Greek and Roman Metrology — 1862

10) The evidence is provided by Benle p. 64 ff. and 86 f. together.

11) Two pieces from the era of the coat of arms weigh 1,426 and 1.36 gr. (Mommsen p. 54 f.); they are twelfths that correspond to whole pieces of 17.11 and 16.32 sizes. lead to what the oldest silver tetradrachm of un- about 17 gr. (§ 27 note 10) is very true. From the period between Peisistratos and Alexander, the heaviest stater weighs 8.64 gr. (= 162f Prokesch p. 18), corresponds exactly to the simultaneous Te- tradrachmon of 17.27 gr. (§ 27, 4). There are pieces of... 8.61 gr. (= 132.8 Thomas p. 202, Leake Suppl. p. 115), 8.60 (Beul6 p. 62, Thomas p. 202, Leake p. 22), 8.58 ("= 16l|^ Mionnet p. 96) and some lighter ones. The heaviest drachma weighs 4.32 gr. (Beul6 p. 62), true i.e. exactly with the stater of 8.64 and the tetradrachm of 17.27 gr. The other nominal values listed in note 6 above are also carefully minted to the same weight, some of them slightly overcoined. Yourself the three smaller pieces, which dent p. 86 than the more recent coinage associated lists still have the full weight of 0.54, 0.18 and 0.09 gr.

12) The eighth part of the obolo is determined by the Chalkus Poll. 9, 65 (citing a passage from the comedian Philemon), the Metrolog Diodoros at Suidas under TcilavTov (according to the one by BÖckh M. U. S. 33 correct reading), the anonymous Alexandrian cap. 18 and the Galenic Metrologists (§19 note 13). The approach to (i;(aXxoTf der at Suid. and Phot. below oßoXog and others. Compare Böckh M.U. p. 32 f., SUatsh. I p. 17 Aom. a.

166 ATTIC COINAGE. |t8.

first advised the Athenians to use copper coins ^3). This corresponds to the character of the oldest Attic copper pieces, which certainly belongs to the second epoch of the older style (| 27, 3) and partly before the beginning of it, i.e. before the time belong to the Peloponnesian War ^ ^ ). It must be a draw The question remains whether even back then the Chalcus was still there other denominations were minted. A dlxccluov, which Pollux mentioned was not yet necessary, since for this value that Tetartemorion in silver was there. But it is possible and The findings of the coins indicate that early on Halves of the chalk or penny pieces, perhaps even quarters or mXlvßoi. ^ ^) have been beaten. Although it could be against it It can be objected that in the Demosthenic speech against Phenippos ^ ^) the Chalcus is mentioned as the least coin fmdet; But at this point there is only the contrast between the silver token and the worthless token emphasized, but no precise determination of the latter thought. A temporary expansion of the copper embossing took place in J. 406 took place under the archon Kallias^^). It was this just like the gold coinage that took place the year before, it was an emergency rule of thumb, according to which the lack of silver is caused by the well over copper coins issued based on their value should be replaced. Soon afterwards the state declared this copper money invalid ^ ^) and with it returned to the silver courant.

13) Athens. 15 p. 669 D, Plut. Nick. 5. The time determination number is combined Böckh SUatsh. I p. 770.

14) Compare the image at Beule p. 74. Prokesch p. 16 goes za far if he moves the copper coin back to Selon, whereas the control of Athenaeus over Dionysius the Brazen speaks decisively.

15) The xokXvßog appears as the smallest separate coin at Arist. Pax 1200, EupoUs at Schol. to Arist. Pax 1176, Callimachus at Poll. 9, 72. Pollux itself has the form xokXvßov , but xokXvßog is better believed bigt Against the identification of Kollybos with the Xstitov mrä below nor what is necessary can be noticed. The mention of a TQixoXXvßov at Pol], a. a. 0. makes it probable that the Kollybos is the quarter of the Chalcus was, because Kollybos can do an even smaller part difficult to depict.

16) § 22: ai) jolvvv det^ov x^^^^^'^ ^^« fiovov ds ttjv noXiv uv7iX

17) Schol. to Arist. 725. BSckh Staatsh. I p. 770.

18) This comes from the conversation in Arist. Ecc. 81 Rev. out. The The performance of the Ekklesiazusen takes place in the year 393, the rofification of the Copper coin before this point in time.

ATTIC iii;.izwEsen.

Only in the time after Alexander, when dea was coined jÜQgereQ Stiles began (§ 27, 6), the area of copper mining coin constantly expanded. Silver minting was the only option back then down to the triobolon (§ 27, 5), the smaller denominations must have been depicted in copper since then, and this The numerous copper coins from Terreichenster confirm this Greatness and heaviness that have been present since that time. Of course it is a precise determination and distinction of the nominals impossible. There's little to worry about in terms of weight Copper as a separate coin with only nominal validity of the MetsU worth less was out of the question. Even the relative weight ratio nifs doesn't provide any information, because you can add numbers from 1 to 4 and from 6 to 10 gr. form that is uninterrupted in the smallest Gradations ascend ' ^), without being able to distinguish where the coin of higher value begins. Also the Cröfse, who also if it rises steadily in small nuances, there is no security Stop. Finally, the character shows differences similar to Like the smaller silver coins, but a distinction It can't be done even after that ^ "). Even more complicated the question has arisen because one has to divide the Chalcus in 7 kcTttä, which the metrologist Diodoros^i) mentions, transferred to Athens without further ado and with this Xsfzr6y the 7i6X).vßog identified. But it's absolutely unbelievable... True, that the Athenians used their Chalcus, which was the value of only 2 pfennigs. had done, no matter how many times; at the very least- But at least they would have reduced it to seventeenths. This means they fall previously established scales of Athenian copper coins, in which Nominals of 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 Lepta etc. were ßngirt^^), in nothing together. The only possibility of rational management The way to drive is to construct the series from above. tried. Which was the largest copper coin since then no lower form than triobolone was minted in silver? Dafs Dioboli and trihemiobolia were struck in copper not impossible, but not exactly likely. Presumably

I

13) Bvult'p. 76.

2U) Some pieces show two owls in d troboloD (§ 27 note 29), other two owls m Diobolon. Prokescb p. 16.

21) At Suid. unL xäkaviov. The remaining information about this is available from Sai- dm (nnter ö^oJldf and jfcdxovg) and others are from theselliea source

liked.

22) Prokeich S. t&f. bump p. 77.

168 DETERMINATION OF VALUE OF THE ATTIC GOURANT. it9.

The largest piece of copper represented the Obolos, as was the case Lucian^^) speaks of copper obols. There would therefore be the heaviest bronzes of 14 and 15 gr. as Obolen, the light teren to be viewed as partial coins of the obolo. So mentioned the comedian Aristophon^^), who towards the end of the fourth year a hundred lived, a Ttevrsxcclytov; In any case, it also has half Obols or pieces of four chalcus given. The dichalcon says Pollux expressly. Then the simple Chalcus became and as parts of this presumably the Tricollybon, the double and single Kollybos come. For a closer look conduct of the classification based on these premises cannot be addressed here.

§ 29. for the mood of the Attic courante,

1. This has been pointed out repeatedly before It has been said that the Courant in Greece always sold silver being. The Greek coinage provides proof of this in general and the Attic in particular ^). Everywhere we find that the coinage comes from silver, that the various As far as possible, denominations of the coinage system are made of silver. presses, and gold like copper only incidentally, almost exceptionally be beaten. Mining for silver went as far as living memory back 2); especially granted to Athens The mines of Laurion had a rich yield, they were in the That a source of silver and a treasure of the land, like Aeschylus^) aptly says. This was also the case in the treasure Athens mainly silver and relatively little gold ^). A longer version of Xenophon's^) is very instructive which he first generally discussed the value of silver speaks, but then you sleep that the gold is in no way his place as a courant coin because its value, if as it flows in in large quantities, it sinks while that of silver rise. Therefore, every state should take special care Use silver mining and silver as the safest valuable

23) Cfaaron 11.

24) At PolL 9, 70.

1) Compare in general Hassey p. 78-87.

2) Xenoph. Vectig. 4, 2.

3) Persons 238. See Böckh SUatsb. I p. 420.

4) Tbukyd. 2, 13. Böckh Staatsh. I p. 591 f.

5) Vectig. 4.

1-8. DETERMINATION OF THE VALUE OF THE ATTIC COURANT. 169

metal, just like his hometown Athens did recognized him. This passage speaks more clearly than any other a testament to the fact that the silver is the sole courant of Athens and that therefore in determining the value of the Attic Money tone of this metal must be run out while the gold had a fluctuating price value, and then, As will happen later, its value is determined relative to silver must be.

2. It should also be remembered that when determining the value of the coin, only the normal weight should be taken into account. the and not an average of the existing parts to lightly minted coins, some of which have been reduced due to wear may be drawn. Because even the underimportant coins circulated both in Athens itself and everywhere his political or Raercantiler Einilufs reached their full value. And where a foreign state had to fear that it would be liable for payment a larger sum suffers disadvantage because the coin is too light would, you just returned to normal weight, as is clear from the treaty of the Romans already mentioned with Antiochus emerges. The determination that the talent Attic silver should not weigh less than eighty pounds the demand that it be paid in full coins, or, If such is not available, the missing amount is added as a premium must be laid.

3. The more difficult question is to what extent the alloying in the coins must be taken into account. For the better First of all, a reference should be made to our current coinage. serve beings. The inscription on our club thalers: XXX A pound fine means that in 30 thalers a pound = 500 grams, i.e. in a Thaler 16f size. are included. In addition, our silver coin contains 10 percent alloy. This is added partly to increase the expression make it easier, partly by reducing the wear and tear on the coins to make sensitive; but on the value of the coin itself she has no influence. That would be the value of our thaler unknown, then you have to rely on the weight of the same, which 18|^| Gr. is, the tenth part is deducted and only the remaining 16f Gr. are likely to be used as silver valuables come. The alloy ratio was completely different Olds. The states that had the best influence intended to strike completely pure silver, and it can be assumed that that the small admixture that is still in the

170

WEntBliESTIllHUNi; DES ITTtSCHE.'V COtlltANTF.S.

^

best guns [iadet, only as a result of the foolhardy Scheid»^ processes remained in it iel. Because GJch doesn't think it's okay base metal, also gold in the old silver coins. But everywhere, where worse and less carefully shaped Onlyde, we also deal with more heavily alloyed coins. Here is daa base metal is mixed in, and in this respect it is effective The state committed fraud by adding bad things to it Metal for value-added use Let us now turn to this general my point of view on Greek silver coinage. According to a statement by Solon, which Demosthenes cites, There was a mixture of the Greeks in almost all Greek states Coin death penalty set '^). Nevertheless, said Solon, they had Many states have silver coins in circulation, which are obviously with Copper or lead would be mixed. Atlien himself boasted one The exception to this is our old silver coins, says Aristnphanes'), by saying But the bad thing was in circulation at the time set gold complains, were not faked by alloy, specialo the worst of all and only correctly coined and of all- half recognized by Hellenes and barbarians. From this he^ clarifies the passage in Xenophon '*), who considers Athens as an advantage. states that the merchants there are not coerced like they are elsewhere are to be exported to others for goods that they buy abroad, but that if they were to spend anywhere else, they would only issue Attic money. need to supply and do good business at the same time; because that other states have bad money, and if those therefore their If you sell Attic, you get more for it than you do everywhere first had. This cannot be understood in any other way than that A premium was paid abroad on the Attic coin. If yes Athenian merchant in Korintb had shops where the silver stater was equal in weight to two Attic drachmas, he received, when he exchanged his Attic money for Corinthian money, a larger sum than he had previously had. By now the koiiothic money in the place where it is used as the national currency Cms had converted into goods again, he made a larger one profit than a merchant from another city who has no attribute brought some money with him and used his home money

Uff, the BfixBiov yöfiia/ja is the old Gaie Sitbermänia; }(ovoCov he explains the damnls embossed scbtechlen ! he later calls it novfjqä ff^kxia. Compare above

p.4. WEBTHBBSIMIFUNG OF THE ATTIC CODEANT. 171

neither bedeatoad lost, nor do not attach it at all from payment could, but instead had to bring goods with him. The This is why this tone really appeals to Xenophon can't just be that the Attic coins are more carefully were more important than the foreign ones, but it must The greater purity of the silver also increases its value have contributed. Attic silver had this good reputation still at the time when the Romans extended their rule to the East spread. In the treaty with the Aetolem v. J. 189 be- If they pay for war compensation in silver, that's not the case may be more genuine than the Attic^), and determine similarly they in the treaty with Antiochus, that the same imposed the 12,000 talents were to be paid in the best Attic money ^ o).

4. His great confirmation receives what has just been noted the samples, which in more recent times with some Attic coins have been employed. A tetradrachm of old coinage quite full weight, which was at Barthelemy's instigation was melted down, it was almost entirely free of alloy The fineness was 0.986 ^ ^). Two other tetradrachms from the time after Alexander showed themselves to be more legit, because the fineness was only 0.958 and 0.948 1 2). Hussey shares the samples of three tetradrachms. The one, the oldest Belonging to the period, contained 0.962 fine Siiböf including one small quantity of gold; the other, also of old age less raw minting, reached the fineness of 0.983; a the third, belonging to the most recent coinage, held only 0.919 fine, some gold underneath ^^). Even more important are the samples which recently had dents ^*). He had in his collection 87 tetradracbms of a newer style, All very worn and from lying in the ground for a long time attacked. So if you have suspicions about the purity of the...

9) Polyb. 22, 15.8.

10) Polyb. 22, 26, 19.

11) Barthelemy Voyage VI! p. LIV (3rd ed. Paris 1790). The fine The salary there is in parts the mark of the old French company. expressed as important. 1 1 deniers 20 grains defin = 3 14 = 0.986 fine.

12) Ibid. p. LVIf.

13) At Hussey p. 45 are the alloy ratios in ounces, Pennyweights and grains of the English troy pound (= 5760 ^rom«) given. The gold in the first Tetradracbipon is 0.0002, in which third 0.0026.

14) Monnaxes d' Athene« p. 103 f.

172 WERTHBETIMHUIfG DBS ATTIC COURANTES. §89.

Attic coin, he had to go through these bad ones Pieces are most likely to be confirmed. The sample alone showed... Average for all tetradrachms:

0.966 silver 0.002 gold 0.032 alloy.

However, the silver content here is slightly lower than in the best pieces of the older era; but you bring the Yjnnr ^^^^ at 15|^ times the value of the silver, so cover it is precisely the loss that the value of the coin is caused by t^Itt suffers worthless alloy. However, this is just a coincidence for the ancients knew nothing of the existence of gold of; but it follows from this that when we determine value Under no circumstances should the Attic coin pay anything for the alloy - can expect. Because either we follow the opinion of the old ones Athenians, who intended to mint pure silver and did not know or did not pay attention to the low alloying; or we simply consider the coinage metal of a tetradrachm according to its current value and then we have to do the same the minus of the alloy as well as the plus of the gold value Bring it to the stop, and since both balance each other out, that's how we get there also to the conclusion that the Attic coin was perfect can be calculated finely.

So we compare the Attic tetradrachm of 17.464 gr. Normal weight (§ 26) with our club silver money. A club thaler contains -j^ pounds = 16f gr. fine silver (§ 4, 4), therefore the tetradrachmon = 1.0478 thr., from which the values of the Attic coins as well as the larger units of account must be calculated as follows:

Tetartemorion == ^ Obolos = 4 Pf. (Prussian)

Hemiobolion = -i. - = 8 -

Tritemorion «= |. - =1 Sgr. — Pf.

Obolos ^ 1 - 4-

Trihemiobolion = ^ drachma = 2 - — -

Diobolone =|- =2-7-

Triobolone =| - =3-11-

Tetrobolone =f- =5- 3-

Pentobolone =1" r=6-6-

Drachma == 7 - 10 -

Didrachm >= 15 - 9 -

DES ATTISGIBÜ COURA?ITES», 173

Tetndrachmon . . . . = 1 tsp. 1 Sgr. 5 Vt

Decadrachmon .... = 2 - IS - 7 -

IGiie = 26-6

Talent = 1571} -

Then comes the copper coin, the chalcus = 2 Pf.

According to these approaches, the reductions are shown in Tables XIV and XV tions of the drachma, the mine and the talent given. about- Wherever a stricter definition is not important, it is sufficient the talent = 1570 thr., the mine = 26 thr., the tetra- drachmon = 1 thr., the drachma == ^ thlr., the obolos

= H ^S*"* ^^ calculate.

The previous determinations of the talent are all, partly because the normal weight is set lower, partly because The alloy was deducted and turned out to be lower. They are usually worth 1500 hlr. or a little more ^^). Also Böckh^^) only calculates 1,500 Thlr., although he uses the same standard takes on weight, but he pulls decidedly too much for the life giung off; because even if we want to take these into account- ten, the talent would still be 1545 thr. to start be. Those lower approaches are better justified Talents, which depend on the effective weight instead of the normal going out with weight. At the time of the expulsion of the Peisi stratides except for Alexander, the Attic tetradrachm is on 17.27 gr. (§ 27, 4) was pronounced, so the talent had at that time the effective value of 1550 Thlr.; according to Alexander the weight of the tetradrachmon fell to 16.8 gr. and thus the value of the talent is 1510 thr.

15) Barthelemy Voyage VII p. LIV charges 5700 of yours (old French Swiss currency) or in Dreifsigthalerfufs 1500 Thlr., Wurm p. 56 217]^ fl. of the Conventionsfofsei «= 1520 Thlr., Hassey p. 48 and 50 1529Thr. (=s 243 Pf. St. 15 s., the shilling finely calculated at 80.7 troy grains). Momm- sen p. 900 sets the tetradrachmon at 29.5 Sgr., including the talent 1475 tablets on; The not inconsiderable minus is explained by the fact that he the Tbaler to 17f instead of 1&| Gr. Fineness counts.

16) State I p. 25. The fineness of Attic silver is: with Worm 0.97 assumed, which, according to what was noted above, is certainly true is little. In addition, the copper value in our silver and the so-called minted treasure was brought into account. The latter is likely can hardly be approved. The question is not how high an attribute is now. tetradrachm would be paid according to its metal value, but rather, in what relation an Attic is according to the sieve perfectly fine tetradrachm of 17.46 gr. to our Thaler from 16f size stands fine.

174 COURSES OF GOLD. ISO.

§ 30. here Curs of Gold,

1. After the value of the Attic in the foregoing Silhercourantes has been determined, it is now linked to this Question about determining the value of gold. However, it is allowed to not only the Attic gold coin should be taken into account, as we saw, was only ever beaten sparingly. This The gold circulating in Athens was in the smallest part Attic, Rather mostly foreign, initially Persian Darelken, later Macedonian staters. Both coins were the Attic Stater equal in value^), and so we need, if at atti- As is so often the case, many French writers mentioned Goldstatere not to ask whether they are Attic or foreign are meant, but we must answer the question of value of the Attic gold coin expand to investigate which one Guts had the gold in Athens at all, although at the same time the other news about the value of gold in Greece must be taken into account ^), In the Orient has from the beginning Gold was lower compared to silver than in the West. While Greece, Macedonia and Spain are excellent produced silver, the main output in Asia was gold, What's more, it was easier to win than just through it silver to be obtained through artificial mining. This way the person can Ordinary value of gold in the Orient is in no way higher than be set at ten times that of silver'), and likewise Not even the gold is usually valued. The floors for this are numerous. Lysias calculates 5000 gold staters ^ch 100,000 drachmas ^), so one stater gidch twenty or

1) According to § 25, 2. 3, 4er atdicbe Minfiiff ms Aem Persian D«- rakedhrs henrorgegaoi^B. The effedive weight 4es DareikM (Aah. § 10, 3) is also somewhat lower than the 4th Attic staters, including the geria^ Difereaz is not taken into account. The BakedoBian Stater Philip's "ad Aiexaaders" is the same as the Attic one (§ 31, 2).

2) In the outside world there are a lot of Letro Be Co«sider* p. 10411, Darea« de la MaUe Eca«. p«Ut. 1 p. 4711, LeaorBaat sor les rappartsde Vw a Fargeat chez les aaeieas, ia Rhymes BoausBMtiqoe 1%55 p. ISr, Beckh Staatsh. I p. 42 C The most important place in Altea has schoa Gronav de sestert. II p. 233 f. zasasnMBposed «od besprocbeo,

3) What is clear is what Straba reports from the Sahaera, that they have the C^ld aar s«h three&che« valuables gegeo K«pfer «od kdbi dap- pelte« gegea silver aasgetaaicht hada. Darea« de la Malle p. 54 sets as the oldest ratio 6: 1 to 6: 1.

4) Lys. 19, 39, the offense is true, but it seems aasdricUieh

l.S. CIJR8 DBS GOLDES. 175

one gold drachm equals ten silver drachmas. Nsch demsrib«n Xenophon awards 300 dareiks to the talent, Polemarch and others counted 5 staters per mine^). Menander also valued the gold at ten times its value Silver ^). The most common finding is the determination of the presentation kos or the Attic stater to twenty, or the drachma gold to ten silver drachmas 7). The same tenfold ratio Finally the Romans also laid i. J. 189 in the contract with the Aetolians perished by chasing after the third Part of the imposed contribution is to be paid in gold in such a way, that for ten mines of silver they delivered one mine of gold^).

2. All of this information, with the exception of the latter, However, we only show that in general gold is worth ten times the value of the silver was valued; but it may not it can be concluded from this that in trade it is precise and un« changed this course. Even that would be impossible It is clear that the mutual value ratio of both metals remained constant through hundreds; and is even less It is believable that trade is based on the round and for the upper However, a flat estimate kept it at a comfortable number. Then it must also be assumed that the gold was initially in Greece country as the rarer metal of the prevailing silver currency has stood higher than that, and only gradually, depending on the situation more abundantly it flowed in from Asia, sank until it was in the Oriental conditions reached^). All of that is missing

It can be calculated from the total amount of the data. Compare Böckh Staatsb. I p. 33 note.

5) Xen. Aoab. 1, 7, 18 denote the same collection by ^agn^ xovs TQig/tXtevg, then through d^xa rdkavTa, five j^QvtTol or ^ageixoC count on the Polemarch mine near Hesych. undert. /gvaovs, Harpokr. and Suid. unt. ^ttoeixos,

6) Poll. 9, 76 f.

7) Hesych. below xQ^^ovgi lloXifiaQ)^6 g (pricfi Svvaad-at rbv XQ^' aovv TttxQcc Tolg jiTTixotg ögaxfjiag dvo, ttjv 6k rov xQ^^ov dga^fiffV VofiCOfiaTog agyvQtov ^ga/fiag 6ixa, Zonar. Annal. 10 p. 540 B: naqä Tolg^JEXXrjOiv etxoai ^ga/f^cüv 6 /4l(ov (fitjal t6 /^vcoiJv aXXdtraea&ai vofiiOfjia, Harpokr. below 2fttQ€ix6g and from it Suidas; Hesych. and ^Q^X" firj xQ^^^ov (according to Grooov's £mendation) and then Suidas unt. dqaxfiri»

8) Polyb. 22:15, 8. Li v. 38, 11.

9) A similar opinion is expressed by Letronne p. 106 out, while BSckh P. 42 believes that gold is gradually rising. Lenormant a. a. O. tries to prove that the gold in Greece is almost completely un- alternatingly had ten times the value of the silver. The contradiction His view is evident from the above illustration.

