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Greek and Roman Metrology — 1862
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14) Abhindl. tS]2—13S. ISO. Ideler finds this finding confirmed through the comparison of Plinin's statement (36, 9 § 71) about the above Angnstns to Hnm Obelisliea with Stuart's measurement. Of course, the band had to change the reading quite a bit: oerden (LXXXII toir LXXXV). Under this assumption, the result is 130.97 par. Lin. for the foot (p. 161).
lä) His Darchscbuittsrechnung p. 83 - S5 yields 131,144 lions,
76
DEBTIMHUKG DBS BÖKISCHBN rUSSES.
to stick to certain areas, as they are by no means too coarse, difficult but also much too small. Caniua's measurement on the other hand, it seems to deliver a slightly too high amount. We So equate the Roman foot 131.10 Par. Lin. = 0.29574 meters = 0.94228 preufs. FuTb (= 11.31 inches), after that is
the cubitus 1.413 preufs. Fuses = 0.4436 meters the passage 4.711 - - =1.4787 -
mile 471 1.4 - - = 1.4787 km.
Since the geographical mile is 23601.5 preufs. Fufs contains, so are 5 Roman miles very close to a geographical one (only The Roman mile is 8.9 feet smaller than the geographical phic). So you can also say in round numbers: The Roman mile :^ ^ geographical mile = l^ kilometers. Further is the Roman square foot
= 0.8879 preufs. Q Fufs = 0.08746 D meters the scripulum = 88.79 - - - ^ 8.746 the Jugemm = 25571.5 - > - = 2518.88 - -
= 0.98655 - acres = 0.251888 hectares. So you can use the Jugerum = 1 preufB without any major errors. Set tomorrow = 1 hectare.
The further reduction of the Roman length and area chenmafse included Tab. VI - IX. Table VI gives the overview
for which he literally etches 131.15 lines. Inders he would go to Linen own Rechoang nucb etnas mebr received when he used the English Mafs would have spoken correctly in French. Rsper had namlleh the Parisian foot on the English one in the Verbültnifs 10634: 10000 redn- cirt (note 12 above), but Wurm takes the wrong approach when calculating back. holdings 10655.5 ; 10000 (p. B3 compare with p. 6). — That's pretty uncritical Pancker's procedure (pp. 179 - 186), who had the means before him justadeu regulations of the rtimisee five draws, and so 1 1,650 english. inches i^13t, 17 par. Lin. receives. But the definition is far too high according to the Farnesian Congius, according to their At the end of the day the result would be lowered to what Wnrm's would have said (BSekh p. 198). Hnsaey p. 230 is obtained by a similar average invoice aas the regulations according to the scales, the buildings and Distance measurements !1.6496 English Znil ^ 131.17 par. lines. Canina p. 243 Calculate as an average of all previous determinations 0.296240 meters =.131,322 Lin.
«
i. DETERMINATION OF THE ROMAN FOOT. 77
About the double division of the foot and about the larger one Mafse up to the mile. In Tab. YII are the multiples of the FuTse and passage on Prussian foots, in Tab. YIII the Roman ones miles reduced to geographical ^ ^). Tab IX A gives the overview view of the area dimensions, B the parts, C the multiples of Youthun.
16) In Table VIII it should be noted that for 0.1996 without noticeable Error 0.2 = J, for 0.399 0.4 ==s |. etc. can be said.
1. Since ancient times, the Hohlmarse have been distinguished depending on whether they are used to measure liquids or were intended for dry objects. The reason for this Apparition is not far to look for. The jug or the jug, with which wine or oil were measured, was according to form and usually also different from the material in terms of material for the grain, and according to the various needs also in its amount the measure for dry from the liquid performance measure. This was also the case with the Greeks Ton Hafsen varies in size and name '); first hot There was agreement between the smaller (interdepartments).
There was also no common coin system also the same hollow mafs in Greece - So we know that the Lacedaemonian and perhaps also the Aeginaean Mafs (Appendix § 2, 4) was larger than the Attic one. However, it must The latter had more than just local recognition early on otherwise Herodotus would not follow the Persian art Attic medicines and choenics (Appendix §10.2).
1) Do not measure liquid DDd dry in different terms Note 3 aagefiifarte Volksbesctilars, as well as the Galenische Tafelo and In general, the general language of the language cannot be taken into account comea, that the Hflmcmche /xirQoy lll. T,4TI. Od. 2.3ü5. 9.209) as
Hafs Cor Meb] gowobl as water and white Hiirs In the old common way, which only came later Stiumed name was referred to.
'appears. It's just that
(1(^,1. .iTTlSCHES UOUDUSS. 79
In Sicily, too, the fleet Hak ruled and went there to the RämerD (Appendix § 15, 2).
Iq AUien was given the most careful control over the Maintaining correct weight and weight is practiced. On it The fact that there is a special one for this can be taken for granted authority, the metronomes*). The more detailed information From the outcrop there is a fairly completely preserved folk decision, which belongs to the later period, but at the same time one (based on previous similar provisions ^ ). According to this, the authorities that are legally designated to according to especially Torgerichleten sample dimensions {avftßoXa) Geaichle Mafse (oi^W/iaia) for dry and liquid like also have weights made; whereby the calibration is carried out by one Stamp should be guaranteed *). The authority should also To avoid fines, ensure that these measures are followed and weights are measured in traffic without exception, and in addition, the Bath of the Six Hundred should also be At the beginning of each year, precise controls are carried out to ensure that sellers both As a buyer, use correct and calibrated materials s). For installation We should continue to do so to the right extent in the future the normal measurements and weights of oil public slaves ensure
2) Börtb Staatsh. IS. 70. The Metrnnnmcn had, according to Aristotle at Harpocp. the inquiry about the rigor of the measures, alao in the weaent- the sphere of influence, which is denoted by the name Beburdea in which Voik's decisions are prescribed.
3) The relevant inscription is vod BStkh C. 1st Gr. n. 123 published light Ddd id der Süia(shaush!illunglIS.3ä6J. Gingehedll has been treated. Their Abrassodg period is according to Ol. 152 (172 BC), but also true not much older; In no case can it be moved back to the Imperial period become. There were similar determinations regarding this much earlier Measures and weights existed, for which there is direct proof of the identity scbrirt 161 iin C. I. from the year 3%b (Ol. 98.4), where Z. 4U arä^/iiB yalxä All, a 6 i^ftoi ai/xmaai iift^if.taaio ooter the treasures of the Hekatoin- pedos are started. Aach the contribution of the metronome's burden xeupt for it.
i) The avfißola and aiixiä^ata are clearly distinguished in § 1. Compare about it Bjicth p. 35S: 'the oifjßoXa must model gowicbte and be model measurements, whereby the standardized measurements {OTjXiiuimc) can be gleiuhudg [3ia roS av/jßälJiHlditi) definitely n'erden. Saidas explains Ddd Phot. aü/jßo3,B' ajififta, fiirga'. From the stamping Andes themselves a few suggestions in the unfortunately mutilated tenth paragraph, where a fidfiov xi^ruQay/ifyov irp jfopnjcr^yi /Jokvßifiviii or ötppnj"- V fiftfioy is punished. A non ^eBicbles Mafs heals § 2 naüfi-
lllr,,o
a) All of these provisions end in § 2
80 ATTIC HOLLOW MEASURE. § 13.
kept folded and annually under precise accounting be handed over to the successors; others are meant to be gone forever to be laid down in the Acropolis ^). Also penalties for the violation falsification of sample sizes and the use of false ones Traffic limits are set.
2. Let us now first look at the fluidity. The main mafs, the (xezQTjTijg^)^, was named after the duodeci- painting system divided into 12 xoeg, the xovQ inl2xoz^i;ilat^).
^) § ^ — S* The normal Mars and Weights should serve as reserves in case the others are lost go; according to those who are under the care of the public Sciaven stand and in three places, in the Tbolos to Athens, in the Peiraeus and are kept in Eleosis, other calibrated measures are to be made and be given as needed to authorities and others who request it. the. At least that's how §5 seems to be understood. That really matters the castle, namely in the Hecatompedo weights were kept, We know from the handover documents of the treasurers of the temple^ C. I. 150 § 25 and 151 line 40, where aid&uia /«Ax« All, a 6 drifiog arjxü)
7) Section 9 contains the regulations on punishment of those who falsify the sample dimensions; § 1, which has only been preserved incompletely, contains provisions on what should happen if false measurements are discovered.
8) Another name door /LiSTQTjTTjg was after Philyllios at Poll. 10, 70 ttfi(pOQ€vgf is an abbreviation from Homeric a/LKfttfoofvg. den, a larger vessel with handles for carrying on both sides. After Philochoros at Poll. 10.71 the elders also said xddog for ti/LKfOQfvg. However, both words in themselves in no way denote the specific Mafs, like he fiSTQTiTTig e.g. B. at Demosth. or. 42, 20, Arist. are. anim. 8, 11. Compare Section 17 Note 4.
9) On a directea, evidence about the division of the metre it is missing; but it can be easily combined. Priscian says de ponder. V. 84f.:
Attica praeterea discenda is amphora nobis Seu cadus, haue facies, nostrae si adieceris urnam. The j4tHca amphora is the fitXQriTrig, which is 1 urn more than the Roman one Amphora (§ 17, 3), d. h. 1^ Amphorae is now containing the Roman Amphora 8 congit, but the congius is equal to the x^^S (§ 17 A. 12), so has ^ev fiejQrirrig \2 ^oeg. The equalization gives the same result the Roman sexiarius, which entered the Greek measuring system as ^iaxrig has been transferred (§ 17, 3). The x^^^ contains according to the metrological Fragments of Galen, Cleopatra and Dioscorides (Galeni opera ed. Bold tom. XIX) p. 752. 770. 776 six ^iOTai, but the ^^ffrrjg is after Cleopatra p. 770 the 72nd part of the meter, so the x^vg the twelfth part of the same. The division of x^^S gives the fragment of the Kleo- patrap. 770: 6 xovg tx^*- f4,4Tq(p fjitv xotv XagliTTixdg^oj^exa; likewise the 15th fragment of the Galenic collection p. 779, as well as the metrological one Fragment in the Analect of the Benedictines p. 395. About some differing
2. ATTIC HOLLOW HATE. 81
The quarter of the kotvItj was the d^vßaq>0Vt the sixth of the xvad-og^^). Even smaller dimensions, like the yioyxr], the (xvatQOv^ the xiqf^rj can be found in the metrological fragments of the Ga- Lenic collection mentioned i^).
The Romans have demonstrated, as follows (§ 17, 3). will be, their hollow dimensions will be standardized according to the Attic; around It could be so easier that since then the rule Rome had spread across Greece, a measure of the Roman system transitioned back to Greek. So It happened with the sixth of the Roman Congius, the sixth riuSy which the Greeks incorporated into their system under the name ^saTrjQ recordings. Galen ^^^ says about it: ^earov öe vo^itu) fieftv^- Gd-aiTov^Hqciv TOv^Pcoi,iaiytov, TtaQcc (.lev yctgTÖigL^-d-rivaloiQ ovre To fievQOv 7]v ovze rovvofia tövto. vvvl ds ucp ov ^Pw- jiialoc y.QaTOvac, td f.iev ovoua rov ^eöTOv Ttaqä Ttctaiv iarc rolg ^EXXrivt%fj diaXe'/.roj XQO)(,ievoig ed-veaiv. With the But Sextarius also came a quarter of the same, reTCXQTOv^ Corresponding to the Latin quatarius, to the Greeks.
For further information see ßöckh Metrol. Unders. P. 201 ff. Same size as that yorvXrj were according to Galen p. 752f. the rqvßXCov and the xo;^Xi dqiov.
10) Galen, p. 753: t] xotvXtj rctvioy ^k efTitiv (og rb TQvßXCov. ro TQvßXlov 6h t6 fiixQov €/ti — o^vßaifu 6' f — t6 6h o^vßatpov §^€t xva&ov a* xccl ijuiav. Cleopatra p. 769: rj xoTvXrj fjiiTQ(p fihv ^«t xvd- x>ovg g' — t6 o^vßatfov ^/ei fx^TQ(p fjihv xorvXrjg r^iaQToVf xva^ov «' S*\ Dioskorides p. 776. Compare worm p. 129.
11) The x6y is known as a certain measure; (Tj Plin. 12, 25 § 117: Alexan- dro Magno res ibi gerente toto die aestivo unam concham (opobalsaml) implementi iustnm erat, omni vero feconditate e maiore horto congios senos, e minor singles. From this point it is clear that under concha there is a very small corn to think is probably the ^XaTTCuv xoyxi] at Kleo- patra p. 770, which is determined as half of the xva^og, while the large xoyx'TJ should be equal to the 6^usscc(fov. - They are very different Information about the ^i;(7t^ov. The Galenic Fragment p. 753 determines this /Liiya fjLvaxQov to 3 6^vßa 12) De compos. medic. p. gen. 1, 16 (Kühn t. XIII p. 435). The words, which in Galen followed the passage cited above: uvto 6h to /u^TQOV ovx Xüov T(p'P(o/Lta'ixq)j ^QÖyvTcci yctQ aXXog äXX^ ^sartaCq) fi^TQq}, point out that in his time various dimensions of xests were were common, but do not prove anything against the fact that the Attic Xestes which Sextarius was equal to. Compare Böckh p. 205. Wait, metrology. 6 82 ATTIC UOHLMASS. § 16. This results in the following overview of the Attic hollow mafse for liquid: fieTQi]Tr]g 1 Xovg 12 1 ^earrjg 72 6 1 TiOTvAt] 144 12 2 1 rhaQTov 288 24 4 2 1 d^vßaq)ov 576 48 8 4 2 1 Tivad-og 864 72 12 6 3 If The reduction to Prussian and French Mafs is given in Table. X A. B. — Ueber das lakedämonische und äginäischc Mafs ist der Appendix § 4 and 2, about the Boeotian %oq)ivog ibid. § 1 to compare.
3. For the dry the main mafs was the /uedt- f^vog, also called f^ieÖLfivog GirrjQog ^3). The division of the The same is essentially given by the author of the fifth Galen. schen fragment (p. 755). After he noticed that the... Roman Modius 8 x^/^^xeg, which is %oXvl^ 2 Sextaria, he continues: 6 öe IdvTi^dg f,i€Öi/.ivog s'x^l T^inlexTa iß'. tÖ di T^fnis^iTOv s'xsL xoivmag ö\ wate tov f.ddif.ivov exetv fxoölovg g^, /o/vtxag f,ir]\ ^eaiag O^g. The ri(.iU/,TOV or yfiiexriov^^) is half of the sixth of Medimnos, the eytrevg, which the Metrolog does not mention because he has the corresponding speaking Roman name (xodiog used i^). About the amount of /olv^^ which, according to the usual estimate, is as much Wheat is what a person needs for daily food. Even good sources contain different information lead to the fact that in a different measuring system, probably the Ptolemaic in Egypt, which xoivi^ was smaller by ^ ^ ^).
13) The fiidifiyog lirrixog is first mentioned by Herod. 1, 192, common later ones; fii$ifjivog airrjQog can be found in the Corp. Inc. n. 123 § 3.
14) ^H/Ltiexriov hsieü Aristoph. Close. 643 and the comedian Plato Athens. 10 p. 441 F, rjuCexrov Demosth. or. 34, 37 and the later ones.
15) Mention the ixrevg Aristoph. Eccl. 547, PoU. 10, 113. Than that Sixth of Medimnos he corresponded to the Roman Modius (note 23).
16) The ;^otvi^, as Kornmafs already from Homer Od. 19, 2S mentioned, is considered the usual daily diet for a person. So Herodotus 7, 187 estimates the mass of grain using this approach, which the Persian army under Xerxes consumed daily: ei xoCvixa nvQcSv exaarog rijg rifAiorig Ikdfißave xat fxriöhv nkiov, cf. also the calculation at Böckh Staatshaush. I p. 396. Therefore the xotPL^ tjjusqotoO' is called (pCg at Athens. 3 p. 9S G, rj/LiSQrjaiog TQO(pi^ at Diog. L. 8 § 18 and Suidas unt. JIud-ttyoQce ra aufißola. Compare BÖckh State House. I p. 128.
17) Just like Galen in the passage cited above, Ni-
3. ATTIC HOLLOW MEASURE. 83
Also the tcotvXi]^^), the quarter of the /otvt^, and the ytva- •d-og^^), the sixth part of the 'üotvXtj^ were used as measures for dry used. This results in the following overview:
fÄedifj-vog 1
Ixrct'g (fiodiog) 6
1
jjju/exTov
12
2
1
Xoivii
48
8
4
1
XOTVM]
96
16
8
2
1
192
32
16
4
2 1
Tivad-above
1152
192
96
24
12 6.
