Money in Antiquity, vol. II: Monetary Systems — 1878

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2010 with funding from

University of Ottawa

Iittp://www.arcliive.org/details/lacoindansla02leno

CURRENCY

IN ANTIQUITY

CURRENCY

IN ANTIQUITY

LESSONS TEACHED

IN THE CHAIR OF ARCHEOLOGY

NEAR THE NATIONAL LIBRARY

fAU

FRANCIS LENORMANT

NEW EDITION

TOMMY SECOND

PARIS H. WELTER, BOOKSTORE-PUBLISHER

59, HUE BONAPARTE, 59

1897

r.EIPZKi: H. WELTER, SALOMONSTRASSE, Kî

i mm %

^

v>

h

„^

BOOK III

Lk LAW IN ANCIENT COINS

CHAPTER ONE

NATURE OF THE RIGHT OF COINAGE IN ANTIQUITY

§ 1. — The right of coinage

IN THE GREEK AND ASIAN WORLD, UNTIL THE CONQUEST

ROMAN.

1. In ancient times as in modern times, the right to coin money was generally an attribute exclusive of sovereignty. Among the G-recs, before the time of Alexander, this principle admits of no derogation. There where the constitution was republican, we read on the currency the name of the people or city by whose authority it was struck, sometimes accompanied, in certain cited, the name or symbol of the magistrate responsible for coinage (see, in this book, cbap. m, § 1; book IV, chap. II and m), which thus added its personal guarantee of civil servant with the official guarantee of the State. Where the constitution was monarchical, as in Macedonia, the royal name is inscribed on numismatic monuments, and in the territories subject to the authority of the sovereign we do not encounter any piece bearing the name of a city. Alone among the Greek kings of this period, Philip of Macedonia, among the many privileges he granted, to make it prosper quickly, to the city founded by II. i.

4 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

he, UNDER his own name, at the foot of Mount Pangea, com- took the right of autonomous monetary issue (1), while that he removed it from all the Greek cities hitherto in- dependent, which he conquered successively along the coasts of its States.

Here the legal difference which existed between the power of the kings of semi-barbarian countries subject to the influence of Hellenism and the Tuoawo; Greek cities, whatever the absolute character of the authority that this one exercised by the fact. The latter was not, from the point of view of public law, even when the office of the tyrant managed to maintain for several generations in the same family, that the life head of a republic, which continues prevented from existing legally and nominally; also is it in the name of the people he exercised his authority and rendered his decrees. This particular character of the power of the tyrannos is reflected in the coinage. While the kings of the little ones peoples of Thrace and Paeonia, as well as those of Macedonia, inscribe their names on the coins that they strike, in the fullness of their power of ciXeî'ç (2), none of the tyrants of Greece proper, of Si-

(1) Gold and silver coins of the city of Philippi: Mionnet, t, I, p. 485; Stippl. t. III, p. 100; P. Lambros, Buîlet. archaeol. by VAthéimum French, 1855, p. 16.

(2) Also Getas, king of the Edonians, carefully inscribes his title from paatXsù; On his coins: Millingen, Sylloge of rjreek coins, pi. 1, Nos. 15 and 16; Lenormant, Num. rs. gr. ft. IX, nos. 7 and 9.

The other princes decorated with this title, before Alexander the Great, in Macedonia, Thrace and elsewhere, do not include it following their name on monetary species, obviously out of consideration for the susceptibilities of the powerful king of Persia, who claimed to have the sole right to wear it (see book IV, chap, ii).

We do not know as a result of what circumstance, while the Edonians

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 5

island and Magna Graecia, even the most powerful, the more despotic, those who hold the most space in history, does not arrogate to itself a similar right. The currencies struck under their authority do not mention them and do not bear no other inscription than that of the people. By example, we only read the names of the people of Messana and Elegium on the species minted in these cities at the time of Anaxilas (1) (see book VII, chap. i, § 2), that that of Syracusans on the coins issued during the reigns of Gélon (2), of Hiero I''" (3) and of the two Dionysius (4) (book VII, cliap. l, § 1), that of the Athenians on the plays of Pisistratus and the Pisistratides (book VI, chap. m, g 3); we only see the national type of Cyrene, and the name of the people in the rare copies where there is a legend, on all the coinage monuments of Cyrenaica, at the time of the Battiades dynasty (3) (see book VI, chap. III, § 4, and chap. iv,g 4). Only Alexander, tyrant of Pherae in Thessaly is an exception to this rule; he signs his coins of his name, without mentioning the people he governs (6); but in this he seems to imitate his neighbors the kings of Macedonia; he departs from Greek usages to follow those of barbarians or mixo-barbarians. Its currencies and

have royal coins, their neighbors the Bisalles, which nevertheless were also governed by kings, only inscribed on their species the name of the people (Mionnet, t. I, p. 470, n° 165).

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. I, p. 177 and 22L

(2) Barclay Head, Coins of Syracuse, p. 6 et seq.

(3) Ibid. p. 9 et seq.

(4) Ibid. p. 20 et seq.

(o) L. Miiller, Numism. of ancient Africa, t. I, p. 9-12 and 42. (6) iVMf”. chron. t. VII (1845), p. 110; Rev. num. 1859, pi. III, no. 1.

6 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

those of his successor Tisiphonos (1) mark precisely- transition between the ancient principles of law public in monetary matters and new uses of the era after Alexander the Great, when anyone will seize, even temporarily, the sole power, will sign his name on the cash put into circulation, because from now on, in the cities and countries of Hell- niques, we will see peaceful ones rise, and no longer simple ones Tiîpavvoi.

2. In the vast empire of the kings of Persia, whose constitution, on a large number of points, had some something feudal, or at least in part of the empire, the coinage right had a particular character (2) (see book VI, chap. iv, § 2). The scientists who, until in recent times, had admitted that, in the empire of Achaemenids, monetary law belonged to the sole verain, had been led to this conclusion by a exaggerated interpretation of Herodotus' passage (3) relating to Aryandes, satrap of Egypt under Darius P'. 11 is not there not said, in fact, that Aryandès was punished by the Great King for having minted money, but that the jealousy of Darius, having been excited against this satrap because he struck a silver currency better than his own, he claimed of a plan of revolt to destroy him. The story has therefore a character quite different from that which was attributed to it.

(1) Mionnet, Suppl. t. IK.p. 309, no. 272.

(2) See. Waddington, Numismatic Mixtures, 1. 1, p. 3 et seq.; Bran- say, p. 219-243.

(3) IV, 166.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 7

In reality^ if we consult the testimony of the monu- numismatics themselves, here is what we note. The king of Persia reserved himself exclusively, and with great jealousy, the right to issue currency gold (1); he did not allow any city or town to be struck no local dynast. The rare exceptions to this rule that we could cite, and which will be discussed in the continuation of our work, when we will deal with the nu- mismatics of the Acbemenid empire from Darius to Alexandre, constitute acts of usurpation on the self- sovereign rity, which only occurred in certain circumstances ments of trouble. In all the interior provinces of its States, which a particularly close bond attached probably to the crown and where, moreover, the use of the currency had only imperfectly become naturalized (see more top, book I, chap. m, § 3, 1), the king of Persia appears not have tolerated the production of cash other than its own species, bearing its personal and official type, either common currencies of empire, or pro-currencies wines specially struck, and according to a system particular, for the internal circulation of certain sa- trapies (2).

But it was different in the western provinces. tales of the empire, mainly where the population was Greek or Phoenician. Four of the ancient satrapies of Darius son of Hystaspes, the P% including the Eoiie, Rionia, Caria, Lycia and Pamphylia (divided more late in three: Aeolia and Mysia, with the coast of Mysia,

(1) Mommsen, MB, 1. 1, p. 13; Brandis, p. 2oo.

(2) On these provincial coins of the King of Persia, see. Brandis p. 232 et seq.

8 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

on the one hand, Caria on the other, finally Lycia and Pamphylia, from the moment when the Persians resumed the offensive against the Greeks after the fall of Athenian power), the ir or satrapy of Dascylion, embracing the Hellespont, Phrygia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, the IV% of Cilicia^ and the V% of Phenicia, Syria and Cyprus, enjoyed a special monetary regime. Here, — the beautiful ones research by M. Waddington and J. Brandis, of which he It is only necessary to restrict the conclusions to these regions, have definitively proven it, — the right of coinage of metals other than gold was an essentially mu- nicial, a right specific to each city, however small that it was, and, consequently, the coins struck in each city were marked with particular types and signed with the name of the people, often accompanied by that of a responsible magistrate. If the city or province were subject to the power of one man, then the coins had to bear his name, since they were issued under its responsibility. The monuments are now cord with these principles; it is easy to name good number of important cities which have had autonomous currencies for a long series of years, without ever having escaped the Persian yoke (1). 11 will be enough to mention Side, Aspendos, Mallos, Soli, Nagidos and the towns Lycian women, whose numismatics continue without interruption tion from the beginning of the 5th century BC to than the fall of the Persian monarchy (2).

(1) Yoy. the descriptions of medals which complete the work of Brandis.

(2) On these latter currencies, see. Fellows, Coins of ancient Lycia, London, 1833.

LOr IN ANCIENT COINS 9

The specific measures including the administration of the Ci- here was the object, after the revolt of young Cyrus, for better guarantee the maintenance of sovereign authority in this vince, which ensured Susa's communications with Asia Minor, measures which made it a “Country of Empire”, as our neighbors across the country say (1), do not interrupt not the coinage of the purely Greek cities of the lit- toral, like Mallos, Soli, Nagidos. There is more, in the capi- very tale of the satrapy, in Tarsus, we continued the broadcast of an urban currency bearing the name of the city, next to of the manufacture of the species that the satraps beat or the commanders of the fleet of the Great King, and that they si- were moaning about their names; only, to avoid confusion sion between the two kinds of parts leaving the same workshop bind and whose legal tender must have an extent different, we substituted, on the municipal currencies, the Greek legend TEPIIKON (2) to the Aramaic legend T"in, used previously (3), Aramaic being the language assigned to the inscriptions of the pieces of the satraps or military commanders. At the same time, what is more remarkable, we struck, in the same workshop, a provincial coinage with the double legend Kl AIKION in Greek and ^Sn in Aramaic (/i), currency of which the types have nothing which indicates the authority of the king of Persia. But it should be noted,

(1) See. Droysen, Zeituchr. f. Num. t. He, p. 311.

(2) D. de Luynes, Num. satraps. ft. XI.

(3) D. de Luynes, Num. satraps. pi, VIII, n"' 1 and 2; Waddington, Mel. of num. t. I, pi, V, n"' 5 and 6.

Ae of the coins of this period have the bilingual legend TEPZI and "in: Waddington, t. 1, ft. V, No. 7.

(4) Waddington, Mel. denum. ft. V, n"* 3 and 4; see. Brandis, p. 350.

10 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

in these two cases, the constant form of the legend, which offers a neutral adjective in the nominative, KikUiov and Tfpctxov, implied vo(xiG[/.a, and not, as in the immense ma- jority of autonomous currencies, a people's name at the genitive plural; the legend thus becomes a simple indication tion of the place of manufacture and the territory where the production nature must circulate, instead of being that of the people self- nome who issues it in his name; there is a “currency” there tarsian" or "cilician" of origin, not "the currency people of Tarsus” or “Cilicians” (1). The nuance has its value (2). On coins from the Greek cities of Soli and of Nagidos (3), we alternatively have the form of Tetlinique in the plural and genitive case of belonging, NA- riAEnN, lOAEHN, and that of the neutral adjective in the nomi- native, NAriAIKON, 20AIK0N; in these changes, we probably have the hint of vicissitudes in the legal conditions according to which the cities in question made their coins.

Local despots of some cities in Asia Minor had already started to sometimes write down their names on the currency before the conquest of Ionia by Cyrus (see book VI, chap. m, § 1); oldest stater of electrum of Ephesus that one possesses presents a name of

(1) See. Waddington, Mel. of num. t. I, p. H.

(2) However, forms presenting the neutral adjective in the nominative sin- gulier, such as 'ApxaSixôv, 0£cuiy.ôv, sub-enlendu v6îxiCT[jia, is sometimes counteract on pieces of the most absolutely autonomous; but there again, we will see in the following §, the substitution tution of these forms in the name of the people put in the genitive plural implies perhaps the coinage took place under special conditions.

(3) Brandis, p. 498 et seq.

LA LOIDANS ANCIENT COINS U

this genre, that of a certain Phaënnos (1). For the period later than Darius 1", we have the coins of Tjmnes, despot of Terméra in Caria in the first mid-5th century (2). We even have the species struck swords in the name of the great Tbemistocles in the city of Magné- sie (3), whose useful domain had been granted to him by Artaxerxes, when, proscribed by the Athenians, he had refugee at his court {h), and this example is particularly important, because it proves that the installation of Thé- mistocled by the Grand Eoi as despot of a city Greek had entailed for him the possession of the right coinage. Artoapara and Ddênnêbêlê, in- known to history, of which we have minted coins visited in undetermined cities of Lycia (5), me seem to be related to this class of small despots of cities, much more than that of satraps, where we put them away. We also have the coins of Dionysius and of Timotliae, who together exercised the power of tyrants in the city of Heraclea du Pont (6), as vassals of the Achaemenids, in the last times of the existence of the empire.

Moreover, the right of coinage of all dynasts hereditaries who governed cities or territories

(1) Newton, Ntm. chron. n. s. t. X, p. 237; Barclay Head, iVum. chrou. n. s. t. XV, p. 264, pi. VII, n" i.

(2) Waddington, Mel. of mm. t. I, p. 7-14, ft. I, No. 1.

(3) Md. p. 1-6, ft. I, No. 2; Brandis, p. 459.

(4) Thucyd. I, 138; Flat. Themist. 29; Athens. I, p. 29.

(5) Fellows, Coins of Lycia, pi. VII, n"' 3 and 5-7; Brandis, p. 248.

(6) Eckhel. D N. t. II, p. 420.

12 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

more OR less extensive in the western provinces of the Persian monarchy, under the supervision of the satraps, instead direct supporters of the Great King, is an incontestable fact (1). This is how the Phoenician kings of Cition of Cypre (2), those of the other small kingdoms between which ruled this island, kings with Greek names engraved on the mon- naies in rewriting specific to the Cyprians (3), the Teu- crides of Salamis (4), the kings of Byblos in Phoenicia (5) and those of several other still doubtful localities of Phoenician and Aramaic countries, have left us rich se- numismatic ries. We may be surprised to have no coinage of the kings of Sidon alongside those of the kings of Byblos; but this circumstance is probably due to the special condition made in the Persian Empire to the melek of the main Phoenician cities. It was hereditary rement one of the great officers of the crown, having

(1) Brandis, p. 238.

(2) Brandis, p. S0S-S08; Vogiié, Coins of the Phoenician kings of Citium. in Rev. num. from 1867.

(3) The vast majority of these coins were published by the Duke of Luynes, but before the decipherment of Cypriot rewriting had still been consumed: Numismatics and inscriptions c«//)riOïes, Paris, 1832. — A good number of monetary legends are explained in the me- moire of J. Brandis, Versuch zur Entzifferung der kyprischen Schrift, inserted in the Monatsberichte of the Berlm Academy, 1873. — The first overall work on Cypriot numismatics, from the decipherments ments, is that of M. Blau, Zur kypriotischen Miinzkunde, in the Numis- matische Zeitschrift becomes, 187o.

(4) Borrell, Notice on some Greek medals of the kings of Cyprus. Paris, 1836; Brandis, p. 508-511; VonSallet, Zeischr. f. Num. t. II, p. 130-137.

(5) D. de Luynes, Num. satraps. p. 91 et seq., pi. XV and XVI,

n" 42-48; Brandis, p. 511 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 13

right the higher command of the fleet that the Phe- nicia provided its suzerain (1), and consequently a certain no authority over the kings of other cities; it is likely that the advantages of this situation were partly com- designed for him by a restriction of monetary law. Everything indicates that it was in Sidon itself that the the provincial coins of the king of Persia for Pheni- cie (2), coins with which the melek of Sidon was to be loaded to direct manufacturing, having a share in the profits fices; but, this being the case, it must follow naturally, as a consequence, that the suzerain forbade this vassal to mint another currency in parallel with its own name.

We also have coins from the Cape dynasts. padoce, ancestors of the house which took in this country the title royal after Alexander. These coins, struck in Sinope and in Graziura, bear the name of Datame (3) in Greek (Zi), and in Aramaic those of a prince whom I do not hesitate to con- amazed as his son, called by Diodorus of Sicily Ariam-

(1) See. Schlottmann, Die Inschrift Eschmunazars Kônigs der Sidoniery Hall, 1868.