176 Cl'RS OF GOLD. ««1.8.1

Close to positive evidence. Pur Herodutus '°) still has the gold the eleven times the value of the silver, and also mention it here- in TJelleiuht first the ratio according to which the possible only Persian styles (Appendix § 10, 3), had in mind, "0 he would certainly have kept it if in Greece does not really have the same relationship in trade would have come. We find a slightly lower reliability in the conversations that come from l'lato's age about the Gainful), ^g ,|gju gold twelve times its value was awarded is written, very valuable is a new one from one Inscription taken from curs ratio B '^), because it is a special one and contains precise, not approximate information. Afterwards the Athenian Lycurgos reports in the report his two years of financial administration (338 - ^326), that he was under otherwise a remarkable sum of gold at the Curse tojd _ I bought 22 drachmas 5J obols for the stater, flower J This results in almost exactly the ratio of 11^: 1, and this may be the case although fluctuating a little up and down, the trading rate \ must have been at that time. The Golj.l appears a little higher again in Egypt in the coin of the Ptolemies, where there is the 12^fold J value of the silver (Appendix § 12); but it should be noted that& 1 This was a legally mandated relationship, which one? i exceeded the trading rate rather than falling behind it. The '4 Finally, the lowest ratio is ten times that of 1 The already mentioned alliance of the Romans with the Aetolem appears, I It is not said that the Romans deliberately created a situation that was too unfavorable ratio, because it should be a relief I be for the Aetolians; It is therefore to be assumed that they are there! J. was still able to obtain gold more easily during this curse than the corresponding sum in silver.

3. So we see how gold was used by the Greeks between three ten times and ten times the ratio to 1 Silver swayed beg. Afterwards the determination of the J Gold coins cannot be absolute; she just goes after J the designated boundary points. However, it doesn't seem !f advisable up to one extreme, three ten times the value, to go; We take this as the usual estimate

10) 3, 'Jb.

11) Hi]iji»rFh. p. 231 D

12) To that of B'öckh in C, I. Gr. n. 157 and vallsLändlger in iler S ton Uli endure long US. 111 ff. vcraFri;nlIicfaten inscription about the Iteclicn-. sebnfcsablage dea LyLargns is in the 'E^ijuegi; LlQjfaioXoyixij a, 3452

4

J

f », 1. ATTISCBEA XÜ.'VIFÜSS IM LUKEII. m£ICB« 1T7

outermost the twelvefiaicfae. But it is also not allowed will refrain from listing the value that the Hüniea nadi today's gold currency (§ 22, 3). Accordingly is the Attic gold stater clay two drachmas weight and represent Dareikos and Macedonian staters nadi, who were equally respected with him his Curwerthe in antiquity on 5 tablets 7.2 Sgr. up to 6 tablets 8.6 Sgr. to be applied according to today's metal value Attic and Macedonian staters equal to S tablet 3, (5 Sgr., the Da- reikos (Appendix § 10, 3) equals 7 tablets 16.9 Sgr. The skin contacts It seemed advisable to give larger sums of gold Let us summarize the most important values in Table XVI. put. Usually it is enough to have the stater old Curwerthe according to 5f tablets, i.e. equal to a Prussian Friedrichsdor, according to its current value at 8 tablets

§ 31. The Attic Mün: {fujs in the Macedonian Empire,

1. It was, even if it was on a certain witness- nisse was missing, it can be assumed with certainty that the Attic Money was widespread in Greece; worked but two important circumstances together make it a wanted one to make Courant. At one time, Attic silver was recognized- made from the finest grist and the most careful shaping; But then, what is even more important, was the Athenian one State at the helm of Greece for quite some time and a A good portion of it was allied with him or owed tributary. Huge masses of silver gathered in Athens, which was minted into tetradrachms in his coin and used divided again over Greece during the wars. So This can be seen with certainty from a story in Plutarch ^). Scbliefsen that the significant sums of silver money, which Lysander sent to Sparta in the Peloponnesian War, mostly

a new fragment has been published, according to which Lycurgos is more nli bought a talent of gold for silver at the rate stated above. Compare P. 855.

1) According to Vit. Lysand. 16 the slave of Gylippos denotes the coin zen, which his master received from the war sent by Lysander to Sparta had stolen loot when yXctvxeg d. h. as attisclie (§ 27 note D). plus tarch doesn't quite understand the passage, he seems to assume dalsdio most of the states of Greece at that time had minted with Attic coins - ten. Rather, it was Athenian money that was circulating throughout Greece. sirte. Compare Böckh Staatsh. 1 p. 45 note d.

Hultsch, metrology. \2

178 ATTIC COIN FOOT IN THE MAKBD. RICH. §31.

in coins of Athenian mint. Not that Attic money was not displaced by this, but it was the mass of Asia Minor and Aeginean silver and the The number of mints that minted these currencies increased big; but it declined everywhere, as far as Athens' influence went indirectly reached down to the secondary coin, which in large traffic had its course towards the Attic money. The above provides reliable evidence for this (§ 29, 3) discussed passages from Aristophanes and Xenophon, both of which recorded a wide distribution of Attic silver half of Atlien testify. But that shouldn't be the case in the slightest It can be concluded that the Attic coinage also existed in Greece was widespread. On the contrary, Athens could only wönsclit if the states dependent on him do not comply coins at his feet. Because the coins in question would have to equal validity with the Attic claims, while They are probably behind them in terms of quality of expression would have stood back, and they would ultimately if it is recognized as foreign money with a lower exchange rate, be the one. Rome also made its money king everywhere Seeing Courant, it ran but didn't occur to others to force states to accept its coinage; but either abolished the provincial coinage entirely, or If they continued to exist according to the native foot, that would be it then, in addition to the Roman imperial coin, a local country gave the coin. There is now a formal obligation to use coins Athens did not exercise it, but in this respect both states allow themselves compare quite well, as did Athens's coinage gold according to Attisciiem Fufse reserved for himself alone and the spread of a coin minted with the same foot next to it which actually hindered rather than helped his situation. This is how we meet because in the time before Alexander in Greece proper Almost nowhere outside of Athens is there an Attic influence ^). Strangely enough, the Attic coin base has proven itself against this spread early beyond GritH^henland to the west. In the largest part of Sicily, the imprint has existed from the beginning been arranged according to the Musler of the Attic, also in Taren! and Etnirion^).

3\ l>b<'r the Munten atU$cbf r \Mihniii;r of Eoboa see in Aalu § 5. AttfserdMii Knd^"» sioh Münz<*n by Me^ni. Mommsen p. 62.

3\ P. i« Appendix Id, Mommsen p. 6Sir. About the attisdieii Huzfofs in R\Tene Ankaair § 13 is ni vei^eidMB.

1.2. ATTIC HUNZ FOOT IN MAKED. RICH. 179

2. With the declining power of Athens and its eventual loaned submission to Macedonian rule probably also the Attic coin fox for purely local money. may have been pushed down if the blossoming existing Macedonian power would have adopted it. The reason This was added by Philip II. Macedonia followed in the Silver embossing of the Asia Minor foot with the tridrachmon from 1 1 gr. and the tetradrachnoid that later took its place mon of 14.5 gr. (Appendix § 6, 2). Philip changed nothing in this regard; In addition, he introduced extensive gold coinage which is almost exclusively the whole piece or the stater. seems, while the partial coins, the halves, quarters, eighths and twelfths, are rare ^). The effective weight of this Philippi schen Staters is 8.6 gr., about which individual pieces are still go out ^) ; the normal weight is without a doubt no other res than that of the Attic stater of 8.73 gr. Still would You would be wrong if you wanted to get Philip's gold coinage from the world alone Attic explain. The latter was far too insignificant for that to happen the Macedonian king alone could have attacked them; Rather, he used the Persian gold coin as a model Empire, the Dareikos. Persian gold had been circulating for a long time large quantities in Greece and was the most common gold coin, that even occurred. Furthermore, Philipp's whole strife

4) More detailed evidence is provided by Müller Numismatique d' Alexandre le Grand p. 335 notes 3 - 5, to which should be added the Trihemiobolion from 1.069 gr. (= 16.5) and the Obolos of 0.726 (= 11.2) at Leake Suppl. p. 1. Regarding the drachmas and trioboles of barbaric origin, forget. Müller p. 336n, 7. 375n, 9, Mionnet Poids p. 56. A double stater in Müller considers Thorvaldsen's Museum to be a fake.

5) Philip's staters are just as distinguished as Alexander's careful adjustment. The inequality in the weight of those received to us Coins is only about 0.13 gr. The lightest pieces are available with rare Exceptions still exceed 8.5 gr., bearing in mind that these gold Coins have been circulated a lot, so they are rarely free of small losses are, like Burgon, the fine connoisseur of old coins, when it comes to the gold ones Tetradrachms of Alexander are brought to mind (Catai. Thomas p. 138). If we ignore the easiest pieces, we find ascending Range the weights from 8.55 to 8.65 gr. The maximum weights are 8.65 (= 133.5 Thomas p.l36), 8.64 (= 162|- Mionnet p. 56), 8.62 (= 133.1 and 133 Thomas p. 135, Northwick p. 59), 8.61 (= 132.9 Leake p. 3 -= 132.8 Thomas p. 135. 136, Pembroke p. 144, Leake p. 3), 8.60 (= 162 million p. 55 SS 132.7 Thomas p. 136). Hussey p. 15 gives the average weight of 14 staters from the Payne-Knight collection 8,563 gr. (= 132.14), Müller Numism. d'Alex. p. 336 as an average of the pieces known to him 8.5 to 8.6 gr. For other provisions see Böckh p. 130 f.

12*

180 ATTIC COIN FOOT IN MAKED. RICH. 931.

ben on the conquest of the Persian Empire, and the importation The use of gold coinage according to the Dareikenfufse was only one of the preparatory regulations for the large undertaking^). So Philip re-coined the Persian royal coin and transferred it on the new gold his name ^), just like the older ones Darius had been named. The only thing he deviated from was that he started the place of the Dareiken weight of 8.38 gr. the slightly higher one value according to which gold was minted in Athens. 3. Alexander continued the gold minting begun by Philip on an even larger scale and with the same care fo;*t. His staters are comparable neither in weight nor in fineness. after his father®). The smaller denominations were also if rarely minted^), but also double staters or Tetradrachms struck in gold i^). But he went one more time step further by logically adding the Attic weight, after- which once became common for gold coins, too introduced in silver coinage. Just like Athens also shaped Alexander preferred tetradrachms, specifically the full one

6) Böckh p. 130. Mommsen p. 52.

7) ^rarrJQsg ^'iXCnnHoi neont Poll. 9, 59 next to the ^ageixoC and Idle^dv^QStoi, 9, 84 next to the KqoCohoi and /lageixoC, ^iXCnnuoi Xqvaol mentions Fiat. Tit. Flam. 14, vofjLiOfxa /Qvaovv ^iXlmiHov Diod. 16, 8. The Roman writers call the Macedonian gold coin regularly Philippeus, as in Liv. 34, 52, 37, 59, 39, 5 and 7. 44, 14 and others.

8) About the fineness of the metal see below 4. The weight of the staters Alexander's is exactly the same as Philip's. Maximum appear nen 8.64 (== 162f Mionnet p. 58) , 8.63 (= 162^ Mionnet), 8.62 (=. 133.1 and 133 Thomas p. 139. 155. 156), 8.60 (= 162 Mionnet« 132.7 Thomas p. 165, Leake p. 5 = 132| Northwick p. 60). Müller Namism. p. 1 gives as weight 8.5 to 8.6 gr. Under 8.5 gr. there are only a few pieces.

9) Halves or drachmas are rare. In the Paris Cabinet there are according to MioonetPoids p. 57 CT. no. One at Thomas p. 166 of 3.46 gr. (== 53.4) is of doubtful authenticity; eight, on the other hand, is the one from the Northwick's collection of 4.29 gr. (=3 66.2 p. 60). Another at Leake p. 5 weighs 3.S4Gr. (= 54.6). Müller p. 1 compare with 155 and 170 leads two from the Brit. Mus. to. More common are the quarter staters or Trioboles of 2.15 gr. (== 40^ Mionnet p. 59, Queipo III p. 166), 2.14 (= 33 Pembroke p. 145), 2.125 (= 40 Mionnet p. 59 == 32.8 Thomas p. 166, Leake p. 5) and below.

10) The highest weights are 17.21 gr. (= 324 Mionnet p. 57), 17.20 (= 265.5 Hussey p. 16, Thomas p. 138, Pembroke p. 144, Northwick p. 60), 17.19 (Pinder p. 41), 17.18 (= 323^ Mionnet p. 57), 17.17 (== 265 Mus. Brit. p. 101). A slightly used piece from Thomas p. 138 weighs still 17.165 gr. (= 264.9).

3. ATTIC MÜISZ FOOT IN MAKED. RICH. 181

attic weight. Although the same is only done by a few of the holding coins reaches i^); but exactly the same appearance We also found this in the Attic coins, yes on average perhaps the latter are a little lower than the coins zen of Alexander. The effective weight of the well-preserved tetra drachmon, like that of the Attic, is from the heyday Athens (§ 27, 4) on 17.27 Gr. to be applied ^2). Except the Te- The most numerous tradrachmon are the drachmas ^^). Didrach men are not common, nor are tridrachmas like those in Athens been beaten i^). The highest denomination in silver was like

11) The highest weights of Alexander's tetradrachms are 17.92 gr. (=: 276.5 Hassey p. 16), 17.61 (=271.8 Leake p. 6). Both Pieces are overcoined. A perfectly well-preserved one will follow soon Piece of 17.44 gr. (= 328:^ Mionnet p. 61) and a second of 17.41 gr. (=s 327| Mionnet p. 68), both only slightly behind normal weight standing back. Drachmas often achieve the same thing. A piece of 4.60 gr. (== 71 Leake p. 9) is blackened by fire and thereby begged probably gained weight. Two drachmas will follow soon from the Madrid collection of 4.52 and 4.42 gr. (Queipo p. 154) and two from the Paris cabinet of 4.395 gr. (= 82} Mionnet p. 65), hemmed- lent more than normal weight. Furthermore 4.36 gr. (= 82 million« net p. 71 = 67.3 Pembroke p. 143, Leake p. 7 = 67.2 Hussey p. 16), 4.34 (= 81| Mionnet p. 65. 66 = 67 Hussey p. 16), 4.32 (=81^ Mionnet p. 62), 4.31 (== 66.5 and 66.6 Thomas p. 152, 153, Leake p. 8).

12) To those in the previous Aom. listed tetradrachms pieces of 17.29 gr. (== 325 J Mionnet p. 64), 17.28 (= 266.7 Leake Suppl. p. 1), 17.27 (= 266.5 Thomas p. 149), 17.26 (= 266.4 Leake p. 5), 17.25 (= 266.2 Thomas p. 150), 17.24 (= 324^ Mionnet p. 59. 60. 67. 69. 70 = 266 Leake p. 6), 17.22 (= 265.7 Thomas p. 150), 17.21 (= 324 Mionnet p. 61. 64. 70), 17.20 (= 323|- Mionnet p. 67 = 265.5 Northwick p. 63 = 265.4 Leake p. 6). After that, the effective weight of the best Pieces not less than 17.27 gr. be set. From 17.20 gr. they sink Tetradrachms gradually up to 16.85 gr.; relatively few are still below. A more precise determination is impossible because Most Alexa or coins cannot be determined whether they belong to Alexa or were beaten during his lifetime or only after his death. After Müller p. 8 compare with p. The well-preserved tetradrachms weigh 102 from the time of Alexander and his successors (until 306 and shortly thereafter) after) an average of 17 gr., often they rise to 17.3 gr., some decrease up to 16.5 gr.

13) The preserved drachmas are pretty much half as numerous as that Tetradrachms. The maximum weights are already listed in note 11. Most pieces range from 4.3 to 4.2 gr. Hussey p. 16 gives 18 Drachmas from the Payne-Knight collection have an average of 4.26 Gr.; 55 are a little under 4.21 gr. Strikingly low weights are rare.

14) The didrachms weigh 8.55 g. (= 161 Mionnet p. 65), 8.38 (=129.3Thomas p. 152), 8.36 (= 129.1 and 129 Leake p. 7, Northw.p.65),

182 ATTIC COIN FOOT IN MAKED. RICH. fi 31.

in Athens the decadrachmon ^ ^), trios emerge from small change bolen, diobolen and obolen, probably also Trihemiobo- lien^^). The copper coins, which have been preserved in large numbers, cannot be determined with certainty ^'^).

Alexander's coins were also named after him. called, and not just the gold staters but also that Silver money, because the l^ks^dvögeioL ÖQaxf^ai mentioned several times are Alexander drachmas, not Egyptian Alexandrian ones ^ ^).

4. The determination of the value of Macedonian money can do not deviate from that of the Attic. Because not only the The weight is the same, but also the fineness of the Gold and silver coins do not lag behind the Attic ones. However, one drachma from Alexander yielded 0.029 legi- ration, i.e. something more than the finest Attic tetradrachms (§ 29.4), but it also contained 0.0036 Goidi"), so that

8.28 (= 127.7 Leake Suppl. p. 2). A tridrachmon of 13.6 gr. in Kopeohagen Cabinet is according to MüUerp. 257 f. on Alabanda in Cleioasia io the middle of the third century B.C. Beaten in BC, another (p.400 n. 1375a) of 12,(>9 Gr. in Arados. Accordingly, the specimen in the Madrid collection of 12.55 gr., which Queipo p. 154 lists, did not come from Alexander.

15) A large number of Alexander's decadrachrans were found in the Ruins of Babylon found. Most were melted down in Baghdad zen, some came to India. Leake received one piece from Rawlinson, it weighs 41.29 gr. (=: 637.2 Leake p. 5). — A mention of the Deca- drachmon finds Beui^ Monnaies d'Athenes p.49 in Aristot's SteUe. Econ. 34: rov oCtov nmXovfxivov ly r^j^aJ^r/ Sextt^Qa^^uov; alone de- xadQaxf^ov can be understood here as an adjective: *since the grain is 10 drachmas sold high*.

16) Trioboles: 2.11 gr. (=32.5 Northwick p. 65), 2.10 (Queipo p. 152), 2.04 (== 31.5 Thomas p. 153), 2.02 (=: 31.2 Leake p. 8) etc. — Diobole: 1.34 (= 20.7 Leake SuppL p. 2), 1.195 (= 22^ Mionnet p. 69) — Obolen: 0.68 (= 12f Mionnet p. 67), 0.65 (= 12J Mionnet), 0.635 (= 9.8 Brit. Mus. p. 104) and several others. The make- Donic Obolos by Lukian tieqX nivd-ovg 10. — A well-preserved one Coin of 0.92 gr. It must be in the Madrid collection (Queipo p. 152). be trihemiobolion.

17) The pieces are usually sizes 4, 3J^ and 3 and rarely work above it to the fifth size or below it to the second size. An An approximate determination could only be made in connection with the Athenian one Copper coin will be hit, about which we are still aware.

18) App. Sic. 2 compare with PoU. 9, 85. After oßoXol ^AU^ayd^vvoC calculates Polyb. 34, 8, 7. See L Mommsen p. 26 note 88.

19) Hussey p. 71: Silver 11 oz. 12 dwU. 3 grs.

Gold — - — - 21 - Alloy— - 7 - — -

4.5. ATTIC COIN FOOT IN MAKED. RICH. 183

the metal value of the sampled piece is even slightly higher is to be applied as if it were made of pure silver. Not we- The gold is less fine. A stater from Alexander contained only 0.003 admixture of silver, otherwise pure gold; similar re- results came from samples of Philippian gold coins ^^). It is therefore the value of the Macedonian gold and silver coin for the same amounts as above of the Attic (§ 29, 4. 30, 3).

5. The Macedonian coinage had the peculiar, that it was not limited to a mint, but from numerous places partly in Macedonia partly in the wider area circles of the empire ^^). The most important mint In Macedonia itself the residence was not Pella^^), but Amphipolis, the richest city in the country due to its location the natural collecting point for the proceeds from the silver mines of the Pangeon and the adjacent metal districts ^ 3). Also in other cities of Macedonia and the neighboring ones European countries that are directly or indirectly affected by Cedonian rule, royal coins are found 2 4). Macedonian coins will appear soon sites in southeastern Asia Minor, Syria, Phoenicia and Egypt ten^ö). In addition, there are other places in Asia where ma- Cedonian armies stood for a long time and struck imperial coins been 2 6). This coinage remained unchanged even after Ale- xander's deaths continued by referring to his name right-wing successor, Ale- xander, further coined ^ 7). But even after the murder of...

20) Hussey p. 109.

21) The study of the minting places of the Macedonian coins zen is the larger part of the work of. already mentioned mebhnally Dedicated to L. Müller Numismatique d' Alexandre le Grand.

22) Coins from Pella in Müller p. 1240*. n. 1-22.

23) Strab. 7 fr. 34 (Meinke). The mines of Bertiskos, which contain garbage ler p. 1 28 mentioned were allowed in this for obvious reasons Connections are not mentioned.

24) Müller p. 97fiF. 102. 134ff.

25) Same p. 99. 102. 233 flF.

26) Same p. 60. Babylon also appears to be a Macedonian mint to have been. Leake Numism. Bright. Kings p. 5.

27) The sure proof of this lies in the fact that the coins of the next Philip Arrhidaeus, who was proclaimed king by the young Alexander only by the name inscription of those of Alexander the Great. differ, while they are completely identical in character. So they can Disciples Alexander, whose name was undoubtedly also coined is, show no difference at all. Müller p. 50 f.

184 Amson wlntr^« m »n memaoMn.

SdMmkdoigs dnrdi Kassander L J. 310 Bossen di« Fgldfcuia on Alexander's Flemings until they (tobi J. 306 an) accepted the title of king. The embossing is up to dirfcr So little has been changed over time that the tone of most monks It cannot be determined whether she was already alive during Alexander's life. time«! or was only struck before the Diadochi until 306 they are ^ ^). But ancfa after this time when the drums in the Macedonian Empire new states had formed, whose kings did not mint in their own names are clay cities in Asia Minor and Phoenicia, as well as in Thra- These are the old Alexander coins without any significant modification probably lasted until the second century. C has been coined^ ^), a detailed indication that the coin of Alexander andi after the collapse of the empire in many parts of it remained dominant. By the way, aach was mentioned in the Diadochi States, namely in Macedonia, Pergamos and S}Tien, where the new dynasties introduced their own royal Piägong, the Munzfufs itself has not changed. Only in Egypt, that too asserted its position here, the old regional also in the royal coin of the Ptolemies (Appendix § 12). Elsewhere, as in Tire in Syria, the older Fufs existed alongside the newly introduced royal coin (Appendix § 8, 2). number The states that are also rich are also rich, Cedonian influence brought the Attic currency. How to find it we have seen them in Epeiros since Pyrrhus (312), in Pontus since Mithrida- tes III (302), in Bithynia, Cappadocia and Parthia.

§ 32. The Attic arrest in Roman times.

1. The Roman denarius stood since its first minting tongue (268 B.C.) closely related to the Attic Drachma of 4.37 gr. Normal weight His weight was indeed originally slightly higher at 4.55 gr. scheduled (§ 35, 2), went but very soon towards the end of the third century (§36, 1) to 3.90 gr. down and has been very close to that ever since Effective weight of approximately 4 gr., which is the Attic drachma after Alexander had. This is why both coins come from Greek

28) Müller p. 55. 99. 100. 102.

29) Dergelbe p. 101 f. Leake Namism. Hellen. Kings p. 7 is fine too far if he coined a tetradrachm in 80 BC. replaced.