There were special vessels for half the Medimnos, for the third part of it, for the triple and double, perhaps easily also for the fivefold Choenix^o),
kander from Tbyateira (at Harpocr. ant. fiidifivog) and Poll. 4, 168 the XoTvi^ as the 48th part of the fxidtfxvog. The same relationship works too from the calculation by Herodotus (see note 16), which at least in the ten thousandths is correct (52S0000 : 48 = 110000). That's exactly what leads to also the name given to the rifjusxxiov^ the twelfth of the Medimnos Aristoph. Nub. 645 is given; ^s beifst TiTQ(ifieTQov,vit\\ es A j^oCvi- xeg contains. Furthermore, Galen's statement above is correct 2 sextarians go to the x^^^^^; because the Medimnos has 6 modes each Contains 16 sextaria, the Choenix is the 48th part of the Medimnos 2 sextarians. On the other hand, the information in the 8th Galenic Fragment (p. 762), which Böckh p. 21 rightly describes as one of the bad test pieces, as well as Priscian. de ponder. v. 69 (subsequently wrote by Isidore 16, 26, 6), according to which four sextars equal one Choenix should not be considered. Priscian confused perhaps the 6i)^oCvixov (note 20) with the simple Choenix. From the In relation to the Sextarius it follows that the Choenix had 4 cotyles, because the cotyledon for dry things is just as large as that of the same name Liquid mafs and the Sextarius contained according to consistent gave 2 cotyles. This is also the case in the Analectics of Benedict, p. 394 the Choenix determined to have 4 cotyls. Poll alone. 4, 168. 10, 113, Cleopatra p. 770 et al. count only 3 cotyles, a determination that Böckh p. 201 f. most likely to the older Egyptian or Ptolemaic measurement system returns. See appendix below § 1 1, ö.
18) Thucyd. 7, 87: xoTvltjy vdaTog xul 6vo xoTijlag aCrov, cf. Poll. 4, 168. 7, 195. 10, 113. There is no other cotyledon for dry Mafs is the cotyledon for liquid, Böckh shows p. 201 f.
19) The xva&og appears as Mafs for dry things in Galen p. 755, where, however, 8 xvad^ot ayf the cotyles are counted instead of 6, as shown in note 10.
20) A rifxifx^öifAVov mentions Dikaearch near Athens. 4 p. 141 C et al., Poll calls it a special vessel. 10, 113, as well as the jQirevg of the same 4,168, the tqixoCvixov 1,246. 4,168, the SixoCvixov 10,113, a nevja- XoCvixov 4,168.
6*
84 ATTIC HOLLOW MEASURE. 9 16.
Compared to the liquid measurements, the
XOivii = ixovs- The reduction to newer Mafs is given in Table X C. D.
4. The definition of the Greek Hohimafse is only possible up to a limited degree of security. Very The values resulting from the re-measurement fluctuate several amphorae of Attic corn ^i); her increasing from 1718 par. cubic inches for the Metretes to 2033 cubic inches bikinch, although it should be noted that the type of measurement solution itself was an uncertain one. A probable meanfa is the 1950 cubic inch 22). In addition, the Greek The only way to identify the Chinese High Himasses is to compare them with the Roman ones. determine. It has already been noted that the last ren were standardized according to the former; ^otJg and congius^ ^iotrjg and sextarius were identical, so the Metretes was the one and a half times the amphora, the medimnos six times that Modius2 3). Of course, it must remain an open question as to whether The agreement in practice is really a perfect one was. So an indication of Nepos leads to 2^), provided that the
21) Compiled by Böckh Metrol. Unders. p. 279 f.
22) The Vasea listed by Böckh under Nos. 5 - 7 are in England, They are measured using a different method than the Berlin vases strikingly all smaller than these. At the Berlin vases Those measurements seem to be more acceptable which are only up to black inner edge, not taken to the outermost edge. So No. 2 gives 1950.89 cubic inches, which is a third of a meter under No. 4 matches exactly. No. 1 increases up to 1981.7, No. 3 decreases up to 1884.8 cubic inches.
23) The Metretes determined to 1^ Amphora Priscian at note 9 stated location. The relationship between Medimnos and Modius is important the following testimonies: 1. Didymus (cap. 19) says, the Ptolemaic Medimnos is one and a half times larger than the Attic and consists of 2 arms tabs of 4^ modes each, so 1^ was already Attic in the time of the Ptolemies Medimnos = 9, or 1 Medimnos =3 6 modes; 2. Cicero gives the Sicilian Medimnos seems to have been no different from the Attic one can, 6 modes, about which App. § 15, 2 compare; 3. Priscian v. 64 count 2 amphorae, each with 3 modes, on the Medimnos; 4. Galenic Fragment (p. 755): Sare rov fiii^ifxvov ^;(€iv fi,o6Covg g*', whereby Suidas matches under ^idi^vog.
24) Atticus 2, 6: universos frumento donavit, ita ut singulis Septem modii tritici darentur, qui modus mensurae medimnus Athenis appellatur. The reading septern for the Vulgate sex is based on the best hand- writings (cod. Guelferb. and Sangall.). But it can come from it, if not one Corrupted reading exists, it can only be concluded that the Medimnos belongs to Athea
4. ATTIC fiOHLMASS. 85
Reading is correct, pointing out that in his time the Medimnos was in Athens the original normal mafs slightly exceeded by 7 instead 6 Roman modes were calculated on the same. Not at all In this case, however, the assumption of some French scholars 2 5) Find approval that the Greek hollow dimensions are among the speaking Roman should behave like 3:4, after which the Metretes only 1^ Amphora, the Medimnos only 4^ Modia would be. These approaches contradict each other so decisively the consistent information of the ancients, that on the other hand the un- precise regulations according to which Greek doctors did this Weight of the smaller hollow dimensions estimated ^ ß), not taken into account can come. Galen, who wrote Greek in several places, also Tried to compare Roman and Roman hollow mafs
at that time the abnsive level was slightly greater than it should be normal; definitely not but this allows the ones compiled in the previous note Testimonies are overturned.
25) Paucton Metrology p. 239, Rome de l'Isle p. XXXXII and 25, recently Queipo Essai I p. 503 ff.
26) The doctors prescribed liquid medications in their prescriptions partly according to the measure, partly according to the weight. The weight was of In ancient times the drachma was originally the Attic drachma (Plin. 21, 34 § 185, see below § 20 A. 14). So Heras, who to Lived in Rome at the beginning of the imperial period, according to Galen de compos. medic. p. Gen. p. 813 in a recipe for 180 drachmas of olive oil, where Herakleides of Ta- rent, who had given the same prescription, prescribed 3 cotyles. Heras So the cotyle of oil was valued at 60 drachmas. Let's assume that he is This followed an older approach, which was the fully important Attic drachma was the basis, the cotyle results in an amount that is equal to that of the red mix Heroina almost exactly the same, so the identity of both Mafse confirmed. Because 60 Attic drachmas of olive oil take up a volume of 0.285 liters, while the Hemina (according to Table XI) is 0.274 liters. The small difference is explained by the fact that the determination is just should be an approximate one. So it happened that the water was also The weight of the cotyles was set at the same amount as we do in the listed under Galen's name on metrological tables belonging to the Kai- Serzeit belong, p. 766, 769, 779 find what Pliny a. a. 0. and Priscian v. 75 f. agree. But the inaccuracy of the determination In the meantime, the population had been increased by the fact that at that time the weight drachma nothing other than the then denarius of ^ pounds or 3 scruples was. This meant that those determined by drachma weight fell Hollow dimensions are too small compared to the exact value. The hemina z. b. legally weighed 10 ounces (§ 17 note 1); But there are only 60 imperial denarii 7^ ounces. Most, like Pliny and Priscian a. a. 0. ignored this one difference; others, such as Galen, will be discussed in the next note. speaking place, tried to compensate for it as best they could; on none In this case, however, the definition of the Greek hollow mafse can be based on this, as it is Paucton and Rome de l'Isle do, are based.
I I
8b *TT[SCUES UODLMASS. 611.4.
while melirfacli': Mistaken, because he doesn't have the method I still have clear insight into the sharp ventilation of the llobbiafse the various information available to him from others with the NöthigcQ Kritili used. This is how he came to the Kolyle ^ of the Rüiuiscfacn Oilborne, which had the amount of the Heniina, to put on; but the error that he committed here goes prove yourself in such a way that from the supervising body it is impossible to draw any further conclusions*'). Böchh tries to derive the Attic nohlniafs from the length measure. lead, and arrives under conditions that are, however, solid There is no justification, at a value of 1993.95 par.
... 813 prove that ii'binon attached hnbe: zni yii^
21) Galen »in de cnupos. Heras the Kotylo Oil with Rechl^j^
Oxet rj ye ^tti.xii iifgaxiiüiS'), ^' oiiyyäip ovoa riöv'lTali novoi j-b^kI *' oiyylai 'Xjvlixal al Iv roU XBTBjfjfitiuivois xiqaaiv,- inta xiä ijfii.au ovyylag araS'fiixäc, cUij/is S' äga^fita yCvovrai r^t /tiäg oiiyyCag i/' Joiyr/iÄf äe^ofiivuc. The umaiiTfitifi^rov xtnas is dai Oe[faora (§ IT, 4]', welvhea the i'ämlscheii Usniina equal and through Strii'lie was tinted duodedally in ounces. Ex now carries himself like Galen In addition, the cotyle and ounces of the OKlfaorus, i.e. fa, j the Hemina za ge- ben. P. S»3 he says that there are different cities that are relevant, ale.tandriniaebe, epheaisehe and others; then he remarks about the Kutyle derAerzte: ol /iiv o&y ni.iT
I I
§17.1. ROMAN HOLLOW MEASURE. 87
bikinch for the Metretes^»), but notes that the result possibly reduced to 1969.3 cubic inches. This Means from both provisions agrees very closely with that Values that we derive from the Roman Hohlmafse, and which, in the absence of any other indication, is at least as that safest appears; namely we set the Metretes of 1^ Roman amphora = 1986 par. cubic inches 2 9) == 39.395 liters = 34,405 preufs. Quart, the Medimnos = 2648 cubic inches =ä 52,527 liters = 45,874 quarts.
According to these approaches, the Greek hollow mafse are in Table X reduced. According to the approximate amount:
the /j,€TQr]Tr]g = ^ preufs. bucket
the xovg a little smaller than 3 quarts
the ^eorrjg = ^ Quart
the KOTvkfj = ^ Quart, furthermore the fxedijuvog slightly smaller than 1 bushel
the xoivi^ somewhat smaller than 1 quart.
§ 17. The Roman hollow muzzles.
1. The hollow dimensions naturally form the mediation between the linear measure and the weight. Because e^ can Liquids or dry pourable objects as well according to the volume they occupy rather than according to their weight their mass can be measured. This results in a uniform Let us develop a measuring system in which not only area and body dimensions, but also the weight of the linear extension The Romans already suspected that expansion would be derived
28) Metrol. ünters.S.278f.281f., StaatshaDsh.lS.130. Its calculation The definition of the Greek hollow measure is based on the following combinations: the Olympic cubic feet is y of the Roman cubic fives or quadrantal (p. 285), the Aegean metretes is 2^ Olympic cubic feet (p. 281), the Attic metretes is f of the Aegina (p. 282), so = f^ of the Olympian pical cubic feet, for which in some evaluations the rounder ratio is nifs 4:3 took place (p. 279). According to the former ratio, the me- tretes 1993.95, according to the latter 1969.3 cubic inches. It's not the one here place to address the refutation of these hypotheses; just like that It should be pointed out how it is that the assumed relationship is so fits well. It is basically based on the relationship of the meter to the Roman amphora = 3:2. Because 1 Metretes is according to ßöckh |^ olym- pian cubic foot, 1 Olympic cubic foot = ^ Roman cubic foot, so the Metretes = f J x ^^ =| Roman cubic foot or amphora.
29) The Roman amphora is (according to § 18, 2) 1324 par. cubic inches, so the Metretes than one and a half times as much in 1986.
p
also practically completed. Only Lüeli did this &anzÖ5iscbeo Revolutiuii reserved in the new melri- Bchen systems are not just a fixed and unchanging one unity of the Längenraafse, but also through mediation telung of the hollow Mars the weight on a rational basis justified (§ 4, 3). The Hümers, on the other hand, represented The meaning of the body dimensions is a vessel with the contents of a Eubik fufses, the quadrantal, solid; but they didn't go that far then determine your poundage. Rather, this one was hot Determination of the quadrantal already a fixed given size, Now it was shown that it was made of wine, which was heavier than water was equally respected, about 80 pounds (= 1 Attic talent) went to the quadrantal, then this weight was considered the norm placed for the Hobbnafs. This was particularly necessary because maneuverable because the subdivisions of the quadrantal, the smaller they are became, the more difficult it was in terms of length. questions, while they are very easily determined by consideration could be. So that's how the Romans have their bodies derived from the length mafs, but the more precise determination the same is based solely on the weight^}.
2. The creation of the Hamens quadrantal gives Festus (p. 25S Muell.): quadrantal vocabant auliqui, quam ex Graeco amphoram dicunt, quod vas pedis quadrati octo et XL capit . sextarios ^) ; and Priscian in his didactic poem on the Mafse ]
1) The direct proof of this is provided by the Silian Plebi the Aofschrin dea Farnesiaclica Congius, which nar the Bestini EDongeii', DBch know the weights. The vnlistiiiidicc UeLer sees about the weight the Roman Hobliaarse gives the tale of Diosl Lorides io the Galcal- ■cben plates (p. 77fi); after that, from the smaller dimensions n z. B. the SezUriai 20 Unieo, the Hemina 10 ounces and so the rest after Ver- bültnirs. — A further proof lies in the fact that tnan the FuTs, which with oDter the preliminary estimate has calculated that the Qnadraatal of SD Pfonil I just had a KabikfuTs content, not with the actual LSo- Gefnfse der Itb'mer (§ Ib Antn. 9} – is true. It is therefore rightly said Bljckh S, 27: 'All assurances, the Roman pound bds the Roman T " To determine whether or not to return to genfufa, we have to read page lic|!;ed Compare p. 29, 207, 290f, BuBsej p. 217.
2) This is stated nclearly; More precisely, C9 should be: the MaCs, which holds 4S Sexual Urien (DÜnilicb the amphora), a vessel from a Kohikfufs. Compare Balbn's expos. et advice. scale. (Grumat. ed. Laebm.) p. Uli: pes quadratus foccavus capit amphoram trimodiaui. Sn will- denauchin deniinetrDlng;isi:lienE^riigmentebeiPauctonp. 26(i aufilen oTc^fo; Tioii; 3 modes or 4S sexturias, prefer the name quadralus rdr Kubikl'ufs s, Balbns p. 97: solidom est.|uod tiraeci stei appelUnt, nos qnadratos pedes appellamus. Compare above § 14 note.
J
8. ROMAN HOLLOW MEASURE. 89
shows how such a vessel can be constructed^). Later it became the name borrowed from Greek is amphoratic *). The official determination of the amount of the quadrant and the measures dependent on it are in the plebiscite of the Yolkstribu- nen P. and M. Sihus, which Festus (p. 246) cites, receive: 'ex ponderibus publicis, quibus hac tempestate populus oetier {uti) solet, uti coaequator se {sine) dulo malo, uti quadrantal vini octoginta pondo siet, congius vini decem pondo siet, sex sextari congius siet vini, IlL sextari quadrantal siet vini — , sex- decimque librari {sextarü) in modio sienf s). It must not be fall, that the provisions are not based on the weight of the water sers are given; you took a liquid that was really in the Trade was measured and chose the wine that corresponded to it Water was set equal in weight ^). An accurate model of the
Yell. 1, 20: qualia sunt quadrata uodique; qnae xvßovg illi, nos qaadran- talia dicimus.
3) De poDder. etmensur. v. 59:
Pes longo spatio aCque alto logoque notctur: Angulas ut par sit^ quem claudit lioea triplex, Quatuor et quadris medium ciugatur luaue: Amphora fit cubus; d. h. There should be a square on a surface, the side of which is one foot, drawn and four equally large walls perched on the sides of it- be erect dicular; the resulting (open top) sausage fel is the amphora.
4) Amphora is the Latinized form for dfKpogivg and means just like this one (§ 16 note 8), originally a large two-handled one Vessel for storing wine or oil. This is often the case with Cato (the r. r. 10. 13. 88 etc.), which includes the quadrantal as the actual measure. separates. The Siliau Plebiscite also only knows the expression quadran- tal. In the meaning of the definite measure, ampkora appears first Cicero (font. 9, 19 etc.), but since then this has been the lord prevailing use. Compare Festus a. a. 0.: quadrantal vocabant antiqui, quam ex Graeco amphoram dicunt; Volus. Maec. part. distrib. § 79: qua- drantal, quod nunc plerique amphoram vocant. — Neither., like Originally the amphora, the cadus is a firmly determined mafs, therefore the special provision at Colum. the. r. 12, 28: in cado duarumor- narum (=* 1 amphora). Where the cadus occurs as a solid mafs is' mostly the Attic Metretes (§ 16, 1). This is how Plin distinguishes. 14, 14 § 97: vini Falerni amphoras, Chii cados (see ibid. § 96) and Priscian. v. 84 explicitly says: Attica praeterea dicenda est amphora nobis Seu cadus; likewise Isidore. Orig. 16, 26, 13: cadus Graeca am- phora est.