(2) These are the pieces classified by Brandis, p. 42i et seq., under the rubric: IX satrapy, ii' class, 1" series.

(3) Likewise Mr. Friedieender {Zeitschr. f. Niimism. t. III, p. 268 et seq.), I accept the data of Diodorus of Sicily (XXXI, ecl. 3) who rat- Datame stain to the family of Persian origin from which came the kings of Cappa- doce, rather than that of Cornélius Népos [Datam. 1) who makes him the son of a certain Caraissarès, originally from Caria. Facts of its history agree much better with this information, and it seems to me that the close analogy which links the Sinopean currencies of Datame to those which certainly belong to Ariarathe P"" is another argument powerful in favor of Diodorus' statement.

(4) Waddington, MEL of num. t. I, p. 82, pi. VI, No. 1.

14 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

born (1), then of Ariarathe I" (2), part of whose reign was contemporary with Alexander the Great (3). Likewise, the rulers of Caria, from Hecatomnos to Othontopatès, all minted coins in their name (4). In effects when the little vassal princes of the Great King, whose power barely extended beyond the territory of one only city, possessed the right of coinage and in used widely, all the more so it was true of djnasts whose States formed true kingdoms, like those of Cappadocia and Caria. The princes of these two countries were officially given the title satraps (5), that is to say they depended directly ment of the king of Persia, did not have above them, like the little kings of Cyprus or Phoenicia, a place- holding the suzerain, sent by him from Susa. But it was

(1) Ibid. pi, VI, n° 5. — The legend of these pieces reads 13013,^; in 13C1, I recognize the final element of the name di'Aria-ramnes, worn by a king of Cappadocia very little later than Alexander and of which we have a coin in Greek legend [Zeitschr. f. Num. t. III, p. 268). Dio- dore of Sicily (XXXI, ecl. 3) also writes Ariamnes the name of this Aria- ramnes. In reality, before the ramna element, the naming of the succession sister of Datame had to offer another element than anja, transcribed in Aramaic lilX danàrmilX = Ariarathe.

(2) Waddington, Mel. of num. t. I, p. 83 et seq., pi. VI, nos. 3 and 4; Merzbacher, Num. Zeitschr. of Vienna, t. III, p. 427.

(3) Diode. XVIII, 16; XXXI, ecl. 3; Lucian. Macrob. 13.

(4) Brandis, p. 475 et seq.

(5) Datame is still referred to by historians as the satrap of Cape Town. padoce, while Diodorus (XVIII, 16) describes Ariarathe as SuvàatYi;. The princes of Caria Hecatomnos, Mausolus and Idrieus are described as satraps in the inscriptions (Corp. iiiscr. gr. n"' 2691 c, d, e and 2619) and at Harpocration (v. £7ri(7Ta6!xoç); see. Droysen, Zeitschr. f. Num. t. II, p. 311.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 15

as dynasts and by virtue of the particular power that this quality gave them in their hereditary States, it was not as satraps of the Great King that they struck pay their coins. Also none of the provinces whose the satraps were not at the same time hereditary dynasts ditaries, but only appointed at the will of the Great King, do not offer us such a monetary suite, embracing all those who exercised power there for quite long time interval.

However, we also have some personal currencies. sonnages known in history as pure satraps, i.e. as members of the Persian aristocracy chosen by the monarch and delegated by him to be, above all civil and military officials as well as local dynasts, his immediate lieutenant at the head of one of the great governments described as satrapies (1). One of the most famous among these characters is Pharna- baze, whose name we read in Greek on minted coins peas in his satrapy of Hellespontic Phrygia (2), and in Aramaic on others issued in Tarsus (3), where the depots of his army during the second enterprise of which he had command between 378 and 573 (4). His example is very important, because Pharnabaze, throughout the

(1) D. de Luynes, Numismatics of satrapies under the Achaemenid kings, Paris, 1846; Waddington, Studies of Asian Numismatics in the volume P'' of his Numismatic Mixtures; Droysen, Die MUnzen der persischen Satrapen in Kleinasien, in the Zeitschr, f. Num. t. II, p. 309-319.

(2) D. de Luynes, Num. satraps. pi, I, n" 5.

(3) D. de Luynes, pi. I, n°' 1-4; Brandis, p. 429,

(4) Waddington, Mel. of num. t, I, p, 64.

16 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

during his long career, maintained an unshakeable loyalty towards his sovereign and was never in revolt or ou- green nor secret against him. We can therefore be sure that, if coined money, it was because there was no usurpation tion, but a legitimate act, authorized by the master. But it seems to me that, in all recent works, wanted to extend the circle of currencies of the satraps, and that those who claimed that the right to coinage was among the normal prerogatives of the quality of satrap, have forced beyond measure the cons - sequence of the facts observed. Examples of satraps issuing currencies in their name in the territory of their own satrapy, apart from that of Pharnabazus, are very rare ^ they are reduced to the pieces of Spitbridate, minted at Lampsacus and Cyme (1), and those of Orontas, beaten at Lampsaque (2) and at Clazomène (3); these two characters had one and the other also the govern- ment of the maritime satrapy of Asia Minor, which includes in their time took Mysia with Ionia (4). All other pieces hitherto known, which bear names of high-ranking Persian officials mentioned in history, particularly those which came out of the workshops of the Cilicia, must be placed in the class of currencies military (see later, in this chapter, § 7); it's

(1) Von Sallet, Numism. Zeilschr. of Vienna, 1871, p, 424 et seq.

(2) Waddington, Mel. of mm. t. U, pi. III, No. S.

(3) Waddington, Mel. of num. t. He, pi. III, no. 4; Von Sallet, Numism. Zeistchr. of Vienna, 1871, p. 419-424.

(4) Spithridates: Arrian. Anab. 1, 12, 13 and 16. Orontas: Diod. XV, 91; see. all the information gathered on this last character by Mr. Waddington, Mel. of num. t. II, p. 20 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 17

as generals placed at the head of armies in the field, and not as satraps exercising the regular powers of this charge, that the characters in question made them and wrote down their names. These mili- The attacks took place in the cities where the armies had their base of operation. Tiribaze, who was satrap of Armenia, minted coin in Alssos (1) for the service of the troops he commanded against Cyprus (2); Pliarnabaze, satrap of Dascylion or Liellespontic Phrygia, and Datame (3), satrap and dynast of Cappadocia, did the same to Tarsus, when they successively had the direction of forces directed against Egypt, forces whose base of support provisioning and gathering was in this city {(i). I will return later to these facts of my- specially military swimming in the Achaémé empire nides, and on the particular character offered in general products from Tatelier de Tarse. It is enough to have indicated here these examples to show that the kings of Persia delegated sometimes, by a temporary commission and special, the power to issue currencies to the commands dants of their armies, who, in this case, signed them their own names. Examples of satraps monetizing

(1) Coins of Tiribaze: D. de Luynes, Numism. satraps. ft. I; Waddington, Mel. of num. 1. 1, pi. V, No. 1 and 2.

The place of issue in Issos is now determined by comparison with the play of this city published Ztilschr. f. Num. t. IV, p. 145.

(2) Waddington, Mel. of num. 1. 1, p. 62.

(3) On the Cilician coins of Datame: D, de Luynes, Num. of satrap. ft. II (attribution to Dernes); Waddington, Bullet. archaeol. of l'Athéiioeum français^ J8o6, p. 13 et seq.; Mel. of num. t. I, p. 66 et seq.; Brandis, p. 429.

(4) Waddington, Met. of num. t. I, p. 64 and 70.

II. 2

J8 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

in their government are few enough to that they are attributed to exceptional concessions from same kind, rather than a regular right of office. We will also expose further (book lY, cbap. i) the reasons that make us push back even more energetically- the theory, very widespread today, following the which satraps would have had the right to effigy.

3. Alexander the Great, having become master of Asia, followed in monetary matters the same principles as the kings of Persia, which he had just dethroned and to whose power he substituted himself. He created his empire currency, in his name and to his guys, whom he had struck in all parts of his States, in the provinces where his royal authority is exercised existed in all its fullness, but not in the Hellenistic cities. niques which, while recognizing its hegemony and its suzerainty, kept their rights of autonomy intact domestic, for example those of Greece, with the exception of Tliebes, Phocis and Euboea, and those of Asia Minor, to which the Macedonian conqueror had presented as a liberator who came to restore their fullness of independence (1) (see book YI, chap. y, I 1 ). At the same time, it seems to have, alongside its currency of empire, made or left, for some time, making demand, in the name of his government, provincial currencies ciales which continued the old coinages. He sealed his acts intended for the Greek countries and the Macedonians denies his army with a seal bearing his portrait by Pyrgotela, those intended for Persia from the ancient royal seal

(1) L. Millier, Numismatics of Alexander, p. 64-72.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 19

Aclieraenids (1). Likewise, for special Persia- ly, it seems, alongside its Greek currency, having issued gold dariques similar to those of the monarchs native species, Darics of which some examples are reached us (2) and where he was represented, recognizable by his hairless head, but with the costume Persian royal; this is how the stories are explained which, among his historians, represent him making distributions of gold in Darics to his soldiers, in the interior of Asia (3), or to the inhabitants of Persia (A). There is, in addition, a room of silver of entirely Asian appearance, which bears his name in Aramaic characters and must have been struck in some city in Syria near the Euphrates (5).

To the Greek cities of Asia Minor, Alexander left or made the most complete monetary autonomy, that they retained under his successors (6) (see, book VI, chap. y, I 6). Their right of autonomy even went as far as manufacturing

(1) Quint. Kurt. VI, 6; cf. Win.HN, XXXVII, 4.

(2) Brandis, p. 66 and 244; the piece is engraved in: D. de Luynes, Choice of Greek medals, Tp\. X.II, n° li; Ch, Lenormant. Num. of r.gir. ft. LXIV, no. 4.

(3) Arrian. Anab. IV, 18, 7.

(4) Pl. Akx. 69.

(5) D. de Luynes, Num. satraps. ft. XVI, No. 1; Brandis, p. 430; F. Lenormant, Essay on the Propagation of the Phoenician Alphabet, p. 236, ft. XIV, No. 1. — Mr. Blau recently wanted [Barsine, Gemahlin Alexan- ders der Grvssen, in the Numismatische Zeitschrift of Vienna, 1877) read the name of Barsine, widow of Memnon the Rhodian, of whom Alexander made one of his concubines, on the right of this room; but the thing is good unlikely, as Mr. Von Sullet has already noted {Zeitschr. f. Num. t. V, p. 131).

(,6) Brandis, p. 267 et seq.

II. 2.

20 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

tion (the gold currency, which the Acliemenides did not tolerate not from them; the coins of this metal, struck at Cios, Pergamum, Ephesus, Miletus, Clazomenus, Srayrna and lîhodes, belong to the time of Alexander and the first Diadoches (1). This gold coinage quickly killed that of electrum, which had had such great development in the preceding period (book II, chap. l, § 3; book VI, chap. IV, § 3), but who could no longer support the con- recurrence. However, some cyzicenes (see book VI, chap. IX, at this word) have certainly been struck again, at least under Alexander (2), and we have small pieces of electrum of Alexandria Troas (3), built by Antigone and named by Lysimachus, as well as Smyrna (4), con- built by Antigone, pieces which, in the two cities, pa- are contemporary with the foundation. By contrast with this treatment of the Greek cities, any coinage of cities of Lycia cease with the conquest of Alexander (5); it therefore seems that the Macedonian king withdrew their right monetary which they had enjoyed under the Persians, although that they had given themselves voluntarily to him (6). At the place of the old autonomous currencies, he had there minted of his own tetradraclimes, bearing as a mark the place of issue the characteristic symbol of the Ly-League

(1) Brandis, p. 127 and 268.

(2) This is the case of an unpublished stater from the Luynes collection, in Cabinet of Medals, whose type is the Zeus Boltiœos of the tetradrachms of Alexander.

(3) Mionnet, t. He, p. 639, no. 64; Rev. num. 1836, pi. I, No. 10.

(4) Recv. num. 1866, pi. I, No. 9.

(5) Brandis, p. 269.

(6) Droysen, Geschichte Alexanders^ p. 136.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 21

cienne (1) (on this symbol, see further § 6 of this chapter clown). In contrast, the indigenous towns of Aspendos and Side of Pamphylia, as well as Selgé of Pisidia, kept their autonomous coinage under Alexander and his successors sisters, Side even until very late (see further, § 3), as well as purely Greek cities, like Pha- selis and celenderis.

Like the kings of Persia, Alexander admitted under his scepter the existence of vassal dynasts, some of whom had submitted entirely to his authority over the passage of his armies, but part of which had already benefited from the crisis to put oneself in a semi-independent situation dance, having only recognized Alexander as their overlord under the condition that the Macedonian troops do not penetrate would not be in their territory. Of these vassal princes, some disappeared in the middle of the wars in which the conqueror's generals fought over the scraps of his empire, the others knew how to become the founders makers of entirely independent kingdoms. Of the living of Alexander, they had remained, from the monetary point of view, in the same situation as under the Achaemenids. Denys, tyrant of Heraclea Ponticus, continued the coinage at his name, which he had previously inaugurated with his brother Timothy (2). Very convincing evidence has given rise to J. Brandis (3) to think that it was under Alexander that

(l)Ferows, CuiitsofLycia, pi. XIX; L. Millier, Alexandre, n° 1279. — This coin was surely struck during Alexander's lifetime; those which have the mark AT (L. Mlilier, ii°s 1270-1273) are rather a quarter century following his death.

(2) Eckhel, D N, t. II, p. 420; Brandis, p. 438.

(3) P. 331 et seq.

22 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

were beaten the coins of Ariarathe 1" of Cappadocia, issued in Gaziura, and those that a little prince of Cilicia Eastern or Commagene, named Samès (1), DD, fit manufactured in the Tarsus workshop (2). The little kings of the island of Cyprus kept their monetary rights until the great struggle in which, in 306, Ptolemy son of Lagos and Démetrias Poliorcetes disputed the possession of the country. We have in fact, in Salamis, the species of gold and silver of Nicocreon (3), who was on the throne in 331 and must have died before 306, and Menelaus, brother of Ptolemy, sent by him to govern the island in his name and expelled by ])emetrius (4); Paphos offers us those of its king contemporary Nicocles (5); at Cition, the phoenix pieces coins of King Pumiatbon dated from the year 46 are struck in full domination of Alexander (6); it is true that we we have no coin from the successor of this prince, Pyg- malion, whom Ptolemy dethroned in 312. We also do not have any of Ada, whom Alexander made queen of Caria in place of Otbon- topates, at the same time as he declared the cities free Greeks of the coast. It therefore seems that the conqueror, in

(i) He evidently reigned in the country where the city of Samosale arose and where later, around the 2nd century BC. BC, we find on the throne a another Sames, probably his descendant, of which we have coins Greek legends; see. Waddington, Mel. of num. 1. 1, p. 79.

(2) D. deLuynes, Num. satraps. ft. IV (with attribution to Gaos); Brandis, p. iSO.

(3) Von Sallet, Zeilschr. f. Num. t. II, p. 132.

(4) D. de Luynes, Num. cypr. ft. V, No. 7.

(o) IC). Lonormant, Num. rs. fjr. ft. XXXI, No. 15; Rev. num. 1839, ft. I, No. 1.

(6) Vogué, Ilev. num. 1867, p. 374.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 23

at the same time that he made h, these cities the monetary law that they had lost since Hecatomnos, took it from the indigenous princely authority (1).

The cities of Pleenicia kept their kings under Alexander (2) and in the first years of his succession sisters. Also, alongside the conqueror's coins struck during his lifetime or very shortly after him in the Phoenician cities women of Ace, Sidon and Arados, let us see the two local silver series from Tire (3) and Arados (4) continue for a number of years after the Macedonian conquest, without any change in the style and in types, but substituting Tancien indigenous monetary system the Attic weight introduced in the country by Alexander (5). The Arados series is hellé- nises gradually and ends up replacing the legend Phoenician a Greek monogram, composed of the letters AP; that of Tire does not change in this way, because it seems to stop sooner. We read there dates of an era which must be that of the conquest of Asia by Alexander (on the numismatic use of this era^ see. book VI, chap. Y, §i); they go until the year 42, that is to say, following all the probabilities, until the time when Ptolemy Soter became master of Phoenicia (6).

(1) Brandis, p. 269.

(2) Droysen, Gesch. Alex. p. 181 and 193.

(3) Brandis, p. 376 and 51i.

(4) Brandis, p. 377el5lo. (o) Brandis, p. 376 et seq.