1. ATTIC WÄHBUN6 IN DEA HÖMEBZEIT. 185

Both Chinese and Roman writers are treated equally not be. Varro, Pliny and Festus evaluate the Attic Tat- ent to 6000 denarii ^), and reduced to the same proportion Cicero, Livy and Athenaeus received larger sums of talent - tens on Roman money^). That the Attic drachma belongs to the De- nar is the same in weight, is particularly said by Pliny and given to the physicians and metrologists of the imperial era 3). So ¥rde also by the Romans in the provinces of Macedonia and Achaia the Attic or Alexander drachma to the denarius in value legally equal, and also later by Pompey in Syria the royal tetradrachm, which corresponds to the Attic Fufse followed, tariffed at 4 denarii^). The tetradrachm, which ches despite the already very diminished coinage at that time still around 16.5 gr. stood, but lost against the Roman coin, because 4 denarii represent only one silver coin worth 15.6 gr.; but it was the principle of the Romans Imperial coin compared to the foreign courant To give a favorable exchange rate that exceeds the value of silver, or what comes to the same thing, the provincial coin only after one to circulate at a lower level. Hereafter it is itself possible that the tetradrachm of the province of Asia was only 3 de- naren and thus equal to the cistophore (Appendix § 7, 3) has been provided. At least it's only clear under this one The prerequisite is the statement of Livy, who wrote the Attic tetra- drachmon 3 denarii in weight - he wanted to say in value - equals ^). But in general there was equality

1) Plin. 35, 11 § 136: talentam Atticum Xyi (sex milibus denarium) taxat M. Varro. Festus p.359: Atticum (talentum) est sex milium denarium.

2) Cic. p. Rabir. 8, 21 calculates 10,000 talents for 240 million people die =^ 60 million denarii. Livy 34, 50, 6 sets for 500 drachmas, which must have stood in the passage from Polybius that he quoted, 500 denarii and counts Polybius' 100 talents as 6000 denarii each. Athens. 4 p. 146 C reduces 400 talents to ^TraXixov vo/ula/uarog Iv fjLVQiaai iiaxoataig TeaaaQaxovra d. h. 2400000 denarii, and same on this he sets 160 denarii, equal to the 60th part of 100 Attic denarii Mines = 166 drachmas.

3) The passages from Pliny and Scribonius Largus see § 20 note 14. Galen, de compos. med. p. gen. 5 p. 813 calculates 8 drachmas d. h. 8 INero Niche denarii to the uncia of the Roman pound. Cleopatra in the Galenic Tables p. 768 explicitly says: ro^TraXixov ifrjvaQiov §^ft ^Qa/fÄT]V a, and accordingly everywhere in the tables that treat Roman weight system, the eighth part of the Uncia not denarius, but called drachma.

4) Mommsen p. 690f. 71 f.

5) 34, 52, 6: signati argenti oetoginta quattuor milia faere Atticorum :

186 ATTIC CURRENCY IN THE ROAD PERIOD. 6 32.

drachma and denarius, indeed it was even used in the eastern provinces zen the name of the Attic or Alexander drachma of the regular moderate and legal pressure for the Roman denarius, which is even then the weight of the denarius did not change since Nero continue to ^ pounds = 3.41 gr. sank down. The evidence for this Greek writers are numerous ^\ So that's how it is the Attic talent to the Roman coin of account, a sum Tone denoting 6000 denarii, and as such does not correspond more a silver weight of 80 Roman pounds, but up to Nero of only 71|, after this one of only 62|^ pounds. The value approaches are determined by the simultaneous Roman Cou- rant. It was the talent

1403J tablet based on the Roman silver currency at the time of

Republic. 1740 tablets according to the gold standard of Augustus.

We call this talent the Roman calculation talent or shorter and simpler denar talent and the corresponding Drachma Denardrachm.

2. By equating the drachma and the denarius, Polybius' statement also clarifies that the pay of the Roman Foot soldiers 2 obols for the day amounted to 7). This one 2 Obolen are just the Greek term for \denarius, which, in fact, was the daily wage at the time of the Republic was^). It is therefore wrong from the point, as has been tried many times

tetradracbma vocaot: tri um fere denarioram in singulis argenti est pon- dus. The manuscript reading irium is by Priscian. de ponder. y. 30 ff. confirms that the Attic mine is equal to 75 drackmae d. b. Denarii sets; therefore the often assumed change in quatiuor is not probably. However, Livy is at least making a mistake Debt comes from speaking of weight instead of curse.

6) Dionysus. 4, 16 f. redacts the Servian census sentences in the Way that he bets a denarius for 10 aces and now goes for drachmas and Mines calculate plut. Fab. Max. 4 calculates the sum of 333000 Se> sterzen + 333^ denarii to a total of 83583^^ drachmas d. h. denarii, and Anthony. 4 he translates decies sestertium by uvgidSag nivre xal itxoai £=250000 drachmas or denarii. Appian. Sic. 2 means I^Ae- idv^QSioi ^Qttx/iat probably denarii. Luke. Pseudol. 30 equals 30 /Qvaol with nevTrjxovTa xal knxaxoaiai, namely ÖQuxfJiOLC d. h. 30 Roman aurei with 750 denarii, because the aureus was equal to 25 denarius ren. Likewise Zonaras 10, 36 p. 540 B. Further evidence for this can be found still set up in large numbers.

7) 6, 39, 12.

8) IViebubr R. G. II p. 497. Böckh M. U. S. 426. Marquardt III, 2 p. 76.

2. ATTIC WÄflRUIfG IN THE ROMAN SITE. 187

has been, a value equation between the Attic Obol and the Roman As. One can do even less another place in Polybius can be used for this purpose, where he says the ben Roman ace equals ^ Obolos calculates^). He compares here Roman and Greek coins, the Roman copper semissis with the Greek dichalkon. However, this is not exactly by setting -^ drachma = ^^ denarius, but at Given the small amount, the error is vanishingly small.

9) 2, 15, 6.

Second section.

The coinage of the Roman Republic.

§ 33. The oldest copper coin ^).

1. Much more clearly than with the Greeks, the Romans can follow the traces of how the oldest one simple exchange traffic gradually transitions to use the coin took place. Just like the Greeks in the age of H9- mers served the Romans in this way until later times Cattle and sheep as a medium of exchange. It was in Reality is their oldest money, which is why they use this term in their language no better than by a derivation of 'pecus knew how to express 2). The oldest legal fines were, as we are assuredly witnessed, in cattle and sheep and were only expressed in coined money much later ^).

1) A summary of the older, mostly antiquated literature This is not the place to talk about Roman copper money. Some of it is still usable now, will be mentioned in the individual points. The following presentation follows Mommsen's history of the Roman nic coinage, but differs in the opinion of the oldest As and some other points from the same. Niebuhr's constellations and BÖckh's have not been ignored where the matter required it. stayed.

2) Varro de 1. L. 5.19: pecus — a quo pecunia uni versa, quod in pe- core pecunia tum consistebat pastoribus. Colum. the. r. 6 pref. Festus p. 213. Paul p. 23 below. abgregare et al. Compare Marquardt Handb. Roman antiquity IIJ, 2 p. 3 note 3.

3) The main passage is in Festus p. 202; In addition, they testify Cic thing. de rep. 2, 9, 16, Varro de r. r. 2, 1, pun. 33, 1 § 7. The details in Marquardt p. 3 note 2. JVoch in the lex Atemia Tarpeia v. J. 454 was

9 33.1.2. OLDEST ROMAN COPPER COIN. 189

But the need of intercourse and the example of others determine Already more advanced peoples led to this early on to apply other measures of value to the cattle. This is in Italy generally used copper. The oldest Evidence for this is again provided by the language in the language described by aes formed words aestimare; Furthermore, various things prove it Coin finds *). The metal was weighed, the legal purchase happened per aes et libram, a form that symbolically continued into the latest time down to the Mancipation and in the Solennen payment and repayment form of the loan^). The language also has the terms for numbers and several with connected ones formed by derivatives of pendere det^). The piece of ore with which the buyer is involved in the mancipation dicT Wage suggested, called raudus or raudusculum, what with that Printouts, which are used to describe the oldest formless copper money nete, aes rude'^), is closely related.

2. These raw pieces of copper circulated as valuable metal, without first having a share or control of it state would have been necessary. Such could only be the case the correctness of scales and weight relate, since the value of copper was only determined by this; the metal itself let each individual pour themselves into the world according to their needs bring back. But in the long run the state could not become individuated behave against the valuable metal. He ensured an approximate hernd regular shape of the copper pieces cast into ingots and provided it with a mark to indicate that it was so identified pieces are a general legal medium of exchange should be. At the same time, he guaranteed the delicacy of the metal ^). Tradition attributes this introduction of marked- tem copper, aes signatum, to the king Servius®), like them

which the Bufseu set in sheep and cattle, and for this only 24 years Monetary rates were later introduced. Compare Long Rome. Antiquity I p. 455 ff.

4) Mommsen p. 170 ff.

5) The same p. 170. The passages in Marquardt p. 5 note 8.

6) Varpo de 1. L. 5, 182 f. derives from aere pendendo from scholarship, dispensator, expensum, pensio, dispendium, compendium, impendium. Compare Plin. 33, 3§42f.

7) Plin. 33, 3 §43: Servius rex primus signavitaes; antea rndi usos Romae Timaeus tradit.

8) A raw piece of copper from the oldest time contained as an admixture only 0.063 tin. Mommsen p. 170. The later copper is far less fine and has a significant addition of lead in addition to tin.

,9) Plin. 18, 3 § 12. 33, 3 § 43, Festus p. 246 et al. Marquardt p. 4 Note 5.

190 OLDEST ROMAN COPPER COIN. §33.

also included the determination of the size and weight (§21, 1). According to consistent reports, the trademarks were: Old the cow, the sheep or the pig ^^). First of all are to receive this news with some suspicion, for once because among the Greeks a similar statement proved to be very uncertain has proven (§ 25, 4), but then also because several with that Servian brand related to the derivation of pecunia by thinking that the word was used because of the animals images formed on the oldest ingots. That is not right. The Romans created the word pecunia because their primary possession and the oldest medium of exchange was herds of cattle, even before that the aes signatum emerged. So will the message in yours general public, as if all the oldest bullion money were with the given animal images, not accepted can be, and in fact the cash discovered shows ren and many other names; but completely unfounded It is not, as the cattle are on several pieces of ancient times has actually been encountered ^ i).

These bars have a certain weight because they are require every use of the scale, not cast been; However, even with the small number of pieces, for which weighings are known, a certain degree of agreement ment in the weights, which are easily the same from the application cher or similar forms are explained. The heaviest pieces are around 5 Roman pounds (= 3^ club pounds), others are ken down to 4|^ pounds. In addition, there are fragments of various those severity ^ 2)^

Furthermore, one should not assume that this is done rudely the marked plucker was immediately displaced. Both consist rather, like an ancient treasure found near Volci Copper proves, next to each other. This is where the animal images appear only on the larger ingot-shaped pieces; however, is missing the smaller ones, which are partly cube-shaped, partly pressed elliptical

10) Varro de r. r. 2^ 1: aes antiquissimum , quod est flatum, pecore est notatum. Plin. 18, 3 § 12: Servius rex ovium boumqae effigie primus aes signavit. Plut. Poplic. 11: t

11) Mommsen p. 173. 229 f. (the pig is also a trademark on p. 230 proven). Böckh p. 388 against Niebuhr Roman History I P. 506 f. of the 3rd edition.

12) Mommsen p. 172 note 10 and the supplement p. 229f.

2.5. OLDEST ROMAN COPPER COIN. 191

shape and weigh from a pound to an ounce gen, any designation ^ ^),

3. These copper bars taken by weight and copper sticks have long been used as a general medium of exchange served. Only at the time of decemviral legislation (451) is one came up with the idea of stamping the copper with stamps of value thus making him independent of the wages and thereby to give the validity of the coin. Let's talk about the creature this coin, the whole of which is known to have the name as, speak, you must first consider the time determination that has just been given. be founded. We lack direct news. What what tradition says about the age of coined money is partly proven to be wrong, partly the expressions are later time transferred to the oldest period. The legend of Numa's copper and iron money or even from the money instead used shards or pieces of leather hardly need mention. tion, since it has long since been rejected^"^). The Servians Census records are not originally based on coined aces, but rather determined according to the ownership of acres of land. the ^^); and what else about aces or partial coins of As is reported from earlier times is also either erroneous thümlich, or there are the names of the later coins on that oldest raw copper has been transferred ^^). Only in the laws Of the twelve tables, certain monetary rates appear everywhere, and Not long afterwards (430) they were also used in cattle and Sheep standardized bulls through the Julian-Papiric system put unconverted into money ^ 7). If you add in the fact that the anna- listic tradition about the most recent legal provision Regulation of cattle herds immediately before the Dec. cemvirn, the conclusion must be a well-justified one

13) MommsenS. 171. 172.

14) The source of this by later people, such as Epiphanius and Isidore, The written message, which is still decorated in the table, is Suetonius Suidas unt. ccaaaQicc. The refutation is given by Böckh p. 162.

15) Huschke, Constitution of King Servius, points out several times (p. 111. 164. 644. 672) that in the Servian gensus there is a iugerum ag;ri was accepted to 5000 aces. Compare the same in Richter's and Schneider's Crit. Yearbooks for German Law, Year IX, 1845 p. 617, Becker Handbook of Roman Antiquity. II Abth. 3 pp. 44f.

16) Mommsen p. 174 f.

17) Cic. de rep. 2, 35, Liv. 4, 30, 3. Compare Long Roman Antiquity I p. 457.

lUlg

192 ÜEH LIBIIAL FOOT.

appear that precisely the legislation of the Decemvirs be, which instead of dps weighed copper ingots copper with the city's coat of arms and value designation coin introduced and thus replaced the denomination of value. according to pounds of copper the one according to the number of new Gai pieces or asues set i^).

4. After the unanimous declaration of the elders weighed Copperas originally one pound, since the reduction ror dem" First Punic Wars only J pounds. As if he wanted everything To eliminate misunderstandings, Varro expressly says that the old one As before the Punic war 28S scruples, i.e. a full pound, weighed > »), and in the same way Pliny claims that Vo- lusiusMaecianus and others, dal's the As up to the stated points in time that it was pawnable {as libralis or librarms*"). So later the double Äs dupondiiis, the twelve-fifth dige, called (§ 35, 6). On the other hand, let us examine the findings of the Coins, the result is very different. There was indeed a Roman ace representing the amount of the pound still exceeds; but what does this one exception say against that numerous other pieces, all of which are only between 11 and 9 Roman ounces stand ^ ')? How is this explained? plump stay behind the normal weight, which is in one Such a degree is without precedent in silver mills? And yet

16) The proof is given by MommBen S, ITSf.

1») De re rast, 1, 10: id (iu|;erum) habet scripuk CCLXXXVin, qaaBtum as anliiguan nuster ante bellum Punicain peiidebaL Comparison, denset- ben del. Lat. 5, 170: as erat libra poodas {Uommsea pondo) , ebead. 174: Now practice pondo as valebat.

20) The places see DDten g 35, 4 Aom. 32.

21) The ace found in the Olivieri Museum in Pesiru is falling fiorghesi'g weighing (at MonunseD p. 192 Aam. 70) 39U.30 Gr. or about 14 square ounces. The first following pieces only weigh a little upper li ounces; these are also rare. Most itebea on 10 to 9 UaKcn. This result is consistent with the compilations genes of Arigoni Namism. Mus. AHgnn. I Tab. 1 n. 1. 3, Tab. 2 d. 6, Table 5 n. 19. 20, Tab.6n.22.23;lllTnh, 2n. 2,TBb. 4 b. 7,Tub. 5d. 8(skates, as Mnmmsen Vorr. and Carats ^ 0.1743 Gr.), Fit Paralipoma. in Th. Dempsteri libros p. 195 ff,, Barth the riimisebe As and its parts p. ]2f., BÖckh p. 401 1'., Genuarelli Monetn primitiva p. (18, Mammsen p. 192. From a closer look You can read about the weighings and a compilation of them here Apart from that and Mommsen's result, the EHeclivge- Weight of the oldest Ace on 1U ounces of the nltrümi see pound == 273 gr. should be accepted without hesitation.

4. THE LIBRAIFOOT. 193

absolutely cannot have any other weight than the Roman one Pounds formed the original norm for the oldest As. Any attempt to make a different conjecture would result in encounter insoluble difficulties. The normal weight itself is So it's not doubtful, it's just an explanation for the difference between the normal and effective weight to find. Mommsen, who here like everywhere else where there is red mixed coinage, undisputedly the first vote was causes, seeks the explanation of the lower foot in one of the old copper currency correlate silver currency, according to which the Münzas was intended to be pound-feeling, but in reality it was that Copper equivalent of a silver weight of 1 scruple should be. This weight comes from the Sicilian vofiog, where that comes from Latin nummus, has been recreated and has been used since very early Since then the unit for the bill was formed in silver; the According to the conditions existing in Sicily, Kupferas was 250 times the weight of silver was mined and so on As of 10 ounces^). It can't be done here This hypothesis will be discussed in more detail as much by their novelty as by their ingenuity who it is carried out, surprised; but that must not be be kept silent that she has serious concerns about herself. The calculation according to nummi and their tenths, the libellae ar^ genti, is, however, borrowed from Sicily and in the peculiar chen coin system of the island, whereby the Greek silver and the Italian copper currency was unified (Appendix § 15), justified det; but it hardly existed in Rome at the time of the oldest copper embossing has already existed, but is only available with the introduction of the Silver coins became native there. In general, This means that in all probability the Romans lived almost 200 years ago For years they were calculated in silver or at least in copper the silver, while they only used copper coin and not a single piece of silver. You can also choose

22) pp. 196-207.

23) The Roman calculation is based on the Sicilian coinage ratios- nissen at the time of Aristotle (Mommsen p. 84. 203), so it is few- at least 100 years younger than the oldest copper coinage; and that they are in It can hardly be assumed that the form had already existed before. According to the original Sicilian system, the silver whole piece in 10 JNsmmen or liters; in the Roman calculation are UbeUa and nummus are quite different expressions. How this came about remains to be seen will be presented later (§ 35, 4).

Hultscb, Metrology. 13

194 THE LIBRALFDSS. 9 83.

redd all this time the value relationship between silver and Copper could not possibly have been so constant that the copper as, which is said to have been the equivalent of 1 scruple of silver, and would have been varied to 10 to 9 ounces. In We see the opposite both in Sicily and in the late Roman schen coin conditions, that the copper, as well as it into a solid Coin ratio to silver is inexorably lower and descends lower until it becomes a mere coin. It The amount of the old Roman copper value can therefore be coin impossible from an equation with a silver quantum be derived. Let's try another way around this To explain the effective weight of the libral ace. The copper ace is not a peculiar creation of the Roman community, it is closely connected with that in Latium and still Heavy copper, which is more widespread in central Italy, is used for Some of it must be older than the Roman ^^). These coins were leaning refers to a pound, which we call the Latin or Italic can describe, and from which the later Roman coinage pounds only the exact weight calculated according to the Greek weight. is sluggish. This pound was used in central Italy in various mined in the smallest of gradations. Heavy copper is found a foot exceeding the Roman pound; mostly though the coin is issued below the amount of the Roman pound brought. In the Sicilian system, its basis also was the Italian pound, the pound of copper is equal to half Attic mine or Roman pound was used (Appendix. § 15, 3). That's how the aces are played in Lazio too, but just inaccurate to a pound that is not yet firmly standardized, and counted these aces in traffic instead of weighing them. The Boomer stayed as long as possible while weighing things up because he was did not like to give up the same secure value house print; alone when he no longer missed the introduction of the coin could, he played his aces with the intention Latin or Roman pounds, but effectively he joined the aces that were already in circulation and ran from the normal

24) The detailed presentation of this Latin, with the Roman Mommsen gives a closely related copper currency pp. 176-184, the overview of the weights pp. 231-244. The sentence, that Rome was the first to be minted among all Latin cities, as Momm- sen p. 184 himself noted that it cannot be proven, and therefore also the assumption of this On the contrary, as soon as this means something different, it is not otherwise possible solving difficulty is eliminated.

4.5. THE LlfiRAL FOOT. 195

weight a deduction from y^ and even more usually from ^ a- kick.

But once this new coin was introduced, was also completely broken with the old practice of the chariot chen. The value marks that never appear on the copper coin missing, have legal validity and prohibit use the wagon out. Whether you are still looking for real money in private transport If it was counted as copper, it must remain that way; the The state once and for all only knew Münzas, who was independent of the weight is the sole measure of value and the exclusive was a means of payment. The idea of the ancients that the coins also If the aces have still been weighed, they must be used. fen ^S). The reason for this was the naming aes grave^^), which later, after silver coinage was introduced, old heavy Libralas in contrast to the new reduced As was attached. As will be shown later, the sestertius was on Value equal to 2^ reduced aces, the silver equivalent of the old one As; So the invoice was sent to AES later grave because it was identical to the one according to sesterces. But The conclusion of the scholars of the imperial era that the old one was wrong was wrong libral As was called the heavy one because it weighed had been.

5. Now we have to do the necessary thing about the coinage of the oldest copper money can be noticed. The coin unit was called like every unit to be divided among the Romans as. A relationship on aes or even libra aeris is not the remotest thing, and If the libra is called as, it leads this

25) PHd. 33, 3 § 42: libralis, unde etiam nunc libella dicitar et da- pondius, adpendebatar assis. qoare aeris gravis poena dicta. Gai. 1 § 122: ideo autem aes et libra adhibetur, quia olim aereis tantum nummis uteban- tur et erant asses, dupondii, semisses et quadrantes — : eorumque nammo- ruiD vis et potestas non in Dumero erat, sed in poore nummorum. Paul p. 98: grave aes dictum a pondere. The newer ones follow them. So Gronov de sestert. 3, 15 p. 534, Perizonius de aere gravi (dissert. VII ed. Heinec- cius 1740) p. 419ff., more recently Böckh M. U. S. 383f. The refutation see Mommspn p. 194 f.

26) Except Pliny and Paul in the passages cited in the previous note at Liv. 4, 60 (from 403 BC): et quia nondum argentum signa- tum erat, aes grave plaustris quidam ad aerarium convehentes speciosam etiam consolationem faciebant. The same sums exist in the grave

4, 41, 10 from the year 420; 4, 45, 2 v. J. 417; 5, 12, 1 v. J. 398;

5, 29, 7 V. J. 390; 5, 32, 9 B.C. J. 364; 10, 46, 5 and 14 B.C. J. 293. about the Bill according to aes grave in the late period after the introduction of silver money see below § 35; 3 Note 1 7.

13*

196 THE LfBRAL FOOT. § 33, 5«

Names like any other unit (§ 20). This ace was at the same time the highest nominal. That it effectively costs around 10 rö- mix ounces = 273 gr. weighed, has already been noted (note 21). been. To prevent the melting and thus the loss of the To prevent minting costs for the state, he was using tin and more alloyed more strongly with lead, which is half the value; from he- In the former there are plenty of 7, in the latter 20 to 30, on average cut 23.6 percent ^ 7). Partial coins were issued the semiSf triens, quadrans, sextans, wicia, in weight the whole* pieces proportionately accordingly. The value designations are the sign of unity for the Ace | , for the semis that the Half S, for the remaining parts dots or rather spheres according to the number of ounces, four for the triens, three for the qua- drans, two for the sextans, one for the uncia. All of them Nominals were cast because their size dictated the minting made difficult; only the smallest pieces, the Uncia and the Sextans can also be found embossed). By the way, the following coins cast entirely by those who were already highly educated at the time Greek coinage technique. Both sides were through Pictures of noble style, which regularly run through a page the front part of a ship, which is shown here as the old coat of arms of the city appears, the other side is represented by various gods heads. The double-headed Janus appears on the ace Semis Jupiter, on the Triens Minerva, on the Quadrans Hercules, on the Sextans Mercurius, finally on the Uncia Minerva again, or perhaps she personified as a goddess Romano).

