePA CYNKAHTOC I don’t know not from this point of view a more interesting and more instructive that the tetradrachms struck under Augustus and under Tiberius in Byzantium (2). They have no other legend than on one side the name of the people in the genitive case, BYrANTinN('mo?inme) of the Byzantines, on the other the mention of the city magistrate, Eni MATPOAnPOY HPOIENOY, under {the judiciary of) Melodorus Heroxene; but the main face of the piece offers the head of Augustus as sovereign, and the reverse that of the king deThrace Cotys V. This one had no direct authority on the free Greek city, covered by the Roman protectorate hand, but he was powerful and well regarded at the court of Tempe ■ reur; his domains touched the territory of Byzantium; there had an interest in taking care of it, and the city sought to capture its

(1) There would be work of the greatest importance to be done, and which has never yet been even hinted at by anyone. It would consist of try to determine and classify historically, according to the indications tions of style and the precise chronological milestones provided by the names of local magistrates existing simultaneously on documents from one and of the other species, the coins of Greek cities with a puckish appearance. autonomously which are contemporary with those with imperious eflSgies rials. The result of similar work will establish that they are many more numerous than is generally believed and that we have struck throughout the period when the so-called Greek imperials. This study requires, moreover, great patience, severe and careful criticism, and a lot of practical experience of ancient coins. I don't think I'm committing an indiscretion by di- knowing that Mr. E. Muret has been pursuing it for several years with zeal and perseverance. Those who were able to appreciate what his modesty conceals of true science know that no one is more capable than he to succeed in it.

(2) Pellerin, Medals of Kings, pi. IV, No. 3; Eckhel, D N, t. II, p. 59; Mionnet, 1. 1, p. 4i9, W' 149 and loO.

170 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

benevolence with this honorary monetary tribute. By against, on another tetraclrachm from the same city (1), struck in the time of Tiberius, we see on one side the head of Augustus struck off with the legend 0EOI 1EBAIT02, of the other that of Livia with the legend 0EA lEBAlTH, and the mention of the city no longer occurs except in the abbreviated form BYZ, placed below Livia's head.

We have seen, moreover, above (in this chapter, §1,5), that the representation of the royal effigy on the mon- urban areas had been one of the conditions of autonomy restricted monetary grant granted to many cities in the Syria by Antiochus IV. The presence of this effigy, although the currency was not issued in the name of the king, was a tribute and recognition of its sovereignty superior. It is for the same reason that Mithridates did put his head on the coins of the city of Smyrna, when he was master of Ionia (2). It is easy to cite again a certain number of other examples of the same nature in Greek numismatics between Alexander and Augustus. We thus have the tetradrachm of Lacedaemon whose right offers a royal head, which is probably the one of Antigone Doson (3)^ homage of submission rendered to king of Macedonia after his victory at Sellasia. Parts silver coins of Carystos of Euboea bear an effigy still undetermined king (4), perhaps that of Attalus 1" ofPer-

(1) Cohen, J/J, 1. 1, p. 107.

(2) Mionnet, t. III, p. 217, no. 1210.

(3) Bompois, Historical study on the portraits attributed to Cleomenes III, Paris, 1870.

(i) Irahoof-Blumer, Zeitschr. f. ISumism. t. III, p. 302 et seq., pi. VUI, Nos. 9 and 10.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 171

game. The autonomous cities included in the States that Marc-Antoine had given Cleopatra, Ascalon (1), Berytus (2), Tripolis (3), then placed his head on their coins, and Ascalon also put on its tetradraclimes autonomous that of Ptolemy Caesarion (4). Other cities, who were not in Cleopatra's royal states, but which were part of the provinces left to Antony by the peace of Brundise, returned to the queen of Egypt the tribute of monetary effigy to flatter one's lover; this was the case of Patres of Achaia (5), of Damascus (6) and of Ara- back (7); in Nicopolis of Cilicia, his image was associated with that of the triumvir on autonomous municipal currencies (8), as also at Tripolis of Plienicia (9) and Arados (10). We see that, by imposing the imperial effigy on the coinage

(1) Saulcy, Rev num. 1874, p. 126; Feuardent, Rev. num. 1874, p. 184 et seq.

(2) Feuardent, Ancient Egypt, Coins of the kings, p. 128.