(6) L. Millier, Num. by Alexander, p. 82.

21 LA. CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

h. If the bloody discords of the Macedonian leaders for the possession of the various parts of the estate of Alexander began immediately after his death, the vast empire he had created, although torn apart by these civil wars, still nominally existed during twelve years, with sovereigns recognized by all competitors in power, even by those who hold them back were born in captivity, Philippe Arrhidée and Alexandre fils of Tthoxane. All the while, the monetary situation silence remained exactly what it was under Alexander. As empire currency, we continued to make its gold and silver coins, which were equally suitable to young Alexander ('!), and at the same time, in the same workshops, others of the same types were issued, with the name of Philippe Arrhidée (2). Alone, Ptolemy son of Lagos, in Egypt, where he isolated himself the most he could, had it written in the name of Alexandre son of Rhoxane a special currency with particular types, including broadcasts had to continue a few years after the death of the young prince, until Ptolemy himself had took the title of king (3).

When Cassandra had murdered young Alexander, in 311, the Diadoches did not yet dare to adorn themselves with the title royal and thus proclaim the definitive dislocation of the empire Macedonian. If this empire no longer had a sovereign,

(1) L. Millier, Num. by Alexander, p. 50.

{2)ifcid. p. 387 et seq.

(3) On these coins in the name of Alexander struck in Egypt by the care of Ptolemy son of Lagos: L. Miiller, Num. by Alex, p. 2 et seq.; Waddington, Rnv. mm. 1865, p. 15 and s,; Feuardent, Egypt a7menne, Coins of kings, p. 7.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 25

even nominal, it was nonetheless supposed to always exist, and the leaders who continued their struggles among themselves acliarned to be his lieutenants. The continuation of the mon- Alexander's expertise in the areas of all these skills titeurs (see book YI, cliap. v, § i) was as asserted tion of this doctrine of the unity of the empire surviving all convulsions (1). However, after 311, some some of the Diadoclia, at the same time as they had gold staters and silver tetradrachms in the name of their former master, began to take a first step towards another order of things, by inscribing on coins their name^, without the royal title (2). We have in this like some gold and silver coins from Ptolemy, Demetrius and Seleucus, to the types of Alexander, and the Cassandra copper coins to its particular types (3). It is following the example of the Diadoches that Agathocles of Syra- cuse began around the same time to inscribe his name on the

(!) L. Miller, p. SI and s. — For copper, it is probable that we then struck the anonymous coins at the lote of Hercules, with his weapons at reverse, which have as legend the single word BAZIAEnZ more or less abbreviated: L. Millier, p. 23 et seq.

(2) L. Millier, p. S2; Fr. Lenormant, i!/on/i. of the Lagides, p. 98.

(3 There are small silver coins of the usual type of those of Philip II of Macedonia, but without king's name and with, in the field of dreaming;!, a half-length lion, accompanied by the letters AY (Seslini, Lett. num. di contin., t. VII, p. 11; Lenormant, Num. rs. gr. ft. V, n" 13); these are the coins that Lysimachus minted in Thrace in the same time. A little before, when Philippe Arrhidée and Alexandre fi's of Rhoxana lived and were supposed to reign, Lysimachus had already put the same personal marks on bronze coins in the name of the first mier (L. Millier, Philippe Arrhidée, n°s 58 and 58 a) and on small silver coins also having the type of Philip II (it seems that it was the one to which we were most accustomed among the Thracians), but the legend AAEZANAPOY (L. Mu 1st, Num. of Alexander, p. 394).

26 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

coins (1), which he had not dared to do at the beginning of his power and what no one had done before him in Sicily.

In 306, Antigone, swollen with pride by the victory of his son Demetrius on Ptolerace at Salamis, took the title of king and inscribed it on the coins which he began as soon as then to strike, with types alluding to this victory (2). His rivals, not wanting to stay behind and let him alone separate from the prestige of a similar title, did all like him, in this very year or in the next (3). Their example was soon followed by Agathocles in Sicily (4-), by Amastris at Heraclea Ponticus (5), where she carried the title of queen after being repudiated by Lysimachus, by Areus in Sparta (6) and by Audoleon in Paeonia (7). It's thus was inaugurated the Greek coinage of kings, which spread to all countries with a monarchical constitution, purely Greek or semi-barbarian, right to the edges of Rindus and the Ganges (see book VI, cliap» v, § 2-5) and also to Sicily (book VII, chap. i, § 1). Lacedaemon alone,

(1) Barclay Ilead, Coins of Syracuse, p. iG and s.

(2) Eckhel, DiV, t. II, p. 117.

(3) It was only in 305 that Ptolemy took the royal title: Droysen, Gesch. der Nachfolger Alexanders, p. 46; Pinder, Beiirage zur ai. Miinz- kunde, t. I, part, i, p. 19() and 199.

(i) Barclay Head, Coins of Syracuse, p. 51.

(a) Eckhel, D iV, t. II, p. 421; Brandis, p. 438.

(G) Zeitschr. f. Num. t. II, p. 126 and 28a; ft. IX, No. 1.

(7) Mionnet, Suppl. t. II, p. 559, no. 3; A’mw. chron. n. s. t. XV, pi. 1, No. 11.

Before this time, the dynasts of Paeonia did not hold the title of kings; see. the excellent work of Mr. J.-P. Six, in Num. chron. n. st. XV, p. 20 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT CENTERS

in the period which then opens and where its numismatics, with kings had no coins royal. Areus's attempt was unsuccessful; he was repugnant too much to national morals, which kept the kings in a cleared position; besides, as there were two kings at the same time, neither would have wanted to leave the other to prerogative to inscribe his name on the currency. This one therefore struck in the name of the people (1). We have correctly attributed a tetradraclime with royal effigy to Cleomenes III (2), but this piece rather seems to offer the features of Antigone II of Macedonia, when he became master of Sparta after the the size of Sellasie, (3). Moreover, this currency is of very particular nature, which precisely makes the difficulty of its attribution; if she wears the head of the monarch, title of honor and homage, it is not in his name, but to that of the Lacedaemonians.

In all the monarchies after Alexander, the principle is that monetary law belongs exclusively vement to royalty, constitutes one of its prerogatives essential and the external mark of its exercise. So all the pretenders, all the usurpers hasten- they to mint money in their name as soon as they have assumed the title of king. This right to mint money is accompanied that of putting his effigy there as well as his name. But the use of the royal effigy, to which Greek customs were at first quite hostile, only developed gradually

(1) Eckhel, BN, t. II, p. 278 et seq.; Mionnet, t. II, p. 216 et seq.

(2) Visconti, French Iconography, pi. XLI, n* I; Lenorraant, iYM/n. rs. gr. ft. XXIII, no. 7.

(Z) Bompois, Historical study on the portraits attributed to Cléomène IH, Paris, 1870.

28 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

dually; among the immediate successors of Alexander, Antigone only ever places on her coins the head of Posidon, Lysimachus than that of the Macedonian hero (1); in still later times, many kings continued bare to put on the coined species the heads of gods^ instead of their own portrait (see book IV, cliap. i). Concerning the inscription of the royal name, it is good to note the singular anomaly that the series presents Macedonian. Since Demetrius Poliorcetes, gold and silver people are there in the name of the reigning prince; but copper is most often anonymous, simply bearing a legend who says it is the king's currency (2).

The character of the right of coinage as a prerogative tive of sovereignty is indicated in the most clear in the rescript given by Antiochus Yll of Syria to Simon, prince of the Jews^ rescript, the text of which has been given to us preserved by the first book of Maccabees. He him grants permission "to mint coinage on one's own type” (3), thus recognizing and legitimizing the fact of coinage that Simon had started two years ago already (4); but this recognition accompanies and implies

(1) L. Millier, Die Miinzen der thrak. Konigs hjsimadais, Copenhagen, 1856.

(2) L. IMiiiler, Num. by Alexander, p. 2^.

(3) Kai ÈTtJTpE'^^â cot Tior/ÏTai xô[j.[xa ÏSiov v6[JL'.<7[j.a ty) X^P? ^'^^ '• ^ Macchab. XV, 6. The text of the rescript adds immediately after: 'lepo-jffaXyifA Se •xat Ta àyia s Tvaç ÉXEiiOspa, sentence which presents a striking concordance with the legends of the Jewish coins issued then, nï?npn Dnï;Tli Jéru- salem the holy one over the centuries, and p"']» nSNi") "the redemption of Zion" on the bronzes.

(4) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 4o6; Cavedoni, Numismalica billica, p. 17; Madden, History of Jewish coinage, p. 40.

L.\ LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 29

than that of complete autonomy in government of the Jewish State, that of complete independence. Also the manufacture of silver shekels, which had first been very abundant, it stops abruptly with the fifth year of Simon (1), that is to say almost immediately after that Antiochus broke with him and withdrew his concessions (2). Although the old prince of the Jews defends himself energetically and refuses vassal tribute other than for cities of Joppa and Gadara, he does not want to add to the anger from his powerful enemy by continuing to perform an act also brilliant as an independent prince. Jewish coinage does not resume until a little later, when John Hyrcanus, after having been forced to accept the sovereignty of An- tiochus, takes advantage of his death to reconquer Findépen- dance (3) . From then on, we no longer strike anything other than copper coinage, the manufacture of which required less excite the jealousy of the kings of Syria; and we have the right to suppose that this very coinage was authorized by some new act of concession from Demetrius II or Alexander Zébina, who formally restricted him to metal more vile.

According to the principle that we have just indicated, which thus emerges from a formal text, as from the general study numismatic monuments, royal coinage, in the period we are talking about, excludes self-minting

(1) The century of the year o has only recently been known and has been published by Mr. Lewis in the last notebook of the year 1876 of Numismatic chronicle.

(2) Frœlich, Annal, reg. Syr. p. 83; P. Bayer, De num. hebroeo-sama- rilanis, p. 121; Cavedoni, Num.hibl. p. 17.

(3) Madden, p. 53.

30 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

name of cities subject to kings, unless permitted special sion of the sovereign, and even more so the one who would be done in the name of the peoples they govern. The manufacture tion of currencies in the name of the people implies the existence of a republican government, or at least such cancellation of royal power which it no longer allowed the existence of species bearing the name of princes. This latter deny case, we noticed just now, was that from Sparta; it seems to have been the same in Epirus after Pyrrhus, because we know of no coin of a king of this country posterior to him, and the beautiful tetradrachms of art gent in the name of the Epirotes (1) are of a style too remarkable- quable so that we can bring down the manufacturing until after the extinction of the Heraclides dynasty. But if there was such a thing, as a result of particular circumstances, lières, a few rare countries which may have had kings national and non-royal currencies, the two species of currencies have never coexisted nor been able to coexist anywhere-, in public law, they excluded each other (2).

5. Kings, however, sometimes granted in their states, to cities that they particularly wanted

(1) Mionnet, Suppl. t. III, pi. XIII, no. 1.

(2) This is why it is impossible for me to subscribe to your theory of M. L. Millier {Num. by Alexander, p. 26) and M. Bompois {Chromatic examination nolofiiqm of coins minted by the Community of Macedonians, Paris, 1876), according to which the silver and copper coins with the legend MAKEAONflN would have been minted under the last kings of this country. These are, as we will show in § 3, 6, the provincial currencies cials of Macedonia, in the early days after the conquest Roman.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 31

favor, rtuitonoraie, cV.i.e. the right to live under their own laws and to have their own magistrates, while paying tribute to the sovereign, by providing him with con- tingents of soldiers or ships and receiving a garrison his troops. In general, the concession of a autonomy of this kind included, for the city which was favored, the right to coin money, more or less restricted, but in any case never understanding that of mint gold, a metal reserved for higher sovereignty. It is in these conditions that we see some cities have, by exception, their own coinage under the au- authority of the different monarchies resulting from the empire of Alexander.

The Lagides did not allow any local autonomy in Egypt; but in Cyrenaica, at the same time as they struck a particular form for the use of this country. of their royal currency (1), they left the city of Cyrene, but this one alone, monetize^ in the name of its municipality capital, silver and copper coins (2), likewise that she had complete freedom in her internal administration laughing (3). In the Seleucid States we see Tarsus continue until around the beginning of the 2nd century before Jesus-Cliristthe manufacture of silver tetradraclimes which reproduce the old types from the time of the Acliemeni- of, sometimes adding in the field the emblems of the new dynasty (h); it is true that these parts are

(1) L. Miiller, Numismatics of Ancient Africa, 1. 1, p. 137 et seq.

(2) Ibid. p. 63.

(3) Droysen, Gesch. of the Hellenismus, t. II, p. 49; L. Miller, Numism. of Africa, t. I, p. 6.

(4) D. de Luynes, Numism. Salraps. p. u9-61; Brandis, p. oOL

32 LA. CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

anepigraphs and that they can, consequently, be provincial currencies issued by the power authority royal, as well as the products of local autonomy. What is more positive are the facts relating to the cities Phoenicians. In Arados, Marathos and several other cities still difficult to determine, we note an era of autonomy that begins in 259 B.C. Christ, under Antioclius II Theos (1). Small parts silver and copper from Arados, whose types relate to belong to those of the coinage of the time of the Persians, mencent, in the copies hitherto known (2), to the year 20 of this era (239 BC), i.e. under Antio- chus II, and the tetradrachms with Greek legends (3) the year 96 (163 BC), under Antiochus V, Eupator. To the ass- milking, the known dates of the copper coins from Mara- thos (4) only extend between 64 of the same era (194 BC). BC), under Antiochus the Great, and 108 (150 BC), under Alexander Bala, prince in whose time the Aradians destroyed Marathos (5). Tire's era of autonomy is from 126 BC (6), that is to say it coincides cide with the death of Demetrius II, who had taken refuge in

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 39i. — It results from the texts collected by Eckhel that the autonomy of the Aradians was great enough to allow them to put to deal with the kings of Syria on an almost equal footing complete.

(2) Mionnet, t. V, p. 458 et seq., n° 807-815.

(3) Mionnet, t. V, p. 454 et seq., n-^ 7G3-792.

(4) Mionnet, t. V, p. 362 et seq.

(5) Diode. Sic. XXXIII, p. 76, ed. Bipont.; Strab. XVI, p. 753.'

(6) Joseph. Ant. Jud. XV, 4, 1; Slrab. XVI, p. 757; Norris, Annus and epocha Syro-Macedunum, p. 323.

THERE. LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 33

this city and had made it his last place of arms; and the oldest known Greek tetradrachnia from this city dates from the year [i (I); as for Sidon, its era of autonomy starts from m BC (2), under Antiochus IX, and we we have a tetradrachm dated Tan 5 (3). However Sidon under Antiochus IV, Deraetrius I" and Alexander Bala, Tire under Antiochus IV and Demetrius I" had struck what copper coins associating the name of the people and the name of the king, under the conditions of semi-autonomy of which we will talk again in § 5. But then the marks of Sidon on the coins of Demetrius II (4), Antiochus VII (5) and Antiochus VIII (6), of Tire on those of Alexander Bala (7),

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 380; Mionnet, t. V, p. 409 et seq.

We even have an autonomous gold penlastalère from Tire, imitated from the mnaieia of the Ptolemies (book VI, chap. vi, § 1; chap. ix, at the word Mnaieion), with the legend TTPOT lEPAI KAI AIT AOT [Zeitschr.f.Num. t. lY, p, 6). The manufacture of similar parts, in this metal, exceeds the con- normal versions of the monetary autonomy of the cities placed at hand of a powerful and neighboring monarch. But this coin bears the date of the year 23 of the Tyrian era, 103-102 BC. AD At this time, the discords violent conflicts between the two Antiochus who were disputing over Syria made possible for Tire to dare as an affirmation of absolute independence more than she would have done in other circumstances. The royal coins of Tyre, hitherto known, stops under Antiochus VU, in 184 of the Seleu- cides (128 BC).

(2) Eckhel, D iV, t. III, p. 367.

(3) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 363; Mionnet, t. V, p. 367.

(4) Mionnet, t. V, p. 64. — It is true that Sidon, under Deméirlus II, offers us other coins with the head of the king and the autonomous legend of the city: Mionnet, Suppl. t. VIII, p. 49, n'" 2o3-2o6.

(5) Mionnet, TV, p. 88.

(6) Mionnet, t. V, p. 94.

(7) Mionnet, t. V, p. 56 et seq.