27) Wöhler Annals of Chemistry and Pharm. Vol. 81 p. 206 ff according to the analysis by Phillipps (in the London Chem. Soc. Qaaterly Journal IV p. 252) Samples of three Roman libral coins, an ace, Semis and quadrans with (printed in Mommsen p. 191 note 69). The tin content is 7.16. 7.66. 7.17 percent; of lead were found in the Ace 21.82, in semis 29.32, in quadrans 19.56, so on average 23.6 percent.

28) Mommsen p. 186 f.

29) Eckhel D.N.V p. llf. Mommsen p. 184, which also describes the interpretation of the types explained. The interpretation of the head on the ounce is swaying; it doesn't differ much from the Minerva head on the Triens. But Pinder's view (Antik, des Königi. Mus. p. 96) and others that it is the head of the Roma, a lot in itself. — That Characteristics of the As describe by Alten Plin. 33, 3 § 45 and Plut. Quaest. Rome. cap. 41: Janus on one side, on the other after the former rostrmn navis, according to the latter nqvfxva ^ nQ(OQa. The ship's theii on the Pliny calls Triens and Quadrans ratis, cf. also Festus p. 274.

6 34, 1. DETERMINATION OF THE VALUE OF THE LIBRALKN RUFF COIN. 197

§ 34. Determination of the value of the Ubral copper coin,

1. The coins just described were the legal ones and exclusive courant of the Roman state from the de- cenävirn (451) until shortly before the beginning of the first Punic War, that is, for almost 200 years. It cannot therefore be avoided become an even if only approximate determination of the value of these oldest Roman coin. Consequently, the same can of nothing other than the current value of the currency underlying metal, copper. The silver must not be used here, because there were silver coins not yet at that time, and it is also not permissible to use the validity activity of the equation between silver and copper, which is the management of silver coinage was set (§ 35, 4), on a yearly basis to extend back hundreds, and the copper of the fifth century hundred after that scheduled for it in the third century Want to determine silver equivalent. Rather, every Cou- rant coin only according to the value of the underlying prize märmetalls can be assessed. We have the Greek silver currency determined purely according to our current silver currency, We will look at the gold standard of the Roman Empire today's value of gold in relation to silver and then both the Roman gold and the silver, and Although the latter is set noticeably above its current metal value (§ 38, 6); So we can also here, where we are so clearly spoke as only possible the copper as the only courant have, no different than the current value relationship between Look for silver and copper and then determine the value of the old red mix copper money into our current silver currency - press.

Like the value relationship between gold and silver is very fixed and constant, the value of it also fluctuates copper to silver. Yes, the differences have to be that much bigger here. The further the distance between the values of both Metals, the more diverse their uses are. That's how it is Copper to silver in the years 1851-1858 between the Extremes from 1: 100.9 to 1: 70.5; the average The situation between 1821 and 1858 was that the silver was worth over 92.8 times as much as an equal weight of copper i).

1) The stated provisions are calculated from the

I

198 DETERMINATION OF THE VALUE OF THE LIBRAL COPPER COIN. § 34.

Then one kilogram of copper = 0.64655 Thl. = 19.4 Sgr. to start.

The effective weight of the Roman libralass was 10 ounces. zen = 272.88 gr. to accept; which continues until the ninth 100,000 aces must be considered as underplayed apply. In addition, the alloy must be taken into account, which, as already noted, averages over 7^tin and 23.6^ lead fraud. Tin is equal in value to copper same, so it doesn't need to be taken into account particularly become. The lead has almost exactly half the value of that coppers. So the 23.6^ = 64.40 gr. lead that passes through found on average in the Roman copper as, = 32, 20 gr. Copper and then the effective weight of the Libralasse still to reduce by as many grams. This is how we get as the weight of pure copper, which is worth a Roman schen libralasse would stand the same, 240.68 gr., after which the value of the ace is 0.1556 thl. = 4.668 Sgr. results. The following should then be applied:

1 Uncia

— Sgr

. 5 Pf.

(Prussian)

1 sextan

= —

— _

9 -

1 quadran

>—

1 -

2 -

1 Triens

1 -

7 -

1 semi

2 -

4 -

1 ace

4 -

8 -

1000 As

155*

Thlr.

The further reduction is summarized in Table XVII.

2. It must not cause any offense that this Copper has a value that is twice as high as that since 268 silver equivalent, the sesterce, was imported from only 2 Sgr. Silver values ​​(§ 35, 3. 7). The silver was then used as... the rarer, newly introduced metal is disproportionately high, at 240 times the value of copper, and if one If you want to give a comparison with our coin, it is for him The starting point of the silver coinage is more like the sestertius

country 1859 d. 40 p. 960 from the Bremer Handelsblatt. compilation. Böckh M. U. S. 342 takes the usual prices of the copper in the Harz, the silver is 96 times the value of the copper. hope man's theory of money p. 4 gives as that before the year 1838 in the middle Europe existing price ratio of silver to copper 1611^: 15^ = 102.6: 1.

2. DETERMINATION OF THE VALUE OF THE LIBRAL COPPER COIN. 199

1 Libralas or 4f Sgr., as the Libralas equals 1 silver sestert calculate. But the excessively increased value ratio of the Silver's balance was soon balanced out by the fact that the new one Copper coins were minted at ever lower prices. In the era of SextantarfuTses stood silver to copper as 140:1, at the time of the uncial foot as 112: 1. This now means that the value has changed. expression itself moved. A sesterce of the second century had absolutely a lower value than the libral copper ace of the fifth to third centuries, the equivalent of which he is should; should; but this difference disappears completely compared to the far larger another change, which has now surpassed the value of money had ever found out. Even if you have Libralas and Sestertius equates, an ace of the fifth century is an un- equal to higher value than a second century sesterce; Just like in our country a guilder was completely different 300 years ago Value house pressure was than now. This change in the value of the Determining metals circulating as money is the task of the Cul- ural history, not metrology; the latter can only be used for each time the Courant of an earlier time corresponds to the corresponding one Value house pressure in our current silver currency, metal against Metal equalized according to today's value ratio. This is where an ancient state relied on a metal currency to the other, the expression is striking in today's money Jumps are inevitable, but from the evils between which you have to choose from, is still the smallest. This is how we vote the Roman denarius until the end of the republic, as long as the pure silver currency prevailed in Rome, according to his Silver values of 7 Sgr. (§ 36, 5); with the introduction of gold currency However, let us reduce the Roman Courant to the Aureus and the denarius, although its weight remains the same, is received later is even reduced, the value house pressure of 8.7 Sgr. (§ 38, 6). This may seem striking, even irritating at first glance. appear quickly, but it is the only possible one for metrology way. So it shouldn't come as a surprise if, in the foreseeable future, of the librals on 4| Sgr. has been scheduled, and yet In the following it will be proven that during the introduction the silver coinage of the sestertius of only 2 Sgr. Worth than being was considered equivalent.

Accordingly, we believe that the given determination of the Libralasses apply to all information from the years 451 - 269 that is. In the years 268 - 217 there were silver and copper currency next to each other, the latter in ever-sinking footing. In

200 EI7fFt}HRlI?(6 THE SILVER PRXgONG. $85.

This period can be found in aes grave d. h. according to the old li- hralasse sums either according to his silver equivalent valent, the sesterce, or its copper equivalent, the 2^ triental, later sextantarian aces are reduced (§ 35, 1), But since 217, when pure silver light came into existence, it has to for each sum in aes grave the same number of sesterces be calculated.

§ 35. The beginning of the sowing coinage and the first reduction of the as.

1. He stayed with the copper currency and the white aces Roman state, as long as the scope of its politics was limited to Italy alone. Silver was only available in bars, not as a coin i). But than through close contact with the rich cities of Great Greece and especially through the War with King Pyrrhus the Greek silver currency As the Romans moved ever closer, they didn't hesitate to give up old heavy copper and a new coinage system, which which better corresponded to the emerging great power, to introduce. Because similar to Philip's gold coinage Macedonia did not just coincidentally conquer the Persian Empire preceded, the first silver coinage in Rome is also significant. powerfully in the time immediately before the first Punic war, in which the state first crossed the borders of Italy. We have two opinions about the timing of this important innovation certain information. Pliny^) places them in the year 485 AD City (= 269), the annalistic tradition in Livy and other 3) in the following year. The deviation is probably lich to explain that in the first year the law on the silver coinage, in the latter the actual introduction of the

1) Varro at Nonius uot. lateres p. 356 (Gerlach and Roth): nam late- res argeotei atque aurei primum conflati atque in aerariom conditi. In Triumphs of the year 293 were named after Liv. 10, 46 on Schwerknpfer also listed 1830 pounds of silver and then deposited in the aerarium placed. Varro's note (in Gbaris. p. 105 Keil) that the oldest silver Coin cast by Servius Tullius and 4 scruples heavier than the denarius was of his time is erroneous.

2) 33, 3 § 44: argentum signatum anno urbis CCCCLXXXV. Q. Ogulnio G. Fabio consulibns, quinque annis ante primum Punicum bellum.

3) Liv. epit. 15: tunc primum populus Romanus argento uti coepit. That the note belongs to the year 486 =^ 268 is shown by Mommsen p. 300 note. 33 after. The same is also said about the testimonies of Zonaras and the Chronic compare nests.

1.8. £I!HFÜHBD!«IG OF THE 8ILBERPREGDNG. 201

the same is to be set^). At the same time a mint was established erected in the temple of Juno Moneta and to supervise the Authority of the triumviri monetales aere (aeri) argento auro flando feriundo used^). The new silver coins were whole pieces along with halves and quarters, the names of those on them brought value symbols X, Y, IIS corresponding to denarius, q;tiina'' rius and sesterttus. The mint was on the coin in all denominations one side a female head with a helmet, its crest is jagged and ends in a bird's head and at its Wings are attached on the side and the two on the other side Dioscuri on horseback with lances inlaid and waving men with the round shepherd's hat on their heads, next to each other blasting, over everyone's head their familiar emblem, the star of the morning and the evening ^). The female head probably does not mean, as was previously interpreted, the Minerva, but the goddess Roma 7); the Dioscuri are depicted as the traveling gods, as seen in the Battle of the Lake Regillus brought support and victory to the Romans. Besides the Dioscuri very soon developed a different character, the winged one Victoria on the two-horse carriage, from which the denarius also takes its name bigatus received^).

2. The normal weight of this oldest syllabic coin is first recently identified. According to several testimonies of the old ones, which can be listed below (§ 36, 1).

4) Momrosen p. 300.

5) Suidas and MovrjTa reports that the Romans arrived at Andeokeu dcQ notice that Juno Ratherin gave them in the war against Pyrrhus had given, after the end of the war, they honored the goddess by striking the coin in their temple: iT^f^rjaav'HQav Movnrav, jovriari avjußovXov, rb vofXLOfxa ii' roj t€Q(p avrijg oQCaavTsg xaqaTjeaS^ai. Das Suidas does not specify the year, but it cannot be other than the third or fourth after the end of the war, in which the silver coinage began. The establishment of the triumviri monetaryles ( Becker Handb. II, 2 p. 365, Long Rome. Antiquity I p. 653) is at the same time put.

6) The description is entirely based on Mommsen p. 294.

7) Connoisseurs The Roma types in the area. the Vienna Acad. 1857 Phil. Hist. Kl. p. 261 ff., Mommsen p. 287 note 12, where at the same time the earlier li- literature on this question has been compiled.

8) That the emergence of the Victoria coin dates back to the oldest The era of Roman silver coins, which dates back to before 217, is noted Mommsen p. 294 and 462. The biga is mentioned as an influence of the Roman Silver from Plin. 33, 3 § 46, hence bigati in the same and in Liv. 23, 15, 15, Tacit. Germ. 5, and argentum bigatum at Liv. 33, 23, 9.

202

INTRODUCTION OF SYLLABICS^G.

gas.

the denarius in the i'e[.>ub]ikaDisGhea period and further up to Nere ] to ^4 of pounds8=^3^scrupel^=3.90 gr.pronounced. Alone | The oldest denarii that have come down to us are noticeably higher, they Weigh between 4.45 and 4.57 grams. ; another, relatively perhaps younger Smaller, but still primitive piece increases to 4.03 gr., the rest of the same class weigh 4.48 gr. and below'). This results in the normal weight of the oldest denarius 4 scrupcl or ^^ pounds = 4.55 gr. worn must be sen and therefore the Quinarz on 2, the Seslerz on 1 scruple should be applied. This was first found by Borghesi i") dene and confirmed by Mommsen's investigations is so little doubtful that from now on every investigation into it Roman silver money will have to come from this. However The state did not remain at this full weight for long. The Minting took place very soon, in some cases perhaps already in the first Punic wars, something came down and came to the EfTectiv weight of ^f instead of yV pounds, which is then designated as the legal was true (§ 36, 1) and below until Nero remained unchanged received.

Another important question is which foreign coin is 1 Romans served as a model for their denarius. Because since they 1 not independently, but only through close contact with the silver currencies of the Greek states on the introduction Ration of the silver gold came, and the impression was entirely similar to that Greek technology that had long since been perfected chen connect, it is assumed that the weight also of the new silver money not without taking into account an already established Greek currency has been established. In the ] The entire Greek East was at that time as a result of the Macedonian Rule of the Attic coinage spread (§ 31.5), the Roman mer had him through Pyrrhus and earlier through the Ver- returned to Sirile, where he also ruled. This Roman weight and hollow mafs were probably already there once standardized according to the Attic weight. Finally that's true Normal weight of the Attic drachma of 4.37 gr. so close with that of the denarius of 4.55 gr., that the two are closely related

9) The WagDngtn gli-bl Mdh

n p. 297 Ann). 2ii, 27. dPdfldc XVII in the Giornair Arcadiro S. It should also be noted that e BGEJih p.24 according to:

2.S. INTRODUCTION OF SILVER STAMPING. 203

cannot be doubted. So the Romans formed theirs Denarius is the equivalent of the Attic drachma, except that it is the normal weights to the nearest amount in whole scruples, namely- lich set at 4 scruples or -^^ pounds, while the Drachma, even when fully minted, weighed only 1/2 pound. This difference The reference soon disappeared when the denarius rose to £1,000 shortly thereafter =3.90 gr. was coined out, a weight that corresponds to the effective value the weight of most of the drachmas circulating at the time was almost came. This explains why the Romans later used the drachma legally equal to the denarius in terms of value, and derives from this The identification of the drachma and the denarius then continues Greek and Roman writers, as well as its origins of the Roman talent for calculation, which was already discussed earlier (§ 32) has been spoken.

3. It is now necessary to examine what significance the value have symbols on the silver coin. The silver embossing has to be done of course based on the copper currency, which was previously the only valid currency. have closed, and there would be no doubt that that the numbers X, Y and IIS mean aces, even if that not expressly attested by the ancients i^). But what for aces were these? Nothing is closer than thinking about it The oldest librals that had been circulating as Courant up to that point had to must have been aces, and so we find from the scholars tens of the imperial period, first by Varro, then by Verrius Flaccus, Pliny and others expressed this opinion unanimously ^ ^). And yet that is decidedly wrong. The value of silver at copper, the denarius at 4 scruples, the libral ace at 10 ounces set, vwe would behave 600:1, which is completely un- is possible. Böckh^^) tries a larger, oldest denarius to prove; but neither there was nor can there be such a thing the ratio of silver to copper that he had assumed was approved

11) Festus in the Exe. p. 98: deni asses — efficiebant denarium, ab hoc ipso Dumero dictum ; the same p. 347 B: apud aotiqaos denarii denorum assium erant et valebant decussem. Plin. 33, 3 § 44: placnit deDarlum pro decem libris aeris (= assibas) valere, quinariuin per quioque, sestertium per dupondio ac semisse. Volus. Maec. §46: deoarius primo asses decem vaiebat, uode et nomen traxit. Apoieius at pinch. Inst. 6, 12, 66: tum sestertius dipondium semissem, quinarius quinquessis, denarius decussis valebat.

12) The passages are compiled below note 22.

13) M. U. S. 452ff. Similar Queipo Essai II p. 18f. 27 ff. The contradiction published by Mommsen p. 305.

204 INTRODUCTION OF SILVER EMBOSSING. «35.

become. So it must have been a smaller ace that made it unit for the new silver coin. Herewith come Let's first look at the reduction of the ace and its further course such an important role in the history of the Roman coinage sens plays. The scholars of the imperial era, who spoke about the whole Question were very inadequately informed, put the first Reduction variously on^*); to the correct explanation they would have come if they had the documents that came to them the ancient coins themselves could have understood how to interpret them. But as it is, they find neither the correct explanation of the value of the Silver coin in relation to the plucking money, they are still over informed of the amount of the first reduction. So we have to first the errors of Varro and his successors let it rest and rely on the coin findings as the only certain ren basis. In all cabinets that are larger Other collections of Roman copper money included follow the foot of the libral ace, which is effectively 10 ounces and drops to 9 ounces without any mediation half a lighter foot, which is called a four-ounce foot or triental is to be referred to as ^ •^). Although individual aces are somewhat higher, to 5|^ ounces, including a corresponding semis finds oneself; but these are only exceptions, most pieces stand almost exactly at four ounces and sink from there in a continuous series downwards ^ß). So it's once through one sudden change in As from 10 to 9 down to 4 ounces was set so that 1 old Ace was equal in weight to 2^ new ones. This relationship is undoubtedly established in another way- confirmed in custody. The old heavy copper money disappeared with the Reduction of the ace not immediately out of circulation; it circulated initially as aes grave next to the silver and light copper, and the heavy As later remained as an accounting coin. Now we know by comparing several legal regulations

14) The taxes below note 22.

15) Mommsen p. 283 f.

16) In Arigoni III Table 2 an ace follows the nine-ounce The next heavier one is 125.13 gr. (== 6 unc. 26 car.) or plenty of 5i Roman ounces. In the Kircher Museum follows one Semis of 113 gr. (light NeunuRzenfufs) one of only 74 gr. (= 2 unc. 5 dr. Gennarelli p. 69), which is also ö^Unzenfafs. Böckh, the assumes a gradual sinking of the copper coin (p.392), cannot have an ace between 8J and 3i ounces (p. 402). Further proof gives Mommsen p. 348.

1.4. £I.^Ft:aifrX€ d£R SII.B£MÜIA«tN€. 205

StJmmniigeD on the sidiersl^ that up to the Kaisertdl the Re, as well as the nadi Sesterten oh^ Ctiterschiod used next to each other vniitlen ^ ^)« So the Se$li»rt is worth it the value expression in silver for the libral Kii|>lN^as ^ and there Furthermore, the same Sesten the equivalent Mr 2} new redudtie represents aces, it follows with necessity. that's the new one As none other than the triontal gi'wesen can be ^ila 31 Ah after this foot just equals 10 down, the operation of the libra- len aces are. Furthermore, therein lies the first one Reduction of the ace in accordance with the line the silver minting took place> >this is not the case either The passages of the ancients that are to be discussed immediately ^ but also the Coinage of the Latin colonies proves that the oldest co- Ionia followed the libral foot. Still Anminunt^ which in It was founded in 268 and to a limited extent Four years later, the gcgi founded Confirmation on this foot coined; but Brundisium, where only in 244 a (lolonie) led became, no longer knows it, but follows from the outset the VieruDzenfufse^*^). So it has in Itom, according to which the Colonies directed themselves, the heduction of the ass swist hen 208 and 244 took place. The more precise estimate of the timing will be given below.

4. The question of whether how they came up with the reduction of the ace, since it was libral ace as the equivalent of sestertius smells good luUte foribcste-

17) The passages about the invoice according to aet grnve n, called Hlickh S. 397. 414, Marquardt III, 2 p. 7 note 17 (cl. above | 83 note 2H). Dttfs the sums of aes grave at the time of the silver clock university^ nothing ndercA falls The same numbers of sesterces meant the same number, was first recognized by the author. of King Servius p. 107 note; Momm provided the specific proof sen Rome. coin w. p. 326 f. and Gesch. of the Roman IVIunzw. iS. 302 (after Marquardt p. 13 note 42). The main evidence is: The Injnrlendtrafficen twelve plates of 300, 150 and 25 As (l)irksen (overview n. s. w. tab. VIII fr. 3. 4. 11) are by Paulus Collat. Mos. et Rome. I. tit. 2 (p. 019 the Auct. luriscons. from Leewius Lngd. Bat. 1071) in as many 8e- sterzen stated; the sum pledged for games in 217 was according to Liv. 22, 10 333333J^ aeris, after Plut. Fab. 4 as many sesterces (only the latter erroneously puts instead of 333 j[ numi d. i. "" mtertii , which he must have found in his source, the same number of denarii); the 100,000 aces of the Voconian law at G«i. 2, 274 are at Dio Cass. 57.10 25,000 denarii =:^ 100,000 sesterces; for the 10 aces of the fannish Law, the maximum for a normal lunchtime meal, at Gell. 2, 24, 3 sets Athens. 6 p. 274 C 2^ Deaare.

18) Mommsen p. 291.

206

ElSrij'UllüMi DER SILI)EI1P11Ä(]U."SC.

bet) künneo. The solution is not possible in any other way than by using RDziehiiDg of the sicili see coin system ms, irelclies liier uiiferkenn- bar his input geäurseit bati"). According to the one below (Appendix ^ 15) the two main aspects are gates of this system. that the pound of copper, the litra, is one silver equivalent, the nummus, and that the whole piece the Silhermint. the slatcr of 2 Attic drachmas, equal to 10 liters is. We find both sentences in the Roman system. applies, admittedly with one important deviation. First was the silver equivalent for the previous copper unit, the libral Ace, to set up. How we came up with the weight of 1 to determine scruples, d. h. the silver at 240 times its value of the copper can no longer be clearly seen. follow. It is possible that the silver was temporarily in circulation in Rome really had such a high currency, although all later comparisons between silver and copper is a much lower amount result (§ 35, 5). Or the equation was floating between Silver and copper, which were originally in the Sichian system had passed. The folders of the new coin system in Rome you must know that the Sicilian stater weighs 2 Drachmas or ^-^-0 talent equal to 10 liters of copper, the litra but equal to -p^^ talent, therefore the silver is 25 times higher value of the copper was estimated. She now transferred this Equation on the libral As in the effective weight of 10 ounces, The nearest round return was 1 scruple Silver. This therefore became the Roman Nummus^"). Conse- Accordingly, a silver stick worth 10 scripels would have been have to be created. Here alone, other returns decided sight. The gaoz piece in silver was intended to be reminiscent of the Attic Drachma attached, so it became four times the amount of Nummus = 4 scruples spent. JSun comes the main

19) Mommsen shows this path pp. 136-203, 304-308. Aof ibn fnrate the above-mentioned representation, because it contains noticeable differences. The HauDi does not allow Freilieb eiazelo to justify this. One HnaptdiBereoz is that I have Mommseu's Annnbiae, the Sicilian silver bill- Dung had already mastered the oldest copper test, not to join can Ig 33, 4).

20) That the nummus is borrowed from Sicily is said expressly Varro de 1. L. 5,173, Feslns undert. d. W.p. 193, Pnll. 9.7a. In everything In linguistic use, the word occurs from various muiizea (cf. the passages in Mi'uimsen p. 191^ note 83). Docb was icban zd Cato's Time preferably the seat ore, actually nummut leitertitis, so that draws.