5) The passage is based on the collation by Keil (Rhein. Mus. N. F. VI p. 623) and Mommsen's Emendations given.
6) Priscian. de ponder. v. 93: Nam librae, ut memorant, mend sex- tarius addet, Seu puros peudas latices seu dona Lyaei ; d. h. a sextarius
90 NUMLSCHES LIOULMASS.
Amphora wished, as also from other Martians, kept on the Capitol ''). When this happened in the year 69 during the consternation burned down by the soldiers of Vjtellius Vespasian, like the large imperial archive, probably the Muslermarse is also empty again. The inscription points to this of the Farnesian Congius (§ IS, 1), according to which this structure is under the sixth CoDsuIaleVespasian's (75) on the Capitol has been.
3. The culeus was twice as large as the amphora Fafs, mainly a Weinmay's ^). The subdivisions of the Amphora comes from the Siliani mentioned above. see Plebiscit, Ihells from other testimonies. Volusius Mae cianus") remarks about it: quadrantal, qiiod nunc plerique amphoram vocant, habet urnas duas, modios tres, semodios sex, congios octo, sexlarius quadraginta octo, heminas nonagjnla sex, quatarios cenlum nonaginta duo , cyathog. i quingentos septuaginta sex ^ "). In addition there is the a ceta- |
weighs I| Pfagd, he may now shout sbiu with my water or wine. Likewise the Guleuisclie FrasiuviiE p. Ttil; i6 vi!aiii xal alviig laöaiB^/ta 3.oy{£oviai. However, see below § iS Aom. 1 1.
^) Priscian. V. 62: qunoi (ampliomm) ae violare IJceret, Sacravere lovl Tarpeio in moal« Quirites. Hence Capituüjia aniokora at lul. Cnpito lib. Vit. Maiimin. you. 4. Compare § 15 Ann. 2.
8] Prisdun. v. S6: Est et, bis deeies qaem cniiRcit amphora Dostra, Culeus, Lac nulJa est niaiar lueosDra liquoris. Plio. 14, 4 § 52: saepe- Bumera aeptenos cnileos siognala iugera , boc est ampboras ceulenas qua.- .drageoas musti dedere. Compare Varrn the r. r. 1, 2, 7, column. 3, 3. To ice cream The Culeus at Cata de r is a little larger. r. 14S: viai in cnlleos siofo- ] los qaaJrageoqe et singulue uruae dabnatur (^: 2UJ Amphorae). 9) Distribulia part. %79.
10) With this information, the Diosl table is completely correct rides in the 14th I^aleuisdien fragment (p. TTü Kübn), which differs from 1 refers to the Roman tlohlmars. Aach other evidence t'ebtt oa 1 not. The uma also serves as the third of the amphora Priscian. v. 64.1 The eongias is referred to as the Ampbora by the Inschrill on ] the Faroesian Gerarsei ?{OHda) DDd Prisdaa. v. 70 agree. So does the Galenic fragment 1 TiigX fitTQiov vygüiv p. 752: to 'frnkixov xtfttSpiov [=amfliora) l/si- XÖag (■==• congios) i]'. The textariai is considered the sixth part of the Con- gins explained by Pdscian. v. 71 f., fsidor. Orig. 16, 26, 6, Galen, a. a, 0^ the , hemiiia as half of the Priscian sextada. v. 67 f., Isidore. 16, 26, 5; compare Varro in Gell. 3, 14, 2. So that Cato's calculations glow, the. r. 57: heminas iD dies, id est in mense congios II S; into this äexlario", id est in mense congios quinque. The quarters are called the quarter dds | Sestarius near Vorro de r. r. 3, IJ, 4 quadrans; see below 4 Note IG. — The ahwoicheadcn information in the completely unltri-
1
2
1
8
4
1
48
24
6
1
96
48
12
2
1
192
96
24
4
2
1
384
192
48
8
4
2 litres
576
288
72
12
6
3 If
3. ROMAN UOHLMASS. 91
bulum, the fourth part of the hemina^^). For a better overview The following table may serve as a guide:
amphora
urna
congius
sextarius
hemina
quatarius
acetabulum
cyathus
It is easy to see that the whole system is almost entirely like this Greek is modeled, even the names are on the urna, sextarius and quatarius borrowed from there. The very fact that the weight of the amphora is just one Attic talent, points out that the agreement with the Greek Hohlmafsen is not just a random and approximate one. The Congius is the same as the Greek in name and content Xovg^^), acetabulum is a translation of 6^vßaq)ov, the xva- •d-og has been adopted unchanged. Next to it is peculiarly Roman, the division of the Congius into sixths, sextariiy and this one in quarter, quartarii. Both names are reversed as ^iaTr]g and Tezagrov back into Greek Chinese passed over. Finally for half of the Sextarius, the
table-written fragments de mensuris in liquidis in Gromat. ed. Lachm. p. 374.
11) Pliu. 21, 34 § 185: cum acetabuli mensura dicitur, significat heminae quartam. Likewise Isidore. 16, 26, 5. Accordingly there is Priscian. v. 76 the oxybaphon (= acetabulum) 1^ Cyathi. — Still small Smaller dimensions than the Cyathus, the UgidOj are a spoon for scooping Colum. 12, 21 about as much as ^ Cyathus (ligula cumulata vel mensura sem- unciae), then the cochleoTf which, according to the same, is ^ Cyathus (cochlear cumulatura vel slmile genus poculi eins, quae est quarta pars cyathi). The latter often appears as Mafs in Pliny, e.g. B. 20, 6, § 45. 21, 27 § 172. In Dioskorides p. 776, the Roman division which gives hollow dimensions, but you call the quarter of Cyathus xVf^Vi Priscian. v. 77 the quarter mystrum, the third part of this chemej half of them cochlear, Isidor. 16, 26, 3 determines the cochlear as the third part of the concula, of which, if his information agrees should be correct, 6|^ should go to the Cyathus. In Galen a. a. 0. is the xox^Lciotov as much as the xorikri (= h&ininä),
12) Priscian. V. 70: Adde duos, chus fit, vulgo qoi est congius idem. Fragment of Dioscorides in the Galenic Collection p. 776: o Xo^S} TovT^ari ro xoyyiov.
92 RäMlI^CBES HOHLUABS.
the Attic «oxi'Aiy equals konimti^), is again diegrifri' chJHche BeDeDDung hemina voq the Reds recorded been. This is the IjudI composite image of the RüiiiJschen Liquid measurements ' *}.
4. Particularly noteworthy is the application of the usual duodecimal division (§ 20) on the sixth riiis 1 ^). The twelve dea the same, the Cyathus t^2^ preufs. cubic zoJI), was the measure for the loone ladle with which the Wine from the larger vessel, the craier, into the drinking cups was filled. The greetings of the cups and the size of the in- Filling wine varied depending on the circumstances. So There were tricntes, third sextars of 4 cyathi, about as big as our Romans, quadr^ites to 3, sexlanles to 2 Cyathi. When drinking There were large goblets the size of a sextar, something like that bigger than our beer glasses, which maybe have circles in twelve Parts were divided i^). The number was now designated Cyalhi, which were filled into the cup, briefly with the usual legal names of the parts of the Äs. Only some undae diluted Drinking Falernian wine appears as a sign for Martial^'). lack of abstinence; Augustus exceeded himself special occasions not the Mafa of six sexlanles''^); a
13) Athap. II p. 479A; ^^idifwjjoe Si iv '[mKixaTi ykiöanais xal 'H^axkfiav, mg iprjai IldufpiXog, r^v xozvhjv xitliTaS-ai xal iifiCyav. Ilinakorides a. a. 0.: ijulva lovriaTiv ^xotuXij. Priscian. v. 67f., Isidore. 16,26,5.
U) Compare Mommsen Riim. business 1 p. 21)3 f. of the 3rd edition.
15) lüefer Ahbnndl. .lar Atad. d. Wisa. 1SI2 — 13 p. 126, Becker Gallai in p. 22UIF. the 2nd Aull.
16) Becker see above 0. iit the opinion that only the faithful and eyaikns nls wirlilithf! Vessels can fall. Allain dafs also the iiiiadrana own Getüra was, give from CbIsds 3, 15 above (smnere vini quadraalem); and when it comes from Angnstui, he never erects more than lenot sextanUs (Note 18) drank, sn jie^t docb probably not about the assumption that He also had rumors about a SexCana cheating. The also The above-mentioned sections of Seitar from qninelmx to zam deimx refer to nlle refer to drinking at banquets, where large goblets are consumed A sevtar was customary, sometimes more, sometimes less full. were filled. The passages in the Hnrtial are only explained in detail (note 19. 20), as well as the much-interpreted verses of Horace Cai-m. 3, 19, 1 1 , wn er 9 -^ 3 cyathi d. h. It is forbidden to drink full Sexlarhecher, but 3 nnil hich- BEens 9 cyathi permitted.
IT) Epigr. 1, 1 18) Suet. Aug TT; quutiens largissime ie invilaret, aenos aextantes non excesait. A sex bin is slightly smaller than one of our usual ones VVcingläier, 6 sentants don't make a bottle yet. 4. ROMAN HOLLOW ASS. 93 Quadran's wine is the ration given to a crane by Celsus (3.15). ken is prescribed. At fun banquets the... Of course, we also drank large quantities in large cups. MartiaP^) says of a reveler septunce multo per- ditus stertü; another brings it to deunces, so he lets himself fill the cup almost to the brim. There are others for the reason Creating sub-departments was a good practice for health a person to drink as much cyathi as the name letters contains. So 6 Cyathi are drunk in honor of Caesar quincunx for Gaius, a best for Proculus 20). Also with the Hemina, especially in the use of the Doctors, the duodecimal division is common. Galen mentions several In some places there is a vessel commonly used in Rome, which is made of solid Shiny horn made, and rarely circles on the top were scratched, according to which the oil or whose liquids were measured. From those given by him There are certain indications that this oil horn is... measure of the Ilemina, and that it was divided into twelfths or ounces divided was 2 1). For differences from the weight ounces {oTad-f.u- 19) Epigr. 3, 82, 29. Cf. 12, 28: Poto ego sextantes, tu potas, Ciona, deunces, Et quereris quod non, Ginna, bibamus idem. 20) Martial. 11, 36: Quincuaces and sex cyathos bessemque bibamus, Gaius ut tiat Julius et Proculus. Compare 1, 71. 8, 51, 21. 9, 93; Becker GallusIS. 193f. the2. ed. 21) Galen speaks of the oil horns and oil pounds on several Places of his avvd-Baig (paQfjidxtov rdiv xatä yävr] (vol. XIII Kühn). He describes it most clearly p. 616: ^art, &^ naq avrolg [rolg \P(o- fiaCoig) fiixQov, (p ro slaiov /j,fTQovaiv, kvTtXfirifi^vov yqafifiaTg ^lai- Qov\5aig rb avfxnav aig fi^Qi] fß\ xal xalelrni' fikv to oXov fjirQov vn ttVTtav compare. In this sense, p. 813 ovyyCai ^iTaXixal al iv Tolg xaxaxerjxrifjLivoig xi^aüiv, and p. 417. 894 /nsTQLXal ovyyCai er- imagines. So it was a vessel intended for measuring the oil duodecimal was divided into unciae. Galen gives the amount nowhere directly, but the same can be determined from what he p.. 894 notices, removes. There he says that through his own consideration he found that the 12 metric ounces of the oil horn = 10 ounces by weight be, and in accordance with this he sets p. 813 9 metric ounces =3 1^ ounces by weight. Now the obvious thing to assume is that he stated the oil horn according to the weight of the oil alone This assumption leads to all sorts of contradictions. Because first of all There is none of the Roman hollow masonry known to us Oil weight is 10 ounces, and then the hollow Unless the contrary is expressly stated, this happens regularly determined by water weight. But according to the water weight The 10 ounces fit exactly on the Hemina, because twelve times as much
«
94 ROMAN HOLLOW HATE. § 17, 5.
xofi ovyyiai) these divisions were called ounces of the oil pound or metric ounces, and the horn itself pound horn
5. The main measure of the dry was the modius, after the Silian Plebiscite and many other testimonies the third part of the quadrant =16 Sextarii 2 2). Already from here It turns out that the dimensions of the dry as well as that of the liquids were standardized according to the Attic standards. Like the amphora equal to Fattic metres, the mode was equal to ^Medim- nos, with which also the reductions of medicines, which Cicero 2 3) there, agree.
The amphora was larger in size than the modius. speaking trimodium, which Plautus mentions; Columella is called corbulae trimodiae and decemmodiae ^ ^). The modius castrensis, the origin of which is still unexplained, was twice that ordinary Modius^s).
Half of the mode appears as a special Mafs below the name semodius^^); the remaining subdivisions of the
the same, the Congios, weighs 10 pounds or 120 ounces; so it was oil Hörn is identical in its behavior to the Hemina. This also confirms Oreibasius in the Galenic Tables p. 755, by telling Sextarius, twice the hemina, 24 metric ounces. Compare in general- a worm p. 13S, Queipo £ssai I p. 510. Böckh p. 18 f. looks in the me- tric ounce of oil horn the equivalent of an ounce of water weight, which is difficult to prove and only makes the problem more complicated makes. The main difficulty is that Galen is not entirely clear to himself about the matter. So he ignores the difference between water and and oil weight, and although he is often afraid of confusing the metric and static ounces warns (p. 415, 471 n. ö.), so commits He obviously made the same mistake by p. 435 the 20 ounces that the Represent water weight of Sextarius, for metric outputs; in similar Of course he is also wrong p. 813, about which see § 16 note 27 above. same.
22) The Silianise Plebiscit (§ 17, 2): sexdecimque librari (= sex- tarii) in modio served; Baibus p. 96: pes quadratus concavns capit ampho- ram trimodiam; Volus. Maec. § 79: quadrantal habet modios tres; Pri- scian. v. 65, Isidore. 16, 26, 13.
23) In Varr. act. II. 3, 46, 110. 49, 116. Compare § 16 note 23 and Appendix § 15.
24) Plut. Men. Prol. 14: nunc argentum vobis demensum dabo non modio neque trimodio. Plin. 33, 1 § 20: trimodia anulorum. Colum. 12, 50, 8: corbulae decemmodiae satoriae, cf. 2, 9, 9. 12, 18, 2.
25) Mommsen, the Edict Diocletian's de pretiis rerum venalium in the reports of the Sachs. Gesellschaft. the science 1851 p. 58 ff. Eisenschmid de pond. et mens. p. 73.
26) Volus. Maec. a. a. 0.: quadrantal have semodios sex. Compare. Cato the R. r. 11, 3 and Column. 6, 3, 5.
§18.1. ROMAN HOLLOW MEASURE. 95
Modius are the same as the liquids in terms of size and name. performance measures match 2 7). This results in the following table:
mode
1
semodius
2
1
sextarius
16
8
1
hemina
32
16
2
1
quarlarius
64
32
4
2 1
acetabulum
128
64
8
4 2 1
cyathus
192
96
12
6 3 1|.
The reduction of the Roman hollow dimensions is given in Table XI.
§ 18. Determination of the Roman hollow mafse.
1. There are three ways to determine the Roman hollow dimensions Ways open, the calculation of the amphora as the cube of the red mix length feet, the re-measurement of Roman hollow dimensions, finally the purpose of the amphora according to the Roman pounds.
It has already been shown above (§ 17, 1) that the Amphora was intended to be a Roman cubic foot, the more precise determination of their content according to the weight directed itself. Therefore one cannot expect from the Roman Length feet to maintain the correct value of the amphora. Just like the foot that you get out of the hollow mafse and the wanted to calculate the weight (§15 note 9), it was too big, so the amphora, which is calculated according to the foot, becomes too small ^).
The easiest and safest way, one would think, would be the re-measuring of old hollow gauges, especially since we are in that so-called Farnesian Congius^) a vessel has been preserved, which appears to have a very high degree of reliability This Congius, which was originally in the collection of
27) The sextarius appears as a Mafs for grain e.g. B. at Colum. 2, 9 a. E., PHd. 18, 13 § 131, the hemina dXs measure for dry at Cels. 4, 15, Plin. 18, 3 § 9, the quatarius in Cato de R. r. 95 (where at the same time a fertiatnus, which is called a third sextar), Plin. 18, 3 § 9, the aceta- bulum at Cato de r. r. 102, Cels. 5, 18.5, Plin. 18, 7 § 73, the cyathus at Column. 8, 4, 5, Plin. 14, 9 § 85, the ligula (note 11 above) in Co- lum. 12, 21.