II. 3

34 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

of Demetrius II (1) and Antiochus YII (2), no longer had had only the character of marks of a royal workshop, and the coinage of the prince continued alongside the coinage autonomous in the workshop of Sidon under Antiochus IX (3). Under Antiochus IV, Epiphanes, a large number of cities of Northern Syria and Cilicia, even those where kings usually resided, receive a per- autonomous coinage mission limited to species of copper, the condition of which is, moreover, to place by honor the head of the sovereign on the right of coins. This condition, analogous to that which jMithridates Eupator of Pontus imposed on Smyrna when he was master of Ionia (4), does not undermine the autonomous character of the mon- naie, since the inscription designates it exclusively like that of the city and not that of the king. The cities that have thus an autonomous coinage with the head of Antiochus IV are; in Cilicia, Antioch or Adana (5), Hierapolis (6) and Laerte (7); in Syria, Antioch (8), Epiphany on

(1) Mionnet, t. V, p. 6o et seq.

(2) Mionnet, t. V, p. 78 et seq.

(3) Mionnet, t. V, p. 99.

(i) Mionnet, t. III, p. 217, no. 1210.

(5) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 46.

(6) Eckhel, DN, t. III, p. 37.

(7) Mionnet, t. V, p. 39, no. 341.

(8) Mionnet, t. V, p. 36 et seq., n"* 3i6-32o. — I leave aside the question tion so obscure that the pieces raise the legend ANTIOXEflN TON IN nTOAEMAlAl: Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 305. In a tra- vail inserted in the Numimalic chronicle in 187I, M. de Saulcy endeavored to prove that all currencies in the name of AvTioy,£ï; of different localities and different provinces, with the head of Antiochus IV, were struck by communities of renegade Jews, to whom the persecution The author of the law of Moses would have granted special privileges.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 35

rOrontes (1), Ilierapolis (2), Laodicea on the sea (3), and Seleucia (4); in Pleenicia, Tripolis (5); finally, more in the interior of the lands, in Mesopotamia, Edessa (ù) and Ni- sibe (7), then both called Antioclia. For some of these cities, it does not continue anymore later, or the effigy of Antiochus IV comes to rest there (8); for others, it continues throughout the rest of the monarchy. Seleucid Shire, by successively admitting to law the heads of the different reigning princes. In the surroundings of the year 160 of the Seleucids, under Demetrius T' and Alexander Bala, several of the cities just mentioned are beginning to dispense with putting on a royal effigy on their little autonomous bronzes: these are the four cities founded by Seleucus Nicator (Antioclia, Seleucia, Apamea and Laodicea)^ which jointly issue coins with the legend AAEAOHN AH MON (9), Epiphanie (10) and Seleucia in an isolated coinage (lîî). Apamea begins at

(1) Mionnet, t. V, p. 38, no. 338.

(2) Mionnet, t. V, p. 39, No. 3iO.

(3) Mionnet, t. V, p. 39, n-^ 3 42 and 343. (i) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 324. (o)Eckhel,D N, t. III, p. 373.

(6) Wionnet, t. V, p. 37, n<" 326-332.

(7) Mionnet, Siippl. t. VIII, p. 30, No. 18.

(8) This seems the case for the pieces of Anlioche of Syria (AN- TIOXEnN TON nPOI AAONHI) and goddess (ANTIOXEON TflN Eni KAA A IPOHI), who only ever have the head of Antiochus IV and whose manufacture was certainly not limited to its reigns.

(9) Eckhel, DiV, t. III, p. 266.

(10) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 312.

(M) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 32d.

II. 3.

36 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

same time in the manufacture of copper species, the some without a royal head, others with the effigy of Alexander Bala (1), which we also see on analog autonomous gues of Cyrrhos (2), of which we have no previous pieces. res. Libra had obtained monetary permission well earlier, since we have a copper currency without royal head (3), dated to the year iOli of the Seleucids, that is to say contemporary with Antiochus the Great.

In 109 BC. AD, Seleucia receives autonomy even more complete, similar to that of Tire and Sidon; it makes it the starting point of a local era (4) and emits silver tetradrachms with the legend lEAETKEfiN THl IEPA2 KAI ATTONOMOTderan/i in the year 26 of this era (5). This last year corresponds to 8/|.-83 BC. AD; consequently, the autonomous silver coinage of Se- Lucie ended when Tigranes of Armenia surrendered master of Syria. We also have self-contained tetradrachms mes of Laodicea of Syria, which appear in the time of the last Seleucids (6); but, as they do not wear dates, the precise time is not certain (7).

(l)Eckhel, DN, t. 111, p. 307.

(2) Mionnet, t. V, p. 54, n-477-479.

(3)Eckhel,Z)N,t. III, p. 310.

(4) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 326.

(5) Eckhel, D N, t. Ill, p. 323; Mionnet, t. V, p. 273 et seq.

(6) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 315; Mionnet, t. V, p. 241 et seq.

(7) The local era of Laodicea, inscribed on coins from the imperial era riale, departs from Rome in 706 (Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 318). She cannot not mark the beginning of the autonomy to which relate tetradrachms; it obviously relates to a renewal of pri- vileges by Caesar after his victory at Pharsalus, favor in memory of which the city took the name of Julia a little later.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 37

In Macedonia, Cassander, when he founded the city of Ura- nopolis(l), and Antipater his son, when he built Eurydi- (2), granted them a right of coinage. He is not not impossible that under the last Macedonian kings a a certain number of cities have enjoyed the privilege of striking small pieces of copper, but only of this metal (o), as some of Macedonia seem to have could do so under Philip II (4) and at least two of the Macedonia under earlier kings (5). Pyrrhus beat currency as king in Syracuse (6); but at the same time

(1) Silver tetradrachm from Uranopolis: ZeUschr. f. Num. t. V, p. 2, ft. I, No. 2. — Unpublished Drachma in the British Museum. — Coins of copper: Mionnet, t. I, p. 503; Suppl. t. III, p. 174.

(2) Copper coins from Eurydicea: Mionnet, Suppl. t. III, p. 78.

(3) The fact seems at least certain for Amphipolis, which had kept under the kings, since its capture by Philip II, broad privileges of self- nomie; see. Bompois, Rev. num. 1864, p. 261 et seq.

(4) L. Miiller, Num. by Alexander, p. 57.

(5) The absolute identity of types and manufacture that exists between parts bronze statue of King Amyntas II and the towns of Pydna and Scioné (comparison rez Mionnet, t. I, p. 509, no. 21, and p. 487, no. 286; Mionnet, t. I, p. 509, no. 20, and Sestini, Descr. di med. gr. di più musei, t. I, p. 44, n° 3) there can be no doubt that in his time we struck simultaneously royal coins and autonomous coins in the workshops of these cited. The fact relating to Scioné would not in itself have great importance. lift, because Amyntas was only able to mint money there during one occupation. temporary pation, during his war against the Olynlhians and Chalcidians. But Pydna was surely a city subject to his scepter; the concession sion of monetary autonomy was undoubtedly among the benefits that he lavished on him, benefits in recognition of which the people of Pydna had built a temple for him which enjoyed the right of asylum. We know that it was in vain that the proscribed wanted to take advantage of this asylum when Philip II recaptured the revolted city (Schol. ad Demosth. p. 10, 20).

(6) Eckhel, D N, t. II, p. 171; R. Rochette, Mem. from VAcad. of Users. new series, t. XIV, p. 234 et seq.

38 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

the Syracisans continued during its occupation their coinage in republican form, even in gold, by including translating only certain specific types (1); he is true that the monarch's situation was never legal- clearly defined in Syracuse. If the Syracusans marched in his troops, obeyed his orders and let him manufacture his species in their monetary workshop, they saw him less as their king as an ally whose hegemony they freely accepted monie, and numismatic monuments, being the faithful mirror of this state of things, clarifies it considerably - ment.

For the Greek cities of Asia Minor, autonomy monetary was the normal rule from Alexander until the Roman conquest (see book VI, chap. v, § 6). In silver or copper, all the towns on the coast have coins minted during this period, where they were generally considered free, although dependent almost always in the matter of this or that prince, who often garrisoned there. Leaving aside the parts to the types of Philip II and Alexander the Great, struck who lived in these cities long after them and who are reality of the products of an autonomous coinage imitating a currency particularly sought after on the markets, we have no royal coins from the Hellenic cities of Asia Western minor that the coins of Lysimachus carrying the marks of the workshops of Mitylene, Smyrna, Heraclea, Eritrea, Phocaea, Ephesus and Magnesia in Greece, as well as of some cities of Caria (2), then the tetradrachms

(i) Barclay Head, Coins of Syracuse, p. 57 et seq. (2) See the already published work of M, L. Muller, on the coins of Lysimachus.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 39

of Antioclius II of Syria struck at Lampsacus, Alexan- dria Troas, Myrina, Cymé and Teos (1). These latter were issued during the expedition that Antiochus, at the beginning of his reign, made against Tiraarch, tyrant of Miletus, and in which he restored freedom to the Ionians (2). The tetradraclimes with flattened sides and very low work, issued with all characters of full autonomy by Lampsacus (3), Cyzicus (4), Abydos (5), Alexandria Troas (6), Ilion (7), Ténédos (8), ^gce (9), Cymé (10), Myrina (11), Lebedos (12), Heraclea of Ionia (13), Ma- Gnesia (14), Smyrna (15), Alabanda (16), Antioch of

(1) Mionnet, t. V, p. 16, n"» 142-147; L. Millier, Num. d'Alexandre, p. 77.

(2) Joseph. Ant. Jud. XII, 3, 2; see. Droysen, Gesch. Hellenismus, t. II, p. 299.

(3) Mionnet, t. II, p. 561, no. 303; Rev.num. 1852, pi, IV, n° 7.

(4) Rev. num. 1863, pi. II. No. 5.

(5) Mionnet, t. II, p. 633 et seq., n- 22 30; Suppl. t. V, p. 500, n"' 24-26.

(6) Mionnet, t. II, p. 639, n-65-67; Suppl. t. V, p. 509, no. 70-74; De Witte, Rev. num. 1858, p. 1-51, ft. I.

(7) Mionnet, t. II, p. 657 et seq., n"" 185-191.

(8) Mionnet, t. II, p. 672, no. 270-274.

(9) Mionnet, t. III, p. 2, no. 3.

(10) Mionnet, t. III, p. 7. n" 28 34; Suppl. t. VI, p. 5, n-17 and 18.

(11) Mionnet, t. III, p. 22 et seq., n° 12i-131; Suppl. t. VI, p. 35, n- 222 and 223.

(12) Mionnet, t. III, p. 140, nos. 582 and 583; Suppl. t. VI, p. 229, No. 986.

(13) Mionnet, t. I, p. 477, no. 200; Suppl. t. VI, p. 224.

(14) Mionnet, t. III, p. 142, n-595-598; Suppl. t. VI, p. 231, no. 993.

(15) Mionnet, t. III, p. 190 et seq., nos. 910-918; Suppl. t. VI, p. 302 et seq., No. 1390-1397.

(16) Mionnet, t. III, p. 305, no. 4 8.

40 THERE CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

Caria (1), Myndos (2), Cos (3), and Phaselis of Lycia (4), belong, according to all signs of art and manufacturing, in the th and especially in the th century before the Christian era, that is to say at the time when the region belonged to the Seleucid kings, then to those of Per- game (5). The tetradraclimes of Alexandria Troas, in particular, that their bad style indicates as having continued to hit himself after everyone else, bear dates (6) of an era which can only be that of the deliverance of Asia by Alexander, in SSi, that of the Seleucids, 312 (7), or that of the defi- nition of the city by Lysimachus, between 300 and 295 (8); the two extreme dates which can be read on these coins, 141 the highest and 236 the lowest, must therefore be translated, the first by approximately 193, 171 or 156 BC. AD, the second by approximately 98, 76 or 61. Thus the manufacture of silver coins from Alexandria Troas began either very-

(1) Mionnet, t. III, p. 313, n" 53-53; Suppl. t. VI, p. 446, n" 56 and 57.

(2) Zeilschr. f. Num. t. III, pi. IX, No. 1.

(3) Mionnet, SuppL t. VI. p. 570, no. 51; Brandis, p. 478.

(4) Rev. num. 1833, pi. V, No. 4.

(5) I will speak in the following § of the tetradrachms of Side of Pam- phylia, part of which belongs to this period, but whose manufacture cation continued under the Romans until the time of the second triumvirate.

(6) See. de Witte, Rev. num. d858, p. 23 27 and 48-31.

(7) This is the opinion adopted by Mr. de Witte.

(8) This is the Spanheim system (Cuper, Mon. ant. ined. p. 216) and by Eckhel [D iV, t. H, p. 481; IV, p. 377). The era of Alexandria Troas, in this data, would be found to agree almost exactly with the era of Bithynia, which, like that of Pontus, began in 297 BC. AD (Its tinij Lett. numism. di continuazione, t. VII, p. 64).

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 41

shortly before, or after the battle of Magnesia, and by a unique privilege, which did not extend to any other city in Asia Minor (see the following §), she continued post- laughably to the organization of the country as a Roman province. The hypothesis of the use of the Seleucid era on these coins is the one which most likely gives the date blable for the cessation of the autonomy of the city, because she makes it a punishment for her conduct in the war of Mithridates, and she makes her fall in the middle of the reor- administrative organization brought to Asia by the defeat of the king of Pontus and the testament of Nicomedes IV of Bithy- denies, bequeathing his States to the Romans.

It is impossible to talk about the legal and political conditions- ticks of coinage in Asia Minor, between Alexander and the domination of the Romans, without noticing the attention very particular of the policy of the kings of Pergamum avoid shocking the susceptibilities of the population Greek or Hellenized of their empire, by a display of external attributes of royalty. The skillful politician whose the tradition came to them from Philaterus who preferred reality of power to its appearances and attached the loyalty of Hellenic cities, leaving them as much as possible appearances of freedom and independence in form exterior. This policy translates in a way striking in their currencies (1). They decide on all those of the monarchical States of the same period, in that the royal forms are hidden there instead of being hidden there accuse. The types and inscription are perfectly uniform from start to finish. We never read there

(1) Eckhel, D N, t. II, p. 473 et seq.; Mionnet, Suppl. t. V, p. i77 et seq.; Lenormant, Num. rs. gr. p. C9 et seq.

42 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

that the name of the founder of the dynasty, OIAETAIPOT, without the royal title accompanying it; the mention of the king reigning is hidden under a monogram placed in the field, or a letter below the seated Minerva which forms the reverse type. Likewise, for the effigy of law; it is always invariably that of Philaterus, and girded of the crown of the pry tanes of republican cities (1) more often than the diadem of kings. It's only Attalus II who appears, at the end of his reign, to have replaced on a few tetradrachms his head matches that of Philaterus.

It is to the same policy that I attribute the creation of the singular and anonymous currency to which we gave from antiquity, according to its types, the name cistophores {2) (see book VI, chap. ix, h this word; also book VI, chap. y, § 6, and book VII, chap. m, § 6). With absolute uniformity read from their types, from whatever workshop they come out of, the cistophores do not have the character of local currencies in restricted course in the cities which struck them, but at the opposite of provincial currencies circulating everywhere in the vast expanse of territory where these cities were located distributed. They are not strictly self-currencies. names of the cities, since they are not mentioned there only by secondary indications, monograms or letters placed in the field, analogous to marks workshop on the coins of kings. These are not no no longer royal species, since no monarch is there mentioned, no more than any people. Struck with this characteristic

(1) Visconti, Iconographie gi'ecque, t. II, p. 201.

(2) Panel, De cislophoris, Lyon, 173i; Eckhel, D A', t. IV, p. 552 et seq.; Pinder, Ueber die Cistophoren, in the Mém. of the Acad. from Berlin for 1855; Fr. Lenormant, Rev. num. 1867, p. 182 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 43

very particular and noting that the manufacture of cistophores had occurred on a large scale, in order proconsuls in the Roman province of Asia, until the establishment of the empire, Mr. IMommsen (1) supposed that this coin had been struck only under the Eomains and created during the establishment of the province in 133 BC AD But this ingenious theory cannot be maintain in front of the numerous and absolutely forceful texts mels which show the cistophores already constituting a large part of the cash circulating in Occupied Asia Minor cidentale, during the Roman war against Antiochus the Great (2). This is the cause which has already led me elsewhere (3) to propose the idea that this very particular form of money was created towards the end of the third century before our era or the beginning of the ii% by the kings of Pergamum, in the cities of Pergamum, Adramyttium and Pariura, who were therefore part of their empire and who are always remained among the main manufacturing sites cation of cistophores. These cities (we know at least positively from Pergamum) were subject to a diet particular half-freedom, which was not autonomy complete (we could not have tolerated it in the capital), but which was also not complete subjection to power see absolute of the king. The exceptional conditions of the shape of the cistophores are very suitable for a similar state of affairs. When, after the Battle of Magnesia, the Romans gave to the kings of Pergamum the provinces of

(1) M R, 1. 1, p. G3 et seq.; t. III. p. 301 et seq.