I i

4.5. EUfFCflftOlVG DER SUAERNU^CJM. ^1

gentility of the new system. The Gantstöck

5. We therefore have reasons that shortly before the beginning of the Silver coinage was introduced to Rome during the first Punic War that the liberal footing probably appeared at the same time the triental was reduced, and that for mediation between the two currencies the sestertius served. Now let's see how with this result the news of the ancients is correct.

21) Varro de 1. L. 5, 174: Dummi denarii decuin« Ubelta, aaod libram pondo as valebat et erat ex «rgento parva. Here Varro commits the double th mistake that he sets the denarius as equal to seven pound aces and the turns dragonfly into a coin. But the bis-tuning of the dragonfly itself is correct. How much the term also finds its way into everyday language usage passed over, the expression heres ejc proves Ub^la for the tenth heir (Gic. ad Att. 7, 2, 3). In addition, half of the dragonfly is the M%mbMi (Varro 6, 174. 10, 38) or singula (Volus. Maec. § 67), as a quarter of the ^erttMcTttt, Translation of the Sicilian xQiag (Appendix § 16, 3). Usually found This calculation is not applied to the denarius, but to the sestertius (compare the representation in Maec. § 65 ff.)* The< is explained by the late tereo reduction of the liter system in Siciiien. Since Dionysus the Hiterea was the lira, which was originally equal to 1 nummus, on ^^ the same reduced, i.e. the tenth division of the dekalitron to the nummus passed over. That's why it was also present in Roman lore. preferably on the sestertius. But according to the original coin order The introduction of silver coinage was apparently the denarius, the GanzslUok into 10 dragonflies, each equal to 1 reduced ace, and therefore its received name. Talks in more detail about the Roman silver bill Mommsen pp. 197-203.

208 INTRODUCTION OF THE SILVER STAMP DNC. «35.

According to the general tradition, which has already been touched upon many times, the As was in pounds until the time before the first Punic war to be; the design, first coined a few years before the same war, nar has corresponded to 10 such worthy aces, is finite At the same time the liberal As was passed by popular vote Two-ounce or sextan tarfufs have been reduced. Teach this Varro, Verrius Flaccus and Pliny^^), j^ the main points this tradition has already been corrected. The old ace was Although it was intended to be libral, it was eflectively lower by 2 ounces. driger, the denarius was not equal to 10 librals, but equal to 10 reduced Assen and this reduced Ass War triental. So be wrong Verrius and Phnius also differ in that they state through the First reduction, the ace immediately became sextantar. Indefs is The mistake was forgivable, because the triental foot sank very soon

22) Mommsen gives the evidence in a clear compilation p. 288 f., compl. also Marquardt p. 7 note 18, 19. The main places are: Varro de r. r. 1, 10, 2: id (iugerum) habet scripula CCLXXXVIII, quaotum as antiquus noster ante bellum Punicum pendebat; de 1. L. 5, 169: as erat libra pondus; § 174: libram pondo as valebat; § 182: asses libralcs pondo erant; § 173: deoarii, quod denos aeris valebant, quinarii, qnod quinos, se- stertius, quod duobus semis additur (dupondius enim et semis antiquus se- stertiug est). Verrius Flaccus in Paulus p. 98: gräve aes dictum a pondere, quia deni asses, singuli pondo libras, efficiebant denarium ab hoc ipso nu- mero dictum. Sed hello Puuico populus Komanus pressus aere alieno ex singulis assibus librariis seoos lecit, qui tantundem ut illi valerent. The- same with Festus p. 347: sextantari asses in usu esse coeperunt ex eo tem- pore, quo propter bellum Punicum secundmn, quod cum Hannibale gestum est, decreverunt fathers, nt ex assibus, qui tum erant librari, fierent sex- tantari, perquos cum solvi coeptum esset, et populus aere alieno liberaretur, et privati, quibns debitum pulilice solvi oportebat, non magno detrimento adficerentur. Compare p. 347 sub. sesterti, p. 334 under Sestertius, Plin. 33, 3 § 44: argentum signatum anno nrbis CCCGLXXXV. Q. Ogulnio et C. Fabio consulibus, quinque annis ante primum Punicum bellum, et pLacuit denarium per decem libris aeris valere, quinarium per quinque, sestertium per dupondio ac semisse. librale autem pendus aeris imminutum est hello Pnnico primo, cum impensis res publica non sufficeret, constitutumque, ut asses sextantario pondere ferirentur. ita quinque partes lucri factae disso- lutumque aes alienum. This is also the case with this report by Pliny from Verrius is created, points out Mommsen a. a. 0. after. In addition, there are still same Gellius 20, 1, 13: librariis assibus populus ea tempestate (currently the decemviral legislation) usus est. Volus. Maec. § 46: denarius primo asses decem valebat, unde et nomen traxit; § 74: cum olim asses librales essent et denarius decem asses valeret et decima pars denarii libram, quae eadem as erat etc. (the discussion that does not belong here follows about denarius and sesterce fractions). Apulia. at Priscian. 6, 12, 66: tum sestertius dipondium semissem, quinarius quinquessis, denarius decussis valebat.

5.. INTRODUCTION?i6 OF SILVER EMBOSSING. 209

and in constant reduction on the sextantar, sodaTs the informant of Verrius and Pliny the SextantarfuTs, who Already in the first Punic war the eftective was quite well than the one originally introduced before the beginning of the war could look at. Finally, as far as time is concerned, so displaced Phnius the first reduction to the time of the first Punic war ges and explains it by the emergency that occurred at that time, Verrius Flaccus in the Cannibal War. The latter is certain a mistake, since at the beginning of this war the second re- duction of the ace, which took place on the uncial fufs. But also Pliny's statement is not entirely accurate; Varro undoubtedly had one better source by cautiously saying the libral ace has in the time before the first Punic war ^^^^ gigp no longer consisted in the same. The deciding factor is the name and naming of the silver coins. The sestertius was from the front in on 2^ As, the quinarius and denarius proportionately deployed; these aces, as already proven, cannot must have been the libral ones, so it follows that the reduction of the ace not only after the introduction of silver coinage in 268 may have taken place. But it may not be essential either should be set earlier because the sesterce, as also mentioned later, pointed out, joining in with the liberal As. So it remains alone left that we have the introduction of silver coinage and the reduction tion of the ace on the triental feet simultaneously, both in the Set year 268 (or 269). At the same time, the view of Verrius and Pliny, that the asreduction caused a great state bankrupt, causing the coin to suddenly fall to one-sixth reduced, so the creditor is deprived of his claim was divided. Such a rule of force one believed without difficulty in the troubled times of the first Punic War, or, like Verrius Flaccus, even better in to be able to move that of the second; but for the one he just saw middle point in time, the assumption is completely inadmissible. In the Time shortly after the end of the war with Pyrrhus, where Rome stood victorious over all his enemies, where at the same time the rich cial influx of silver to introduce coinage in this Metals led, at such a time least of all can

23) Varro was the first with the words ante bellum Punicum Punic war cannot be doubted. Bello Punico likes vague can be said for the second Punic war, but still impossible ante bellum Punicum.

Hultsch, metrology. 14

210 ElNFÜflRUffG OF SILVER EMBOSSING. § 35.

State has made a bankruptcy, with the creditors, themselves if instead of the information of the ancients we only use the ratio of Put ten ounces up to the triental foot, but still around 60 percent cents would have been cheated. Rather, the reduction of the Aces only a change in the currency and the value house of the print, not of the value itself. Instead of the previous one alone The prevailing copper currency was a mixed silver and Copper currency introduced. The equivalent of the old libral Asses became the sestertius, but the Hbralen asses as well as the Sesterces were equated to 2^ new aces. liabilities, which had been received in old money remained unchanged. Who who had contracted on old aces received the full amount either still in old asses, as long as they were still circulating, or in the same number of sesterces again 2 4). The new ver- sluggish ones might be completed in sesterces or in new asses become; but under no circumstances is the old Ace the new one were equated, rather a distinction was made between the old continued while by naming .aes grave. A completely different treatment wandtnifshates with the further reductions of the ace of the trien- Tales down to the sextantar foot and further downwards. With the With the introduction of silver, it was divided into a fixed amount set to copper. A sesterce of ^^ pounds should equal his 2^ triental aces, which together weighed f pounds, the silver The value was therefore calculated to be 240 times the value of the copper This relationship was modeled on that of Sicily Literary system, and the creators of the new coin system like believed that it was the right thing for Rome too and that's it it will always stay that way. In Sicily alone it was raw local heavy copper combined with the Greek silver courant compared to unusually unfavorable position; in Rome it was on- initially not both a reduction in copper, which is still dominated all traffic, but rather an unconventional consistently high use of silver, which is considered to be the a high value was attached to newly introduced metals when it came to him actually had. Because it is impossible to assume that the value ratio between silver and copper from today's tigen deviated so significantly that the latter was almost three times as high was worth little than now. We also have information the late imperial period, after which the silver only increased 125 times 100 times the value of the copper was set (§40.3). So that

24) Mommsen p. 293.

5.6. INTRODUCTION OF SILVER PRE6CN6. 211

Silver was valued too highly at the time and compensation was unavoidable. sociable. This took place unconsciously and was expressed necessarily- agile on copper ^ 5). So the Trientalfufs rose steadily down the sextantar feet. The efforts that the first puni- The war required may have been one of the reasons; without The equalization would perhaps have taken place more slowly, but it would have taken place. The silver was in the sextan tarf to copper like 120:1 or 140:1, depending on the denarius still reduced to the full amount of ^^ ^^^^ ^u nen of ^ pounds, and by this amount has certainly At that time the actual value ratio of both metals was stated. But as the As continued to descend from then on, it shifted The value relationship changes again, and now in favor of copper, in that its coin value noticeably exceeds the actual one exceeded. Therefore, the need for a new legal legal provision, which we will briefly mention here have to. In the year 217, the Ace, who was now facing the Un- cialfufs approached, legally set at this amount, for it but now 16 aces are counted on the denarius instead of the previous 10. This meant that the ratio between silver and copper was 112:1 determined and this is the last time I've tried it to fix the value relationship between the two metals. Because as Now the As went further down again, the copper became Scheidemünze and the Roman state had de facto from then on pure silver currency.

6. There is now the necessary information about the coinage of the copper since the introduction of the Triental foot. The High denominations from As to Quadrans were initially like in the libral foot still cast, the üncia and the sextans cast usually coined 2 6). When the ace was down to three ounces, Quadrans and Triens were also coined^?); as he sextantar and had become even lower, the embossing also extended on the Semis and As, but there are still things everywhere cast pieces before 2 8). The images on the front and back

25) Similar to Niebuhr Rome. Gee! p. 514f.; only can him in it It cannot be agreed that the value of copper gradually increased like this rose is that both the libral and the sextantaric ace resemble one Silver quantum corresponded.

26) Mommsen p. 285.

27) Vaes grave del Museo Kircheriano p. 40.

28) Mommsen a. a. 0. Notes 8 and 9.

14*

2 1 2 INTRODUCTION OF SILVER STAMPINGCN6. S 35, 7.

as well as the tokens remained unchanged as at the time of libral footing (§ 35, 5). But new things were added in this era three higher denominations with the value symbols II, III and X, the duponditis, tressis and decussis^^). The name dupondius was still reminiscent of the original situation where the asp was had been digged. The embossing was on one side as well as on the other nominals the ship, on the other side just like that like on the silver coin a female helmeted head of a god, who probably represents the goddess Roma (§ 35, 1). On one Decussis instead the winged Victoria appears in two- team ^ö). However, the minting of the named names is nale again very soon, already in the era of the sextantar foot has come to an end, which is self-explanatory from the fact that the coin became more and more the dominant and the uncomfortable Heavy copper was increasingly being replaced.

As has been noted many times, the coin price is steadily decreasing the triental to the sextantar and uncial. Evidence in Individuals are not necessary here, it is sufficient for others elsewhere to be noted in the overviews provided 3^). prefer the rest The descent of the copper under the uncial feet will come later be spoken.

7. Finally, the determination of the value of the Roman coin since the introduction of silver coinage. For the silver denarius the weight of 4 scruples = 4.548 gr. (§ 35, 2) to be taken as a basis, and the silver, as later (§ 36, 5) will be shown to calculate perfectly finely. After that is the

Denarius = 8 Sgr. 2 Pf.

Quinar =4 - 1 -

Sesterce == 2 - -

to start. The further calculation is given in Table XVIII B. Equal It may also be noted here that because of some of the information provided by

29) See the images in the Aes grave cl. I tav. 1. 2, the weights at Mommsen p. 347 f.

30) ArigoDi III Table 23.

31) Everything that was previously compiled in this regard is, as by Böckh p. 401 BF., GennareUi p. 68 f., is replaced by Mommsen's exhaustive treatment of the sinking copper currency. The Weighings of aces and semlssen of the Triental foot can be found on p. 348. collected together, the gradual reduction in weight is p. 421 up to 428 discussed in detail, and then pp. 429-451 an overview of the Weights of Roman gonsular copper given.

«36.1. ROMAN SILVER CURRENCY6. 213

Livy and others need to know that the Roman pound Silver, the metal finely calculated, at 19.65 thr. = 19 tbl. 19| Sgr. is to be applied. The Victoriatus, about which below (§ 36, 2) will be spoken had in this first epoch The silver coinage has a value of 6 Sgrs. 2 Pf.

The copper coins must have existed in this era, where silver and Copper currency existed side by side and only gradually the pure silver currency came into its own in two ways determined according to their metal value rather than their coin value become. The latter is based on the silver and is therefore a fixed size. The copper ace = | Sestertius took it Value of 0.82 Sgr. = J Pf. The metal value, on the other hand, is in relationship to the libral As (§ 34, 1) and goes steadily downwards from the triental foot. The triental As = f The libral represented a copper value of 1 Sgr. 10 Pf., the Ace of three ounces was worth 1 Sgr. 2 p. healthy ken, the sextantare Ace is set at only 11 pfennigs, and it Metal and coin values come together here. In Tab. XVIII A, these values are clearly laid out. In the As a rule, the reduction should be preferred according to the coin value to be given.

Also the sums in aes grave, if they are effective- copper money, not just the billing coin, do not allow for a safe reduction in this era. The liberal one As had to disappear from circulation since it was reduced As descended under the triental feet. So a sum was given reduced copper in such a way in aes grave that one 2^ Aces equaled an aeris gravis. In the triental foot had this unit of account has exactly the same value as the libral As = 4 Sgr. 8 Pf., in the sextantar foot it is half as much gone and only corresponds to 2 Sgr. 4 pfennigs of our money. So the safest way is to use the copper here too calculates according to its coin value by taking the sum in aes grave takes the same number of sesterces.

§ 36. The Roman silver currency from the Hanniba-Kscken war to

to. End of the Republic.

1. The full weight of -^^ pounds = 4.55 gr., on which The denarius was initially minted very soon. departed. Because even in the older series it becomes apparent Weight swaying downwards noticeable; individual pieces

214 ROMAN SILVERWARDN6. 136.

are still minted yoll, others sink to 4 gr. and that- ter ^). The time cannot be determined precisely here, since the older More simple embossing can also be added later in individual cases. has been retained; Since then the monograms of the coins Master appearing next to the city name shows that it is decisive already the reduced weight of the later coinage 2). Well Everything points to the fact that the mint masters don't give their names before, but soon after, the year 217 placed on the coins ^); So we come to the conclusion that since 217 the descended gone weight had constantly occurred while it was red Although time has already occurred, it is still fluctuating the full weight existed. Now let's first look at what amount the reduced weight should be flixed. The doctors Cornelius Celsus and Scribonius Largus, who lived under Tiberius th, state that the weight of the denarius is -^^ pounds*). Pliny says the same thing ^), at whose time this weight was in the The coinage no longer existed, but here the older one legal destiny in mind. The one around a century Galen, who lived later, counted the denarius among those since Nero introduced weight of r^ pounds, but he found in his Sources also include the determination of -^^ pounds^), the same, which the Benedictine metrologist also states^). It was cheating

1) Even the Dioscurendars of the oldest form, recognizable by their markings The presence of the coat of arms and the magistrate's name show a striking Fluctuations in weight up to less than 3.50 g. (see the compilation at Mommsen p. 297 note 27). Several denarii with coats of arms follow Series still have the full Fuise or at least come close to it, others belong decidedly to the reduced weight. Compare Mommsen P. 483 - 486 under the coat of arms names listed on p. 421: anchor, Caducens, crescent, etc.

2) Mommsen p. 299 with note 31: 'In the ßorghesi and in the Berlin Cabinet is not the only one of this genus that has 4 Gr. exceeded'.

3) Same p. 455.

4) Celsus 5, 17, 1: sciri volo in uncia pondus denariorum septem esse. Scribonius Larg. at the end of the preface: erit autem nota denarii unins pro Graeca drachma, aeque enim in libra denarii octoginta quatuor apud nos, quot drachmae apud Graecos incurrunt.

5) 33, 3 § 132: cum sit iustum LXXXIIII (denarios) e libris signari. In agreement with this 12, 14 § 62: tertiam partem minae, hoc est XX VIII denariorum pondus, where he, like Letronne p. 41 proves the mine with the Pounds mixed up.

6) De compos. medic. p. gen. 5 p. 789: r^]/ ovyyCav ol nXHOTOi fikv inrä xal rj/xiaeog öqu^^üv dval (paaiv, tvioi cT« ^' fiovoVj €T€qol

7) Anal. p. 394: ^/n 17 juvä oXxag ixarov, n^g dk xb ^IraXixöv

Ut. WUümUCBE SILBERWAHBDll«. 215

i.e. the cormal weight of the denarius in the first imperial period ■^f pounds = 3.90 gr. ; But the same weight has been around for a long time have existed before, because the ones in the second Punic Wars, as well as the consular denarii in general correspond to it exactly as well as those which go down to the imperial era ^). Now is the beginning of Second Punic War in 217 the Kupferas by a own law has been reduced to the Uncialfufs, so it lies It is very easy to assume that the denarius also came from the same time original normal amounts to the weight of ^ pounds, to which the coinage was actually already leaning at that time, has been set ^).

2. The mint of the reduced denarius remained essentially the same as before. The female god's head with wings Helmet, the image of the goddess Roma (§ 35, 1), was preserved on the Front unchanged until well into the seventh century enters the city; Only at this time do others appear Heads, either of gods or of famous ancestors the mint master on^^). The back was already there the year 217 the original Dioscuri style the Victoria (later also Diana) stepped aside in a pair. Against At the end of the sixth century the city was joined by the Qua- driga with Jupiter or another deity, and since then he- There also seem to be other deities in Riga than those above mentioned ^i). As already mentioned, the denarius was named after the

Qiß^, Tj ovyyCa ^k oXxäg C\ Idmitäg 6h g xal oßoXov «' xaiyaXxovs

8) This should be the place for the comprehensive average calculation tion to indicate which Letronne Consid. gen. p. 42 AT. with the consula Indian denarii. He chose 1900 denarii of Paris Cabinets 1350, which were completely well preserved, arranged them according to the alpha betish order of the family names and followed up with the averages Decades and centuries, and from them the overall average. This resulted in 73.0597 par. grains = 3.880 grams, so it is hardly noticeable. ally behind the normal weight of ⅓ pounds «s 3,898 gr. back. worm p. 27 draws the average from Letronne's information by a dend small amount lower to 72.9836 par. grains >> 3.876 grams. Hossey p. 134 sets the Dorcbschoittsweight at 60 English. Gran -» 3,888 Gram. The older provisions of the denarius can be found in the same p. 135 f. compiled.

9) This is the view of Mommsen p. 385 compare with p. 299. 420 f. 482 AD 6.

10) Mommsen p. 461 f.

11) DerseU>e p. 462.

216 ROMAN SILVER CURRENCY. §36.

Double team bigatus, hence the name quadrigatus came 12), the tokens remained unchanged; since she- In the second century, X is also crossed out Form "^ ; the numeral XVI, the Asreduction since 217 speaking, only occurs very sporadically in the seventh century before 13). Until around the year 114 the value mark was never missing, On the other hand, from the year 86 onwards it remained regularly absent, in the interim time it was sometimes set, sometimes omitted i^). Also the business My name ROMA, which was originally never missing, becomes the same time, at first fluctuating, later regularly omitted ^ 5). Coats of arms of mint officials can occasionally be found in the first epoch; soon after 217 the names of the Mint officials, first in monograms or initials, not long before the end of the sixth century but fully written; since the middle of the seventh century As just noted, use the city name ^ß). The edge of the Coin was probably first minted in 93, a Use that lasted until the end of the Republic ^ 7). Therefore Tacitus^^) calls the republican denarii the Difference from the lighter Neronians as serrati bi- gatique.

The denarius has been the dominant coin in the world since the beginning Silver coinage, while the smaller denominations were the same were rarely minted from the start and soon disappeared completely. the. The quinar was coined from the introduction of silver coinage until after 217, but soon afterwards he does not appear more. The minting of the sestertius most likely took place It came to an end before 217, and again in 89 or 88

12) Plin. 33, 3 § 46: notae argenti fuere bigae atqae qoadrigae, inde bigati qaadrigatique dicti. Liv. 22, 52, 2: trecenis nanimis qaadrigatis.

13) Moromsen p. 468 f. Volus. Maec. Section 45 also provides for the value Signs of quinary and sestertius indicate the crossed out form, which refers to Can't find coins. This deletion was at a later date Time is common with numbers (Marqnardt p. 10 note 31). Hence the usual liche ^ as the name of the sestertius for II S. Because of the numeral XVI see Mommsen p. 379.

14) Monimsen p. 451.

15) Same p. 452.

16) Same p. 454f.

17) Same p. 472.

18) Germ. 5: (Germanorum) proximi whether usum commercioram aurum et argentnm in pretio habet formasque quasdam nostrae peconiae agnoscunt atque eligunt — . pecuniam probant veterem et diu notam, serratos biga- tosque. Compare Mommsen p. 771.

1. RÖMnCHE BILBERWÄHBOlfO. 217

resumed but did not last. Only towards the end of the Republic from the year 49 onwards, as a result of the reorganization, which Caesar gave to the monetary system, the Quinar and Sestertius struck again ^^).

On which he gave the denarius with its half and quarter pieces There is another Roman silver coin that is briefly discussed here. chen must be, the vtctorialus^^). After the investigations According to Borghesi* and Mommsen it is to be regarded as established that that this coin, which takes its name from the one on the back depicted goddess of victory, originally on | of the denarius, So initially to 3 scruples = s 3.41 gr., later after reduction of the denarius to 2.92 gr. and has been spread underneath. It is in contrast to all other Roman money without stamp; appears on the corresponding llalb pieces just the sign of the half 8. Shrin that leads to that the Victoriatus from the Roman ounce. different must have been, and this is confirmed by Pliny's statements and Maecianus, according to which this type of coin is only used as a commodity with changing curse in Rome g(*was taken ^^). Various News connects the Victoriatus with llyri- cum ^^). Following on from the existing Müiizfufs there was probably in the year 228 when the province was organized the new coin weighing ^^ denarius was created, namely mainly with the purpose of dealing with Greeks to serve the country, for which it was well suited inasmuch as it was the Drachma of Massilia and Rhodes, as well as the Egyptian and was very close to Syrian currency. With the reduction of the de-

19) Mommsen p. 389. 418f. 650-653. 756. Compliment. below § 38, 4.

20) According to the earlier opinion, which was still BöckbM. U.S. 456 follows, From the beginning the Victoriatus was equal to the half denarius. There- Borghesi pointed out this in his Osservazioni numismatiche decade XVII oss. 2 - 5 after that the same originally | Denarius cheated and only later gave up the value of the quinar was reduced. This result has recently been published Mommsen pp. 389 - 400 confirmed and further elaborated.