1) This is how Worm calculates p. 123 after his Roman foot of 131.15 par. lines the amphora to 1305.45 par. cubic inches while she after Farnesian Congius 1362.4, according to the pound, held 324 cubic inches.
2) Hare about the Farnesian Congius in the Royal. antique collection study on Dresden, treatise. the K. preufs. Akad. 1824, printed in the Pa- laeologus p. 1 ff.
yö ROMAN HUIILMASS.
Cardinais Alexaor FaraesB and later went to Dresden Langte ^), is a well-made brass ggefSlä, the outside of which still shows clear signs of deification. It consists of two abbreviated cones, which point at each other on their broad green surfaces which are soldered; There is a widened edge running around the oil It is only intended to prevent the liquid from spilling prevent, so not taken into account when determining the content There is the following inscription on the top cone: IMP. CA IT ARE
VESPAS. VI T.CAES. AVG. K. nilCOS
MENSVRAE EXACTAE. liN
CAPITOLIO PX What was previously assumed cannot be made clear from these words was, fuljiem, that the Congius was one of those performed on the Capitole provided was normal corn'); but it probably comes from that shows that he was born there under Vespasian (in the year 75). is and weighs 10 pounds, undetermined from which liquid ity, should contain.
According to careful measurements, BeigeFs^) contains the Congius at 13" R. 63460.6 par. grains of distilled water, from which The amount for the amphora is ! 362.4 Par. Kuhikinches This gives me a secure value for it to have found the Roman hollow Mars "), dejmocb but he-
3) Knie S. Count Au>iler Finnish collection received drn Congina Lncas Paetus, dei' ilin lutnl described and depicted (de meosur. et pooder. in Thei. Gnlev. t. XI p. 1634f.)- Later ibn Villalpandi (see this g 3, 1 called work tom. III |i. II p. 351) and Creaves (MiscellaneoDS works p. 225). How he got to Dresden is unknown. but to be determined. It can be found in the Xth Hall of the Antikeo Collection: Guardian No. 397 posted.
4) This opinion is shared by Italian scholars and Ideler Treatise 1S12— 13 p. 154. Forg. on the other hand, Hase p. 5f., BÖckh p. 1G3.
3) At Hase p. 14fr. On the weight of the Congius of 63,460.6 crui see the Ampbora 50T664,S Gran; a par. cubic furi (^ 173S cubic züli) distilled Walser weighs at the same temperature Ü43934,)« Gran, so the amphora 507684,^ >< i^^^■■ 643»34,B -^ 1362.4 par. cubic inches. This result confirms the stereometric measurement sung by Congius, which resulted in 1365.9 Kabibzull for the Ampbora. The small plus (for the Cnngius only 0.44 Knbikzall) explains it from this, there are the two halves of the €ongiu9 of the mathematical cone farm Doesn't quite correspond to GeoBD.
li) SoHussey p. 2(15, which then also determines the pound; see §2l Aam.7.
J
i.2. ROMAN HOLLOW MEASURE. 97
However, there are serious concerns. The Congius shall have his own label according to 10 pounds, for which the Silica- Niche Plebiscite states more precisely 10 pounds of wine. Let's leave the insignificant difference between the specific Weight of wine and water (note 1 1) is taken into account, this results From the Congius a pound of 6346.06 grains = 337.1 gram, what the reliably determined value of the Roman pound (§ 21) noticeably exceeds. It is also calculated according to the content of the Congius the Greek Metretes, who played the one and a half times the amphora, you get 2043.6 par. cubic inches, which is also undoubtedly too high^V Finally Even the artificial form of the congius contributes to the degree to make one suspicious of its accuracy. It is difficult to increase that the two cones from which he soldered together is, were so precisely constructed that there is not another begging, for example by a marking line, would have been necessary^). After However, the Farnesian Congius cannot be considered reliable The basis for the Roman hollow mafs can be assumed; Even less do other vessels that have been preserved provide this service, which show even greater deviations^).
2. All that remains is to determine according to the law weights^^^). May the hollow mafses, as they were used by the ancients in Ge-
7) None of the Attic examples listed in Böckh p. 279 f Mafse reaches this amount. Compare § 16, 4.
8) The congius is like the amphora or the Roman cobik five amount, i.e. each of the two abbreviated cones from which it is composed is set to be equal to ^ Knbikfuls. But it exceeded the mathematical to construct such a cone precisely using the ancients' technical knowledge; at most they could confirm it empirically to a certain degree. establish reliability. Something like that in the Farnese Congius was intended, comes from the relationships of individual dimensions out. The diameter of the upper base is half as large as that the lower one; the circumference of the jacket at the lower base is about 2, the one on the upper section about 1 Roman foot, the The height of the cone is about half a foot.
9) The Sextarius of the Dresden collection (Hase p. 9. 16) still shows larger size than the Congius, it holds 29.05 par. cubic inches, which for the Amphora yields 1394.3 cubic inches. About others partly larger partly smaller hollow dimensions see Böckh p. 167.
10) The information given by Vitruvius is useless. 7, 8, 2, after which 4 sextars Mercury weighs 100 pounds. This would, the accuracy of Mafs and Weight assuming that the mercury has a specific weight of 1> result in what is far too high. Vitruvius only gives approximate information Numbers, perhaps he didn't include the weight of the vessel itself Deduction.
Tlultsch, metrology. 7
Customs were also inaccurate and fluctuating at least we can do it according to the old Silian Plehiscite the normal and legal size of the same calculate with sufficient security. The plehiscite determines this Ilohlmafs according to the weight of the wine; according to other evidence The water, specifically the rainwater, is considered to be the water the seventh basis for the consideration i'). In fact approaching ' The latter is most important in its sjiecilian weight the distilled water that the moderns use in such measurements based on solutions; the weight of the wine fluctuates, some varieties are heavier, some are lighter than distilled water. ser^^). In addition to this uncertainty there is another, which arises from not taking temperature into account. Because the liquid wedges, like all other bodies, experience increased heat expand, take one determined according to the weight Amount of water or wine depending on the change in temperature ture a larger or smaller space. Docb these Differences are so small that they do not take the ancients into account. caused; So it can't be demanded that we put them in bring invoice. So we take it because it's just that The aim is to find a mean value that is as close as possible. distilled water, which is closer to the average wine weight comes as rain or even river water used by others; assume that this takes place at a temperature of 15 degrees R. be weighed i^), and finally (according to § 21) for the red mix pounds to the value of 327,453 grams; like that The amount for the amphora is 1324 par. cubic
11) Usually wine and water were equal in weight aohtet [§ IT Aiim. 6), but more detailed investigations made certain results Old differences noticeable, Priscran. v. SSFT. noticed: ISamqDe nee erranles undis [abeiitibus amnes, Nee niersi puteis latiees, aut funte perenaj Mannutes par poadus habet: uan deuique vina, Qaae campi aut catles nnperve aut tulere. Therefore Diosknrtdes was in the 14th fragment of the Gaienisclien Collection (p. 7TT Kühn): ifrcai ii lov üfißgCou väuiog nXtiQOiä-^i'tci ä\l/fvS(araior iltvt Sound irTa&ftäv; also the 9th fragment (p. 7661: araH-fiby dk SSaros ofißQCov, (iJifp fajiv üilrmi^aTaiov.
la) Compare the Aagabea at Roin^ de l'lsle p. 93, Müller Lehrbocb of physics p. 21. Most wine ingredients are a little lighter than that water.
13) The mean temperature of Hum is HA degrees R.; ouch BncLh p. 3(1 assumes 15 degrees.
i
2. ROMAN HOLLOW MEASURE. 99
inches, with the margin of error ranging from — 2 to about + 16 Ru- bikinch stretches ^ ^). With only slightly different results Cagnazzi and Dureau de are under similar conditions la Malle arrived).
The Roman amphora is therefore 22.9368 preufs. Quart = 26.263 liters, the Modius 7.6456 quarts = 8.754 liters. From this The remaining dimensions result, which are summarized in Table XI. are provided. According to the approximate amount:
the amphora = f bucket
the Congius slightly smaller than 3 quarts
the sextarius = ^ quart
the hemina = i quart
the mode =^ preufs. Bushel.
14) The Par. Kabikfufs distilled water weighs at 15^ R. 643695.2 par. grains, so the amphora of 80 pounds contains 6165 grains 1323.995 par. cubic zoU. I draw the margin of error like this: Was it done with re- Gen water, which is 0.00011 heavier than distilled water lower temperature weighed up to 8 ^ R., the amphora contained at most 2 cubic inches less; On the other hand, the pound was up to ^ grams heavier (§ 21, 3), and was made with a slightly lighter type of wine (about 0.99), the amphora contained up to 16 cubic inches more. Despite these fluctuations, the result is always relatively similar still accurate, because the difference in the amount of the amphora, depending on you them according to the Roman longitude or near the Farnesian Congius determined, is no less than 75 cubic inches, and yet they ignore them Old this difference.
15) Cagnazzi determines p. 122 d. Uebers. according to his weight 325.8 grams of Congius rain water at 10 <> C. to 3250.27 cubic centi- meter, which makes 26.00216 liters for the amphora. This is quite true- Very close to the value we have created, and would be even better would be correct if it had assumed a higher temperature. By the way There are a few other errors in his premises, like Paucker P. 188 proves. Dureau de la Malle retains Cagnazzi's remaining advances (p. 29), but adds a little more to the pound 236 grams and gets an amphora of 26.012295 liters (p. 435).
'.-*->':
SECOND PART.
The weights.
Greek and Roman weight.
§19. The lovely Gaoiehityttan.
1, The elements of the Greek weight system are [represented by the four names taXavtnv, ftvS, ägaxfi^ nnd oßoXög. Their verbal relationships with each other are based on a relationship I Melting of the diodecimal and decimal calculation methods. The talent has y X 10 = 60 mines, the mine has 10 X 10 = 100 drachmas, the drachma t ^ ö Obolen ■). Still clear- The duodecimal system appears clearer when you look at it will immediately show the drachma as half, thus the obolo regarded as twelve things. The origin of the system is not in Greece itself, but in the Orient; points to it both the name /ivö, which is definitely a loanword
1) The main qaeliea about the ^pnlateral Verbältnira of talent, Mine, Drachma and Obolos are Diodoroi, the author of a work Tie^l ainS^/iäv (at Said, aater TäXartov), the aonajine Alexandrian Icap. IS
t, 155 of the Mai'achen Aangabe), Priscian. de ponderibui and Pallax. The latter inserts 9, 8ti, dofs, obwabi e« various TaleotE gtb, docb each ia 6000 drachmas, the mine in 100 drocbmen z«rBel, these be- He initially gives BtimiDDag for the men; she ^It but also for the weight, as bdb 9, 52 f. shows. He refers to the ftvä as § äO all aja&fiov T( öfiov %a\ vofiia/iarog livo/ia, nod weiat § 59 from Eapolit after that the same 100 dracbmea was finally given as the drachma 6 Obolen went, he said especially | 60. There is agreement the ratio of talent, mine and drachma Priacian. de pond. v. 3Tfr. and for Öbolai v. 8 compare with 17. Further references for this Citing Darchan's current circumstances does not seem useful. Differing information is based on [intelligence or confusion] gen, e.g. B. Plutarch's statement about the older Attic mine, about which § 25, 1 to compare.
104 GREEK WEIGHT. § 19.
the Semitic, as well as the agreement of the whole thing system with the Hebrew. Of course that can also be the case The first invention of the same is not attributed to Hebrews become; they only come from a common source with the Greeks created. Where to look for the common origin Be it in Egypt or Sabylonia, that can be discussed make hypotheses; But a safe decision can be made after the current research documents are difficult to 2).
2. So it depends on the Greek system, like this as we have it. TdXavTov is a Greek Word , same root with xl^vac, and initially means the Dare, then also what is put on the scale for consideration Load 3). In Homer it is still an expression of a small weight Gold, the amount of which, as Aristotle and others noted, cannot be determined exactly in any way ^). In the historical Time, as already stated, the talent certainly appears to be sixty times the mina, six thousand times the drachma. Mva can be recognized as a foreign word just from the sound. It is from Semitic, perhaps; even further from Egypt tables, and originally seems to be the number, the sum means to have and only contribute to the weight later to have been ^), The derivation of ÖQaxf^rj varies little
2) The question about the origin of the Greek weight system discuss aafser several French metrologists Hassey p. 177 ff. and Bb'ckh p. 33 ff. An investigation based on reliable foundations still missing.
3) The first derivation gives the etymol. M., the other supports herself especially the comparison with the Latin Ubra (§ 20, 1).
4) The passages be'v Homer are H. 9, 122. 264. 18, 507. 23, 269. 614. 751, Od. 4, 129. 8, 393. 9, 202. 24, 274, where gold is the usual gene Metali appears. That the Homeric talent has little weight be, you sleep according to the process of other grammarians poll. 9, 55 from 11. 23, 269, where the third prize was a cauldron and the fourth was two talents of gold. are correct. The same conclusion can also be drawn from other passages; but It is not possible to determine the exact amount. Ari- Stotles and later Porphyrios and others noted what Schol. B. to 23, 269 and Eustalhios at 11. 9 p. 740, 18 can be compared. Hence can be the Alexandrian's determination that the Homeric talent is equal one dareikos or two Attic drachmas, no further importance should be given. Also Suidas and Etymol. M. and ToiXavTov give notes on the Homeric talent.
5) About the derivation from the Chaldean ^(3p or H^P and that
9. G1UEGU1SCUE8 WEIGHT. 105
The trace back to the Hebrew ^)^ is very certain probably the derivation from dqdt'coixaij which Plutarch and the grammarians give ^). After that it means the Handful, as much as you can hold in your hand to put it on to bring the weighing pan. This means that it is very true that the drachma originally does not appear as a whole, but as a half. So- as the scale has two bowls, so the scale is dgaxf^fj or handful even half of what was put on the scale. The whole thing is the aTOTfJQ^ the scales, translation of the Hebrew shekel^). The name for the weight has now been azaziJQ not preserved, but its importance as a whole compared to the Half or drachma bat is clearly preserved in the coinage system The oldest Greek currency, the Aeginean, called its whole piece of stater, half drachma; and the situation is similar other currencies. The Athenians changed the system Although they used silver coinage, they retained it when it came to gold, where the stater appears as the main coin in this The meaning of the obolo now becomes clear. The obolos is considered a sixth in the usual accounting system the drachma; Since this is now to be viewed as half, recognize it In that one you can easily get the twelfth of the stater, i.e. the pure duo decimal treatment. In the Aeginaean coinage system, the main Most important partial coins drachma, triobolon and obolos d. h. the half, the quarter and the twelfth; and all the rest too Partial coins, especially of the Attic coin^), are in order the duodecimal system. The derivation of oßolog is uncertain, at least it cannot, as Aristotle suggests^ can be traced back to oq^iXXu); but it is not un-
similar root word in Egyptian comparison Böckh p. 34, Pauly Real- Eocyclopedia V p. 38.
6) Hussey p. 182 f.
7) PluUrcb. Lys. 17 speaks of the ancient iron or copper silk, from which the Obolos takes its name, and adds, 6 Obols one babes called a drachma: Toaovrwv yaQ rj ^t^Q n€Qit6QdjT6Jo, Aehulich give the derivative PoU. 9, 77, the etymol. M. and Eostatb. to IL 1 p. 136, 9. The relationship to weighing, which is mentioned in the above-mentioned There is nothing in common sources, which results from their close association from ö{iaxfjiri and arwTijp.
8) (Jeber the Hebrew shekel cf. Hussey p. 177, Böckh p. 49. 63 f. It originally corresponds to the didrachm. Jerome to Ezech. 1, 4 explains sidus with “taler,
9) See below § 27, 1. The very rare TKVnoßoXov (§ 27 note 30) is an exception that falls at a time when the insight into the original legal system was no longer alive.
lOti (IHIEClllSCHES GEniUHT. B IB.
probably, that a peculiar form of the oldest Barrengddes Anl^fs to the one with oßekög, Sfiefi, IdentiscbeB Benenoung has given ' "). Wiu the talent is the greatest, so wot the contribution has the smallest weight > ' ), but it appears in deo Documents of the Attic state show the sign of half fruit lua'^), A still further division of the same seems to be Eueret to have found the doctors necessary - at least we think so one such in the metrological tables of the Empire, which Diosborides and Galen are attributed. Here it will Obolos divided into eights, which are named after the weaver's sheath coin Athenians (§ 28, 3) xo^xnt heifsen i^). There are also there Other weights are added to complete the system correspondingly also in the Roman system, about which But we are not informed about the origin. They are these yQÖfifia (scriptutum, scripulum) = ^ Drachma, i.e. the Dio- bolon in the coin correspondingly, the xsqüxiov {stliqua) ^ ^ Obolos and the ^e^fiog {lupinus) = 2 xEQthia '*). What
10) According to the general opinion of the ancients, ößolög is a lot ößilög or äßfUaxaf, which inau kindly explains that dai ültesta GelA vou Eiieo or KupfBr and had the form of Sjiiersen. Compare AriatDtelea at Pnll. B, 77, Plut. Lyi. 17, Etymnl. M. upt. (T^e^u^ nn« dßoXos, East Alb. to II. 1 p. 136, ä, uud about the oldest bullion money nntea { 22, 1 note 12. Ariatotle a. a. 0. The above-mentioned ability still applies add: 6
11) Pinch, de pond. v. 40: aain nibil to |A(heriieaiibn$) aboluve mi- nni imJnsve talentti.