(2) Tit. Liv. XXXVII, 46, 58 and 59; XXXIX, 7.

(3) Rev. num. 1867, p. 183.

44 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

Asia Minor which Antioclius had just abandoned, these kings extended the manufacture of cistopliores in Lonie, Ly- die, in Plirygia and in Caria, that is to say in the principal pale parts of their new domains. It is noteworthy quer that in Lonie we only know two workshops of manufacture of these coins, Smyrna and Ephesus; of the first of these cities, only a single example has been reported. please (1), which may have been minted under the Romans; the second was, on the contrary, well before 133, one of the places which produced the most cistophores. But precisely, in the treaty which ensured the domination of Eumenes of Pergamum on Asia Minor, Ephesus was excepted from the condition of full freedom guaranteed by the Romans to most Greek coastal towns (2). It is not, in indeed, in a city with its complete autonomy that we would have installed the manufacture of coins of this ambiguous nature.

The Parthians, in their empire (see book VI, cbap. V, § /i), renewed the principles and uses of the Acliemenides on the subject of the monetary law of princes their vassals. They let coins be minted by the little kings who recognized their suzerainty, and which Arab writers called Molouk-al- Iheouayf, “kings of the nations”), in Perside (3), in

(1) Borrell, Num. chron. t. VU, p. 70.

(2) olyb. XXII, 27, 10.

(3) Coins of the vassal kings of Persia: Edw. Thomas, Numism. chron. t. XII, p. 68-77 and 91-114; Early Sassanian inscriptions, seals and corners, p. 128 et seq.; A. Levy, Deitr. zur aram'dische Miinzkunde Erâns, in volume XXI of the Znlschr. d. deutxch. Morgenl. Gesellschaft; Mordtmann, Persepolitanische Milnzen, in the Zeitschr. f. Num. t. IV, p. 152 et seq.

THERE. LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 45

rÉlymaïs (l), in the Characene (2) and in the Arie or the Sogdiana (3),

6. It is in the coinage of Philip II of Macé- doine (4) that begins to manifest with great development and regular use, which has become general and constant since then, to indicate by small types^ of monograms or combinations of letters, placed in the field of the reverse (see book IV, cliap. m), the manufacturing workshops on the royal coins^ frap- with the same types over a large expanse of land territory and in a large number of cities. These brands, like all those that in modern times we have employed and still employed to differentiate the pro- proceeds from the various mints of the same country, do not are essentially only certificates of origin, indiscriminate thinkable for the administrative and financial control of operations monetary conditions. We will find similar ones, at from a certain period, on imperial coins Romans (see further, § 7).

(1) These are the currencies spoken of in Longpérier, Mémoires on the iconography of the Parthian Arsacid kings, p, 3,')-37; cf. Num. chron. n. s. t. XIK, p. 184 et seq., pi. VII, No. 6. — An in-depth study and overview on these currencies is still to be done.

(2) Coins of the kings of Characene: Visconti, Greek iconography, t. III, p. 179-187; Saint-Martin, Research on the Mesene and the Characene; Waddington, Rev. num. 1866, p. 303-333; Longpérier, Rev. num. 187i, p. 136-143; F. Lenormant, Essay on the propagation of the phoenix alphabet cien, t. II, p. 83-93.

(3) Wilson, Ariana anliqua; Edw. Thomas, Essays or Indian anli- quiiies of James Prinsep, t. H, p. 203-217.

(4) L. Miiller, Numism. by Alexander, p. 33o-386.

46 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

But the gold coins of Philip, those of Alexander the Great and even Lysimachus, in gold and silver, have not not been species whose manufacture was limited to States of these princes and during their lifetime. We made some long after their death, especially gold staters of Philip and silver tetradrachms of Alexander, and this for one and the other even in countries which had never been subject to their scepter. So the cities Greeks from the western coast of Asia Minor struck golden philippes (1) under the first Di^idoches; it's only more than half a century after the death of the conquered rant that these same cities began to beat tetra- drachmas of Alexander (2), which they issued in very large number and the manufacture of which continued throughout least until the Battle of Magnesia, if not until the reduction of Asia into a Roman province (3). It's not earlier than in Lonie or Caria, when we began to strike the same tetradrachms in certain cities of the European coast of Pontus-Euxine^ Mesembria, Odes- sos, Callatia, where authority had never extended of Alexander (/i), and it is today certain that in these cities they go down to the time of the great Mithridates de Pont (5) (for more details on all these facts, see. book VI, chap. v, § 1). With these currencies, we find ourselves therefore in the presence, not of true royal species, but products of entirely autonomous coinage

(1) L. Millier, Num. by Alexander, p. 371 et seq.

(2) Ibid. pp. 76-80.

(3) Ch. Lenormant, Num. rs. gr. p. 28.

(4) L. Miiller, Num. of Alexander^ p. 7i et seq.

(5) Ffiedlander, Zeilsch. f. Num. t. IV, p. 15.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 47

cities, which copies the pieces of Philip or Alexander to because of the favor which their types enjoyed in the commercial traffic. The facts of imitation of my- ^ nays rightly appreciated and sought after in the trade because of their excellent quality, which was copied in other countries while staying as close as possible to the origins nals, facts of this kind hold a very large place in medieval numismatics, and they are not rare either in antiquity (see book IV, chap. vu).

In an imitation coinage of this kind, what was on the royal coins that we copy the simple ones mint marks take on a whole new importance. The real guy who gives the official guarantee to the currency is not the one you imitate from a foreigner or a prince long dead; he's the little guy in town of issue, placed in the field of the reverse. Also, on more lords of the tetradrachms of Alexander made by the cities of Asia Minor, for example on those of Chios and of Rhodes, the names of the local magistrates responsible are written throughout in the field, as on the other pure tonomes to the types of the cities, made absolutely in outside the conditions and habits of a true royal coinage. A truly scientific classification will distribute these imitation parts, despite the presence on all of the types and names of Philip and Alexander, between the cities which struck them, as well as in the numismatics from the Middle Ages are not classified in Venice and in Florence, but at their places of manufacture, the copies of ducats and florins.

The character of pure autonomous and municipal manufacturing blade of the imitation coinage of Alexander explains how we sometimes find the marks of

48 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

two cities (1). This is the result and indication of agreement monetary relations between these cities for minting at cost common, the reciprocal circulation of species from one to the other without agio, and the participation of the two contractors to the benefits of money making, conventions similar to those which gave birth to currencies fully and openly autonomous in appearance carrying the names or types of two cities. We will talk about these latest with more details in the following §.

For lack of being sufficiently aware of the conditions exact in which this fact, singular at first glance, had happened and could only have happened, I sup- once placed on the coins of the Lagids of Egypt we found distinguished associations from several cities in- seems, “monetary alliances”, and this data inaccurate became almost the basis of my first ou- vrage (2), when, I must say it for my excuse, I I was still just a child. However, it would have been easy to understand in advance that facts of this kind cannot are not going to take place in the currency of a strong empire- centralized, where it was the royal government which had the direction and where the species with the name of the king had the same legal tender everywhere, whatever the place manufacturing of the parts (B). They are, on the contrary, all

(1) L. Millier, Num. of Alexander, p, 40 et seq. law. — As examples particularly characterized, we will point out the association of the brands of Assos and Adramyliion (No. 930 of Muller), of Assos and Clialcis of Euboea (n°931), of Ephesus and Laodicea of Phrygia (n° 1023), of Miletus and of Melropolis of Ionia (n° 1054).

(2) Essay on the classification of the silver coins of the Lagides, Blois, 1835.

(3) See. analysis of a discussion on this subject, in the C'^mptes renderings of Acad. of Inscriptions, 1867, p. 38 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 49

natural in a purely municipal and self-monitoring nome, although copying the types and legends of a king old. The absolute principle of all on-site research manufacturing of the royal coins of Egypt, Sy- rie, of Macedonia, of all the later monarchies to Alexander, must therefore never be, on each piece, there is only one city mark, which is a simple mint index, and that the monograms, the iso- related and other ways of indicating names in abbreviation, which accompany this mark in the field of the reverse, belong to the royal officers responsible for the manufacture monetary and having responsibility for the prince.

To explain the fact that I wrongly thought I recognized, I was obliged to admit a very strange combination in our ideas, between the principles of. exclusive right of the sovereignty in the manufacture of currencies and the principle of municipal law (1). In this combination, the souvenir rain and the cities would each have had a share in the guarantee public of currencies, as well as to expenses and profits benefits of their manufacture. Some abnormal and complicated that it may appear to us, the fact of an arrangement of this gender between state authorities and municipal magistrates cipal, constituting for cities a half-autonomy monetary, undoubtedly occurred in certain case; but I made the mistake of generalizing and extending it where he had no use, while he was always rare and exceptional. Where we see it most clearly certain, it is in the small copper coins struck

(1) Essay on the organization of money in antiquity, p. 20 and s.

II. 4

50 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

Sidon (1), Tire (2) and some other Phoenician cities ciennes (3) from the reign of Antiochus IV. They bear a double legend, which simultaneously ge- nitive of belonging the name of the king, for example BA2I AEHI ANTIOXOY, and the name of the people of the city, lIAfiNinN, TYPinN; they are therefore both coins of the king and coins of the Sidonians or Tyrians. It is worth noting that when, from Alexander Bala, son-in-law of Ptolemy Philometor (4), the Seleucids begin to strike at Si- gift and to Tire of particular tetradrachms, imitated from those of the Lagides and which later continue the tetra- autonomous drachmas of these cities, the tetradrachms in question, like silver coins, remain exclusive- royal ment; we see no trace of the sharing that we see for small copper coins. This which proves it is that the city is only indicated there by a monogram or by a brief designation in abbreviated, such as are usually the trademarks bind; and even, if sometimes his name is written at the very long with its titles and in the genitive case (for example BAIlAEnZ AHMHTPIOT TTPOT lEPAI KAl AITAOT on a tetra- draclime of Demetrius II), it is never just the name

(1) EcLhel, D N, t. Ill, p. 364 et seq.

(2) Eckhel, D N, t. III, p. 379 et seq.

(3) Among others in Laodicea, metropolis in Canaan", as said the Phoenician inscription which accompanies the royal legend, designed in Greek: Barthélémy, Mém. of the Acad. of Insc. anc. ser. t. XXX, p. 427; Gesenius, Mon. phoenic. p. 271.

(4) On the relationship between this alliance and the beginning of the manufacture cation of tetradrachms to Ptolemaic types by the kings of Syria, see. Fr. Lenormant, Coins of the Lagides, p. 86 et seq.; Saulcy, Bullet. archaeol. of the Athénœum, 18S5, p. 28 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 51

even of the city, which can be understood as an indicator origin, not that of its people, which would imply necessarily a share in the guarantee and issuance of the currency. The tetradrachms we are talking about had necessarily legal tender to the full extent of the Seleucid monarchy, like all royal coinage in the totality of the States of the prince in whose name it is struck sword. It is, on the contrary, probable that, despite the intervention tion of the supreme power in their manufacture and in their guarantee, the small copper coins offering both the royal inscription and the municipal inscription were to have their circulation restricted and localized.

The oldest examples of combinations of this kind are provided to us by the currencies that a few kings bar- Bars of the regions to the north of Greece have struck in Greek cities where they actually owned sovereignty, residing in these cities or at their gates, but that they treated with great caution in the external form, leaving them all the appearances of autonomy in their municipal regime (IJ. These mon- nays are presented in the form of a numeraire de asso- ciation between the king and the republican city.

This is the case of copper coins struck at Maronée for the kings of the Odryses Amadocos T"" (2) and Té-

(1) The history of the Scythian king Scyles and his relations with Olbia, such that it is recounted by Herodotus (IV, 78-80), is particularly instructive to show what was the nature of the relationships between the barbarian kings half-conquered by Hellenic civilization and cities Greeks in the vicinity of which they lived, holding them in reahté in their hand.

(2) Neumann, Pop. eturb. num. vet. t. II, pi. IV, No. 16; New Ann, from the Inst. arch. t. I, pi. B, No. 7; Von Sallet, Zeilschr, f. num. t. V, p. 97.

II. 4.

52 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

rès (1) towards the end of the th century BC. We see there on one side the bipinna, symbol of the great Thracian goddess Cotys or Cotytto, accompanied by the name of the king, AMAAOKO or THPEn, then on the reverse the type of Maronée, a vine of vine in a square formed by four lines, and around the legend of the city's eponymous magistrate, e.g. EPI AHIVi[OKPI]TO, under the magistracy of Democritus, on the Amadocos currency. The Scythian king who helped the Greeks of Olbiopolis to rebuild their city after its destruction by the Getae (around 65 BC), Inismeus (2), struck there per a silver drachma, which bears on one side its legend royal and on the other that of the people of the city, with the name of its archon for short, BACIAEnC INICMEOC— OABIO- nOAlTHN APXovTo; (3) CA. . . . (4). This piece ex- implies, I believe, the true character of the mention of Olbio- polished on the coinage of the slightly older Scythian king, Sciluros, where we read BAIlAEni IKIAOTPOT — OABIO (3); on the contrary, on the golden stater of King Pharzœos (6), the same mention, reduced to the two letters G A, no longer appears can only be taken for a simple mint mark; the prince of the Scythians then, through his coinage, acts of full sovereignty in the Greek city. Monunios, king

(1) Sestini, Leit. mm. t. VIII, pi. V, n«> 8; Mionnet, Suppl. t. II, p. 364, No. 964; Von Sauet, Zeitschr. f. num. 1. c.

(2) See. By K.CBhne, Prince Kotchouley Museum, t. I, p. 71.

(3) The three letters APX grouped in a monogram.

(4) Blaramberg, Choice of ancient medals from Olbiopolis, pi. XX, n»201.

(b) R. Rochelle, Antiquities from the shores of the Black SeaCy pi. I, u» 11; From Koehne, Kotchoubey Museum, vol. I, p. 28.

(6) De Kœhne, t. I, p. 27, pi. I, No. 4.

LA. LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 53

of the Dai'daniens of Ill3'rie contemporary of Perseus of jMa- Cedony (1), having managed to extend his authority over the Greeks of Dyrrliacliion, had silver coins minted exactly like the autonomous ones of this city, the- which bear the name in the same place and under the same form, ATP, while his own, with the royal title, BAIlAEni MONOTNIOT, is placed there in the place occupied invariably, on the autonomous, the mention of the magis- eponymous trat (2) (see later, in this book, chap. m, §1.5).

§ 2. — Monetary unions and federal currencies among the gbecs.

1. By trying, in the preceding pages, to formulate read some general rules about nature and exercise of the right of coinage in the Greek and Eastern world to different periods, until the Roman conquest, we we only considered republican autonomy as that of the city, sovereign over its territory. It's there, in effects this is normal among the Greeks, whose spirit of partisanship jealous cularism has always tended to restrict the State to the city and never arrived at a distinct conception tint, higher and broader, of the homeland. The mor- endlessly, source of bloody rivalries local and perpetual heartbreaks, which has made in

(1) Polyb. after Alhen. X, p. 440; T.Liv. XLIV, 30,

(2) Mionnet, t. II, p. i4, no. 164; Suppl. t. III, p. 3o3, no. 314; Lenorraant, Num. rs. gr. ft. XXI, nos. 5 and 6.

54 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

throughout antiquity the weakness of the Hellenic race nique, is reflected in the coinage, where it could not, in indeed, failing to translate in a dazzling way. Each city has its currencies, which it cuts and regulates to its own as desired, acting from this point of view with complete independence absolute, in the isolation of its own sovereignty and without worrying about what its closest neighbors are doing. The result, especially until the time of Alexander, was a almost indefinite variety of standards and cuts mon- taries, where we can clearly discern a certain number of large families of systems of units, whose origin is ex- applies historically, but where each city modifies the state lon in a manner sensitive enough to have produced differences that had to be taken into account in operations trading and in the exchange of cash from a place on the other. Besides these small variations which exist everywhere even in the various local applications of a same monetary system by the various rival cities, it happens at any moment that in the same country two cities very neighboring countries have adopted absolutely different systems. rents, which do not return the values of their currencies respective naturally commensurable and does not allow attempt to establish between them that relationships expressed by fractional numbers, which were to make the calculations extremely complicated.