21) Plin. 33, 3 § 46: is qoi nunc victoriatos appellatur lege Clodia percussus est. antea enim hie nomnius ex Illyrico advectus mercis loco babebatur. Volus. Maec. 45: victoriatus nunc tantundem valet, quantum quinarins olim, ac peregrious oommus loco mercis, ut nunc tetradracbmum et drachma, babebatur.

22) Liv. 41, 13, 7 reports from C. Claudius, who wrote about the in 177 Istrians and Ligurians triumphed: tulit in eo triumpbo deuarium trecenta Septem milia et victoriatum octoginta quinque milia septingentos duos. Compare same 45, 43, 5: deoarium tria milia et ceotum viginti milia lUyhi arg«nti; Plin. a. a. 0.

21S nÜHESCHE SILBEUWAHHUnC.

The weight of the Victoriatus also fell accordingly. DisB Coinage continued until the sixth century, t They must have been worthy of their faltering. Not long after, around u the i. 104 *^), the Clodic law came about, through which the ' Victoriatus was created as a special type of coin and the Qui- nar was equated. So knowing half of the denarius the Victoriatus Varro, Cicero and the sailors of the imperial line ä*).

3. But let us turn to the consideration of the coin base- 1 back. In the same year when the denarius probably fell on ^ | pound was reduced, the copper money suffered an even more significant their change. It has already been noted that the sexual tantare As steadily decreased to an even lower amount and even before the second Punic war the uncial foot approached. This meant that the buyer had one in relation to the silver The coin value is received, which exceeds the real value ratio exceeded, because while in the sextantarenFufsen only ^^ to y^ of Süberwerthea, it was now in the coin ^. This Mifs relationship, as Verrius and Pliny stated, testify 2*), the Flaminian law of J. 217 in the way, that the uncial foot now be legal, but foitan 16 instead 10 aces on the denarius, 4 on the sestertius WPTden should- This meant that the value between silver and copper was ratio 112: 1, almost that of the sextantar foot like- the question is, which we in all probability consider to be the have to look at the effective value relationships of that time ^ '

23) Borghesi a. a. 0. p. 347. Mominsen p. 399.

24) Varro de 1st Lat. 10, 41: quam rntinnem duu ad unam linbeot, I enndem babent vignoti ad deccm — , she est ad unum victoriotum denarini, 1 licuC ad alterum vietariatuin alter denariua. Cic. per FoDt. ä, U ^loves d Although they don't reflect the relationship, they don't mean the same thing. As weight h deu Victoriatns id i Denar Seriboa. Larg'. compos. med. ; cf. la. Rbodiiu 1 in 14. 37.

25) FeitDS p. 347 nncb a gap: [aoctar] est nume dnc[lum esse ad XVI asses lege Flajniinia minns solvendi, ca[ni HannibaUf 1

' bella premerejtur popnius Romanus. Plin. 33, 3g 45; postea Hannibal -1 argente Q. FabJo Maxima dictatore asses onciales l'acti, placoitqae den*- 1 riun aedecim assibns peruiutari, qoinarium actania, sestertiDin qaaternii. I ita res pnblicn diinidium Incrata est. Flaminius is the Consul de« J. 217, 1 >acb whose death until the autumn of the same year Fabias the DicCatnr | led. About the time given in l'linini, which is only then aalTsIlig when he would have mentioned Plamiaius as the author of the law.

26) Böckh p. 472 and Mommsen p. 3T9f. have different opinions j by using the stubbornly bobe verbalization between silver and copper

i. ROMAN SILVER CURRENCY. 219

Further consequences of the law can be seen in two ways Think wisely. Either the law only devalued the previous one Head coin, now only 4, instead of 2^ aces as before made one oQ sestertius, and then everyone stayed on the general my billing coin, the sestertius, denominated liabilities ten untouched; or all previous liabilities have been reduced to their amount in Assen and according to the newly calculated solved by the ratio between sestertine and As. So it paid the debtor with every denarius that is given to him according to the old currency was credited to 10 aces, 16 aces of his debt and the Creditor suffered a loss of 37 1^ percent. That's what we do assume the latter, the name of the Flamingo requires this African law in Verrius as lex minus solvendi, as well as the Explanation from Pliny, only that he used a wrong percentage sentence indicates^*^). Furthermore, it is completely consistent with this Soldiers' war wages are expressly excluded became. The soldier whose pay was assigned in Assen was allowed not suffer any losses; therefore the denarius here became as before calculated at 10 aces, i.e. the old salary rate is undiminished. hold «s).

With the Flaminian Law the state did not yet go that way- continued to the pure silver currency. Despite this, the copper could only uncial foot according to the new ratio of the Aces to the denarius are still considered valuable money, especially since that Silver still appears to have been relatively rare

250:1, as was used when the silver coinage was introduced, for your value system, which was still valid in the year 217, that of the Flaminian but consider this to be a Mänzverältnifs, whereby the copper becomes double of its actual value. Only if that behavior If 250:1 was really the trading ratio, the ace would already be in sextantar feet, i.e. before 217, no longer value money, but Separate coin with unbalated coin who was Ib. But that is decidedly not the case. According to this assumption, the flamingo would also have sche law has no real meaning. Because once the ace with one Coin values that far exceeded the real ones should circulate, so should have Yes, the uncial ace can also remain a tenth of the denarius. The Flaminian law must rather be seen as an attempt, namely as that The last of the kind to be considered is the JMlünz relationship between silver and To bring copper closer to the real value ratio that existed at the time.

27) A.a. 0.: ita res publica dimidium lucrata est. £r thinks here only to the relationship between the sextantaric and uncial As. Compare Böckh p. 472.

28) Piin. a. a. 0.: in militari tamen stipendio semper denarius per decem assibus datus est.

I

■

[■"SSO ROMAN SILB1;RWÄIlItü^G. *3e.

Bcheiat'^). But since the end of the second Ptinian war The silver came as a result of the rich spoils of war that came from there aD gathered together in Rome, had sole power and printed the copper down to a separate coin. At least from the year 194 onwards Silver was also recognized by the state as the sole courant know ^ "), Since then the further sinking of the foot was the Copper coin indifferent. The ace went after and up to - half the uncial amount down, and this FuTs, the scra- unciale, was made definitive by the papal law of J. S9 determined^'). Soon afterwards, between 84 and 74, the copper hardened The minting in Rome stopped completely and was only completed after half a year Century resumed norameo (§ 38, 5).

With rare exceptions, the imprint of the copper remained un- changes that of earlier times (§ 33, 5). The highest nom- nale, the Decussis, Tressia and Dupondius, are no longer coming before (§ 35, 6); the smallest, Sextans and Uncia, are becoming rare. As, semis and quadrans predominate in the semincial fuFs^^).

The old calculation method according to the libral As or the As aeris gravis remained unchanged even after the Flaminian law. changed, only that from now on 4 coins went to the billing card. The Consul Valerlus Flaccus followed up on this when he was in January 1st. S6 under Cinna's tyranny brought in a law according to which everyone Debts reduced to a fourth part, thus paying off the creditors 75 percent of their claims were fraudulent. It should namely, instead of every calculation ace or sestcryz, only one Münzas = {- sesterces paid, or, as Sallust says, that Silver can be redeemed by copper egg*. So the law didn't apply

29) This is reported by Mammsen p. 380 to the MuDxfniideii.

30) The evidence that MommseD p. 33If. dnrdr infatellt are: 1. Still in the triumphs of J. 207 (Liv. 2S, 9, 16), 197 (Liv. 33, 23, 7) and IDG {33, 37, tl) “earth aDsehotiche collection of copper stirred up;

rschbeint in the Tiiumpli vnm j. 201 (Liv. 3U, 45, 3) and all Kpätaren keiu copper more; 2. The TrinniphRlgegchpnk iat before J. Iä9 without exception generally copper; but has since been paid in silver; 3rd in the inventory of the state treasury from year 157 (Plia. 33, 3 § 55) is nr of cash and silver the speech.

31) Plin. 33, 3 § 4G: put Pupiria seraunciarli Bssivs facti. Compare Hommsen p. 33 p. 3S3. 423.

) Manimsen p. 364. 41p.

) Vellei. 2, 23: in boius (Marii cus. VII) lorum sulTectue Valerius Flaccns tarpiiaimae legis aoctor, qua crcditoribus qnadranlem eaivi intos erat (Mammsen Kr iuiieral). SbI. Catile. 33, 2; novissume memoria nosira propter magnitudinem aeriB alieul — argentBm eere solutum est. Compare Hommsen p.3S3f.

I I I

I

L

d

p.4. RÖMMCUR ftlLRKRWAIIBU?(». 7Ul

both the Möozwähning, which« remains unchanged, fortbentjinil, himi your it only referred to the arbitrary lli^rahHetznnK <1it SrlMil- the MünxNorto owed by equalizing the higher ones with the lower one to be repaid. By the way, about you The rule of force did not last long, since Sulla was hot. stauration repealed the law.

4. Before we get to the determination of the value of the Courant (l(*r ro- Mixed republic will have to be decided shortly the Romans counted their money. About denarius, the almost the only circulating silver coin, is only included in the bill rarely used ^ *). The ordinary billing coin was like this has already been noted repeatedly, the old libral As (aeris gra- vis) or its equivalent in silver, the sesterce, completely sestertius nummus, often simply called nummus^''). Since the sesterce nm* represented a very small amount of value, so the need led to certain con- to introduce conventional abbreviations through which larger Sums are easier to express than full numbers ran.

Up to a thousand, the sesterces are simply paid ^ ^). At the multiples of a thousand becomes sestertius (sestertius nummus or mer nummus) either added in the genitive, or the same occurs after a usage that also occurs elsewhere appositive to milia^'^), and milia itself is sometimes excluded-

34) Varro de 1st Lat. 8, 71 mentions the expression mille denarium. Cic. Verr. II, 2, 45, 137 has denarii trecenti and denarium XXXIX milia, Compare Suet. Aug. 67, Liv. 23, 15, 15. The bill often changes Denarius because it is based on Greek sources, so denarius the translation of ^Qoc/fiT] is (see § 32, 1). Same with Plin. 12 § 28. 36. 41. 43 and elsewhere.

35) Sestertius nummus e.g. B. at Golum. 3, 3, 9, Varro de r. r. 3.6, 1 ; very often sestertio nummo: Cic. Rabir. 17, 45, vitr. 1, 4, 12, Liv. epit. 55 etc. The simple nummus at Cic. Verr. II, 3y 60, 140, several times at Colum. 3, 3 et al.

36) E.g. at Colum. a. a. 0.: mille nongentos quinquaginta sestertios nummos — sestertiis sexcentis uummis.

37) Usually the plural sesiertia is explained in such a way that from the Formula mille sestertium, where sestertium is genitive, a neutral substance tive was formed and this was put in the plural. But it's closed note that sestertius is originally an adjective. Now you can go to müia an adjectival term also occurs in the appositive instead of in the genitive. Like Caesar sedecim milia expedita and armata miUa centum writes (Kraner to B. Gall. 1, 49, 3), so say Varro and Columella duodenamilia sestertia, sestertiis octo milibus (see note 42), whereupon further milia also

222

NUMISCNE SILHING.

calm. WobI only (importantly also stands milia aileln without se- Merlia. The following expressions can also be used:

duo milia sesterliorum»«)

sestertium sexagena milia ^^)

sestertiu m sexagena milia nummum^*')

quinqne milia nummum^^)

duodena milia sesterlia^^)

sexcenta sestertia*^)

sex milibus*^). The connection of several thousand with smaller amounts The following examples may show:

sestertia tria milia et quadrungenti octoginla nummi, XXXII uiilium quatreibentorum LXXX nummorum^^). In this way the counting continued until 900,000 sesterces The numbers beyond this are written in Latin. known to be formed with the help of number adverbs''^). Accordingly means a million sesterces completely decies centena milia se- stertium * ''). However, as a rule, shorter decies se- slerlium spoken and written, and so on vicies, tricies his milies and about it geziihit. The genitive meaning of se- stertium was completely lost, the word was used as a sacb-

is released. Dah then settertia the snbslantiviaclien Bedenlaiitr Dated (some especially Juven. i, 16), would like to be given credit.

38) Colm. 3, 3, 13. NachCic. Or. 40, löBsolUie GedilLvfnrai immec ] tettertium laaten; but Walil still had language skills at times the perfect shape.

39) Plin. 10, 20 § 45.

40) Vario de r. r. 3, 6, 1st quintile. T, 6, 11 : icstertinm naannam quio- > milia.

41) de. Verr. II, 3, 60, 14Ut ibid, 50, llSf. Cotum. 3, 3: dead tide miliba's numinoruin. SueL Aug. 101: sin^nla milia numiuaniin.

42) Varrn de r. r. 3, IT, 3; ebead. Ba. E.: quadragena milia sestertia. CoIaiR. 3, 3: seatertiis acte mllibus u. S.

43) Cic Parade. 6, 3. More common in the ailberneo age. Horat. EpJst. ' 1, T, SO; Septem sestertia; ibid. 2, 2, 33: to dena sestertia Dummumi j Hartial. 6, 20, 1: ceolara sestertia ; Yell. 5, 2: sestertia treceota duodecim.

44) Jnveo. 4, 15.

45) Cnlnm. 3, 3, which there offers other examples of the kind.

46) Ptin. 33, 11) § 133: nan erat apud antiqnns nnnierns ultra cen- Inm milia, ilaque et bodie maltiplicaiitur baec. Dt decieni centena aut sae- plus dicantDr.

47) Cic. Verr. 11.1, 10, 2S: HS dedens centena milla. Poetry stands dafdr also decies centena (Hör. Sat. 1, 3, 15, Javan. 10, 335) or decie» milia ceutnm (Martial. 1, 103, 1).

4. ROMAN SILVER CURRENCY. 223

dear noun betracbtet and derogeroärs in the singular through- declinated^^). So the Romans, like the Greeks, formed precisely in his talent, a great re-leveling coin, whose be> As will later be shown, during the Republic in 5850, in the imperial period to 7250 tablets. is to be applied. That's what you have to do sebon should now be pointed out because we are at the Leeture of the Old yonder such sums give us no real idea we can, if we only think of the small Sebeide coin, the Se- Sterz, we think as soon as we know the amount of the sestertium currently baben, she loves to understand.

Amounts over müies sestertium will be set beforehand Expressed by adverbs of number, e.g. quaterdecies milies=,^ 4000 times a sestertium, while müies et quingenties^^) only 1500 times means. Such as amounts of one or several million Two examples show how smaller numbers are put together at Cieero ^^): HS deciens et octingenta milia and viciens ducenta triginta quinque milia quatreibentos decem et Septem nummos = 2235417 Sesterces. In this case even mille can be used for decies stand: HS mille sexcenta triginta quinque milia quatreibentos decem et septem nummos == 1635417 sesterces.

In most cases the word sestertius is not used. very, but with the old mint mark IIS (§ 35, 1), in the manuscripts usually have the crossed-out form HS referred to. If the numbers were written out, so be it ' a mix-up was not possible because the expressions HS decem, HS decem milia and HS decies are completely different. come clearly. This exact designation should be used everywhere something that depended on it, e.g. in wills, should be applied *i). Only in the invoice were the numerals used also the usual way to get through the thousands a line drawn over it, the hundreds of thousands recorded which is also marked by two lines on the side ^^j, ßg so are

48) Examples at Zinnpt Lat. Gramm. § 873. Sometimes sester^ remains tium completely gone like in Hör. Sat. 2, 3, 237. 240.

49) Both examples in Suet. Aüg. 101.

50) Verr. II, 1, 39, 100 and 14, 36.

51) According to Suet. Galb. 5 had Livia Augusta in the Galba sestertium quingenües, but Tiberius bequeathed this sum ad quingenta fsestertiaj reduced: quia notata non perscripta erat summa. So he read HSd for HSfDl.

52) Compare Marquardt III, 2 p. 31 f.

224 ROMAN SILVERWIRECN6. §36.

HS X == decem sestcrtii

HS X == decem milia sestertium ^^)

HS fxl = decies sestertium ^4).

5. The positive mood of the Roman Courant Republic makes, since the normal weight of the denarius can be determined with certainty. telt, no further difficulty. Because the alloy in that Roman silver is just as infinitesimally small as in the attire. chen coin, and is therefore not allowed to be inserted here or there be taken into account. According to the intention, they should too Roman coins can be perfectly fine. Sulla prevailed own law punishment for counterfeiting the coin 5^); same Prohibition was made in the imperial period by Augustus in the Julian Laws about Peculatus enforced again^^), and later repeated by Tacitus and the Eastern Roman emperors^). Dafs The Republic's mint officials conscientiously minted the coins samples of silver caps were confirmed. The denarii from Only 2 to 7 thousand parts of the finest grain have alloy, most of which Most others still have a fineness of 0.99 and 0.98. Of course, there are also less fine pieces, but the number is decreasing Fineness only exceptionally below 0.96 ^ ®). also contains also the Roman silver as well as the Attic some gold, which amply covers the inferior value of the alloy e^). We bring

53) E.g. B. at Cic. Verr II, 3, 58, 135: HSv = sestertium quinque milibus; Plin 33, 2 § 32: HScccC = sestertium quadriDgentis milibus; cbend. 10, 50 § 141: HSyi.

•54) Forget. Plin. 36, 15 § 103 HSf^ = sestertio milies; HSfcxLvITll := sestertio ceuties duodequinquagies; and about the composition larger and smaller amounts the same 33, 3 § 55: fLxT] ' XXXV * CCCC =: 6135400 and fxvil * XX * DCCCXXXI =- 1620831 sesterces.

55) Dig. 48, fO, 9: lege Cornelia cavetur, ut qui in aurum vitii quid addiderit, qui argenteos nummos aduiterinos flaverit, falsi criminale teneri.

56) Ulpian. Dig. 48, 13, 1 : lege lulia peculatus c-avetur, — neve quis in aurum argentum aes publicum quid indat neve immisceat. That the thing This must be attributed to Augustus, Mommsen shows on p. 763.

57) Script. Hist. Aug. Vita Tacit. 9th Dig. a. a. 0.

58) Darcet (in Letronne Consid. p. 84) found the fineness in the Republic silver coins between 0.993 and 0.965. The highest fine- content is that found by Thomson of 0.998 (at Schiassi del ritrova- mento di medaglie — fatto a Cadriano, Bologna 1820 p. 33). Four samples in Rauch (Mittheil, the numism. Society in Berlin, issue 3 p. 295) gave 0.990. Most pieces from there are up to 0.98 or a little below that, rarely they go up to 0.96, only in exceptional cases do they still stand lower. Compare the compilation in Mommsen p. 385 note 59.

59) A quinary of the Republic analyzed for Hussey (p. 141) resulted in Parts of the troy pound (see § 29 note 13):

5. ROMAN SILVER CURRENCY. 225

So the metal is considered and determined to be completely fine then the Republican denarius of -^^ pounds = 3.898 gr. Normal weight to 0.23388 Thir. = 7 Sgr.^o), from which -sich The following overview of the values of the Roman silver coin rants results in:

Sesterce == l Sgr. 9 Pf. (Prussian)

Quinar =3 - 6 -

Victoriatus = 5 - 3 -

Denarius =7

Furthermore, the largest billing sum, the sestertium, is 5846f Thlr., for which one has round numbers without noticeable errors 5850 thr. can say.

As a separate coin, the copper money is based on the Values of the silver courant, so the ace comes to the value of yi^ denarius to the approach. Therefore, one applies

• As =5^ Pf.

Semis == 2f -

Triens = If -

Quadrans= 1^^ -

Sextans = -| -

Uncia = ^ -

The further reduction is given in Table XIX A.

Silver 11 ois. 11 dwts, 15 gr*.

Gold — - 21 -

Alloy 7. - 12 -

The 21 grains of gold reduced to silver value correspond to 13 dwts.13^ ffrs, Silver, therefore have just twice the value of the silver quantum, which would have to be deducted because of the alloy.

60) The calculation is based on the requirements stated in § 29 according to which 1 gram of silver =: 0.06 thr. is. From the previous determinations The republican denarius may be mentioned here Letronne (Consid. gen. p. 85) . . 6.64 Sgr. (== 0.82 francs)

Worm (p. 32) 6.68 - (= 19,099 Kreuzer Conv.)

Hussey (p. 141) 7.19 - (= fg^ Shilling, the Pf. St.

^ to &| Thlr. calculated)

Dureau de la Malle (Econ. I p. 46) 6.29 - (= 0.7763 francs)

Mommsen (p. 900) 6.6 -

The deviations from our approach can be explained by various reasons reasons. As already noted in § 29 note 15, Mommsen bets the thaler too low. The others make a deduction on the alloy and take In some cases the weight is a little lower. Hnssey's high approach comes on account of today's English gold currency: Sil' The denarius would have been similar to silver according to its approach according to Sfii i The most unreliable approach is Dnream dr '* the silver value indirectly from the gold value of the J« '

Oh, metrology.

226 GOLD COINING OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. §37.

§ 37. The gold coinage of the Roman Republic.

1. Long before gold in the Roman state When minted as a coin, it circulated in the form of Bars taken by weight. The state here only had to control the fineness of the metal, and in that The alloying of the bars was legally just as much a forgery the silver coin is frowned upon i). Such bars were already there before the start of silver coinage in the Roman treasury. It Since the year 357 there has been a tax of five percent The value of the freed slaves was introduced, which was in gold {aurum vicesimarium) was picked up. When you were in the year 209 When this reserve fund was attacked, it consisted of 4,000 pounds of gold ^). Later gold was preferably deposited in the Aerar^). The The legal value of the bullion gold was during the last two th centuries of the population probably twelvefold (exactly 11 ^f times) of the silver, making the gold pound equal to 1000 denarii or 4000 sesterces ^). The commercial Of course, value was important at times due to special circumstances. tend to be lower. So when, towards the middle of the second century, derts B.C. the rich Noric gold deposits were discovered Gold prices throughout Italy suddenly fell by a third of a s for a short period of time); and a century later brought Caesar from the Gallic Loot so much gold on the market that the pound only becomes 3000 Sesterces or not quite nine times the value of silver in Italy and the provinces ^).

2. Gold was minted in the Republican era Time only temporarily and exceptionally. The first gold According to Pliny, coinage falls 51 years after the introduction of silver

1) See § 36 Aom. 55 cited provision from the Coinage Act Sulla's.

2) Liv. 7, 16, 7. 27, 10, 11. Compare Marquardt ÜI, 2 p. 124, Momm- see p. 401.

3) Plin. 33, 5 § 55. 56. For further details see Mommsen a. a. 0.

4) This combines Mommsen p. 402 according to Glareanus' process in the highest astutely from Liv. 38, 55, where the same apparently 6000 pounds Gold equals 24 million sesterces, so 1 pound equals 4000 sesterces calculates. Letronoep. 60-62 follows from Plin. 19, 4 §20 a value loss ratio of gold to silver of 13.7: 1; but this is based, like Mommsen proven, merely based on a misunderstanding of the relevant body.

5) Polyb. in Strabo 4 p. 208.

6) Snet. lul. 54.