(3) Mionnet, t. V, p. 397, no. 401.

(4) Feuardent, Rev. num. 1874, p, 184 et seq.

(o) Mionnet, t. VI, p. 60o, no. 56; Feuardent, Ancient Egypt, Coins of kings, p. 127.

(6) Mionnet, t. V, p. 285, no. 23-25.

(7) Mionnet, Suppl. t. VIII, p. 321, no. 408.

(8) Mionnet, t. II, p. 56, no. 81.

(9) Mionnet, t. V, p. 397, no. 402-403. — Mr. Bompois {Rev. numism. 1868, p. 96) sees, in the woman's head associated with that of Antoine on the coins of Tripolis, Octavia instead of Cleopatra; but the dates of The documents do not allow this attribution to be accepted. These are the years 23 of the Pompeian era of Syria (42-41 BC), predating the marriage of Antony and Octavia, then 30 of the same era (35-34 BC), post- laughing at the breakup between the triumvir and his wife. Besides, Tripolis belonged to Cleopatra, and she would not have allowed the portrait of her rival over the currencies of a city which depended on itself as queen.

(10) Mionnet, Suppl. t. YIII, p. 321, n-409 and 410.

172 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

rriunicipal of copper of the Greek cities^ we followed a Liellenic tradition whose first examples dated from the time of Alexander's successors (1); only we

(1) This usage went back even to an earlier era, to the traditions tions of the Achaemenid empire. At least I remain convinced, and I hope to be able to prove absolutely, in chapter i^'^ of book IV, that the effigies wearing the Persian mitra, which we see on a a number of coins from Greek cities in Asia Minor, such as on provincial species with the legend BAZIAEOZ (currency) of the King par excellence, that is to say of the Great King (book VI, chap. iv, § 2), effigies usually considered in recent works such as those of satraps (see mainly Brandis, p. 240 et seq.; Barclay Head, Num. chron. n. s. t. XVI, p. 289), are in reality portraits of kings of Persia, who alone possessed the right of effigy in their empire. So I don't hesitate not to be recognized, with Mr. Waddington (Mélanges de nvfyiixmalique, vol. I, p. 96-100), the head of Artaxerxes Mneraon on the right of a golden siatère of Lampsaque, without royal legend, having on the reverse the constant type of the city (Waddington, op. cit. t. I, pi. VII, no. 3).

A staier of Cyzicus offers us as a type, as an honor rendered, not to a suzerain authority, but to princes with whom they were in friendly and close commercial relations and whose goodwill lance was necessary for their interests, the effigy of one of the kings of the Bosphorus Cimmerian, wearing the conical felt tiara which was their ca- characteristic, and whose debris still existed around the skull of that of these kings whose tomb was discovered under the tumulus of the Koul-Oba, near Kerch [Antiquities of the Cimmerian Bosphorus, t. I, p. 17 and 19). But nothing proves that this effigy was that of a living king, that the tribute thus rendered was not of a commemorative character, it appears poking, for example, at the founder of the dynasty of Bosnian monarchs Poritans. The people of Lampsacus, who had at the bottom of the Pont-Euxine the same commercial interests as those of the Cyzicenians and made them competition in the Panticapaea market, have placed the same head on a of their staters of pure gold (Sestini, Descr. di stateri antichi, pi. IV, n" 3). The image of Phanagoras, the legendary founder of Phanagoria, is re- presented wearing the same conical tiara on the coins of this city (De Kœhne, Muiee du prince Kotchouhcy, vol. I, p. 403). The king's head of the Bosphorus figured on the staters of Cj'zique and Lampsaque therefore the character of a heroic representation rather than a tribute returned to a prince during his lifetime.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 173

regularized the application by making it general and cons- aunt. Moreover, even before the establishment of the Empire, the Romans had admitted applications of this usage in the leader of their generals or the leaders of the Republic. We will see in § 7 of this chapter that at least at from a certain time Ximperator or the proconsul possessed the right of monetary effigy to the extent of its command, and that to this right was attached that, con- served in both provinces of Asia and Africa until s(>us Augustus, remove his portrait from the coins municipal authorities of cities. Many Greek cities have started Korea, between Philippi and Actium, the currencies they struck in their own name, portraits of the triumvirs, or that of Antony alone (i), as master of the East, either from his image associated with that of Octave and Lepidus (2) or of the Octave alone (3). But it is not only at triumvir under whose hand they were placed and to his colleagues that the Greek cities paid this homage; their flattery towards him went further, and there is a numismatic of the women of Antoine among the mon- municipal courts of Greek cities. Outside of the rooms at the head of Cleopatra, struck as far as Achaia, of which we have just spoken, we find that of Fulvie on a coin of Eumenia of Phrygia^ which took a while the name Fulvia in honor of this ambitious me-