This variety of coins and the complications almost inextricable elements that it produced constituted a great disruption to business operations. The need to exchange manage foreign currencies against those of the country that people arrived there to trade, and the profit that gave naturally this change to the one who was in charge of the operation rer, were the first origin of the trapezite industry

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 55

OR bankers (1). “The contemporary bankers of Iso- crate and Demostbene, who had capital con- siderable and whose credit extended to all the places of the Aegean Sea, Mr. Perrot very well said, were not minus the successors, in direct line, of the humble singers geurs who, two or three centuries earlier, had the first erected in the bazaar of the Ionian cities their mo- this counter. So even today these princes of finance, who deal with kingdoms and em- worst, bear in all modern languages a name which comes to them from the board, banco or tavolino, behind the- which, in the Middle Ages, sat in the middle of the street Genoese, Pisan and Florentine bankers.

“These counters of the first trapezites, no text, no monument tells us its shape and arrangement. tion. Let us only be careful not to represent them to ourselves covered with piles of gold and silver, like those which rise ready to hand on the desk of one of our cashiers. Ancient coins were too irregular in shape and presented too strong a relief to be able to arrange them by rolls. These tables should instead be divided into a certain number of compartments, each of which contains held one of the most common kinds; a few bowls, a few leather or canvas bags completed the furniture. bind. »

This was still the installation of the simple changers, apY'jpaj;.oiêol OR 'AoXkuSiaTaî (2), which we encountered in large

(1) On the subject of trapezites, see. excellent work by Mr. Perrot, Le money trade and credit in Athens in the 4th century BC. in his Memoirs of Archaeology, Epigrophy and History, Paris, 1875.

(2) Lice, VU, 170.

56 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

number in all ports and which had become a class special and lower level of traffickers, as traffickers Pezites or bankers had abandoned small businesses of this kind to rise to large financial operations cières. These changers were essential for individuals brothers who were traveling, to the sailors who arrived with in their })small purse a few coins from their country or cities where they had stopped. But the big com- international and maritime commerce, from the moment when it had taken off, in the seventh and fifth centuries, had sought to escape the complicated obstacles that arise know for him the infinite variety of local currencies. To put ourselves above these difficulties and fluctuations tions of the exchange of monetized species of a place on the other, he often preferred ingots to currencies, to stipulate payments in advance and settle its operations* Suiiout, in the midst of such great diversity currencies, he chose them freely and spontaneously one, to which its excellent quality had made it find good reception in the markets; it was generally that of someone large commercial city, whose operations extended in the distance and continued on a large scale, that of a city to which the possession of mines at the same time allowed time to produce its species in abundance. The currency thus adopted by large-scale commerce became for one time the privileged instrument of international trade nals; whatever their country and residence, the merchants committed themselves and paid in sums of this currency-, we could carry it everywhere, because it found always a favorable rate in the bank. Traders, for their big business, bought it in large masses to the trapezites, individuals by units to the money changers.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 57

It was one of the most requested marclianclises and the more fruitful for the city that produced it. She was doing premium, and the premium varied according to the trade, for to settle his purchases, had to ship, in this or that di- rection, more or less of this privileged money, next to from which the particular currencies of other cities, minted peated in small numbers, saw their use restricted to the domestic circulation and small business transactions daily. This role of international currency, adopted freely through commerce and banking, was the one that played throughout the Greek world, to the vet to the middle from the 4th century, as species of silver tetradraclimes of Athens (book VI, chap. iv, § 1) and after them the staters of Rhodes (book VI, chap. iv, § 3), as species of gold the staters of Cyzicus (liv. VI, chap. iv, § 3; etchap.ix, to the word Cyzicenes). He then belonged for almost two centuries, and over a much greater extent of territory, to the gold staters of Philip and the coins of Alexan- dre, particularly to his silver tetradrachms (book VI, chap. V, § 1), and this is what made them produce copies in so many different countries. In the 3rd century, alongside of the tetradrachms of Alexander, the drachmas of Dyrra- chion and Corcyra (book VI, chap. v, § 7; book VII, chapter m, § 4), eagerly sought after as merchants say, thank you loco (1), are like small change of silver the sign of international exchange in the basin of the Adriatic and in central Italy, as in the east of the Mediterranean and in Asia Minor light drachma of Rhodes (book VI, chap. y, § 6), and in the West, in Spain and in the south of the

(1) Plin. i/iV, XXXIII, 3, 46.

58 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

Gaul, that of Massalia (book VI, chap. m, § 2). At the end of the 3rd century, the Roman victoriat (book VII, chap. m, §4) takes in the trade of the Western Mediterranean the place of the drachmas of Illyria and Massalia, while in the East the drachma of Rhodes preserves its own until only at the threshold of the imperial period. Sometimes it is in a single region, clearly demarcated, that a certain species of currencies enjoys this favorable situation and becomes the currency of commerce, in preference to various local currencies. This is how for two centuries, from 280 to 80 BC. AD , the silver tetradrachms of Thasos to Hercules (book VI, chap. v, § 7) were almost the only coins having currency with the coins of Alexan- dre, from one end of Thrace to the other and throughout the basin of the Danube, where the barbarian tribes imitated them to satiety (book VI, chap. viii, § 1 and 2). In the 4th century, the staters of Corinthian silver, with their Pegasus and their beautiful head of armed Aphrodite (book VI, chap. iv, § 1), enjoyed the same favor in Epirus, in Ulyria, on the whole coast of the Adriatic; we have proof of this by the numerous copies which were then made in these regions.

This is how big business, freely choosing his metallic instruments, escaped the disadvantages of the infinite variety of local species, adopting in its transactions, in preference to all others, a sort of currency which thus became a local commodity. But at the same time governments were more than once led to worry about losses that the need to re- running at every moment to the money changers imposed on the par- individuals, embarrassments of all kinds that entailed in usual life the difference in currencies between cities neighbors, in daily relations, who despite their independence

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 59

mutual dependence could not do without one of the other be for the most essential things (1). To carry

(1) Nothing better depicts the complications resulting from traffic simultaneous of so many species of currencies, manufactured by the different cities with various weights and titles, that the institution of ràpyypo- axÔTToç or verifier of currencies, who, according to the regulation of mysteries terers of Andania in Messinia (1. 47-48: Sauppe, Die Mysterieninschrift aus Andania, 1860; The Bottom, Journey to Greece, continued by Foucart, Inscr. of the Megaride and the Peloponnese, n° 326 a), must assist in their recipes the magistrates responsible for collecting the rights paid by the initiates. At time from which the inscription which has reached us dates, the year 55 of the pro- vincial of Achaia, 91 BC. BC, the exercise of this office must have been easy, and the charge was almost useless, unless the candidates for initiation "They did like Panurge when he begged for pardons", or as still so often our peasants, giving the church's collections the coins out of course that they don't know how to pass or the wrong coins which they were clumsy enough to accept. For a long time then there was no more in circulation in the Peloponnese than a single coin of silver, that of the Achaean League (see in this § sect. 8), and of the other par- From Greece only pieces of Attic weight could come. Hardly any others had been made in the last centuries of independence; and, upon establishing the province, the Romans had demonetized all those which were not attached to this system, by fixing the official rate which assimilated the Attic drachma to the denarius (see. Mommsen, M R, 1. 1, p. 96 et seq.; t. III, p. 279), from which it resulted that the drachma of the Achaeans (on its rate, see book VI, chap. v, § 7) was to be listed on a quinary. With this official price which was law in the vince, there were no more difficulties about the value for which we become will accept the currencies brought by the mystics of the various parties of Greece, unless it is a question of evaluating, according to their composition intrinsic metallic, old parts which were no longer received in monetary circulation. But it was not the same at the time when mysteries of Andania, interrupted since the ancient wars of Messinia, were first reestablished under the auspices of Epaminondas. It was the age of greatest variety in the coinage of Greek cities. The institution of àpYvpoaxÔTcoi; was then a necessity, and its office was not certainly not a sinecure. It is therefore probable that if we reestablish it when the mysteries, after a new interruption, began again under the Romans, it was less out of a real need than to revive a tradition of old customs, a provision of old regulations.

60 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

remedy for this unfortunate state of affairs, born from a fragmentation pushed to the extreme and the lack of a spirit of national unity, they resorted to monetary conventions, analogous to the one which nowadays has produced between France, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium and Greece what we call the Union Latin.

2. Numismatists have long recognized that a fairly large number of Greek coins united the names and types of two cities (1). These facts of my- common swimming patterns imposed themselves on their study. It matters, above all, to distinguish, what have not been done sufficiently ment of the scientists of the past, facts of this kind belong During the period of full independence, op'voiai si often mentioned on the copper coins of the series incorrectly called Greek imperials (!2) (see the I 3 of this chapter). There is, in fact, no assimilation possible, because of the profound difference in conditions of coinage in both cases. If the government of Roman emperors granted with great ease to Greek cities permission to mint cash copper booster intended to exclusively supply the local circulation, this coinage was carried out under the supervision launches from the governor of the province, under the conditions and with the proportions he regulated. We were not then allowed to placed in subject towns, even those to which consent was given

(1) See. the lists given by Eckhel, D N, t. IV, p. 333-335; Mionnet, Tables, p. 177-180.

(2) This is the case for most of the examples given by Eckhel and by Mionnet.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 61

leave a nominal shadow of autonomy, to contract between they are real alliances, conventions even pure- commercially. Eckhel (1) established with security habitual of his criticism only in the Roman imperial era the common coinage facts of several cities related solely to joint participation in the worship of some famous sanctuary, festivals and games which were inseparable from it; that the goal had been excluded- to meet the costs incurred by these solemn religious nities, and that this is how the governors Romans and emperors had allowed them to occur sit. In many cases also, the ojxovoia mentioned then on the coins seems to be a simple courtesy of the muni- cipality between them, homage of courtesy and deference given to particularly illustrious cities by others cities which did not have usual links with them, even of worship. Such are the concords of Smyrna with Athe- nes, in which Smyrna pays homage to the metropolis history of the Ionians, Smyrna, Sagalassos and Selgé from Pisidia with Sparta, from Ephesus and Samos with Alexandria. The proclamation of Vo^ô^oia. on currencies is not, in this case, more significant than the invitations that are addressed today to each other, for festivals, municipalities of cities in the same country or neighboring countries, even where, as in France, municipal life cipale has the least reality.

It was quite different at the time of the real au- tonomy. “When free cities minted money in common, says M. L. Millier (2), it was a consequence

(l)DiV, t. IV, p. 339,

(2) Num. by Alexander, p. 4d.

62 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

natural alliances made for mutual defense, of commercial connections, a common religion or a good intelligence in general^ and the aim was probably to give a more widespread currency to the currency and save rely on the costs of coinage. » This definition is a somewhat vague; we can achieve more precision in the terms and affirm today in a positive way that monetary conventions, having as their object a mon- common swimming, were acts of a perfect nature- determined, which were stipulated according to principles of well-established public law. They did not lead to abdica- of any of the rights of the contracting parties in ma- tier of currencies, but they established a form of cash, weight, title and nominal value agreed, which was to be legal tender, without exchange or agio, on the markets of one or the other, whatever the workshop from which this coin came; they settled in what proportions each of the parties was to strike, if each used its own particular workshop, defining thus the share of costs and profits which fell to each; or, if we had to use one and the same workshop^ become common, which was a way of arriving at a savings on expenses, the agreement determined that in what proportion each of the cities which intervened there had to contribute to the cost and participate in the products of this monetary manufacturing.

We have, in fact, in an inscription (1), the most of the text of a convention of this kind, between Phocaea and Mitylene, for the manufacture of parts

(1) Newton, Transact. of the Royal Society. of literature, 2nd ser. t. VIII, p. 549-bSS; F. Lenormant, Hev. num. 1868, p. 241.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 63

of electrum or low-grade gold (see above, book II, chap. I, § 2, 2), obviously of hectés or sixths of sta- terere, which must have had in the two cities a weight and a uniform alloy, which were determined in the portion of the treaty that we are missing (1). Each of the cities must issue the cash regulated by the treaty, in turn role for a year, and the other's workshop will be idle meanwhile. Coins minted under the convention in Phocaea circulate without premium on the market of Mitylene, and vice versa; which explains to us the story of Callisthenes (2) on the poet Persinos, who, fleeing the court of Eubulus, tyrant of Atarneus in Mysia, came to flee gier in Mitylene; invited to return to Eubule, he replied that he found a place to invest his gold from Phocaea ((jscoxat- $tç) to Mitylene under much more advantageous conditions- his only to Atarnée, where he would have to pay a change. The penalty for the miner who has defrauded the agreed title and unduly increased the proportions of the alloy is the dead. Responsible before both cities, he must be judged in his own city, before a mixed court whose composition varies, because the authorities of the city where it sits must form more than half, obviously half plus one.

There exists a silver coin with the right name of Abdera with the type of the griffin, and on the reverse the name of Amphipolis with the type of fish (3), another with

(1) This is what results from the way in which the part of the text refers to it preserved.

(2) Ap. Pollute. IX, 93.

(3) Catal. Welzl of Wellenheim, no. 1964.

64 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

the griffin of Abdera and the ox's head of Dicaea (1), from very finally bringing together the type of Maronée with law and reverse the ram's head which is one of those of Samo- Thracian (2). A silver stater copying the types of Co- rinthe (3) present on the right, side by side, near the head helmet of armed Aphrodite, the two marks which, on the imitation coins of this class, usually designate- ment Anactorion of Acarnania and Sicyone; a drachma of the same series bears both those of Corcyra and Si- cyone (4). We know the silver coins, minted some before, others after Alexander (5), where the head radiated from Helios, type of Khodes, associates with the an- part exterior of the lion of Cnidus and the legend of this city, which decorates the reverse. In the series of incuses of the Great Greece (see above, book II, chap. m, § 1, /i), the associations ciations of the types and names of Crotone and Pandosia (6), Crotone and Sybaris (7), Posidonia and Laus (8), Posidonia and

(1) Sestini, Lctt. num. t. VII, p. 10. — The other documents cited by M. L. Millier [Num. by Alexander, p. 41), as indicating alliances monetary unions of Abdera with Cardia and Samoihrace, could not have this meaning. The figure in the hollow square on the reverse is a symbol magistrate staff; we had in Abdera, at the time when they were minted, the habit of placing the stamp in this place on the coins of the responsible magistrate, and we find them on similar documents many times suddenly different, which no longer offer the same fortuitous coincidence with types of cities; see. Brandis, p. S18 et seq.

(2) Mionnet, 1. 1, p. 388. n" lo3; Combe, Mus. Hunier, pi. XXXV, n" 19.

(3) Cousinéry, Essay on Us coins of the Achaean Ugue, 2" part, ft. II, no. 19.

(4) Jbid. 1" part.pl. II, n°30. (3) Brandis, p. 471.

(6) Mionnet, 1. 1, p. 197.

(7) Catal. ofgr. coins in the Brit. Mus. yItaly, p. 357.

(8) Mionnet, t. I, p. 13o.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 65

Sybaris (l), Pyxiis and Siris (:2), are famous (3). But in apart from these currencies with double types and double names, which indicate particular alliances between certain cities, the entire series of these incuse currencies, with its singular unity of period, style, weight of species these, external appearance of the parts and all-part process particular of manufacturing, presents in a remarkable way shows the characteristics that should be recognized the currency of a monetary union, formed under a convention of the kind that we have pointed out, where everyone coins at home, but on a common footing and in specific proportions, so that the reciprocal circulation of currencies takes place freely of one city in the others.

The monetary union established by a treaty between two cited does not result, in fact, only from the manufacture of pieces which bring together their types and names and which come out of a common workshop, but also from a large analogy in types with perfect identity of sizes and title for the species, such that those of one are the exact equivalents of those of the other. Thus the existence of a very prolonged union of this kind between the two cities placed opposite each other on the two sides of the Bosphorus of Thrace, Byzantium and Chalce- doine, which was closely linked by the community of interests

(1) Calai, of (jr. coins in the Brit. Mus., Itahj, p. 287.

(2) Mionnet, 1. 1, p. law.

(3) At a much later time, we still find in Apulia small silver coins, products of a common coinage of Rubi and from another city, which is perhaps Silvium: Carelli, Num. liai. vet. ft. XCV, nM.

II. , 5

66 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

political and commercial, is attested by the currencies old style, of the same weight, with the same hollow square on the reverse, with the names of one or the other of the two cities and the same type of the walking ox, but having under him a epia Chalcedon (1) and a fish in Byzantium (2), as well than by the silver coins, later than Alexander, on which, accompanying the same head of Demeter in right, Byzantium puts on the reverse the image of Posidon and his own legend (3), Chalcedon that of Apollo and his own legend (4), as well as by copper, contemporary porain of these last pieces, where the types are purely Byzantine, but where the legend brings together the names of two cities (S).