1-8. GOLD COINING OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 227

muDze, i.e. in the year 217 or at the same time as the reduction of the denarius on ^ pounds (§ 36, \). The scruple of gold became at that time, as Pliny expressly states, at 20 sesterces, mitr The gold reached a very high coin value, the 17th century fold of the silver brought out 7). The few from this are correct coins preserved from the epoch, pieces of 1, 2 and 3 scru- pel with the value symbols of 20, 40 and 60 sesterces ®). One This gold coinage, which is in distress, can last for a long time times of the Second Punic War. Only towards the end of the Republic do we encounter gold coins again. The victorious generals, whose loot they brought home were mainly Although it consisted of gold, the triumphal gifts found it more convenient to their soldiers, instead of paying in gold as before in silver, and for this purpose struck their own coins in fractions of the gold pound, Sulla on ^,5^, rarer on ^ig^, Pompey on ^^, Caesar on -^ of the pound ^). The coin value of these pieces depends on spoke of the old estimate of the gold pound at 4000 sesterces. So Caesar's aureus was worth 100 sesterces, and the 20,000 sesterces, which he gave to each of his soldiers in his triumph of J. 46 were paid out with 200 gold pieces each. Three gold pieces of ^ pounds were equal to 400, nine of ^\ pounds equal 1000 sesterces.

3. Caesar's gold coin deserves special attention also because it served as a model for the subsequent imperial served as a form of influence. At the time of the Free State the coinage was Right in the city only belongs to the Senate, which has the triumviri mo- netales commissioned. Officials outside the city also had with a full military empire, the dictators, consuls, pre- tors, proconsuls and propraetors the law in their area Province to coins 1 ^). Therefore Caesar struck his gold coins, like Sulla and Pompey, initially as a general by virtue of his military Turkish Empire; but how he actually works in the new order the state's exercise of full imperial powers. power was transferred from the field camp to the city regiment, that's how it worked

7) Plin. 33, 3 § 47: aureus nummus post annos LI percussns est quam argenteus, ita ut scripulum valeret sestertios vic:enos, quod eSecitin librali ratiooe sestertiorum qui tunc erant ^DCGLX. The position is after the Bamberg manuscript and Mommsen's emendations (p. 404 note 123) given.

8) Letronne p. 72 f, Mommsen p. 405.

9) For more detailed evidence, see Mommsen p. 406 ff.

10) Mommsen pp. 373-377.

15*

22S GOLD EMBOSSING DBR ROMAN EffePUBLIK. €37.3.

From then on he also minted his coins in the city itself. The The second essential difference from earlier times lies in the Massiveness of the influence that comes from him. Before Gold was only exceptional and in barely noticeable amounts been minted; now it flowed so abundantly from the coin of the new ruler, that soon afterwards it became the general courant became. The foot of the Caesarian Aureus was apparently backwards A look at the most common gold coin circulating at the time, the ma- Cedonian Philippeus (§ 31, 2), elected; the normal weight was, as already noted, ^^y pounds = 8.186 grams, to which end the effective weight of 8.16 to 8.03 grams is certainly correct^ ^). Also the pieces from the time immediately after Caesar's death partly by generals, partly on behalf of the Senate have been, follow this foot i^). but that is decreasing Weight gradually until it reached the peak at the beginning of the imperial period next sections (§ 38, 3) stated amount of -^ pounds achieved.

11) The best preserved ones from de ]a.Naaze in the M^m. de l'Acad. of the Inscr. t. 30 p. 376 f. Caesar's gold pieces from the Ages 46-44 weigh 8.16 g. (= 153|Par. Gran), 8.11 (= 152|), 8.10 (=, 152 y), 8.07 (= 151 y). The average is 8.11 grams. Momm- p. 751 takes the average of these and some other pieces of 8.07 gr.

12) See the compilation in Mommsen p. 751 f. Note 38. 39.

Third section«

The coinage of the imperial era.

§ 38. The gold standard from Atigustus to Septimius Scverus.

1. The Senate and the officials with empire, the two of them State powers that were in such a state during the Republican period the right to mint had been shared, so that the former in the city, the latter only on duty in their military district Supreme power has exercised this right in the city since Caesar next to each other. The Senate still minted silver; Caesar not only in silver but also in gold (§ 37, 3). After death Not only the military commanders took control of the dictator, nativity party, but also the senate itself, the gold coinage. About that Octavian changed when he regained monarchical power gave reasons, nothing at first, he ran the Senate's coin again For a while alongside the imperial one. Alone with that J. 16 BC the senatorial gold and silver coins appear on and in its place appears from the year 15 onwards that since one disappeared from the mint half a century (§ 36, 3). Copper money. At that time the Emperor had to exercise the right of The coinage of precious metals was withdrawn from the Senate and left alone reserved, for some compensation but to those who are exclusively imprinted on the copper. This is the one Monetary system of the imperial period, as it was from then on up to Aurelian, i.e. lasted for almost three centuries.

An important innovation of the monarchical period was

1) For the detailed development see Mommsen pp. 739 - 747.

230 GOLDWiflBÜ.XG FROM AÜGCSTCS TO SETEBCS. f38.

Use the portrait of the ruler on the gate side of the MuDze, who had previously taken a god's head, to be placed. The Senate first did this in the year 44 with the portrait of Caesar shortly before his death^): with this as with others things the dictator attributed divine honor to. Caesar himself still retained this distinction on his own coins; but immediately after his death and from the middle of the right publican party that further step was taken. M. Bru tus appears to have been the first to paint his portrait on his own put coins^), he was followed by Antony and Octavian, and so on it remained in the imperial era

Since the year 15 BC. Copper coins minted by the Senate In contrast to the imperial coin, the coin bears the inscription S*C (senatus consulto).

2. The difference is not just due to the new coinage system the coinage of the imperial era differed sharply from that of the republic, but also by changing the metal currency. The free State had started with copper in its coinage and almost Had exclusively copper currency for 200 years. Then it was the silver coin stepped next to the heavy copper and was soon presented on, in the course of the second Punic war, the pure silver currency came into effect. With the imperial era, the gold currency on ; But here too, similar to what happened earlier when the show was ben of the copper currency, the transition was not a sudden one. As a ca- When mass gold minting began, he didn't think about it to change something about the existing silver currency. His gold piece should only express the silver value of 25 serve denarii. But in fact the situation soon changed in that the new gold coin always attracts wholesale traffic more dominated, and therefore silver was reduced to a secondary metal pressed, even if it still had the properties of the valuable metal didn't behave right away. [So even in the first imperial period, gold and silver currency next to each other. The unavoidable condition The requirement for such a mixed currency is that the opposing current coin value of the two metals corresponds to the real value ratio correspond as closely as possible. Caesar had in his aureus of ^^ pounds weight and 25 denarii coin value the gold to 11.90 times the value of the silver. This relationship must correspond to the average commercial value of gold at that time

2) Dio 44, 4.

3) MoiDmsen p. 740.

8.3. 60L0WÄHRUMG YON AU6USTUS TO SEYERUS. 231

have complied with that; at least the same cannot be heard ago, it was probably a little lower. But now the gold became the general imperial coin and thus a found much wider use than before in the cumbersome In the form of a bar, its value also increased compared to silver a little more, so that the ratio is 11.90: 1 sooner became too low than too high. This is quite natural the diminution that occurred in the weight of the aureus soon after Caesar learned. The same thing has been going on since Octavian's autocracy down to £1,000 and remained so in the first imperial period; that So gold comes to silver in the ratio of 12.5: J. Another important change occurred under Nero this not only the weight of the denarius from -^ to ^ pounds yerreduced, but also applied it more strongly. This means that the silver value falls from 6.8 to 5.1 Sgr., and the silver is opposed to gold, just as copper used to be opposed to it the silver, in fact, became a separate coin. If previously 25 silver denarii represent exactly the same real value as an aureus they had now reached it by a long way not, and all larger payments must, strictly speaking, if the recipient should not be disadvantaged, from now on to be paid in gold. A legal provision about this There was no such thing as today in England; but since gold was common in wholesale trade anyway, so the silver will naturally focus more on small traffic limits where the metal value falls behind the Coin value was not felt.

So since Nero we have had the pure gold currency in the Roman Chinese empires, and must accordingly, if we are for the Cou- rant of this time the corresponding expression in our coin look for, start from gold and not from silver. But also in the previous imperial period we can, as later is to be shown (§ 38, 6), do not make any other comparison.

3. The new gold coin introduced by Caesar led the name aureus. In any case, this is just like the case Names for the silver coin, which sometimes also express lich added nummm to be completed; but you can find it The actually abused expression dmarius is also available. reus^), except the whole piece, admittedly very rare-

4) aureus nummus has Cic. Phil. 12, 8, 20, Plin. 33, 3 § 47. An In the latter place, the Aasdrack is apparently the technical name for this

M

232 (SOLD CURRENCY FROM AUGUSTUS TO SEVERUS, &38.

ner, halves in front; Augustus also wrote quadruple pieces, quaternio- ms, hit^). This stood for the previous silver courant Aureus in the simple ratio that 25 denarii or 100 Sesterces were counted on how many times the scriptures representatives of the imperial era are attested ^). The weight has been Gustus' autocracy no longer has the full amount of -^ pounds or 8.18 grams, but it goes from under 8 to 7.80 grams. down ^). It is precisely this latter amount that is the maximum painting weight for the gold pieces of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero^). In the reign of the latter, from the year 60 onwards, There is a noticeable reduction in weight to about

Both for the old gold coins and for Gasar's gold piece. For However, the simple aureus is usually found, similar to that original denarius Tiummus was usually said to be just denarius. The transfer of the name denarius to the gold coin is strictly taken a misuse, since the word clearly enough means the silver coin of ten aces worth (§ 35, 3). However, people stayed in the In the late period they were not so strict about it and bore the name of the main coin in silver to those in gold. So says Plin. 33, 3 § 42: ex^auro denarium signavit, with which 34, 7 § 37 is to be compared, where denarius aureus from foreign the gold coin stands. Petron also have the latter expression. Sat 33 and Later ones. But it would hardly be the same as Mommsen p. 750 note 35 is assumed to be the actual technical name.

5) Eckhel D. JN. I p. L; VI p. 116. Mommsen p. 750.

6) Sueton.Otho4: aureos excubanti cohorti viritimdividebat, compare with Tac.Hist. 1, 24: cohorti excubias agenti viritim centenos nnmmos divideret. Luke. Pseudol. 30 sets 30 /pi;(Tor(öMr«) equals navrfiytovta xalinraxoaiai {Sqaxf^ccC or denarii), so the aureus is equal to 25 denarii (see §32, 1). Furthermore, Dio 55, 12 testifies to the same thing: j^Qvaovv xal iydo t6 vouia/xa to rieg nivie xal slxoai dga^/jiccg övvdfisvov xrtr« to ^TnyoiQiov ovoitdCco; Didymos, the author of the writing nsQlrfjg nagd rolg PoDfjiaCotg ccvccXo^ yCag, at Priscian. de fig. num. (p. 1351 Pu.): tu ;^/A£a arjüTägTia noist 6iax6aia nsvrrixovTcc drjvaQia aQyvQa, dixa 6h XQ^^d'^ Zonar. 10, 36 p. 540 B: övvavTai naQcc ^Pia^aCoig at ilxoai xal nivre ^Qa^f^ccl ^Qv- aovv vouiOfia €V.

7) The one from Mommsen p. 752 note 41 according to de la Nauze and the Pembroke's and Pinder's catalogs compiled maximum weights from the first reign of Augustus are 7.95. 7.9. 7.85 gr., from the period of 27 BC. C. at 7.90. 7.89. 7.87. 7.84. 7.83. 7.82. 7.80. Queipo III achieves even higher weights (8.18, 8.08, 8.06, etc.). p. 426 from the London collection; but they are not needed, there the time information is missing. The average he drew still gives 7.79 gr.

8) The maximum weights are according to the Pembroke catalogue, pin- der and Queipo: Tiberius: halves of 3.96. 3.93. 3.92, whole pieces from 7.92 to 7.84 gr. accordingly; also whole pieces of 7.78. 7.75. 7.74. — Caligula: 7.83. 7.78. 7.74. — Claudius: 7.93. 7.85. 7.83. 7.8. 7.77. — Nero: 7.81. 7.72. 7.70.

8. GOLPWlflRUMG TON AUGUSTÜ8 TO SEYERU8. 233

«

7.4 gr. noticeable^). The following have this amount Emperors except for Titus were coined ^^). Domitian tried to do that full weights of 7.8 gr. to return; but approached» maybe in the later years, but again to the lesser one ^^), Also Nerva and Trajan in his first two years of reign have a little higher than 7.4 gr. coined ^^); only that s)>atem coins of Trajan as well as those of Hadrian and Pius usually no longer exceeds this amount ^ ^). Under Mar- cus Aurelius the weight drops, individual pieces are accounted for, further to 7.3 gr. and remains so until Caracalla, who for a time for a long time after this foot, towards the end of his Government but on the lower amount of ^pounds = 6.55 gr. has descended^^). This is where the real deterioration begins the gold coin, which will be discussed further below (§ 39, 1).

9) An Aureus v. J. 60 at Finder still weighs 7.65 g. , then follow from the later years pieces of 7.3 (two). 7,297. 7.39; plus 7.36 Pembroke.

10) Galba, according to Queipo p. 428 f. still pieces of full foot issued: 7.71. 7.68. 7.64; but most are below 7.4. The the The following emperors hardly rise above the latter amount: Oth o: 7.42. 7.4. 7.36; Vitellius: 7,40,7,36. 7.35. By Vespasian stand by Queipo the four highest pieces at 7.65. 7.59. 7.43. 7.41, most (32) between 7.365 to 7.20, six even lower; from Titus the highest to 7.44. 7.41 (two). 7.40 (two), twenty under to 7.20, four to go lower.

11) The highest pieces by Domitian are (at Queipo) at 7.80. 7.76. 7.72, eleven under to 7.50, four under to 7.40, seventeen under to 6.95. The average is 7.43, while that of Vespasian and Titus is only 7.30 and is 7.29.

12) De la JNauze in the Mem. de TAcad. of the Inscr. t. 30 p. 391. At Queipo has seven pieces from Nerva between 7.65 and 7.40, just two underneath.

13) Only four pieces by Hadrian are over 7.40 (at Queipo). (7.42 to 7.455), most of them, namely thirty-nine of 7.37 to 7.20, twenty-three to 7.06. They give a very similar result Coins of Pius.

14) Marcus Aurelius weigh in the London collection (at Queipo) twelve pieces from 7.46 to 7.31, twenty-six from 7.30 to 7.21, nine underneath. A similar relationship arises for the coinage of Verus and Commodus. Under Septimius Severus is more uneven than previously minted; there are quite a few pieces of 7.4 and so on above, but also numerous below 7.2, so that the average is around 0.02 gr. lower than the previous ones. By Caracalla (also at Queipo) there are still six pieces above 7.3, eleven below up to 7.115, finally ten from 6.91 to 6.26. The latter is the reduced It matters which one becomes the regular one from then on, and which one is best ^ pounds =1 6.55 gr. is to be applied. Compare § 39, 1.

234 GOLD CURRENCY YON AU6U8TUS TO SEYERUS. § 38.

chen is. Let's take a look at the weight scale just listed. amounts, the accuracy of which is also determined by the average weights is confirmed ^^), it turns out that from Augustus to Caracalla probably a gradual decrease in weight, but not yet a change in the coin base took place. Pliny is the same way understand when he says in the well-known place ^ ^): ^postea pla- cuit XL (aureos nummos) signari ex auri libris, paulatimque princes imminuere pondus, and novissime Nero ad XLV. The original aureus is that of Caesar of ^pound; from then on A gradual reduction occurs, which is noticeably lower at first Nero, whose coins amount to ^ pounds (= 7.28 gr.). But you can't do it without further ado present this amount as the normal one from then on, as German certainly from the higher influence of both Nero himself and the subsequent the next emperor emerges. So the question is, which one is that? Normal weight for the first two centuries of the imperial period is to be added. To the full amount determined by Caesar of -^ pounds or 8.18 gr. to go back appears from several not advisable for other reasons. The distance of the effective weight The imperial influence then becomes too great; further explained himself the falling weight under Augustus from the rising one The value of the gold was therefore not accidental; it's finally closed note that the estimate of the Courant of the imperial period as a result of the transition from silver to gold currency anyway compared to the Republican Courant. We So take the effective weight of Augustus' later directorial years to normal weights for the following period and set then the aureus equal to ^ pounds or 7.80 grams.

4. In addition to the new gold piece, the main coin remained in

15) Give average weights, as Mommsen p. 753 note 41 with Rightly noted, never the amount of the standard weight, which rather must be searched for in the maximum weights. But they are supreme useful if the relationship between different coinages is relatively is. The following overview, which is based on Letronne p. 83, Dureau de la Malle (Econ. I p. 43), Pinder and Friedländer (Contribution I p. 12), Cohen (Descript. I p. XV f.) and Queipo p. 426 ff. is compiled clear picture of the different phases of imperial gold coinage hen. On average the Aureus under Augustus weighs 7.90 to 7.78 gr., Tiberius 7.78 to 7.74, Claudius 7.70 to 7.68, Nero 7.45; from Galba to Vcspasian 7.30; under Titus 7.29, Domitian and Nerva 7.45, Trajan and Hadrian 7:21, Antonin 7:27 to 7:21; from Aurelius to Septimius Seve Rus 7:25; under Caracalla initially 7.23, later up to 6.43.

16) 33, 3 §47.

8.4. GOLD WÄHBUIfG FROM AUGU8TDS TO SEYERUS. 235

The denarius continued to be silver, as was the case in the first imperial period fully important and fine as was continued under the Republic ^ "^ ). Under Nero alone a change occurred in two respects. Once the weight decreases, which until then remains the same ^ pounds or 3.90 gr. had been to a noticeable extent ^^), so that the amount of ^ pounds (== 3.41 gr.), to which Galen and the metrologists of the imperial period put the denarius ^ ^), in Nero's middle reign, probably concurrent with the Ver- Ringing of the gold coin (according to J.60) is to be relocated. Up This footing holds the denarius steadily up to Marcus AureUus ^ ^). Under Gommodus there is a noticeable reduction in weight one, while Septimius Sevcrus returned to his former foot approaching ^ ^). However, the question of weight is entirely relevant. back against the second important change that Nero made with the silver coin. The silver was previously as in the Republic Blican period was expressed as purely as possible; now became

17) The normal weight of the republican denarius is (according to § 36, 1) 3.90 grams, the effective weight 3.88 gr. (ibid. note 8). According to Aker man Catalog of Roman coins vol. 1 pref. p. XV is the denarius of Giisar maximum of 4.05 gr., eight stacks average of 3.66; also the denarius of the Aagasta's maximum anf 4.08, thirteen pieces on average at 3.82, which still completely corresponds to the Republican style. Under Tiberius, Caligula and Claudius' weight drops to an average of 3.70 to 3.56 grams. and remains so in Nero's first reign. The grain of the Denarius is during this period, as the samples at Schiassi p. 35 and Rauch p. 296 prove, no less fine than under the Republic (cf. above § 36 note 58).

18) In Akerman a. a. 0. weigh four denarii with the juvenile Main Nerp's 3.69 to 3.43, on average 3.56 gr.; on the other hand, five with the old head 3.40 to 3.04, on average 3.21 gr.

19) Galen, de compos. med. p. gen. 5 p. 813: {inra xal ij/niav ovyyCai) |' ^QU/jual yCvovrai rrig fjiiäg ovyyiag rj' dqaxf^cis

20) The ventures compiled by Akerman from 229 de- Narrators from Galba to Marcus Aurelius show this entire era Maximum weights from 3.5 to 3.3 grams. The average weights are consistently even higher than that of Nero's more recent coinage; they concern gen for Galba 3.30, Otbo 3.34, Vitellius 3.30, Vespasian 3.27, Titas and Domitian 3.30, Nerva 3.39, Trajan 3.37, Hadrian 3.34, Pins 3.37, Marcus Aurelius 3.30 gr.

21) Seventeen pieces of Gommodus weighed on average only 3.14 gr., fourteen from Septimius Severus rise again to 3.22 gr.

236 GOLD CURRENCY FROM AUGUST TO SEYERUS. § 38.

first deliberately mixed in LegiruDg of base metal, which initially was 5 to 10 percent, but later increased in less the income increased. Already under Trajan around the year 100 it reaches the level of 15 percent, then increases over the course of the following end of the century under Hadrian to close to 20, under Marcus Aurelius at 25, under Commodus at 30, finally under Septi- mius Severus to 50 to 60 percent ^ ^). This reduces the silver value of the denarius, which in the Republican period was 6f , and in the first imperial period 6.8 Sgr. had amounted to 5.1 under Nero, under Trajan to 4.6, under Severus to 3.5 to 3 Sgr.*^)^ where the further deterioration of the silver coin in the the following era (§ 39, 2). Despite these aliens The gold value remains a reduction in the value of the metal the former; the denarius is still considered ^ of the aureus, only it becomes a coin that is no longer of full value whose issue the state on its credit the base metal in added to ever higher amounts.

In addition to the denarius, there is also the Qulnar, which will soon be minted had ceased after 217 BC (§ 36, 2), first by Caesar and then throughout the entire period, even if only sparingly, been coined 2*). The coinage, which was also abandoned earlier The Sestertius was also reopened by Caesar taken, but, as will immediately be shown, did not continue for long- set.

5. The state had copper coinage in the years between 84 and 74 BC Completely abandoned (§ 36, 3). Just a Once during the civil wars, generals like Anto-

22) This gradual deterioration of the grain can be explained clearly in the analyzes of imperial denarii, which Akerman p. XIV and smoke in the middle, the numism. Society in Berlin Issue 3 Page 296 ff. These are the percentages given above derived, which should only be considered round amounts, because in the individual In the different departments the alloy verbally fluctuates significantly again.

23) In order to make the comparison possible, it also has this here Republican denarius the pure silver value (different from the Estimate § 36, 5) must be taken as a basis. A complete one Overview of the declining silver content of the denarius gives smoke a. a. 0. According to him, the silver value of the republican denarius is above Average of six pieces, that of the Neronisbe of two, that of the Tra- The Janian language was made up of four pieces and the Severan language was made up of nine pieces. At the approach of 3.5 Sgr. for Severus are still exceptionally good coined pieces are taken into account; without this the value of silver falls to just 3 Sgr.

24) Mommsen p. 650—6^3. 756.

5. GOLD CURRENCY FROM AUGDSTUS TO SEVERUS. ' 237

nius copper on her name ^ 5). Only in 15 BC. BC began municipal mint again, albeit under completely new conditions to deliver pluckers. Since the monarchy is now firmly established was, the Senate should no longer compete with it as before the emperor has the right to mint the precious metals, but too With some replacements, copper stamping was brought back to life called and assigned it exclusively to him. But stepped there are several significant deviations from the Republican one Coin with which Antonius had already preceded. The most striking thing is that the sestertius is no longer made of silver was pronounced, but as a Vieras piece (TBi:qaaadqiov). the copper coin came. Also appears now the Dupondius, which has not been minted for a long time, again, then the As and the semis. However, according to Pius, the latter nominal apparently stopped again. Quadrants also appear, however not beyond Trajan, to have been beaten^ß). One Another innovation was that the value tokens, which previously never existed were missing and which Antonius had also set, were no longer there came. The distinction between the individual nominals was based only on on weight and size and a new model mente, the diversity of the metal. Namely, how Pliny states that the sestertius and Dupondius are made of brass, the ace and Semis made of copper, both types without any addition minted from worthless metal ^ 7), the sestertius had the weight of 8 denarii = 1 ounce or 27.29 gr., the Dupondius of 4 denarii 2 8). The ace was most likely the Dupon

25) Borghesi in Gavedoni Numismatica biblica p. llSff. , Mommsen P. 760. The denominations of this previously enigmatic coinage are pieces of 4, 3, 2, 1, \ and \ (perhaps rather -J-) As, partly with Roman, partly with Greek symbols. The four ashes piece or the sesterce is obtained appears here for the first time in copper.