12) C. I. lai Z. 21 and sometimes elsewhere. FOR sure it will The weight according to talents, drachmas and obols is stated in the Urkanden. give; the mine rarely appears.
13) Galeni o)>p. ed. KUbn Xl\ p. 752. TliS. Dneli find each other aaeh deviating confirmations, the further discussion of which is not relevant here. hears. This is how the fragment p calculates. 765 secba, Plin. 21% 165 ten Chalkns aDfdeR Obolos. Compare BÖclih p. 24. 32f.
1
meets. The SfQfios will tnacbt Bückh points out p. 160 The division of the pound can be seen is. This is also indicated in German T very well into the Roman SysI
7li6 and 771 determined. With Heebl that the n*&'7ua is a very mixed area united, so xtQaTiov translation of it Value this smallest weight, n, but only forced into the Greek The ypafifia also fits more easily with the Roman than with that Greek system under; but there were linguistic reasons for this the Kriecbiiehe expression was there earlier than the Latin that was formed afterwards niche tcriptulam. The original meaning is Täfeirkm, a flat MctalUlückcben, as it was used as a weight.
!-4. GlttBCHIC WEIGHT CUT. 107
Please note that this table is mentioned by Genicbten jirovincielleo, fvahrschninhch Egyptian Uraprung and küon here just as little as some differing information about the so-called The weights just given must be taken into account.
For ägaxfi^ ip of late grace comes first Galen, the expression 6ht^, which is derived from ^Ixta nothing other than the weight means i^).
3. For the sake of clarity, we now give an Compilation of Greek weights from talent to Ctelkutf and refer to the Roman for the rest System (§ 211, 4):
TtiXaviov 1
fivS 60 I
ÖQdxm 6000 100 1
Sßnkög 36000 600 6 1
Xaly-ovg 288000 4S00 48 8. This mutual relationship (1 part of the weight and Hünz's system from talent to obolos was unchangeable solid. Talent meant six thousand of all cities sendfacbe the drachma, whatever the amount is mod)te. So there were as many talents as there were coin currencies there was something further to be discussed with the Hönzeti. that can. The only thing that matters here is the amount of the attitudinal physical weight, as it should be determined below, to be stated provisionally. According to new weights it was: the ancient talent 26,196 kilograms. = 52,392 pounds the mine 436.6 gr. = 26.20 Loth
the drachma 4.366 - = 0.262 -
the Obolos 0.728 - = 0.044 -
The further reduction is given in Table XII. The approximate amount After all, you can have the same talent as you without any major mistakes half a centner, set the drachma equal to j Lütb.
1, The weight just given was the coin weight of the Athenian state since Solon. Someone else used to coin feet and another weight, namely the Aeginean,
If you work in the illRemciDen ßdculung, it is oilxii on internal «rbrittan and at Lnc, lup. ir. 7 et al. AJa SyDoiiymoo vob ipttx/i'ii fihrrn ' (tlmmiß the GnltrnisfheD TaTeln, EpiphODios lom. II p. 183 and Priso. id. V. m an. Verel. also the iiB Thes. Slepb. under äXx^ t. E. obn« Babcrea ^provably touched Slelle Galen's.
\
tos i;Hti;ciiisuiR8 ieewicUT. e i9.
stood (§ 25, 1). This came about even later Elandel weight, because li'ie /ivä IfiTioQiyi^, about you we through an Attic volkdeschluTü '^) are precisely informed, was none other than the ancient Aeginean. This phenomenon is possible easy to explain. There were compelling reasons for a downgrade setting of the coin base, which was required by Solon Millaller Prudence was carried out; but it didn't follow that also the weight that was previously usual in everyday Verkelir was raised. This remained under the name Handelsge- important, and was the legal norm for buying and selling, unless the silver weight was arranged expressly with love'''). According to the provisions of the people's opinion, the commercial mine equals 138 coin dragons'*); so it is the talent of the Attic trade weight to 36,156 kilograms. = 72.31 pounds the mine to C02.6 Gr. -= 1.2
- Drachma - 6.03 - = 0.36 Loth
to start. What else is in the people's conclusions? UetrelT of the surcharge (^onn;'). the brave mine 12 MüQzdrachmeu, Add a sixth mine to the five-mine weight, given the talent 5 mines is prescribed, does not belong in the area of metrology'). However, the detailed discussions are still instructive.
eat) C. I. Gt'. ij. 133, bBsonders bcbaudell lou BSvkh Stnalsh. the Atb.ll p. 35Iilf. The proof that the trade fair was the same, will be given below in § 25.
17) A.a.O. §4: 7i
18) Elitnil.: öj'Sini ij fit'^ ^ l^opm^ Zicqiarijif,6(iav JgH/pitf ixeiiiv TQiäxovTa xal dxjiä ngns iit arüS/iia tb ff zqi o(tyvQoxone(iii. Compare nnt. § 26 Note Egg.
19) These determinations are also contained in g 4 of the resolution. tBD and by Bäckh p. 3ti4 - (i6 addressed to the north. The excess weight should replace the Aafschiag, nell-hen with the dvr Wnuro loaded Srbaie the should have daring; it snil daliir after a Zasatzgenbt in the weight ■chale are placed and then the tongue of the scales is equal to seven. The given approaches and the emphasis have their difficulty, which has never been completely solved by BöcLb. There are 12 dragons at the mine. menus are laid out, sndafs the eBective effect of the HnndelsniiDB f;Grade ISU Mänzdrachmas nder one and a half silver ninc attached. The same ZnsDhEag We also end with the talent again, only that 12 x 60 = 720 M ii nid ruchinen in rnndpr number 69U Drarhmen = 5 llandel mines are roped. Gennn counted bctrng elsn the more choice at the Mine 8,6ä6, with the talent only S,»»3 Protcnti alone the low difference didn't come to Belracb^ because without that the prices went home for sale iui Grofsen
I
4.5. GREEK WEIGHT. 109
stipulations about storing the sample weights and Sample measurements, which show that the Athenians with greater Care for maintaining proper measurements and weight were considered. Some more information about this is already above (§ 16, 1) been noticed.
5. He still has his own relationship with the little one Golden talents, which first appeared with the comedian Philemon (d. 262) mentioned and there three gold staters (= 26.2 Gr. = 1.57 Loth) is calculated 2^). consistent with that Pollux distinguishes the xqvoiov tccIccvtov from the silver plate lente, which is the usual Attic for him, and determined the former based on weight and value on three Attic gold staters ^ i). The goldsmiths have to look for such small talents as we have calculated from some information about the weight Golden wreaths of honor can be seen ^ 2)^ At (j^j. embossed after the de- The creation of this peculiar weight comes first Consider whether it can be assumed that Homer's little golden talent
other than in retail sales. But this is completely different Surcharge at your Fönfuiinenge wich t, t6 nsvTafivovv rb Ifin oqixov, the one whole trade mine = 20 percent. This is where the difficulty is solved rity simply so that one assumes that they are completely different commercial items were sold for stones or five-mine pieces, as those who were weighed by talents, mines and drachmas. Wha- There are more voluminous and relatively less valuable items. stands, it is probably understandable that the impact was larger; Here one did not weigh according to individual drachmas, but instead added that Add another pound to the five pound piece.
20) Etymole. M. unt. raXaviov: t6 rdXavrov xara Tovg nalaiovg /nvaovg ii/€ TQ€tg' dio xal sf»UiJ^aiv 6 y.(OfjLix6g (pr^at' /tv' d Xdßoi TaXavra, /gvffovg ?| ^;((ov anolotrai,
21) The information about the weight can be found in 4.173, about the value 9.53.
22) Diod. 1 1.26 reports that Damarete of the Carthaginians with a Wreaths of 100 talents = 5.2 pounds were given. That's it here aT€(pav(o&€iaa literally from a wreath and not from one at all Reward is to be understood, and therefore the gold talents are not such could have been in the true sense, the context shows. According to the same a. a. 0. Gelon consecrated a golden tripod of 16 ta- lenten =3 25.15 Loth. According to the documents inserted later Demosth. p. cor. In 92 the Senate of Athens received from the cities of Chersonese a garland of 60 talents =: 3, 14 pounds. The Athenians themselves merely determined the weight of their wreaths, like the gold in general according to the usual weights (drachmas and obols), for which the be- place in C. 1st Gr. 150 and can be found elsewhere. Athens. 5 p. 202 B there the amount of a wreath that belonged to the treasure of Ptolemy Philadelphus belonged, ffuf 10000 /Qvaot.
^ N
110 RÜHISCHGS WEIGHTED. { «».
have survived into historical times, but it is obviously missing lich aa every stop while all the information is available let it be explained in a different way. That too small talent mufedas six thousand times a drachma, follow This drachma would have been a very small value. Now there was In Egypt there was a copper drachm, whose sethslausend times or talent through a gold piece worth 8 Ftolemaic Dradimea was depicted; this Ptolemaic Octadrachm but in the Curse is equal to 6 Attic drachmas of gold or 3 gold staters have been calculated ' "). So here we have this Monetary equivalent for the Egyptian copper talent. That's Philemon knows the same thing, given the busy traffic between Attica and Egypt, It doesn't stand out, and it doesn't need to be particularly noticeable to be made that the poet spent some time in Egypt stopped. If Eustalhios ''*) it is the Macedonian ro probably meant the source he followed Ptolemaic, at least it cannot be explained how exactly The origin of this little talent must be sought in Macedonia should *ä). The further mentions of Diodorus and in that documents inserted later for Demosthenes speech for The wreath only proves that in later times the bill will follow this weight was quite usual.
§ 20. The rviiiiicliii Gm'iddaysiem.
I. The Romans called their unit of weight lihra, which comes with outstretched arm to be held floating on the hand load'). The division of this Libra took place according to the peculiar Italian duodecimal system instead, in which the larger unit (M, the smaller unit or the twelfth is called imct'a^). The g Word as is in no way etymologically related to aes -
I I
23) Mommsen gives the idea p. 42 f. i IllDg 8 12.
24) To II. 9 p. 740, la: t& 6i Maxtaovixhy
1». Compare, hn An-
ilavTov TQtig riaav
13) The passage from the Lex. Seg. touched upon by Böckh p. 344. it is to UDBicti«r, as if that were further based on it. Oh, the preconception men of the ValleyEule in the unusual popular agreement of the Chersonese Demos llien SU cannot be used as a cry for the uiahednnisclie lleimath. lubi't HiTden. If there was a little Maliednuian talent, it would be great Sounds like it could be attiscli too; but that is precisely what is most likely.
1) M'iniinaBD Itöm Geicli. [ p. 201 of the 3rd edition.
2) Moinmaen Business of Rome. Mduzww. p. 188.
1. RÖmSCHKS WEIGHT. 111
a derivation that was based on the idea that the ace as coin originally represented a pound of copper - , son« to which it generally denotes the unity, the whole, over its duodecimal parts^). These parts are on sale the uncia first half semis = 6 twelfths, the third trtens = 4 twelfths, the quarter quadrans = 3 twelfths, the Sixths sextans = 2 twelfths. In addition, people were still forming own names for the remaining multiples of the Uncia: bes^) two Third of the whole = 8 twelfths, dodrans (actually deqtuk- drans) the whole thing less a quarter = 9 twelfths, dextans (one actually desextans) the whole less one sixth = 10 twelfths; finally by composition with uncia: deunx, the whole less 1 ounce =11 ounces, septunx = 7, quincnnx = 5 ounces zen^). Accordingly, the eighth is called sescunda == \\ ounces. The smaller unit, the uncia, disintegrated again into half semuncia and the sixth sextula; since the emperor In time, the quarter sicilicus and the twenty-fourth were added scriptulum or scripulum^). Expressed in parts of As
3) The derivation of as from aes is given by Varro de 1. L. 5, 169; against it says Baibus ad Celsum de asse § 1: quidquid UBum est — , assem ratio- cioatores vocant, and volus. Maec. § 1: division solidi, id est librae, quod as vocatur. Compare Mommsen a. a. 0. Note 60, Klotz Handwörterb. the Latin proverb and as.
4) BeSf for which an older secondary form of is (like duis for to) may not be the one with Varro de l. L. 5, 172 through dempto triente, still with Festus Exe p. 33 M. can be explained by up to trtens, but it denotes two parts d. i. Third of the As (bi — as), which is why the Greeks got it right reproduce with ölfjLoiqov. Compare Müller to Festus a. a. 0., Mommsen a. a. 0.
5) This entire division is given by Varro de 1. L. 5, 171 f., Baibus ad Celsum § 2, Colum. the. r. 5, 1 (where he describes the division of the Jugerum speaks, cf. above § 14, 3 note 5), Volus. IVlaec. § 1 ff., Ulpian. Digest 28, 5, 50, Priscian. de fig. num. 2, lOf., de ponder. 41 ff., Anthol. Lat. ed. Meyer n. 1066, the fragment in the Gromat. ed. Lachm. p. 339f. — The Varro a. has derived derivatives from dodrans, dextans and deunx. a. 0. — 'For qua^ Teruncius can also be found at Cic. ad. Att. 7, 2, 3.
6) Varro a. a. 0. only knows the semtmcia and the «e^^t/Za, the latter be- he expressly describes it as the smallest part of the As: assis (to be read for aeris) minima pars sextula. The remaining parts mentioned above add ba- bus de asse § 15, Volusius § 27 ff., Anthol. Lat. n. 1067 added. ISicüicus is the Greek Zix^Xtxog (Bernard de mens. p. 121, Böckh Metrol. Un- ters. S. 1()0), it originally referred to the Sieilian quadrans in the Rb'mic silver calculation (Mommsen Rom. Münzw. p. 202). Scriptulum is a translation of the Greek yQa/jfxa (§ 19, 2 note 14); compare Pri- scian. de ponder. v. 9: gramma vocant, scriplum nostri dlsrere priores. For scriptulum are subsidiary forms scripulum and scrupulum, about which Varro at Charis. 1 p. 81: scriptulum, quod nunc vulgo sine t dicunt, Cic. ad Att. 4, 16, 13, Vitruvius. 7, 8 etc. can be compared.
112
ROMAN GKWIGHT.
§li>.
the Semuncia == ^^, the Sicilicus = ^\, the Sextula = ^\, the Scripulum = ^^,
The multiples of As are determined by composition with printed out with the numerals: tressis to nonussis; decussis, 6i- eessis, tricessis to centussis; However, for two As one needed dupondius^).
2. From earlier there was time for the individual parts Characters specific to this system. The vertical line denotes the ace; the point, later the horizontal line the ounce, S the half ace. The ciphers for the parts of the ounce are ^ or £ semuncia, sicilicus, '^o6er \sextula, PcJ or\ dimidia sex- tula, 9 (^ 0(1. W) scripulum ^). The remaining parts were through composition of these characters given; for the multiple The usual numbers V X 1 C etc. were used for the As. ^). For a better overview, the following table should be included here ' ^) :
Ace and its parts
As
ounces
Designation.
as • • • . .
l
12
1
deunx . .
H
11
s. -
dextans. .
10
S_i_
dodrans
9
S =- or S -
esp. . .
8
■ S or S
septunx
A
7
; s-
semis.
\
6
■ s
quincunx
A
: 5
, — or
triens. .
v
4
1
quadrans
1
i3
1
or
sextans.
\
i2
^^j^
sescuncia
i
1 1*
' — - £ or JC — -
uncia .
TV
1 1
1
semuncia
A
\
:^{^)
sicilicus
-h
i
D
sextula.
TV
\
\
scripulum
■S8 8
1
7) Varro de l. L. 5, 169. 8, 83 f., Volus. Maec. § 49 ff. Compare Böckh P. 161, MommseD p. 188. The explanation of the different naming^ dupondtus gives Varro 5, 169: dupondius a duobus ponderibus, quod unum pondus assipondium dieebatur. id ideo, quod as erat libra poodus. The analogous formation, which would have been bes or bessts, was omitted, because bes already denotes f of As. Momniseu a. a. 0. Note 60.
8) These signs are given by Volus. Maec. § 1. 27. 29. 30. 31. 32; cf.