(1) Alexandria of Egypt, Aradoset Balanée; Antoine's head is located also on the colonials of Corinth, Parium of Mysia and Zacynthus, as well only on some coins of the Kingdom of Pontus, where it is associated with that of King Poiémon.

(2) Ephesus.

(3) Thessaloniki. — A coin from Ephesus unites the effigies of Mark Antoine, Octavie and Octave.

174 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

manages (4), and that of Octavia on the coins of Pella and Thessaloniki of Macedonia (2). It is true that the intro- duction of these last two effigies takes place in a manner a little diverted on the Greek city coins; we gives the features of one or other of these women of the triumvir to protective deities. The bust of Fulvia is equipped with the wings of Victory (3); Octavia's head Thessalonica is accompanied by inscriptions which make it the goddess of Liberty, EAEY0EPIA, or the personification of the Public Games Institution, AFflNOGEIlA. It's as well as, on Roman die coins, the head of Livia only appears as that of Piety, PIETAS, of Justice, IVSTITIA, or Health, SALVS AVGVSTA (4), that Julie, daughter of Augustus, is represented on a denier Roman only without his name and in the form of a head of Diana to whom we gave her features (5). Among the Greeks, remains, where the first royal head which had appeared on the currency had been that of Alexander as new Hera- keys, as god and son of Zeus, a certain idea of apo- theose was attached to the monetary effigy. By placing that of the emperor where, at the time of full autonomy, they

(1) Waddington, Rev. num. 1853, p. 248, pi. X, no. 5.

(2) On the portraits of Octavia, see. Bompois, Rev. num. 1868, p, 63- 101; De Witte, Archaeological Gazette, 187S, p. 121-124.

(3) It is still surely the head of Fulvie in Victory that we must re- know about the silver quinaires struck at Lugdunum: De Witte, mera. cit. p. 123. We will return a little later to these parts.

(4) Cohen, he/ /, t. I, p. 106.

(5) Cohen, M I, 1. 1, p. 1 12, Julie and Auguste. — His head is frankly not a portrait only on the denarii where she is associated, on the reverse of Augustus, with those of his two sons Caius and Lucius Caesars.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 175

put that of their protective divinity, and where that of a God of Olympia alone still sometimes replaced her, Greek cities performed religious worship towards the imperial divinity as much as political homage in- towards the sovereign. The two notions were also inserted parable for the Greeks and in general for the provincials, among whom especially the adoration of the temple had developed living reur, the religion of imperial authority, which has become as a sensitive expression of the political bond of the Em- worse, a symbol of Roman unity (1).

Substitution, which sometimes occurs, as we we have already said, to the portrait of the Emperor or of a member ber of his family, of the head of an allegorical personification risk (2) explained by the legends CYNKAHTOC, IGPA CYNKAHTOCouiePAN CYNKAHTON, GGON CYNKAHTON, is also very important to clearly determine in what capacity and with what character the imperial effigy is placed on the coins of Greek cities. Eckhel (3) has superabundance- ment demonstrated that this personification was that of the Senate of Kome, to which was reserved, in the habits of the Greek administrative language, the name of auyxXyjroç, while local city senates were called ^ovl-h or yecovdx. On a piece by Synnada de Phrjgie (4), we

(1) See. on this subject the excellent remarks of Mr. Boissierj The reli- Roman region from Augustus to the Anlonines, t. I, p. 173 et seq.

(2) The gender of this personification varies. Most often, the head is nal and juvenile, naked or laureate; but sometimes it is also a head of veiled woman (to Nysa of Caria, for example), because the name of oijYy.).viToç was feminine in Greek. Moreover, on the different types of re- presentation of the personified Roman Senate, in numismatics, see. Witte, Rev. num. 1862, p. 106-111.