When, in the numismatics of the Greek cities of the Cilicia under the Achaemenids, we encounter pieces silver of the most beautiful style, offering a perfect unit of weight and types, on the right the head of Athene, on the reverse Baal seated on a throne, and where we see, in fact of legend, that M on one and 2 on the other, always at the same place (G), we cannot hesitate, more than the duke did by Luynes and J. Brandis, to see the products of a mon- swimming regulated by a union agreement, between the two neighboring towns of Mallos and Soli.

(1) Brandis, p. 433.

(2) Brandis, p. 520.

(3) Combe, Mus. Topsail, ft. XIII, No. 17; Brandis, p. 521.

(i) Borrell,A^M»i. chron. t. V, p. 191 et seq.; Brandis, p. i36.

(o) Mionnet, 1. 1, p. 377, n^^ 83, 86 and 92; Combe, Mus. Hunter. ft. XIII, n'I8.

., (G) D. de Luynes, Numism. satraps. p. 63 et seq., pi. XI; Brandis, p. 499 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 67

There is more. The only Greek monetary convention of which we possessed the text, the one which was recalled more high, is between Pliocea and Mitjlène, for the manufacture of hects of electrum. Now, we have the very currencies which were struck according to this convention (1). They are similar in weight, title, style and general appearance; but each of the two cities retains its pro-types. almost, without borrowing anything in this respect from the other. Here therefore, the union was made under the conditions of our Union Latin, each of the contracting parties giving their currency the imprint of its sovereignty, but carving it on a common standard, with the same value, such that each could accept the other's currency and he give the markets the same legal tender as its own currency.

J. Brandis (2) has learnedly treated the unions of this genre of which we find traces in Greek Asia Minor, during the period before xilexandre. The most important aunt of all is the one we called above V Union of electrum hects and which grouped in the manufacture tion of a homogeneous coinage a large part of the cities of Mysia, Troas, Ionia and the neighboring islands nes for a period of time that can be delimited approximately between 412 and 387 BC. (book II, chap. I, § 2, 2; book VI, chap. iv, § 3). Two groups successive and well-characterized currencies are linked to this union, of which the treaty between Phocaea and Mitylene can be considered as one of the constitutive acts. I am willing to place the manufacture of the first from 412 to /lOO

(1) Mitylene: Brandis, p. 412. — Phocaea: Brandis, p. 414.

(2) P. 260 et seq.

68 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

approximately and that of the second from 399 to 387. In the first group, the electrum liectés offer us on the one hand the type of a city in relief and on the other the type of a second sunken city; the associations that we find there are those of Mitylene and Samos, Mitylene and Dardanos, Lesbos and Cebren, Lesvos and Saraos, Dardanos and Chios, Dardanos and Samos, Samos and Erythres, Samos and Clazomene, Samos and Cebren, Samos and Abydos, Heraclea of Ionia and Abydos (1). Small silver coins, drachmas of 3 gr. 55ettrio- boles of 1 gr. 7o, correspond to this coinage of objects of electrum and also combine two types of cities, all two in relief, but the one on the reverse in a hollow square; the associations are: Abydos and Cebren, Abydos and Cla- zomene, Abydos and Cliios (2), Cebren and Teos (3), Samos and Cebren, Samos and Methymna, Samos and Clazomene, Samos and Eritres, Samos and Chios (4). The second group presents the characters that we defined above time, speaking of the treaty between Phocaea and Mitylene. The unit is complete in system, weight, title, the general appearance and essential arrangement of the types: right a head of divinity, on the reverse, in a square indicated qué by four bars, a type which is most often a second head. But each city retains its types own, by arranging them in these data: Phocaea, which then has the most extensive coinage, strikes with very varied types and signs the products of his workshop

(1) Milylene Associations: Brandis, p. 412. — Other associations tions: Brandis, p. 416 et seq.

(2) Brandis, p. 444.

(3) Brandis, p. 443,

(4) Brandis, p. 468 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 69

by a small figure of a seal placed in the field of the reverse. Parium (1), Abydos (2), Birytis (3), Cebren(/|), Headquarters (5), Lesvos (6), Érésos (7), Mitjlène (8), Lébé- back (9), Phocaea (10), Teos (he), Chios (12), Samos (13) and a certain number of other cities still undetermined born (14), then take part in this form of coinage of union.

We can establish as a rule that monetary unions only exist between very neighboring towns, or at least between cities in the same region, having natural and incessant between commercial courses, where consequently the need for a common currency must have become acute feel. When we find on an antique piece the meeting of types of cities very distant from each other others, which great navigation alone brought into contact with, we must seek the explanation in some circumstance, exceptional political and historical, rather. that in a monetary union. This is the case with the piece of art. kind of anepigraph, in a very old style, which unites on one side

(1) Brandis, p. 410.

(2) Brandis, p. 411.

(3) Ibid.

(4) Ibid.] (o) Ibid.

(6) Brandis, p. 412.

(7) Ibid.

(8) Ibid.

(9) Brandis, p. 413.

(10) Brandis, p. 414.

(11) Brandis, p. 41o.

(12) Ibid.

(13) Ibid.

(14) Brandis, p. 418 et seq.

70 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

the types of Cyrene, plant and seed of silphmm, and of Samos, lion's head, on the other, in a hollow square, that of Ialysos, an eagle's head holding a serpent in its beak (i). Instead of assuming a coinage association between these three cities, it is better to bring this piece back to the expedition which left Samos between 5'29 and 555 BC. AD to put back on his throne, with an army of Samians and from the Rhodians, king Arcesilaus III, expelled from Cyrene (2). The style of the coin fits admirably with the date of this event.

Most often, the monetary union between two cities or a greater number appear to have been exclusively bor- born to its special object and in no way entailed any political federation. Nothing like this is noticed in history for the cities of southern Italy, which issued the incuse silver coins, nor j)Our cities Greeks of Western Asia Minor, grouped commercially cially and monetarily in the Union of Electricity Hect- trump. However, in some cases, it is otherwise. We have silver coins from the 5th century before our era where the name of Phères is associated with those of several other cities of Thessaly^ in couplings which always go two by two (3), and one, of around fifty of later years, where Phères and Larisse are named together, each on one of the faces (h). The latter

(1)L. Thousand, Num. of the anc. Africa^ t. I, p. 11.

Ca) See. (lavedoni, Osserv. sulle monete délia Cirenaica, p. 20 et seq.; L. Muller, Num. of the anc. Africa, p. 18.

(3) Duchalais, Ruv. num, 18o3, p. 235 et seq. , pi. XIV.

(i) Huber Catalogue, p. 29; Leicester Warren, Greek federal coinage, p. 22.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS. 71

certainly belongs to the time when Jason of Phères (in 374 BC) had managed to be elected by the as- general assembly of the Thessalians tagos or military chief of the whole country, above the aristocratic families exercising establishing power in the various cities, an office that his successor mediate cessor Alexander transformed into a tyranny complete. The union of the names of the two cities on the same currency is therefore linked to a community of government. This makes it very likely that the parts analogs struck at an earlier period relate to attempt at a previous hegemony exercised momentarily by Phères in the federation of Thessalian cities^ federated ration of which the institution of the common tagos was the link (1), and who, with frequent eclipses and despite resistance of the particularism to which dominated families pushed nantes of different cities, such as the Aleuades of La- risse, the Scopades of Crannon, the Créondes of Pharsale, reappeared in all circumstances that threatened the independence of the country (2). Aristotle, in his book Republics, devoted a chapter to the constitution of this X.OI.V/] 02(7ca')aov izolizeia (3). We therefore have, I believe, in the numismatic monuments that I have just recalled peel, a federal coinage test, as imperfect and as irregular as the Tliessalian confederation was herself.

(1) Vœmel, De Thessaliae tnco/ès, Frankfurt, 1829; Titlmann, Darstellunrj d. griech. Staatsverf. p. 713; Schoemann, Anliq.juris publ. Graec. p. 401; Hermann, Lehrb. d. griech. Staatsalt. § 178.

(2) Freeman, Hist. of federal ijovei'nment, p. 152 et seq.

(3) C. Millier, Fragm. hislor. graec. t. II, p. 151, fr. 115-1 iS.

72 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

3. The federal coinages of the Greek world, very different enthusiasts of the numismatics of simple monetary unions silences, were grouped and studied in a remarkable fort work of M, Leicester Warren {]). It is largely with this guide, but adding a few facts to those he took care of,- that we are going to throw a blow look at this part of our subject.

In different regions of Greece and Greek countries, and at various times, the dangers of all kinds which result were of the fragmentation of sovereignty even in the smallest localities, the isolation and rivalry of cited in relation to each other, led to put in common the military forces and the major pro-interests provincials, by the formation of permanent leagues having for these things a federal government and institutions common tions, but where each of the cities or tribes freely entered the league retained its party laws culars, with the fullness of its sovereignty for its af- internal actions. Some of the fractions of the nation Greeks showed themselves more suited than the others to this diet federal, and we see it in force since re[)oquela more remote; in others, on the contrary, the federation does not was formed only late, after a bitter experience of the regime of particularist fragmentation. It is important, moreover, to distinguish in history the federations of cities having by themselves an importance and a life of their own, and the federations of tribes without projecting towns, such as those Phocians and Aetolians. The latter had, in general general, a much more permanent existence, a func-

(1) Essay on greek federal coinage, London and Cambridge, 1863. — This work was written to form an appendix to the Histonj of federal governii- ment of Mr. Freeman.

THERE. LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 73

easier operation of common institutions, because that municipal rivalries did not bring any element of disorder and discontent.

We even meet leagues of cities, and very- strongly constituted from the federal point of view, among non-Hellenic populations. Such was the league of cities Lycian women. Thanks to the cohesion of its members, to the solidarity said of its institutions and the skillful policy by which, in the great armed struggles between the Greeks and Persia, she knew how to isolate herself from military events, in charge of pay a light tribute alternately to some and to other belligerents, sometimes both in At the same time (1), the Lycian League managed to maintain itself until Alexander in a situation of true independence de facto pendency. And this independence was quite effective tive so that at the time when Syria belonged by right to the Achaemenid empire, in which it formed a satrapy on the other hand, with Pamphylia and the country of Milyas (2), she could, while accepting the gold dariques of the suzerain, according to which she regulated the size of her own watches silver coins (o) (see book YI, chap. iv, §2), close its territory to the cash of empire, which it does not received only by pricing them at his discretion and imposing a countermark (i). During the 5th and 4th centuries BCE Christian, the Lycian League had a federal coinage

(1) In 4i6 BC. BC, the A-jxiot xal (7'jvt;),£ï; Are on the tri-list goals of the Delian confederation {Corp. mscr. attic. No. 234); but at the same time they were not considered rebels at the court of Susa.

^2) Arrian. Anab. I, 23, 4; III, G, G.

(3) Brandis, p. 131 and Sio.

(4) Brandis, p. 26o et seq., 3i4. •

74 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

abundant and perfectly characterized (1), of which all the pro- products offer perfect system unity. Each city there mints species in his name and by placing in the right the type she chose -, but the reverse still presents the symbol of the League, three crescents arranged in a triquetra and attaching by one of their ends to a ring which forms a common center. This weird symbol must do al- lusion to the three peoples, Caunians, Trojans and Trémiles (2), whose union formed the Lycian nation (3). Next to the federal species hit by them, many cities have at the same time a purely municipal coinage, where the emblem of the Confederation no longer appears (4). Finally, some coins, having a common symbol on the reverse, — which differ from that of the big league in that there are four crescents, instead of three, which are attached to a ring central (5), — seem to indicate, at least for a while time, the existence of a small distinct confederation, comprising only three or four localities. He doesn't would not be impossible that it was that of the Caunians (6), that the Athenian inscriptions of the tributes show dis-

(1) Fellows, Coins of ancient Lycia, London, 1855; Brandis, p. 344 and

488492.

(2) See. Fellows, Coins of Lycia, p. 5; and the notes of the English Herodotus by G. Rawlinson, 2nd ed. t, I, p. 247 et seq.

(3) This explanation seems preferable to me to the one which sees a sort of harpoon with three hooks, alluding to the name of IIarpagos, the con- petitioner of the country for the Persians, whose dynasty remained at the head of the confederation at least until the time of Artaxerxe Longue-Main (Stewart, in Fellows, Lycian coins, p, 14).

(4) Brandis, p. 345 and 48fi-488.

(5) Fellows, Ft. I and II; Brandis, p. 488.

(6) This is also the opinion of Mr. Fellows.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 75

tincts of the Lycians proper, in the middle of the 10th century.

Some Greek cities on the west coast of Asia jMiner offer us a federal coinage, organized in a very analogous way, in a historical circumstance risk that Mr. Waddington has admirably determined (1), After the battle of Cnidus, Samos, Epliese, Lihodes and CnidCj, delivered from the Lacedaemonian harmosts by the fleet of Conon and Pliarnabaze, united in a league for the defense of their reconquered freedom and struck a mon- common silver plate, bearing on the right the symbol of the league, Hercules as a child choking the snakes, with the le- Gende lYN^ which must be understood as the abridgement of lYNf7.a-/ta, or as a complete word to be taken in the sense adverbial, “together!” » ; on the reverse, each of the cities puts its name and its particular type. Cities further away gnes appear to have adhered to the political alliance, to the which events soon put an end, but not to the union monetary associated with it. This is how Cyziqne and Lampsaques struck then^ but each in its own system particular system of coins, the first a st.atère of electr- trum (^), the second a stater of pure gold (3), with the significant type of Hercules suffocating the serpents.

All Greek leagues formed for military purposes and politics, with a common fund, did not seek to create a federal currency, but only those which were made up of inhabitants of the same country, including existence corresponded to a real national feeling. In this case, the almost constant rule is that currency-

(1) Rev. mm. 1863, p. 223 et seq., pi. x.

(2) Recv. num. 1863, pL X, n° 6.

(3) Ibid. No. 5.

76 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

federal government was struck in a common workshop and door in the genitive case of belonging the name of the people forming the confederation, of the Phocians, of the Boeotians, of the Eto- links, etc.

Pliocide offers us one of the oldest examples of federal coinage in Greece proper (1). The parts at type of the ox's head and in the name of the Phocidians com- begin with the oldest style (see book VI, chap. ix, to the word Slalères of Phocis). This federal coinage is parallel to the independent coinage of Delphi (2), which since the Persian Wars took a separate meeting of the Phoci- diens, as a distinct State, in the amphictyo-council fuck. It is also in the 6th century BCE that we must trace the beginning of silver coins federal minted jointly by the cities of the Chersonese of Thrace (3), who had the same senate and formed a very narrow league (-1).

The coinage of the Boeotians does not begin less high. It is numerous and famous (5), extending over the

(1) Eckhel, D iV, t. IT p. 193; Mionnet, t. II, p. 94 et seq.; Leicesler Warren, p. J2 et seq.

(2) Bossftt, Essay on the medals of Cephalonia and Ithaca, p. 7 and 30, ft. V, nos. 1 and 2; H. de Longpérier, Rev. num. J869, p. Li9 et seq.

(3) Mionnet, SuppL t. II, p. S24 et seq.; Brandis, p. 524.

See. L. Millier {ISumism. by Alexander, p. 41) for demonstration of C3 which are the federal currencies of the meeting of the Chersoné-cities its own, and not the particular species of a city of Chersonesos, which never existed.

(4) Demosih. Pro coron, p. 2oG, decree issued jointly by the Chersonesians, whose cities are listed at the top.

(5) Eckhel, DiV, t. II, p. 195 et seq.; Mionnet, t. II, p. 99 et seq.; Leices- ter Warren, p. 23 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 77

course (the several centuries. To this federal currency of the Boeotian League, one of the oldest in Greece, must be reported not - only the parts which have the name of the Boeotians more or less abbreviated, but all those who, with the type of the Boeotian shield on the law, do not bear the name of a city on the reverse special. The federal coinage of the Boeotians continued until the dissolution of the league by the Romans in 146. But, during the third century, the type was changed. It was then that the tetradragons were struck which have the head of Jupiter on one side and Neptune on the other seated with the legend BOinTflN (1) and the corresponding bronzes laying f2). The drachmas at the head of Jupiter and on the verse of Victory (3), imitated from the golden staters of Alexander, with the bronzes on the reverse of the Pallas (4), represent a still later era and the end of the existence of the Boeotian Confederation.