2-4. ROMAN WEIGHT. 113
3. This system of duodecimal division of a gan- As is well known, the Romans used zen or aces in various in the most convenient way. In ordinary life it took place on most often its application to the inheritance mass, therefore the expressions heres ex asse, ex dodrante, etc. 1 1). In the area During the measurement, the respective sizes were treated as aces who preferably need something light and comfortable The healing made itself felt, especially the foot (§ 12, 1), the Jugerum (§ 14, 3), the Sextarius (§ 17, 4), the pound and finally the unity of the oldest coin, the Kupferas (§ 33, 5). But any other unit could also be done this way. be divided 12)^ yes, it is the duodecimal division that is the only one common way of calculating fractions among the Romans. Like In our decimal fractions, the first place is the tenth, the second the hundredths and so on, that's how the Romans expressed it. broken out numbers by series of fractions whose denominators are multiples of twelve. The first place is taken by the 12ths {unciae) one, the second the 24th (semunciae), the third the 48ths {sicüici), the fourth the 72nds (sextulae), the fifth the 288th {scripula)^^). How cumbersome and inadequate this is In terms of calculation, the location cannot be explained in more detail here.
4. In the imperial era the Greek weight was introduced system in connection with the Roman one. The weight of which the Greek doctors used was the drachma. original originally it had been the Attic drachma ''^); in Rome
the fragment into the Gromat. p. 339. That the same had already occurred before men, Mommsen shows p. 189 note 65.
9) Mommsen p. 188.
10) Compiled by Volus. Maec. § 1 ff. Different time chen are oo for the ounce, fö for 2 ounces, etc., or S for 2 ounces and accordingly S S for 4 ounces, S S S for 10 ounces; finally Z for 3 ounces.
11) Compare Gronov. de sestertiis IIT, 11p. 435 ff.
12) E.g. B. the digitus in Frontin (§ 12 note 1), the hemina in Plin. 23, 7 § 133, the Attic mine near Prise, de % numer. 2 § 10, the Hour with Plin. 2, 14 § 58. 18, 32 § 325 and others. Compare Marquardt Handb. Roman antiquity III, 2 p. 42 ff.
13) There are several examples in Columella 5.2: iugcri trentem et sex- tulam == 1^ + tV, semuncia et scripula tria ===75*4 + ^^j^, sescunciam scrip- pula duo et dimidiam => -^ "'" ^1 + tI? ''" rhs- ^^^ for more details see Marini gli attidei fratelli arvali Ip.227— 230. 258 f.; Marquardt Handb. 111.2 8. 42 f.
14) Plin. 21, 34 § 185: Et quoniam in mensuris quoque ac ponderibus cpebro Graecis nominibus utendum est, interpretationem eorum semel hoc in loco ponemus: Drachma Attica — fere enim Attica observatione medici utuntur — denari argentei habet pondus, eademque sex obolos pon-
Iluhsch, metrology. 8
114 RÖMISGBES WEIGHT. §21.
but the denarius was used instead and the Name drachma transferred to this. After that it was determined also the classification in the Roman weight system. The denarius was up to Nero ^, after this -^ of the pound. After the The former purpose took the denarius as Cornelia's weight Celsus, Scribonius Largus and Piinius, according to the latter later Writer 1 ^). This latter denarius appears as a drachma by Galen, and is also given this name by the metrologists the imperial period along with its sixth, the obolus = |^scrupel, in the weight system has been included i^). Add to that as smallest weights the siliqua {KsgaTLOv) = ^ Scrupel = ^ Obolus and the chalcus = ^ Obolus ^7). So it's had that since that time Roman pounds following division:
libra
1
uncia
12
1
sicilicus
48
4
1
drachma
96
8
2
1
scripttm
288
24
6
3
1
obolus
576
48
12
6
2 1
siliqua
1728
144
36
18
6 3.
The reduction of the Roman weight is given in Table Xm. § 21. Determination of the Roman pound,
1. According to an unsuspicious testimony^) the fixed determination of the size and weight as well as the input Introduction of the aes signatum (§ 33, 2) from King Servius.
dere efficit, obolus decem cbalcos. ScriboD. Larg. a. E.d. Prev.: erit nota denarii uoias per Graeca drachma.
15) For the references see § 36, 1 and 38, 4 below.
16) Galen, de coinpos. med. p. gen. p. 813: {al kma xaX TJfiiav ovy- yCai) I' S^axfial yivovrai rijg fjLiäg ovyylag ij' ^qa/fiag ie/of^ivrig. The complete Roman-Greek system is given in the 11th and 14th tables the Galenic collection, the Alexandrian eap. 19 and Prisciao. de pond. V. 8 ff. The latter adds the duella =^ 2 sextttlae and the semo- bolus added. Compare also Anthol. Lat. 1067. 1068.
17) Prisciao. v. 10: Semina sex alii siliqnis latitantia curvis Attri- bnunt scriplo. The Greeks give siliqua by xe^driov (§ 19, 2). Also the xf^lxovg as the eighth of the obolus and the lupinus {d-iQ/nog) = 2 st'U- The imperial metrologists added quae to the system. Pii- nius 21 § 185 gives the obolus a different lochalcus. Compare Böckh p.24.
1) Aurel. Victor de vir. illustr. 7, 8: meosurtspondera classes ccn- turitsque constituit. Compare Böckh p. 162.
1. ROMAN WEIGHT. 115
We do have information about the size of the Servian pound no direct message, but there are certain signs pointing to it that it was not essentially different from that Mint pounds, which we consider to be an unchangeable quantity the fifth century of the Free State to the times of Con- stantin^s can follow. That from this coin pound, which can be determined reliably with a very small margin of error leaves, the numerous preserved weights^) noticeably deviate, must not take miracles. Because a part of the- Different urban and provincial pounds appear to be the same to lie at the bottom; but is by far the larger number partly due to negligence and partly intentionally incorrectly adjusted, namely Not only are there pieces with a significant reduction in weight, pondera iniqua, but also those with noticeable excess weight^). It is therefore not possible according to these weights to determine the Roman pound with certainty. Even if you do this- those pieces that are decidedly of a higher foot are eliminated belong, the difference between the highest and lowest still 58.4 grams or over ^ of the whole*). If you now consider that there are far more weights below normal weight as those that exceed it, are present, it is easy to see that an average Invoice only one despite the large number of copies would give very uncertain value. After all, it is still ruth- It's easier to select some decidedly good and reliable pieces. len, as Cagnazzi ^) did, consisting of five well-preserved ones
2) A detailed overview of the Roman weights Böckb gives pp. 170 - 188, including those from Cagnazzi pp. 120f. (the Uebers.) listed come.
3) Pondera tntqtia mentions Ulpiao. Dig. 19, 1, 32, same as Heq. 1, 130 keminas iwiqutis, cf. also Orelli 144. 4344, Tonini Rimini p. 297: ex iniquitatibns raensurarum et ponder . . . aed(iles) Stateram aerea et poodera decree. decur. ponenda curaverunt. The Böckh pages 170 - 179 together quantities of >6 weights go from 4e«n standard weight of 327.5 grams up to 282.7 grams d. i. except for ^ the normal deposit faerab. About that Overweight in several pieces see the same page 193; it rises according to him up to a scruple to the ounce d. i. up to -^ of the pound.
4) Calculate the excess weight that occurs using Böckh p. 193 except for ^, the difference between the highest and never- Thirst pounds (6422—5322) 1100 grains == 58.4 grams.
5) Su i val^ri delle misure p. 120 fif. the translation. He chose under the weights of the former Museo Borbonico in Naples (p. 4). best preserved serpentine weights, namely 1. a perfect one Preserved ten pound piece of 3258 grams, 2nd one of the same from
8*
116 ROMAN WEIGHT. §21.
Serpentine weights reduced the Roman pound to 325.8 grams. is true, which is very close to what was found from the coins Values match. Almost exactly the same amount, 325.06 and 325.4 gr. for the pound, add two nice shorts Huete found northwest of Cuenca in Spain weights of 50 and 10 pounds ^). In contrast, a normal Malweight Justinian's a later reduction in pounds to 323.5 gr. (Note 14).
2. In addition to the weights, you have the Roman one Pounds can also be determined from the length and hollow mafs tried. It has already been stated above that this procedure is wrong (§ 17, 1. 18, 1) has been demonstrated. It was shown that the structure Although it is important through the mediation of the hollow dimension in a certain There should be a correct relationship to the length measure, but that is the case Both the foot and the pound are fixed independently of each other have been set and therefore neither of the two sizes after the may be determined by others. But the hollow mafs was gone the weight is standardized, so the pound cannot be reversed according to the excessive Farnesian Congius (§ 18, 1) can be calculated"^). So only the coins remain. The copper coins, like those below, are completely useless (§ 32, 4) will be shown, from the beginning a very volatile have had the same currency. An all the more satisfying re- Coins of precious metal, especially those, grant the result Gold coins. These are legal to a certain part of the pound, and the good pieces show that The numerous ones that have come down to us are so small in their weight Deviations that result from careful calculation
3285 grams, 3. two other ten-pledge pieces, one of which Weighed 3232 grams, 4. a two pound piece weighing 652 grams, which for the Pound 326 grams gabl. From these he draws the mean value of 325.8 grams; but expressly notes that he uses other weights which he also found but did not consider to be reliable, was not taken into account have. — The determination of the pound is only of historical interest, which Lucas Paetus de mens, et pond. (Thes. Graev. p. 1618 f.) according to Ge- identified important items. He found the pound equal to 11 ounces 3 drachmas 1 scruple of the Neo-Roman pound =: 322.6 grams.
6) E. Hübner in the monthly b. the Berl. Acad. May 1861 p. 544. This a 50 pound weight of serpentine stone with a bronze handle, weighs 16,253 gr., the other ten-pound bronze weighs 3,254 gr.
7) According to § 18, 1, one pound results from the Farnesian Congius of 337.1 grams, which is definitely too high. Nevertheless, Hussey follows P. 126 f. of this provision.
2.8. ROMAN WEIGHT. 117
The value of the pound can be determined as reliably as it can be can always be expected. Several French companies have taken this route sian scholars, among whom especially de la Nauze, Rome de risle and Letronne^) are mentioned. There the determination found by the latter is currently the is generally accepted, it seems necessary to drive in brief.
3. Letronne found that the best-preserved gold coins of both the republic and the imperial era in their weight show no greater differences than about ^ Par. Gran on the Scruples. These fluctuations come from the inevitable Inaccuracy in expression; They come, though to a somewhat lesser extent, also in the newer coins. It is therefore to be expected that an average calculation will be a the closest possible value of the scruple and the pound give. Letronne now took some of the best gold coins in the world. public and the Solidi of Constantin each 27 pieces and certain From this the mean weight follows:
I. Consular coins
5 pieces of 1 scruple give 21,177 grains for the scruple
4 - - 3 - - - - - 21.3
6 - - 4 to 3 Scr. - - - - 21.45
12 - - 5 to 9| - - - - - 21,427 -
27 pieces give an average of 21.34 grains for the scruple.
II. Solidi from Constantin of 4 scruples each
12 pieces from Constantin give 21,375 grains for the scruple 10 - likewise 21.44
5 - from Faustina, Crispus, Delmatius 21.375
27 pieces yield an average of 21,396 grains for the scruple.
The average of the consular coins and the solidi finally gives 21,368 grains for the scruple, i.e. for the pound 6154 grains or in round numbers 6160 grains = 327.18 grams.
8) The first attempt of this kind seems to be Jac. Gapellus made zn have, because his determination of the Roman pound to |^ Par. Pound = 321.2 Gcamm (de ponder. 1, 111 ) is probably based on coin money ments. De la JNauze Mem. de l'Acad. of the Inscr. t. 30 p. 365ff. found from the weighing of gold coins the scruple to 21^ par. grains, that Pounds to 6144 grains == 326.34 gr. Rome de TIslc pref. p. Xlf., p. 111. 129 goes down to 21 grains, and therefore only gives the pound 6048 Gran. Letronne shares his determination of the pound in the Considerations generales sur l'^valuation des monnaies Grecques et Ro- roaines p. 4 ff.
118 kaMisches fiEwitmT.
The Däclist must take an oath against this clmittsreclinuDg. Aea, that the grouping might be basser according to subauths would have been omitted; It ultimately becomes more advisable for each individual stack to be taken into account. You can do this by using the Documents Paucker and Böckh given by Letronne^). Both take the simple average of the 27 pieces first and second classes, draw sympathy and compassion from both The result is unanimously 61(35 grains ^ 327.45 grams for that pounds.
Indcfs Letronne's result requires another control since many of the gold pieces he acquired were false, theiU ' are not minted on screeds^'^). A very reliable one Value is provided by the oldest Campanian-Roman, scrupulous- weighted minted gold pieces, which amounted to a pound of 327.51 Gram ffthrenii)-Similarly, the oldest Roman ones Gold pieces from the Hanubin period one pound of 328.32 to 325.44, with an average of 327.12 grams i s). Less useful to determine the pound are Caesar's Aurei, whose highest ster only gives one pound of 326.39 grams^^). Finally shows the coinage of the solidi of n^^ pounds introduced by Constantine, although it is difficult to draw a definitive definition from it can be, but sufficient that also for the later imperial time the pound should not be set below 327.45 grams
9) Pflueliar p. 189. BHckh p. 165.
10] Mommsen p. 406 Anin. 12p. p. 41)7 note 132.
11) At the ZasamineD position at Mommsen 5. 2 1 St. V. 6 Scr. in the weight of 128.4 par. grains gives f. d. Pf. 327.3116 grams 1 - - 6 - - - - 105.3 English Graa 327,525 - I--6,. _ . 105.2 - - - - - , 327.214 - 1 - -3 . - - - 64.25 par. Graa - -- - 327.611 - 1 - - 3 - - - - 52.7 English Gran 32 7,636 - The average of the 5 pieces per pound is 327.503 grams. Some sticks that weigh somewhat less are not taken into account here. remained, but closer to the Mertüch highly coined SeehsBcrupel piece. of 129.25 par. grains was not taken into account. 12) Mommsen p. 405 note 124. Of the six types listed there lestera pieces weighing 3 scraps 1 Slnek with a weight of .^.42 grams for the pound 328.32 grams 1 - - - - 64.25 par. Gran- - - 327.61 - 1 - - - - 3.3 9 grams - - - 325.44 - No less than 327.12 grams. 13) Mommsen p. 751. The weight is lä3| Par. Gran. S. ROMAN WEIGHT. 119 may 1*). We therefore have no concerns with Mommsen ^ ^). to stick to the approach set out by Böckh and continue the Roman pound 6165 grains =- 327.453 grams = 0.65491 club pounds. The margin of error must be set so that the strict normal The weight is by no means less, but possibly even higher ^ gram was higher. This does not contradict the fact that even carefully minted coins and well-adjusted weights carry a pound of 325 grams and slightly over; one like this In practice, weight is still considered completely accurate can, but must not be used with the exact normal weight. be changed. Table XIII is calculated using this approach; like here The following provisions can also be accommodated in round amounts: 1 Roman pound is almost exactly = f club pound 1 ounce ' - - = 1| Loth 1 Scripulum very close. . . s= |^ Quent. 14) The highest solidi of CoDStantia the Grofsea weigh 4.77. 4.76. 4.66. 4.64 n. s. w. to 4.55 gr. (Letronne consid. p. 7, Queipo III p. 496. 484). Another result of the last mentioned weight is: Pounds of 327.6 gr. Of course, the weight continues to decrease from then on 4.5 gr. (pounds of 324 gr.) and below. So the question arises as to how far downwards to use the weights to determine the pound. are. Did we only want the very tallest ones (from 4.6 sizes and above) If you take it, the pound would be decidedly too high (over 331 grams). Also It should be borne in mind that among the large number of over-coined pieces there are have to come. How far down now the lower weight is still in To be taken into account, there is no solid basis for this. It can So the pound cannot be determined from the solidi alone, but it can be determined the same have a desired control for the other determinations by proving that the batch of 6165 grains = 327.45 grams is in no way too high even for the later imperial period. After con- Stantin, of course, seems to have had a small reduction in the weight of the pound to be. This is proven by the slightly sinking foot of the Solidi, which since Theodosius the weight of 4.50 gr. (pounds of 324 gr.) no more than the exagium or normal, which is almost exactly the same pound weight of Justinian's of 323.51 gr. (described by Queipo II p. 65).
15) Compare Prev. p. XIX: ^A mathematically precise determination is not to be won, since even those from the safest source, the maximum do not paint gold coin weights, drawn provisions among themselves completely harmonize, perhaps also the norm itself over the centuries has been reduced to a trifle; However, the swaying is such a thing ringes, that for all practical purposes those from Böckh after the process Statutes drawn up by other metrologists are appropriately regarded as the normal ones, but especially every lower one must be rejected with complete certainty may.'
THIRD PART.
The coins.
First section
The Greek coinage.