26) This presentation is based on those stated in the previous note Borghesi's investigations, which Mommsen also followed in all main points- most connected

27) Plin. 34, 2 § 4: hoc (aes Cordubense) — cadmean maxume sorbet et aurichalci bonitatem imitatur in sestertiis dupondiariisque, Gyprio suo assibus conteatis. About the law of Augustus, which is also the case Copper alloying is expressly prohibited, see § 36 note 56. The mixing is related to the sesterces and dupondias of the first century, as Mommsen note 82 shows, not quite ^ zinc is abundant j- copper. The aces are made of pure copper.

28) Give the determination of the weight of the imperial sesterce the Alexandrian metrologist at Letronne Recberches sur Heron p. 51 (see Mommsen p. 764): 6 vovfifiog ovyylav T(p OTa&fi^, and Kleopa-

238 GOLDWÄHRÜlfG T07I AUGU8TUS TO 8EVERDS. 5 38.

Dius was the same in weight, so it only differed from this one due to the lower quality of the metal and the darker color Color ^ ^). SemisundQuadrans appear to be at -J^ and ^^ ounce- brought to be *^). There is only a temporary attempt under Nero been taken, Dupondius, As and Semis by the ancients Value symbols II, I, S can be distinguished. This had no bearing on stood; On the other hand, another one, also introduced since Nero, remained Difference in that from now on the head of the Dupondius Princes with radiant crowns, on the ace with a laurel wreath or appears without all jewelry ^i).

6. £s is now the value ratio of the courant to determine our money in the first imperial period. This one The first question about the currency has already been answered It was decided that from Augustus to Nero mixed gold and silver currency, from Nero onwards the pure gold currency prevailed. In recent times, as is well known, the two valuable metals are in... a different relationship to one another than in antiquity. This Gold was popular even in the imperial era, where it had a higher status than the earlier achieved, not much more than twice the value of the silver; now it applies fifteen times as much (§ 22, 3). The amounts must therefore be very different, depending on the which the courant of the imperial period after the silver or after the Gold coin is determined. Let's put the denarius of Augustus equal to the Republican (§ 36, 5) at 7 Sgr., then receives the aureus, which was denominated at 25 denarii, was worth 5f thlr. The quantum of gold alone, which the aureus represents, has today Today it will have a much higher value, so we would all larger sums of money mentioned from that time, which were regularly were paid moderately in gold, at an amount that was too low appreciate. It must therefore be the gold of the old Aureus values that it would have with us today, and this determines the denarius' purpose as the twenty-fifth part of the gold piece. For the time since

tra p. 767: xaXeitat tj ovyyCa TSTQuaaaQiov *lTaXix6v, Den Dapondias also determined to be Cteopatra p. 769: xal t6 Sitiovvtvov ofioCtog ayei ^Qa/jnag d". The wagons see Mommsen p. 764 f.

29) Pinkerton Essay od medals I p. comes to this conclusion. 146 ff*. Compare especially p. 147: in the imperial times it (the dapondias) did not mean a coin of doable the weight of the as , bot oi doable the value. Him join Mommsen against Borghesi (a. a. p. 129 ff.).

30) Mommsen p. 765 f.

31) Same p. 762.

G. GOLD CURRENCY FROM AUGUSTUS TO SEVERUS. 239

Nero has no doubt about this, since from then on the silver was a separate coin; but also with the mixed currency, which reigned in the short time between Augustus and Nero, Silver cannot be determined other than by gold. the. Even back then, gold was actually the main imperial coin, and, most importantly, the new era of coinage begins not with Nero but with Augustus; so it would be like accordingly Nero's aureus according to its current gold value, that of Augustus, on the other hand, according to his silver value at the time, therefore significantly lower.

The Roman gold coin, like the silver, should be completely come be fine 3 2)^ d[q samples provided did indeed result some alloy, but in just as small amounts as the Silver 3 3). It therefore appears that the normal amount of the Roman gold currency is to be sought as the most advisable thing According to the Roman legislators, gold was considered completely unmixed to be taken into account.

The Roman pound gold fine, at 15 times its value of silver is to be taken into account

304,531 thr. ;

the weight of the aureus, as already discussed, is ^ pounds, therefore its value is determined

H (exactly 7.2507) Thlr. = 7 tbl. 7| Sgr. » 4).

The denarius then receives the value of as ^V ^®s aureus

0.2900 Thlr. = 8.7 Sgr. or 8 Sgr. 8 Pf. The quinar is further calculated to 4 Sgr. 4 Pf. and in

32) See § 36 Aom. 56 cited law of Aag^istus.

33) According to Darcet at Letroone p. 84 remains the fineness of the Gold coin between Angustus and Vespasian equal; he fluctuates between 0.998 and 0.991. \\^The statement from Gay-Lussac is less useful Dureau de la Malle Econ. I p. 17 (compare with p. 41 f.), according to which the gold coins zen of the Republic and the Emperor after Vespasian at least one enemy content of If =s 0.958. Determination by twenty-fourths is far from sufficiently accurate.

34) The amount given is almost exactly the same as Dureau de la Malle p. 44 set from 26.89 francs » 7.2603 thr., whereby the The weight of the Aureus was increased slightly, but a deduction was made for that Alloy has been made. This agreement is all the more welcome mener, that Dureau's calculation method is based on Becker's procedure (hand- book III, 2 p. 35 f.) has already started to become natural to us. Mommsen Rome. business I p. IX and history of Rome. coin w. p. 900 right- net for the reasons stated in § 29 note 15 the gold pound and the Aureus slightly lower, the former at 286, the latter at 6|- hlr.

240 DECLINE OF THE ROMAN COINION. «89.

the copper coin of the Sesterz on 2 Sgr. 2 Pf., the Dupondius on 1 Sgr. l Pf., the As on 6^ Pf., the Semis on 3, the quadran on l|^Pf. The large invoice sum, the se- stertium (§ 36, 4), is now at 7250 Thlr. to start.

The method of calculation remained the same as in the time of silver currency. Although the sums paid in gold are sometimes men also given after Aurei; but usually it becomes quite like that as before, calculated according to sesterces, only that now 100 sesterces each sterze is the expression for an aureus. It is therefore the re- duction des Courants of the imperial period in a table (XIX). united with the Republican; the amounts for the acquired stere can be found in the second column (B).

The weight of -^j pounds = 7.80 gr. is than the normal one Aureus amount determined from Augustus to Septimius Severus been set (§ 38, 3). The effective weight and therefore also the value gradually decreases. The reduced aureus of Nero 7.4 gr. only has the value of 6 Thlr. 26^ Sgr.; the of Marcus Aurelius of 7.3 gr. drops to 6 thr. 23| Sgr., finally Caracalla's gold piece, which was sold at -^jf^ pounds 6 tbl. 2f Sgr.

§ 39. The FerfaU of the coinage in the third century^).

The third century of the Roman Empire offers a sad picture of decline in the coinage system too. This The primary metal, gold, became ever lower and increasingly irregular. The silver coin, the which had already been used with strong alloys before, lost more and more in content, until it sank to worthless white copper.

1) This and the following last epoch of Roman coinage asked to be dealt with as quickly as possible. Bine detailed representation would exceed the limits of this handbook, and moreover but only an almost continuous confirmation of Mommsen's brilliant Studies have shown. Here's to this once and for all be referred, because the following Abrifs has nothing other than mainly can stand on them. The only difference is the determination of the value of the ninian and the Foilis, as well as some other less important things. Those too Depictions of Finlay in his Greece under the Romans (German Leipzig 1861) p. 415 ff. and Soetbeer in his contributions to the story. des Money and coinage in Germany. 263 ff. are based almost entirely on Mommsen. Petigny's Etudes sur Tfaistoire monetaire du V au VII siecle in the Revue numism., nonv. Series II (1857) p. 115 ff. provided nothing useful useful. Of Qneipo's work, only the coin tables are available here need.

1, DECAY OF THE RÜUISCHKN UÜHZWESEKE. 241

This is how the entire coinage system lost its natural basis. moved, and there was a general ongoing state bunker rot, to whom first Dioclellan and the more thoroughgoing Constantine Grofse put an end to it.

1. The weight of the Golji coin decreased, as already noted, towards the end of the reign of Caracaüa the pound was given up = 6.55 gr,^). So it remained temporarily after Macrinus had tried to return to the former foot, under Elaga- Balund Severus Alexander^). Among those who follow, the status decreases continues to be important, but can no longer be even remotely determined. agree that from then on the greatest confusion occurs. It was namely, since Elagabalus it has become customary beyond the whole piece numerous other nominals, some multiples, some parts shape. Elagabalus himself is said to have pieces of 2, 3, 4, even 10 and 100 have brought out Aurei; from Gaul it goes to Binions and Ter- nions. Diittel {trientes or tremisses) appear under Valerian. But now the surviving coins since Gordian III show this a continuous series of weights, as you can see when you Accepts two-thirds and four-thirds pieces, a secure classification tion is not possible. The only explanation lies in this the irregularity of the character of that hopeless time. These pieces, which steadily decrease from 8 to less than 2 grams, can in comparison are not differentiated according to drinking, but must be only taken based on weight. Under sol- Given the circumstances, even an attempt to improve didn't help Diocletian carried out a piece of gold weighing almost 6 grams, which was supposed to represent the old Aureus, returned to the main tried to make coin; His coinage also fell into disuse again into the earlier confusion by putting the weights of his coin in constant succession between 5.9 and 4.4 gr. vary. The only one The right path was the one that Constantin took by... The coin was completely returned to the balance.

2) De la Naaze in Mein, de l'Acad. of the Inscr. t. 30 p. 3D2 noted, Ms dis coins Cameilla'i from IS. Jibre leiner tri bonuses ice just violence or (^ 215) by far lower nusgebraehl are nla those at the french her reign, which was still in the hands of the previous emperors (§ 38, 3). Give confirmation of the minimum weight listed above three pieces from the Pembroke Eatolog from J. 217, wekbe 6.6ü. 6.38. 6.325 gr. weigh, wnran a Slüi^k in Finder from J. 215 in weight of 6.22a Gr. ranks. The DBrcbtcbitt of six sticks with the bearded one Uanpt Caracalln'i, i.e. his later reign, gave 6.66 iir (Cohen descp. I p. XVI).

3) For the IVacbwiiia see Mooiiusen in the table p. 848 f. HuKicb, Mitioloi

242 DECLINE OF THE ROMAN COINION. § 39.

2. In the silver came to the denarius and quinarius, which continued- coins continued to be minted continuously, even if less and less frequently, Under Caracalla a new nominal was added in 215, which the image of the emperor with the crown of rays or that of the empress on the crescent shows ^). After his official name Author M. Aurelius Antoninus it became Argenteus Äurelianus or Äntoninianus^ and the denarius since then as argenteus minutulus differs^). The weight varies 5.3 to 4.7 gr.; on average it stands at 5 gr., normally a lot- light on ^ pounds = 5.46 gr. 6). The coin value can only be determined presumably determine. Mommsen is of the opinion that the Antoninianus was worth twice the denarius; alone There are several indications that it is rather just to 1^ denarius or ^ of the aureus '^). With that

4) Eckhel VII p. 2 20 f., where the year is also determined.

5) The Argenteus j4ntoninianus appears in an edict of Aorelian in Bono's CV. 15, the argenteus j4ureUanus in one of Valerian in the Vita Prob. 4 ; finally the argenteus mmutuhu also issued Valerian's in the Vita Aurel. 9. 12. The addition Phäippeus^ the latter leads to the most recently specified locations, general conditions are in place during this time. Drawing of the Gouraot coin in contrast to the Shao coin (Mommsen p. 782).

6) The weights are from Akerman p. XVII: 5.31. 5.25. 5.12. 4.86; in Rauch p. 300: 5.11. 4.93. 4.73 grams. The amount of ^ pounds as Normal weight is provided by Pinder and Friedländer contributions 1 p. 24; Mommsen p. 783 is of the opinion that the normal weight may be also on ^ pounds = 5.12 gr. should be applied.

7) Mommsen p. 829 bases his approach to Antoninianus on the Minted in the Bosporan Empire, where this coin replaced the earlier struck double denarius, as well as information about the tribu- nic salary in the CV Prob. 4. This passage alone leads to the value ratio assumed above. The ordinary tribunician Salary is given as 25,000 sesterces or 250 gold pieces (Momm- see note 335, 333) ; At the point listed there are 100 aurei requests. toniniani, 1000 argentei j4ureUani, lOOliü aerei PhilippeL Under the proviso suspension that the same sum is denoted by it 1000 Antoniniane 5000 sesterces, i.e. 1 Antoninian 1^ denarius. With that the value mark XX, which appears on Antoninianen Aurelian, is correct. seems. According to Friedländer, the same thing can be found in Mommsen p. 829 only on coins from the Trier Officin, while on others XXI or KA stands; but presumptively the 20 contains the original gift of value, there 21 is incongruent with every known type of coin of that time. To obtain There are two ways to clarify the number; you can either do that Multiplum of a smaller coin or the fraction sign of a larger coin recognize unity. The latter type of designation has been found since Diocietian and Gonstantin with the restituted silver denarius and the solidus, which denoted by XCVI and LXXIl as so many parts of the pound

DECLINE OF THE LUMISCILE> MUNICIPATION. 243

The weight of the denarius at that time is not good is in a ratio higher than 5:4; but this can hardly be done come into question, since both the Astoninianus and the Denarius their strong alloy because they are spread over the metal value are, so with the new piece of silver only a reduction of the coin fraud is to be assumed. By the way, this was very soon compensated by the further deterioration of the fineness, who, while she had previously commented on the denarius (§ 38, 4), from now on in maturing progression on the Antoninianus draws*). Under Carac^lla the fineness of the coin is still a little over half; It is already partially sinking below Klagahal, later regularly below. Since Gordian, pieces have been found which contain little over ^ fine silver. GaUien has again Ser started to shape, but then went to the other extreme decay, as the ]i suddenly sinks to ^ and further down to ^ shows the fineness of his coin. The latter mishanga ratio bheb also under the next emperors, nevertheless that Aurelian put an end to the previous abuses through strong hafsregibi home and his successor tried to switch off Münzweaen TacituB the early prohibitions against alloying the coinage like- repeated. Diocietian was the first to take, as will be shown below, the pure silver embossing again. I 3. Through this mass-free alloying the silver was actually

will. You can also see the count at the Antonininn >ls J„ of the Au- reus explain. However, the numbers just listed only refer to the weight; But our example would be borrowing coins would indicate the value of the silver coin after the gold coin. So it remains only the other way is open. All the words are more obscure Coins (with the exception of the first gold pieces) in parts or moles lipla of the original coin unit, the ace. They batten sieve on the Some of the copper continued into the Empire (§ 38, ä). At the silver However, they were never lost to ISngit; They weren't either necessary, 10 long these ibren voHpn value in itself Irog. Then it is true- apparently that they were brought out again in order to gain their credit Nnininnlworth to get. Aurelian just absorbed various things Way to refarm the Munie ; It's more like "Iso am." such attachment to all forms subsides in him. So Sn likes the XX denotes the nominal value of the Antoninian in Assen ^ 1^ denarius have. Since Dobun anch XXI is found, there is a difficulty the question, which is already complicated - it will be discussed, dnlV Curse of the Anlaninian was also increased to 21 aces ' The attempt at explanation just given can be correct 8) The following information is based on the t p. 3ül)—306.

244 DECLINE OF THE ROMAN COINION. § 39, 4.

mainly to the copper mint and only differed from that one by a fleeting silver shine that comes from white boiling was brought forward, as well as by the stamp and the missing S*C, because the actual copper embossing was carried out by Se- nate exercised. But it gradually becomes more limited until it stops completely shortly before Diocletian^).

The more the silver coin deteriorated, the more They became popular with the masses because they were so favorable to the government came, delivered. In the treasures of Veillon were found 30000 coins approximately 20000 Antoninians of Postumus, in the find of Mäcon 18500 from Tetricus among 26000 pieces cken i^). But when this money finally came to the white boiled copper had become impossible on its nominal keep yourself worth it. Probably since Elagabalus th taxes are paid to the state treasury in gold ^^), The state therefore no longer took its own credit money as full on. How the further devaluation took place is since there is no direct message, one of the most difficult questions. Presumably the name denarius came about in the course of the coinage confused over to the Antoninian; but he himself was at the end By the third century it had already devalorized to such an extent that under Diocletian the denarius as a very low value expression seems (§ 40, 3).

4. The monetary calculation of this time is just as complicated as the coinage itself. Nominally the bill remained after se- dies, 4 of which went to the denarius, 100 to the aureus. There but it could not be indifferent whether the sum was worth- paid out in gold or in pseudo-silver credit coins the types of coins used to be given expressions. Probus receives 100 aurei as his tribunic salary from Valerian Antoninian^ 1000 Argentei Aureliani, 10000 aerei Philippei, fer- ner a consul from the same to play the games 300 aurei Antoniniani, 3000 Argentina Philippei minutuli, in aere sestertium quinquagies^^),

9) Mommsen p. 797 f.

10) Same p. 830.

1 1) This is to sleep aas Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 39, where from the ho- ben tax rates under Eiagpabal and the one introduced by Alexander Severus the reduction that has occurred is reported, but everywhere only by Gold coins are in question. Dio 72.16 also mentions one of Elagabalus led tax of two gold pieces.

12) VitaProbi4, Vit.Anrel.l2. Other evidence is provided by Mommsen p. 827 Note 335 together.

Mli^ZOHDNDNt; OOPiSTANTINS.

245

The value of the aureus according to the value entered under Caracaila

nen ReductioD on ^V Pfun'l is on 6 Th!r. 2.7 Sgr. to be setD.

The denarius then receives the Noniinalnerlb of 7.3 Sgr., which

Antoninian as I J of the Denarius the validity of 9.1 Sgr. The Me-

^^B tallwerthe according to the latter is under Caracaila at 5.2, under Ela-

^^■■gahal to 3.6 Sgr. to start. The latter value remains approximately

^^^Bwiter the next emperors, until he suddenly fell under Gaul from 3

^^^Bnuf 1 Sgr. and below, under Aurelian and Probus

^^^*-^ Sgr. sinks.

^K$3ii

'b Münsarihiioig' Consli

t

The irregular gold coinage of the third century (§ 39, 1) led automatically to the first stage, of which the MQnz- being had gone out at all. now the smoke of the scales back. The state had the right to do so the output of the to a certain weight and fnin ing value coin (§ 22, 2) continuously and in the rough- in the best way if needed. For half a century The deceptive coinage system that emerged from this had only poorly maintained; but finally the hollow building had to go in collapse. The bad Credil money became what it was had long since been factual, to the copper coin, The gold and, in larger amounts, the silver were only even after the weight unii, where necessary, nnt examination of the fine- salary taken. The state government would have to take this into account if... I honestly meant a military reform and was based on evil. If I wanted to remedy the situation, it was necessary to build on the earlier situation But break the coinage order completely. That has been mixed for so long needed trust from the subordinates could get a new one Only turn to Werthmüuze again if and to the extent that this ■«Don't be afraid to check the balance every time needed', the only recognized value it remained for a long time Time for the gold penny. Constantin met these demands in his a coin order invoice after the recently previous Diocletian's attempts to improve the currency had not led to any satisfactory results. The gold pound was the sole norm for every value bibbing; the gold coin should only be a matching smaller one Because the value is far too great for practical needs, represent unity. This amount must be paid for the bill more comfortable and at the same time different from the foot of the previous gold coin

246 K7XOft»9r>c co^sTAsn^s. in the.

dfdiifc la oDtendicideiHicr scia. Rndca ABrequestvogen eot- $^ndi the weight too ^^j deposit = 4.55 gr.. Mif wekbn Con- stantki, as we both from imperial Vcrordmingfii äk ans the Werthieicbeo LXXU or OB erselMii. the new ▼ob üim emfohrte GoSdmünze set ^ V. Aach dimrh the Dianen soUte the same tone as the Aureus that came into MiCscredit so far differ: she became sok'aeus d. i. called the whole stick. The common partial coin was the Triens or ¶șišsis of 1.52 gr.. rarer the semis too 2.27 gr. The bottom line is that nen only under Constantin Stucke Ton 1 ^ Sohdi or 6.82 Gr., also as goodness coins Terscfaiedene MoMpla up to 90 Solidi -). The expression was right from the start because the son lidus was only valid insofar as it was completely important conscientious and thus preserved itself into the splicer bvzantine Time Some of Constantin's pieces are a bit overpriced (§ 21 .\nm. 14); many show exactly the >*onal weight; the Average still faces objections to such sticks probably suffered from wear and tear, to 4.435 gr., therefore cheaper than with any happier coinage 3). So stays the external finances go back to Theodosius, from whom Solidus the weight of 4.50 gr. no longer exceeds how the pound itself also suffered a slight reduction during this time seems to have experienced (§ 21, 1). In the ZcAt according to Justinian,

1) Eioe VerordND^ CoBstaatiB^s of J. 325 (Cod. Theod. 12, 7, 1) confirms the Solidos «ostrecklich la 4 Scmpel, but does not rechaet» how aan falsely heraosiaterpretirt asked $4 solidi on the food (see^L Peti^y p. 139flr., Soetbeer p. 2927.). The same provision repeated Valeotioian I io eioem Erlafs Tom J. 367

2) For proof see Mommsen p. 779, Qoeipo III p. 484 CT., Eckbel VIT! p. 153 AT. The latter describes several large gold stocks of Emperor Valens weighing 413.56 gr. (= 118 | ong. Docaten), 219.87 (:=i63), 179.7 (=51^), 68.9 (^19f). They seem aof the things Weights of 90, 48, 40 and 15 solids were beaten.

3) This one, like the one below, is compiled according to the table Qoeipo's. cf. also the Dorehsehnittsrechnong in Mommsen p. 780 Note 126.

1.2. HVNZORDNDIfG GOMSTANTlIfS. 247

about from Coastans II (654) sd, makes a further weight* decreased to about 4.4 gr. noticeable; but it is maintained From this, the coin base remained unchanged until the fall of the Ruches. The same care was taken as the weight Fineness of the gold coin treated. The old ban against le- gürung was in the law books of the Eastern Roman Empire In particular, Valentinian I and later emperors issued detailed regulations that all gold of suspicious fineness in payments to the state cash register should be checked by melting it down. The ones through that Fine gold mass produced by melting was called obryza auri {aurum obryziatum, xqvöLov oßQv^ov)y which in turn were shaped from it Coins soUdi obryziati^). On not completely important or fine solidi had to pay a premium (incrementum) when paying taxes be given.

Constantin not only made the solidus the general my imperial coin, it soon gained further recognition the entire known world at that time. ^In the Roman gold coin', says a writer from the Jiistinian period ^), 'drift all peoples trade and in every place from one end of the Earth to another it is passable; from everyone and in everyone She is admired by the rich because no other empire is like that haf. This is how it came about that the Eastern Roman emperors attributed the final right to the minting of gold and actually enjoyed this privilege for a long time. Only the sat The Sanid dynasty dared to create its own, albeit from the Byzantine one Gold coinage not recognized by the court; the Germanic tribes, on the other hand, acquiesced For a long time they adhered to the traditional observance, until first the French King Theodebert I under Jüstinian gold on his own names).

2. The silver^) was sold in larger amounts as well the gold is taken by weight and its value is compared hold on the gold courant according to the respective trading rate. set. The establishment of a fixed value relationship between Both metals seem to be Diocletian, who was the first to use pure silver coining resumed 8), to have deliberately avoided.