The Confederation of Cities of Halkidiki on the coast tliraco – Macedonian, called often in history Olynthian League, named after its capital, struck around the beginning of the 4th century, between the Peloponnesian War nesis and the dissolution of its own federal bond^ imposed by Sparta in 379, admirable gold and silver coins and copper, having on the right the laureate head of Apollo, on the reverse a lyre with the name XAAKlAEflN (5). Olynthus,

(1) Mionnet, t. II, p. 103, no. 59.

(2) Mionnet, t. II, p. 104, no. 66-68.

(3) Mionnet, t. II, p. 103, no. 60-64.

(4) Ibid. n" 6o.

(5) Mionnet, Suppl. t. III, p. 60 et seq.; Leicester Warren, p. 28 et seq.; Brandis, p. 533 et seq.

78 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

center of the league and probable place of manufacture of common currencies, put his name on the right of one of these coins, but keeping on the reverse that of the Confederate ration (1). At the same time, the town of Bottiée offers us a municipal coinage of small copper coins, with its particular name, but the federal type (2).

It is in the series of imitation silver coins Corinthian (see book IV, ckap. vii), struck in the 4th century, that we encounter the first currencies bearing the name of the people of the Acarnanieus, be designated by the initials AK (3), which could also apply to the town of Actium, or by the letters AKAP grouped in monogram (/i), alongside similar species with municipal marks of many Acarnanian towns, like Alyzia (5), Anactorion (6), Argos Amphilochion (7), Lefkada (8), Metropolis (9) and Thyrreôn (10). The mon- federal organization of the Acarnanian League becomes more important

(1) Cadalvène, Med. uned. ft. I, ri° 28. — The silver coin continuing the federal type, with a modification in the head and the legend OAYN- OINON (Mionnet, Suppl. t. III, p. 84, n-^ 518; Catal. Nortkvick, No. 579), must be subsequent to the dissolution of the league.

(2) Mionnet, 1. 1, p. 470, no. 168; Bompois, Num. chron. n. s. t. XIV, p. 2l{).

(3) Cousinéry, Essay on the coins of the Achêenne League, 2nd part, ft. II, n" 9; I'^" part. ft. II, No. 21.

(4) Ihid. You're leaving. ft. II, No. 2-4.

(5) Ibid. 2.<-- part. ft. II, n-20 and 21.

(6) Ibid. 2“part. ft. II, No. 10-19; I'm leaving. ft. II, no. 23.

(7) Ibid. 2^ part. ft. III, n-1-9.

(8) Ibid. r leaves. ft. III, n"" 13-18; 1^« share. ft. II, no. 28.

(9) IbiJ. 2« part. ft. III, no. 19.

(10) Ibid. 2" part. pi. III, n"' 20 and 21.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 79

bearing and much better characterized in the period after Alexander. It is then that the coins are struck the legend AKAPNANflN, with the head of Acheloiis and the other side the figure of Apollo Actian, or more rarely that of Zeus standing (1), and the brass instruments which correspond to it tooth, with different types (2).

It's still in Corin's series of silver imitations. tlie that we see the first pieces bearing the name of the Locrians (3): they appear to be due to the Hesperians or Ozoles and having been struck in Naupactus, their only important city. But that’s really an overuse of the expression. sion of "federal coinage" than to apply it, as said Mr. Leicester Warren (4), to the currencies that the three tribes of the Locrians were struck in an entire manner- distinct and independent (5). The particular coinage link of a small tribe, such as the Opontians (6) or the Epicnemidians, constitutes a piecemeal autonomy as well as that of a simple city. It matters a lot

('I)Eckhel, D iV, t. II, p. 183; Mionnet, t. II, p. 78 et seq.; Leicester Warren, p. 14 et seq.

(2) Mionnet, SuppL t. III, p. 454, n°= 7-9.

(3) Cousinéry, Coins of the Achaean League, 2nd part. ft. II, No. 1-8.

(4) P. o9 et seq.

(5) The only indication that we find there of a tendency towards unity is in this fact that the Epicnemidians and the Opontians have at a certain moment minted with small copper coins of the same type, but each tribe with its name: Mionnet, t. II, p. 90, no. 3, and p. 93, no. 28.

(6) The admirable silver coins of the Opontians of the Ajax type fighter (see. Catal. Daprè, n° 217, the copy with the legend explanatory letters in small letters Al Al) have alternatively for registration AOKPnN or OnONTiflN (Mionnet, t. II, p. 91 et seq.; SuppL t. III, p. 489 et seq.}.

80 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

make the designation disappear from numismatic language barbaric and inaccurate which caused it to be classified under headings similar to the pieces of Boeotia in generates, or of Aetolia in generates federal cash from major city leagues or sort])us, and those of the Elis in generate^ currencies of a city having a territory which absolutely depended on it. However, it would be unfortunate to replace an expression as vague and as improper by an inaccurate extension of that of federal currencies.

/L. Arcadia presents us with a singular problem. 11 is completely positive historically that no political link, no confederation, existed before the time of E[)ami- nonclas between the different cantons of Arcadia. Each of them had its own life, and the small towns and villages were grouped in a few of them under the de- dependence of larger cities. This was the situation of Clitor, Herea and Mantinea, and the ancient import- tance of the coinage of these three cities corresponds well to a similar state of affairs. Yet we have a very numerous series of small silver coins, including the oldest certainly belong to the 6th century and in the succession of which we can follow step by step all the progress of art in the course of V (1), coins where you see on one side Zeus Aphesios, giving the volley to the eagle which he holds on his hand, and on the other the head of Ar-

(1) iMionnet, t. II, p. 2i3; Suppl. t. IV, p. 27J. — For the inheritance art styles in these pieces, see. especially Imhoof Blumer, Choice of Greek coins, pi. II and III, n-71-81; Zeilschr. f, Numism. t. III, ft. VII, No. 2-27; VIII, n-1-8; p. 289-302.

LOr IN ANCIENT COINS 81

témis liymnia (1), with the legend ARKADIpON and pines late APKAAIKON. There is no need to see them as federal currencies. rales, since at the time when they were minted there was no no Arcadian League having a political existence; nor are they the species of one of the cities which each exercised sovereignty over its territory in all its fullness. Only one explanation is possible for this coinage which itself is called Arcadian, 'Ap/.a^i-/,ov . implied voyicjy.a or y.oajxa. It's that it is a sacred coinage, issued by the priesthood of worship common of the holy city of Lycosura, “the most ancient "city that the sun had seen", following his traditional claim- nelle (2), and Mount Lycée, a cult which was then the only national bond between the Arcadian tribes, claiming all the same origin (3). The use of the possessive adjective instead of the name of the people in the plural perhaps has here a characteristic meaning: the currency is not that "Arcadians" as a people united politically, but a “sacred Arcadian currency”.

On the archaic coinage of Olympia (4), we read the same OAYMPIKON, on the tetradrachm of Delphi AAAOI- K0N(5). It would therefore seem that one could be entitled to hold such a form of lesende as being in the Greece own indicative of no longer national currencies,

(1) E, Curtius, in the Beitrage of Pinner and Friedlander, p. 8o-92.

(2) Pausan. LIFE, 38, 1.

(3) This is the opinion of M. E. Curtius, of Colonel Leake (Numisin. hellenic. European Greece, p. 16-18; Add. p. lo6; Suppl. p. 114) and Mr. Leicester Warren (p. 11).

(4) Zeistckr. f. Numism. t. II, p. 26o.

(5) Rev. num. 1869, p. 149.

n. 6*

82 LA. CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

but sacred, struck with the metallic riches which flowed into the coffers of certain temples; because the ab- sence of all political life in Olympia, a purely religious city gious dependent on Elis since the ruin of Pisa (1), does not does not allow another character to be assigned to its currency. Silver coins with the legend 0 El P IKON (2) instead of OEiriEHN can perfectly be san- created, struck by the priesthood of the famous sanctuary from Eros to Thespians, rather than currencies issued by political authorities of the city. Have we not yet in Boeotia another coin struck by a temple, in a locality which did not have political autonomy, that of Ismene (3), suburb of Thebes, or more precisely of sanctuary of Ismenian Apollo?

We must make room in Greek numismatics for these sacred currencies (/j.). Alongside the sovereignty of cities and kings, the right of coinage, this privilege verain, was recognized to a certain number of religious bodies gods and temples, which used for the manufacture of coins part of their treasures and found there

#

(1) This situation is perfectly expressed by beautiful money silver from the British Museum, where we see on one side the head of Zeus with the ordinary legend of the Eleans, FAAEIflN, on the other the head of the nymph Olympia with her name, OATMPIA: Zeitschr. f. Num. t. II, p. 266.

(2) Mionnet, t. II, p. 110, no. 110; Suppl. t. III, pi. 17, no. 7. — It is certainly the androgynous head of Eros which is on the reverse of these coins.

(3) A. Soutzo, Rev. num. 1869, p. 177, pi. VI, No. 15. M. Imhoof-Blumer however disputes the attribution: Numism. Zeitschr. of Vienna, 1871, p. 353.

(-4) See. especially E. Curtius, Ueher den religiosen Charakter der yrie- chischen Munzen, in the Monatsberichte of the Berlin Academy of June 1869; Num. chron. 1870, p. 91 et seq.; Zeitschr. f. Numism. t. I, p. 267 and following.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 83

new income. It is in this category that we must put away the beautiful tetradrachms struck by the Amphic- tyons, as a sacred body much more than as an assembly political, and where the head of the Demeter of Anthela and the image of the Delphian Apollo recall the sanctuaries where they held their two annual meetings (1). We have the silver coinage of the temple of Didymes^ near Miletus, that its inscription calls sacred, the EPH (2) (see more top, book I, chap. i, § 2, 2). The bronze coins of Corcyra in the figure and often in the name of Zeus Casios, the- which date from the era of Roman domination and were minted even under Caracalla, are of a completely different from that of the other Corcyrean currencies of the same period; they must be brought to a workshop private, installed in Cassiope in the outbuildings of the temple of the god (3). This explains the coinage of certain localities, which sometimes were not even cities, but only sanctuaries, which in all the cases would have had no political right to fight currency, because they did not have independence under veraine, like Eleusis (4), simple dome of Attica and the only one where Athens tolerated copper coinage distinct from the state currency, Orthia in Elide (5) and perhaps the neighboring Carneasion of Andania in Messinia (6).

(1) Mionnet, t. He, p. 96, no. 21; Cadalvène, Med. uned. ft. II, No. 18. — The corresponding drachma: Rev. num. 1860, pi. XII, no. 8.

(2) Millingen, Sylloge ofancient coins, p. 70.

(3) Lambros, in Postolaccas, KaxaXoYo; vo[i.iO[X(xtwv twv v-fiatin'j Kspxûpaç, AeuxàSoç, X. t. >. p. 51.

(4) Eckhel, D N, t. U, p. 222; Mionnet, t. II, p. 140.

(5) E. Curlius, Peloponnesos, t. II, p. 102.

(6) R. Rochette, Mem. of numism. p. 128.

H.6.

84 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

We must bring the facts together, to which we will return later (book IV, chap. li), cities where currency, as at Pessinonte (1), at Hierapolis of Syria (2), at Alexan- dria Troas (3), in Ilion (/l), in Thasos (5), in Odessos (6), is designated by its legend as that of the protective divinity trice of the city, instead of that of the people, in such a way that it seems that it is the priestly authorities, and not the political authorities, who provide the legal guarantee. The only Arcadian League known to history is that of Lycomède, founded under the influence of Epaminondas at the same time as Ton created Megalopolis to serve of capital (7). Despite the almost continuous heartbreaks nuals which fill its annals, the political confederation tick of the Arcadians had a large federal coinage, obviously beaten at Megalopolis (8). From the very moment from its first organization date the admirable staters of silver of eginetic weight which have as their types the head of Zeus Lycseos and Pan seated on a rock (9); these guys

(1) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 391, no. 104.

(2) Mionnet, t. V, p. 139 et seq.

(3) Mionnet, t. II, p. 639, n°65-67; Rev. num. 1858, p. 1-5D.

(4) Mionnet, t. II, p. 657 et seq.

(5) Mionnet, t. I, p. 435, no. 30-39.

(6) Mionnet, t. I, p. 395, no. 221.

(7) See. the excellent Arcadex article, by M. Foucart, in the Dictionary antiques from MM. Daremberg and Saglio.

(8) Leicester Warren, p. 30 et seq.

(9) Mionnet, t. II, p. 244, nos. 6 and 7. — The letters OATM, which a few copies can be read on the rock, do not designate it like the Arcadian Olympus, the Lyceum; it is a simple name of a magistrate in abbreviated, because, on another copy, it is XAPI that we read at the same time place [Zeilschr. f. Num. t. 111, pi. VU, no. 1, p. 289).

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 85

then continue on the quarter staters (1), size above that the League no longer mints. The most small silver coins (2) and copper coins (3), with a on one side the head of Horned Pan and on the other, as a type, a large monogram composed of the letters APK, consti- kill the divisional cash of the Confederation, manufacture qué until the time when it merged into the League Achaean.

The federal series of the Aetolian League, to the legend AITHAriN, is also rich and very beautiful as an art (4). It belongs to the culminating era of power of this confederation, in the historical period between the first successors of Alexander and the Roman conquest maine. We distinguish two groups of parts: first gold staters and silver tetradrachms of weight Attic, that the heads of the right, in one and the other metal_, must be classified among the imitations of species of Alexander the Great executed with a certain freedom (see book IV, chap. vu); then silver coins whose standard is a drachma of 5 gr. 35 and small pieces of copper attached to it, all these currencies having types allusive to the main heroic legend of Aetolia, the hunt of the wild boar Calydou.

I indicated above (§1.4 of this chapter) the reasons which lead me to believe that the currencies of appearance

(1) Mionnet, t. II, p. 2ii, vol.- 8-13.

(2) Mionnet, t. II, p. 244, no. i.

(3) Mionnet, 1. 1[, p. 24o, n" 14-16.

(4) Eckhel, l) iV, t. He, p. 188; Mionnet, t. He, p. 86 et seq.; Leicester Warren, p, uG et s.

86 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

republican in the name of the Epirotes (1) began to be struck immediately after Pyrrhus, when the last descendants of the Aeacid dynasty still occupied the throne of this country, but only exercised authority very limited in its power. If it were so, and the ab- sence of any royal piece of the Pire after Pyr- rhus is likely to make one think so, the Epirotes would have owned a common national currency, issued in the name of the people, even before the revolution which abolished among them the royalty to replace it with a more unitary republic only federal, between 239 and 2i^9 BC, J.-C. They did not have therefore to continue it in the new state of things, until only at the time of their submission to Roman power. In the south of Italy, around the time of Pyrrhus, we let's stop all coinage of silver from the cities of Brut- tium; it is then replaced by the abundant gold coins, silver and copper bearing the national name of the Brut- here, BPETTinN (!2). These coins attest to the formation of a league with federal coinage, which was maintained until that after the Ilannibal War and on which historians remain silent (3).

5. In- all the confederations from which we come to quickly review the numismatic monuments ticks, the cities, by constituting a common authority for matters of war and for the administration of

(1) Eckhel, D N, [. II, p. 100 et seq.; Mionnet, 1. 1, p, i7 et seq.; Leicesler Warren, p. 16 et seq.

(2) Eckhel, DiV, t. I, p. 166 et seq.; Mionnet, 1. 1, p. 179-186.

(3) Mommsen, Hl B, t. I, p. 127-132.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 87

certain general interests, reserved for themselves the fullness of their political and legislative sovereignty in everything that was their internal affairs. Likewise, by creating a common federal currency, they did not abdicate their prior right of particular coinage, where they find were a source of profit (1). Also almost everywhere, next to the products of federal emissions, we find those of contemporary municipal coinage, and some times very developed. All cities in the Boeotian League had their particular currencies in their own name, in at the same time as the federal coins of the age were minted before Alexander, coins cut on the same foot and likewise always presenting on the right the emblem common to the nation, the Boeotian shield (2). In the Arcadian League organized by Lycomedes, the existence of distinct coinage of the cities alongside the common coinage mun in the name of the confederation is also the general rule. The creation of the League and the founding of Megalopolis mar- even, as Mr. Lei has very well highlighted cester Warren (3), a crucial date for the history of monetary art in the Peloponnese (see book IV, chap.i); it is a moment of expansion and progress that takes place produced by manufacturing in many Arcadian cities of silver staters, of eginetic weight like those who bear the name of the Confederate Arcadians, staters offering with these the closest analogy of style (book Vf,

(1) See. Leicester Warren, p. 9.

(2) A list, not entirely complete, of the cities where we have these mon- naies, was given by Mr. Leicester Warren, p. 27; cf. Imhoof-Blumer, Zur Miinzkunde und Paldographie Bwo/iens, Vienna, 1873.