§ 22. Introduction;,
1. The use of the so-called noble metals as all- The common measure of value is in this way consistent with our entire cultural circumstances and therefore something so self-evident for us It is understandable that we hardly give ourselves an account of it assets, such as the valuation of property, the determination of the Price of the goods when buying and selling without the medium of money would be possible. Indefs teaches a simple observation, that, strictly speaking, all objects of possession are only relative can be compared with each other. No good has one absolute value; rather, it is determined in relation to the value of everything that exists in a narrow or wider circle of human society partly newly produced, partly in Trade is exchanged and is sometimes owned permanently. One such in their relative value to the sum of all others A commodity that fluctuates in value is actually gold and silver; However, various circumstances have combined These two metals in particular have a peculiar effect on them. interpretation compared to all other goods. You are rarer than the so-called base metals and in this Conditions are also more valuable, so they are so much better suited for commercial transactions, as they have the highest possible value in the lowest possible volume and weight. They are Furthermore, they can be divided in any way, fit into any shape and possess great resistance to wear and tear caused by the need. They are also the least suitable for processing
124 INTRODUCTION TO COINAGE. $28.
for practical purposes, so they remain all the more undisturbed Trade traffic received, and what luxury items produced by them can be considered surplus be that of the most urgent need of the girculation remains. They are finally in an overall constant quantity exist and even if they are temporarily replaced by excessive pro- duction are significantly increased, not so easy to attract attention exposed to terrible devaluation. All of this contributed to this to give the metals mentioned an exceptional status; they are no longer commodities themselves, but are intended to act as value knives serve for all other goods. To what extent they fulfill this task correspond, the location is not to be explained in more detail here i); it suffice it to point out that they are not only currently factual table serve as a general measure of value, but also since the used in this sense since ancient times, especially in Asia have been. But this does not mean that in the future do not capture other types of human culture Estimation could take place. Driving for livestock- Nothing was closer to the ancestors of the Hellenes and Italics than that The animal in which their main possession consisted, the cattle, was used for print of the value also for their other property. That the Romans were still in relatively later times cattle, will be shown below (§ 33, 1); for the Greeks, Homer clearly testifies to us that in the time when where metals were already used in trade, the cattle served both as a medium of exchange and to determine prices. So some of the Achaeans exchanged for ore, others for Iron or hides or cattle or slaves wine a * ) ; Eurykleia was bought by Laertes for the price of twenty cattle 8), another slave is estimated to be worth four cattle*). About that other numerous value determinations follow meivvedßoiog, övcodeycdßoiog, luaTOfxßoiog^), Yes, even into later times In certain cases the bill for cattle remained common. Drakon determined his laws, apparently following old customs
1) More information about this can be found in Mommsen Vorr. S. Vff. In general Hoffmann talks about the subject of the doctrine of money, p. 4 ff.
2) n. 7, 472. Compare also Pausan. 3, 12, 3.
3) Od. 1, 431: ifixoadßota ^^^(oxsv. The expression clearly shows, that the cattle here are not a real, substantial payment, but rather are only intended as value gauges.
4) II. 23, 705.
5) II. 6, 236. 23, 703. 2, 449. 21, 79.
1. INTRODUCTION TO THE COIN SYSTEM. 125
following, a penny worth twenty oxen; for you« Killing wolves was a reward of a cow or sheep exposed, for which only Solon received a monetary equivalent of five or introduced one drachma; similar became after another, However, there was not a very clear note at the ceremonial embassy in Delos cattle proclaimed as a gift, the gift itself but paid in Attic drachmas ß). Just knowing Homer In addition to cattle, metals were used as a medium of exchange. And indeed Both the base ones, such as ore and iron, were used for this purpose the gold. Wine is bought for shiny iron 7), defeated offer their conqueror gold, brass and gold as the price for their lives iron on^); Mentes, king of the Taphians, travels to Te- mese on Kypros to exchange iron for copper ^); the Phoenicians exchange food for valuable jewelry of gold and amber ^^). But if you do it in this way who used metals in barter, the Use of the scale is added. And so it will be Homer the gold, where it is valued solely on the basis of its metal value. costume comes, regularly according to weight, talent, referred to as ^^), This is what happened in the following years However, it cannot be proven by testimonials, but nevertheless, it is completely certain that there is progress in linked to a double relationship. First you had to do it come no longer to reckon with cattle, but rather, as one First of all, not with animals, but with the metal that was weighed out paid the price, equal to the weight of gold or ore to determine. How long in Greece, especially in traffic the metal was weighed with the overseas trading peoples and which metals were primarily used for this purpose
6) Poll. 9, 61: xal firjv xav ToTg zfQaxovrog vofioig ^artv anotC" v(iv htxoadßotov. xal iv rij naga ^r)kioig rh€(oQC(i^ tov xi^QVxa xtiqvt- T(tv (faaCVj onoTS ^(OQsd rivi J/'Jorat, oxi ßofg roaovtot 6o&riaoVTav avT(p, xnl ^i^oa&ai xtt&^ €xa€tTov ßovv ^vo ^Qa^f^ctg l4TTixdg. The The latter remark is based on the fiction of the ancient grammarians, that the oldest Attic didrachm had the bull as a stamp and I immediately presented the VVerth of the same. The news about the So- Demetrios of Phalerus gives Ionian destiny at flood. Sol. 23.
7) II. 7, 473.
8) II. 6, 48. 10, 379.
9) Od. 1, 184 and also Nitzsch p. 36.
10) Od. 15, 403 fiF. Nitzsch a. a. 0.
11) See above§ 19 note 4.
^
126 EI.NLEITUKG i.\ DjiS MÜHZWESEW. § Ba.
more detailed information is missing; Bicher is so much earlier than the Greeks Early on from Asia Minor and Phoenicia another one was necessary Arl got to know the value definition through the metals. It came from seibat that the metal used for exchange received a conveutional Purtii that corresponded to the needs Larger quantities circulated in ingot form. A property Evidence for this is perhaps in the Greek oßoXög m look for, if all trndilion is correct, that it is the oldest iron money was referred to, which had the form voii| Spiessen, d. h. of elongated bars that are thinner at the ends ■ had'*). Now if the cast into a fixed form Ingots were marked with a stamp indicating the weight stated that “it was saved from having to re-weigh it every time then furthermore the smaller parts of the certainty through a round plate, also if stamped pieces of metal were expressed, this was through the previously only weighed valuable metal into the form of coin over.
2. The meaning that the stamp placed on the Pieces of metal that he thereby turns into coins are included to indicate in a few words i^). First of all, this is intended to be a constant weight guaranteed and thus the weighing once and for all be replaced. What used to be after mines and parts of the mine had been weighed, this was now in staters or drachmas counted, so that the number of the coin now expressed the same as formerly the allocated amount. But the stamp can only then replace the weight sufficiently if the guarantee for this is sufficient Recognized is safe if the stamping is from the appropriate«! ■ authority emanates. Metal bar for replacing after the balance everyone could water themselves; the stamp that makes this happen It cannot be done by the individual, but rather by the individual murs comes from the entire state community. Absolutely The coinage system simply cannot accept the concept of the state think. But the stamp not only determines the weight, but also The fineness of the metal is also guaranteed. The one from the rivers gold washed in mountains and mountains, obtained through laborious smelting Silver obtained through procefs sometimes contains more, sometimes less,
12) The places of Altea see above § 19 note 10. Monmien S. This brings the archetype from Pheidon in the Herateinjiel Argos »nfftehanglen cBssirtfln obelisks (ßöckh p. 7ii), as well as from the nj tanicben Elseagelie in Varbindnng.
13) mberes at Mommsen Vorr. S. 1X0'.
I
P. 3. EQUIPMENT TO THE COIN SYSTEM. 127
mixture; Besides, it was too close in a distant location to alloy the metal, as if it had not been attempted at an early stage should be. That's why the stamp also guarantees the delicacy of the metal issued by the state as coins. In the Berdch of one's own state, the stamp has mandatory validity; the Coins should no longer be graded according to weight or fineness. not be examined, but even then with their full value circulate if it is defective in both respects. The issuing state coins conscientiously and carefully, and other states become politically or commercially dependent ity of him, so does the validity of his coin on these; yes, it can even happen that this foreign coin is valued more highly than the less carefully beaten one State coin. But also in the case that the coins of the dominant state in foreign states does not reach its full extent If you have Geltong, you don't return to weigh things up back, but they are also taken there as coins, however with a corresponding deduction. This is the currency value Coin as opposed to the legal or nominal W^rt^ Older coins from your own state can also be replaced by one Changing the coin fox one behind the original one The remaining currency value is retained.
3. By the nature of things only a metal can be general indicators of value. Every other metal fluctuates towards this one, like a commodity. Where the silver currency underlying, the gold is sometimes higher, sometimes lower^i Cuts, d. b. its value measurement through the silver coin is one changing. Of course, this already took place in ancient times instead. In general the ratio of silver to gokle was a higher one than in the new era. Through the discovery of American kas and the resulting mass production There was a devaluation of precious metals, especially the silver. The average ratio of gold to silver is currently 15| : 1, i.e. h. a weight of gold is 15| times as much worth as an equal weight of silver i*). The enormous yield
14) The ratio ron 15^ : 1 is the legal one in the French language. Coin. As is well known, France is looking for gold and silver currencies to maintain each other, although in fact there is more and more of it approaching pure gold currency. In the Mint of Paris, 900 gr. of fine gold (plus 100 grams of alloy) 3100, from the same 200 francs for a small weight of fine silver, so it becomes gold
128 PERSISCU-ASIA MINOR CURRENCY. I 23.
the Californian and Australian gold districts, as well as the There has been a steady outflow of silver to East Asia in recent times the ratio to the disadvantage of gold is a little, approximately printed down to 15.3:1; but the difference is so imperceptible lich and probably so temporary that for the purpose of the following investigations, the round connection indicated first It was safe to maintain in the long term. Was in ancient times the value of the noble metals in general is higher, but that of Gold is relatively not as significant as that of silver Bers. According to the usual estimate, this was the case for the Greeks Gold to silver like 10:1; the gold stater, which is 2 drachmas had weight, it was supposed to be 20 silver drachmas. Indefs stood Gold was a little higher in trade. Herodotus gives him thirteen times the value of the silver, other information lead to twelve times as much, a ratio that averages This also applied in the Roman state. You can find out more about it will only be given below. We are now following first the development of the main Greek coinage rungeu, and then go into more detail with the Attic coin base to employ.
§ 23. The Persian and Asia Minor mint currency.
1. When the Romans moved their rule to the East Macedonia and Greece expanded, they found the attractive schen coin bases are the most widespread. This
Minted at 15 times the value of the silver. The commercial value of the Gold was a little higher before 1850, but since then it has been at its lowest. ken. After the abroad Jabr^f. 1859 p. 960 to the Bremer Handels- According to the compilation given in the sheet, gold was on average in relation to silver
1821 - 1830 = -15.80: 1
1831—1840 «15.75: 1
1841—1850= 15.83: 1. But gold fell from this height in 1S51 as a result of the since- the noticeable inflow from America at 15.46, and a Average from 1851 to 1858 is only 15.33. On September 10th In 1859 gold traded with silver at 15.32:1 on May 1, 1861 like 15.35: 1. This information may suffice to show that the ver- The ratio of gold to silver is currently somewhat lower than 15^ : 1, but in all calculations where the average today The value of the gold should be taken as a basis, this round ratio still has to be applied^ Also it is the one from the authorities t,en generally recognized in this field; so from Dureau de la Malle Econ. political I p. 40, Mommsen Gesch. d. R.M.S. 900.
>KKBI£Cll-KLEI».tSIATlSCHB V
hadn't always been like this. Who entered Athens from Solon led mint fufs differed from the currencies of the rest of Greece chenlands, even if in the heyday of the Athenian state His coins were already circulating throughout Greece, so there were but only a few places that, in their own character, correspond to the attractive white feet followed. Erat through Alexander changed that who introduced the Attic coinage into Macedonia and then it spread throughout his empire. The Attic Mönzfufs stands as it does will become apparent later, in a close connection with the Euboian. Through Herodotus we learn that the European lioian talent had its origins in the East; it was that Gold weight in the Persian Empire, while for the silver money the Babylonian talent existed. This is how it becomes necessary Considering the Greek fashion industry, it can be assumed that to what extent the Persian gold weight and perhaps that too of silver with the currencies of Greece in conjunction slope stands.
2. There is news about the two Persian talents us Herodotus 8, 89 IT., where he spoke of the income of the Persian royal acts. The twenty satrapies. he says, in which Darius divided his kingdom, they paid their tribute in part in silver in gold. In Euboian gold talents India paid, in Babylonian the other nineteen provinces were silver or silver. after- to which he has now enumerated the tributes of each individual province, He gives the total sum by putting everything in Euboian d. b. Attic Talents of silver reduced. The position has its great difficulties- ities, as it is corrupted several times in the figures ' ), so much but it emerges with certainty from it that in persian Chinese empires have a special weight for gold, a different one for the silver, and that the latter, from Herodotus the baby called Ionian talent, which was greater than the former, which he had with him referred to by the name of the Euboian talent. Unmistakably which we put these two weights into the coins again. It will be un- tens (Appendix § 10, 3) can be shown that the Euboian talents Most common Persian gold coin, the otot^q Jageixäg of 8.385 gr. Hormal weight is based on the Greeks as Didrachmon he strives wui'de, so SOOO Dareiken are to be reckoned with on the gold talent. Further corresponds to this Gold stater a sitber piece, the media siglos, the | des
I I
130 rcftM»cfl'KLU5AftUTiMJie wlsukt^^, i^i.
Dardko» amounts, and m corresponding whole stick tod 1 J, 39 Gr^ wddie» to the iharmko% in the ratio death 4: 3 hours fly songideo MoDzen represent the BabTionic Sjübertalcnt, with the larger one as stater, the smaller one as itochme of the seilieo to betracbteo is Terfaalt so the babyloiiisdie Talent to the eubois<:hen like 4:3, or in other words, the first one is equal to SO eaboisdien mines. After this ans The results drawn from the coins must be taken into account. Laufening at Llerodot, according to which the Babylonian talent was 70 eo- Boic mines are supposed to be, which, moreover, already come from other sources Reasons can be maintained, must be corrected ^), and also the information Ton Pollax and Aelian, the former of which is the Babylonian Talent to 70, the latter to 72 Attic mines, however, cannot be considered).
X for the currency of the Persian gold and silver fields is closely related to the Munzfufse, which the oldest small- show Asian coins. You are right to have the ph okaic ones and Cycian staters^ which Thucydid^ and attedbe Mention speakers, recognized in gold pieces ältcsi(rft%iiiiig^ whose weight is around 16.5 to less than 16 gr. hcnfagrtA^)^. We have apparently here the entire piece of the same Fafosy noobi chem of the Dareikos of S,3S Gr. as half ffsMsqim) wocdfin is, only that the royal Persian monksaw«UliinC^ijdbtt than in derl>;gining are more carefully pronounced^). Wt sdkwie-
2) The 70 eoboiscbeo mines in the traditional text stnunes u small way to Herodotus's ebrisen Recbnans. It's not that blessing onwabmcbeinlieb that the same person asked for 78 ^es, a number that is indeed Within the s^required ratio, yoo 80 mines remain, but still let us explain why. Ver^pL Anb. § 10 Note 8.
3; The ani^abe at PolL 9, 86, when the Babylonian talent was 7000 at- tisebe Draebmeo f;ego\ieo is obviously based on Herodotus, whose The text at that time suffered the same corruption as the current manuscripts. The mines "InA reduced to drachmas, and that for ea boish mines a 1 1 i s e b e drachmas are set is explained according to § 25, 3. The provision Aelian's Var. are. 1:22, according to which the Babylonian talent was minted Geldes {finiarniov aQyvqlov) equal to 72 Attic mines, bembt, how Mommsen p. 27 assumes an imprecise equation of 5 silver sigleo with 6 instead of Of Attic drachmas.
4) See the details in the appendix § 7, 2.
5) Darios used after Herod. 4, 166 take special care Gold stamping: ;^^t;(r/or xa&aQforaTov ansipriatts is ro SwartoraTov vo- fjtafjft fxoifjaTo. The royal Dareiken are almost impossible to live girt, while the gold coins of Asia Minor, with the exception of the oldest, SHhr show strong ßeimmischnng. The example of an increase in the coin
S Uf 1. AEGINEAN MUSIC FOOT. 131
There is probably a difficult question about the origin of this gold currency to be decided with certainty; the oldest verifiable Traces lead to Lydia, where, according to research, Herodof s ^) Gold was first minted. Of this gold stamping, that can be proven for many other places in Asia Minor, There is also a very old silver coinage that belongs to the Gold currency is in the same proportions as the Median one Siglos to the Dareikos. As the siglos f of Dareikos was, This is how the great piece of gold in Asia Minor developed of 16.5 gr. a corresponding piece of silver weighing 11 gr., which is appropriately referred to as the silver states of Asia Minor. can be drawn^). The spread of this currency is increasing persecution does not belong here; only that is to be noticed the Chiotian fortieths, which Thucydides ^) mentions, are true- were apparently coins of this foot, which were as fortieths of the Attic mine were calculated.
§ 24. The Aeginaean coin fox.
1. The different coin currencies of Greece have all come from this, albeit in several gradations Asian gold and silver feet developed. Since the Greek Coinage originally came from silver, so it was initially used the silver money of Asia Minor as a model; it was only later the currency of Persian gold coins in some states of Greece transferred to the silver (§ 25). Closest You'll love the silver statues of Asia Minor 1 1 gr. a currency in which this piece is called a tridrachmon was considered. This created a drachma of 3 to 4 gr., and then further a tetradrachm of about 15 gr. ^). Most Greek cities were shaped according to this foot Asia Minor and the neighboring islands; on the mainland The same seems particularly good in Macedonia, where, except for Alexander
We also find fufses in a coin reform in Athens (§25, 2, cf. also § 24, 1).
6) 1, 94, 1 : (AvSol) ttqcStoi dv^QCjTrcov rciv Tjfxclg Xdusv vofxicffxa XQvöov xal ttQyvQOv xoifjdfxcvoi ij(^aavTo. The same view followed Xenophanes after PoII. 9, 83. About other traditions see Böckh p. 76.
7) Mommsen p. 12fi^.
8) 8, 101 : Xa^ßovTes nagä rcov Xicjv rgeig TeaaaQaxoardg sxaarog XCag, Comp. Appendix § 5 Chios.
1) Mommsen p. 32 ff.
9*
132
ÄCinXiSGHER COIN FEET.
the Grofaen existed ^). There is a significant difference of which the shape that the Asian sovereign currency through received her aubalime in Greece proper; because once the division was different here, in that the larger Piece of silver not divided into thirds, but half, and those on these The drachma formed in this way was further divided^), andrei^ Since then there has also been a small increase in the coin base. In the whole of Pelcponnes with the exclusion of Corinth, also in one'; large parts of central and northern Greece, especially Boeotia, Phocis, Locris and on EubGa there is a coinage.^ to which a silver piece of 12.40 gr. underlying*}. ThisM' Weight is too close to that of the Asian silver stater, than the identity of both currencies being doubted could, especially since all of Greece's other currencies are linked to Sl- security can be attributed to Asia ^).An increase in early lower weight as a sign of more careful minting. which we call similar to the Persian Dareiks (§ 23, 2) and clearly ChernochinAthensGentilesCoins of the Saloa Furze (§25,2). 2. The question of what name this almost entirely Greece had Terbreilete currency in ancient times is easy to answer; it can't be any other than the one so common mentioned Aeginsian. The next proof is that the Coins from the island of Aegina exactly to the coins just described follow foot. The largest piece of silver, the Staler, can be used normally to 12.40 gr. can be attached and does not sink easily 11.90 gr. down"). The partial coins are halves or drachmas
2, § 12.
:ennzeicfanet dent- je, decayUn Zwiill^ j ÖSoXoi, district TOimßola nnimihea äea^ftal. Verel.|19,2. Dals dl Gwiistäek dieier WahrnnK äeäQ^xfiov was shown by Biickh p. 81 f.
4) Comp. Momiasen S. HL and. what is the verhreitnag of this woman ranked, aocb 0. Müller Dorier 11 p. 209, Biickb p. S2 E
5) Moinrased a. a. 0.
6) Wügangen Hgiuaiaclier coins put together Hasse; p. BI^S Böckh p. 84f. Prokesch-Oaten Deaksckr. the Vienna Acad. philos.-histor. 1 Cl. Vol. (tewichl the drachma of Hnssey at 6.22 gr. (=. SB engl. Graa), vi Mnmniaen za 6.20 gr. triggered. A didrachm at Leake Insnli Creece p. I weighs 12.40 g. (= 191.3). Pnikesh gives the weight d< Older Aeginaean staters from his collection 12.43 Gr. (=234 Par.Graa)'! up to 11.90 Gp. (= 224), the Jöngeran 12.38 Gp. (= 233) up to 11.90 gr. f (= 324). At Mionnet p. 104, a Didraebroon weighs 12.38 gr. (= 233 par. ' Gran), 26 are iwisohen 12.3ä (= 232.5) and 11.92 Gr. (= 224.5), i which are a little lower.
Ise !se
ia,^l
2) Compare in appendix g 5 Rhodns, § 6, 2,
3) Mommsen p. 45. This theory: borrowed as the dnadecimale. The Gai
AEGINAIAN HUNZFOOT.
133
in a normal weight of 6.20 gr., quarters or trioboles, Twelfths or obols and twelfths or hemio- botia, whereby it should be noted that these small heads as usual Terbältnirsmärsig was a little more mildly pronounced- which are'). Furthermore, the same applies to distribution ' .the Aeginaean currency perfectly matches the information given by the ancients I agree with the results drawn from the coins. Already I Id of the old tradition, according to which Pheidon, King of Argos ^), 1 not only introduced new measures for the Peloponnese, but also There is a hint that I am said to have minted gold and silver first. [ tung that the Aeginean FuTs from Allers in the Felopoones l was native; because it is used as a place for silver coinage I called Aegiua, which means nothing other than that [PheJdonicbe or Peloponnesian currency the Aeginaean currency be^). What is more certain is that the federal government can tolerate it, which Arges Elis and Mantineia in the Peloponnesian war I concluded with Athens, in which the pay for the federal alliances determined according to Aeginean drachmas and obols'). Aach in the treaty provisions of the year 382 between the Spartans and their northern allies is calculated according to Aeginaean money'^). Yes, the coins from Aegina, called x^Xävai after their character ^ ^), were actually considered as Peloponnesian Courant'^). In Sparta itself they were Contributions to the communal meals in Aeginean Obolen definitely ^ ^), and the pieces of iron that served as money.
7) Böckh p. 84, Mommsen p. 45 Aam. 138. The maximum weight, What can be found are: Drachma 13.37 (= 12U Prokesh), 6.96 gr.
' ^ 1121 Miopnetp. 103); THabolüD 3.12 size. (=5ej|i. 104)^ Obolos 1.17 r^ 22 Prokesch), 1.06 gr. (= 16.3 nngl. Graa Lenke Ins. Gr. p. 2) ; He- I äiobo[inn O.ti'l (= 12 Prokesch).
8) The Wachrichlen about Pheidon can be found at zosaiDinen 0. Müller AegLoelica p. 55ir., Böckh p. 76.
9) Hnasef p. 63, BSckb p. 82.
10) Thnkjd. 6, 47, 8: ij nöXic ^ fttiuneft^pafiiv^ tfirforaj oTtov, ) i^ fitr öwiCrj xal tl/ii^ xol lofor;; rpfir äßolois Aiyiyalovg rijg I iuioas ixäazii;, t0 J Innti ä^it^uijV Alyivalaii. *-•■- '\) Xenoph. Hellen. 5, 2, 21.
} The coins of Aegina have the image on one side
r another an inserted square. I^Poll. 9, 74: xat ftijy i6 ITe).ojiovv>iaiiay vö/iiofia xil^'i*ny'"'>'^i 1> xaXiTv (1. xaliTat>ni) änb toS tvciä/iaios. Still the same thing thought anob Eupolis in the Heilolen aginäiecbea money; oßoiiäv liiv xnlli- Xii.iivov. Hesychioshat:;f(^['>vi) vö/itafia HlXoTiovV'iaiexov. U) Dikaarcb on albums. 4 p. 141C
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134 ÄGINÄESCUER HÜKZFttSS, ;
the weight of an Aeginean mine should be born i *). The Tiay^üa d^axftij of the Achaeans is also the Aeginean ' ^), How The coin fura was also widespread in the rest of Greece from the fact that the amphiclyons are calculated according to Aeginean staters. neten^'). Even in Athens, where this currency was sold through Solon damn*! had been (§ 25, 1), Aginaean money remained in common traffic is possible'^); also were in the years 398 to 3S5 Aeginean staters among the votive gifts at the castle to Athens 1^). Finally, as the most distant place where Sginean" Currency reigned is called Crete; there you paid" Slaves an Aeginean Slater to the Syssitia^").
3. The news we receive is less reliable about the value of the Aeginean coin from the ancient have thume. The Aeginean drachma was larger than that Attic and therefore called in Athens and Achaea naxeia * ^). According to the preserved coins it appears to be Aeginean Drachma a silver value of 10.9 Sgr., for the Attic non 7.9 Sgr., the value ratio between the two is therefore I exactly 7:5 d. h. 5 Aeginean drachmas were equal to 1 7 Attic*^). Such a relationship goes back to Aristotle ■ eyes, otherwise he wouldn't have the Sicilian litra (Appendix § 15) once with an Aeginean obolos, the other time with one and a half Attic obols, i.e. indirectly 5 Aeginean obols
»
16) Hesych. : Jicyfffij iTpu^f/jj' _ ^^ ^ attiache Stater a TelrBdracbman, the aegitiäisctiB a D[dravhniaD v , here the thick asinaiache Dmcbme will be in the verbal Eaira zam attiachen money« as ä£äpBx/Jov bezBicIiDet. Aach the Atbua people called, like Polt. D, 76 an- gives, the Aeginian drachma najcfia, because they have it against Aegiaa aicbt call them with their actual name. — Mommsen p. 113 Ann. The gloss of the Hesycbioa aaf refers to the coinage of the Achaean Colonies in Untcrilalicn.
17) C.I. Gr. n. 16SS, cf. Böckh M. U. S. 82.
18) Diphilot near Athens. 6 p. 22dB.
19) C. Ld. I5ü,43 nndl51,45, cf. Hnsaej-p. 96, ßückh Staats- baash. II p. 2GI.
20) Dosiadas near Athens. 4 p. 14311.
21) See note 16. Oats the Aeginean money was larger than the atti- sche, also goes to the steep DipUiloa near Athens. 6 p. 225 B., as well from Ilesych. nnl. ^tyiipaioy vöftia/ia nnd itJiiKf xid Tia^tlu;, Etymol. M. and AlyivaTu.
22) The eennnen numbers are: aginäiaches Didrachmou = 21.74 Sgr. (App. g 2, 2), attisü-he drachma = 7.« Sgr. (§ 29, 4), i.e. VcrhSItnir» der Aeginean to Attic drachma 13S; 100 or T; 5.
IZFDSS. 135
7^ Attic Terglichen have '^). Furthermore, there are several Angshen about the amount of wages in Greek Berry It was clear that in normal traffic there were around 4 Altic obols equal to 3 Aeginaeans were calculated, which is an approximate approach comes sufficiently close to the exact ratio ^ *). More than But Pollux's approach deviates from this, as he agrees. agreeing in two places, once the Sinian drachma 10 Attic oboes, the other time the Aeginean talent ■.10,000 Attic drachmas^^). Pollux is generally [mean a well-informed and reliable source; I therefore asked Böckh not to have any reservations about his testimony P to follow and mainly on this point his system of to build Greek coinages, which without the same Beiner's main support would be missing""). All reason enough to reject this important passage only after careful examination. "First of all, the position of the eulogy must be established. We '' are about the amount of the Aeginean and Attic FuTses ' fully informed by the preserved coins, } We know both coin currencies in their full original form. I Bprünglicben amounts than in their later ones decreased somewhat l'Form, we also know from the testimonies of everyone that Greek and Attic money circulated side by side, ' nnd finally we have, if not precise, at least up to
23) Aristotle in Poll. 4, 174 and 9, BT. Compare Mommsea S. TS. Also the approach, like Aristotle in Poll. 4, 175 from the fcoriDthic Stater gives, leads to an abolic relationship. The Corinthian Staler was equal to the Altiscbeo Didracbmon, so it stood ^ 12 Atliscbeo Oboleu; Aristotle defines ibo zti lU aegiDÜiscfaen. The Gloicbnng is none
SDDderi gave her the Sicilian money with Bof is ; but it at least proves with certainty that Pollux's approach is flawed is. Because if, as Pollux says, the Egyptian money becomes the Old German one really like 10 : 6 = 3U ; 18 behaved, it would be impossible for Aristotle dear anf 6 : 5 =^ 3U ; 25 ausetzea kbaoea.
24) Hussey p. 61 indicates that according to Thucyd. 5, 47, Sound Xenoph. Bright. 5, 2, 21 the EewSbnlichc pay in the Greek army 3 similar DÜiscbe Obnlen daily fraud. It is therefore certain that the wages which Cyrus the Younger sent the Trufipen of Klesrcb to Xeii. Anab. 1, 3, 21 apfänglicb paid, and which later after 7, G, 1 Thibron also sold spoke, namely one Dareikos a month, about the same amount zeictine. Now the Dareikos ^ 21) Attic Dracbmeo (^ SO, ]), we stood So 4 Attic Obnlen appear as an unclassified equivalent for the 3 usual ones. nüischeo. So explain the miitoßoXlioiii in the ^rpaziiOTiärs de« comedian Tbeopompos at Poll. 9, 64.
25) PolL 4, 76, SB.
26) Hetrol. Unders. pp. 77-91.
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136
AGinXigCHEii uünzFüss.
N N
KU a certain degree of secure equations for both types of money from Xeaophon's and Aristotle's time. Now things are worse impossible that the Aeginean talent which belonged to his silver The value is set at a maximum of 500 Attic drachmas can be, was ever considered 10,000. It would then still remain It remains to be assumed that this indication of the Pullux is not the original original, suadern from the other about the value of the Aginean drachma is calculated. Here the error is gone the longer amount is less noticeable, but still too big to appear permissible. How would it be explainable? the Aeginean drachma was taken to 10 Attic obuls would have been, since it only had the silver value of a little over 8 obo- len and according to the approaches calculated from Aristotle There must have been between 7 and 9 Attic obols? Yes This makes the higher approach even more unlikely the Attic money had a more favorable exchange rate than everything else, probably more like 7 than 9 Attic oboes, under no circumstances but 10 to the Aeginean drachma have been. Hussey tried to make use of these contradictions^^) The way out is that he uses Pollux's Attic drachma for him Denarius of the imperial period (g 38, 4) explained. However, from Drachma and Denarius were regularly used by later writers used identically, Pollux himself calculates in other cases wisely after denard drachmas and this could also have been done here have, as 10 Neronian denarii of 3.41 gr. according to weight pretty close to 6 aginean drachmas of 6.20 gr. are. But this is initially contradicted by the fact that Pollux is hardly of Attic obols would speak if he had the Roman denarius means; But the main reason is that the Aeginean drachma, if it still existed in the imperial era ^^), none case has been set so favorably. The Romans tariffed pro- vincial coins are of course not made according to the original norm.
27) Essay p.3ir. ßl.
28) MommseD -S. 4T suggests that the Atinean syllable field in the Eoro- pniscfaeo Greechenlnnd ia the Kaiserzeil had disappeared; I passed The currency is still on Crete, and the Aegean drachma is Docta from the RDonym Alexandrian BDr^eührE. The Vennathnng MommBen's S. iSff.j dafs Potlux both uia the Alexandrians and the üg-inHischen Drachma diu Drachma of the Cistdplioren currency (App. g 7, 3) (meant have a lot of concerns. In particular, I understand the last conclusion does not comply (p. 51), which may be Pollux's statement that this Aegini talent 100 (10 Attic drachmas amount, can support.
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1
S. AGIIIAMCHBR MÜffZFOSS. 137
mal weight” but even below average EttKÜYgemcbt This is what emerges from a note by the anonymous Afeundriners in the Heronian Fragments, that the aegi- näisthe drachma in the imperial period 1^ denarius ^^) or, in expressed in the same nominal as Pollux, 7| Obo len was valid. So in this case too, Pollux's approach is the same far too high. As the only way out remains to think of the older Macedonian coinage. In Macedonia The Asia Minor Fufs (Appendix § 6, 2) originally existed which Philip II tetradrachms of 14.5 gr. coined. From then Alexander the Great introduced the Attic currency The old money cannot be taken out of circulation immediately to have disappeared; it has to, because it is also a royal coin was, had a firm gurs towards the new one. Well is Philip's tetradrachmon of 14.5 gr. almost exactly the same ^ Attic drachmas or 200 bolen, which is 14.55 gr. weigh; this and no other must be the legal curs between the old and the new money. Of course this is the big one Silver piece of Philip's no Aeginean didrachm, what it is for was previously viewed 3^); but at least it is possible that Pollux's unknown informant thought it was such a thing has held, as other similar coin currencies have up to now have been confused for a while. Under this condition would be the destination of Pollux, that the Aeginean drachma 10 obols were valid, sufficiently explained. But even if this assumption, which, however, cannot be justified with any certainty may appear inadmissible, even then the final judgment cannot be changed. On the real Aeginean money Pollux's statement is absolutely wrong and remains an error. Thoughtful, at least the cause of the error doesn't like it to be clarified.
29) The anonymous Alexandrian, about whom § 2, 2 to compare ^ says p. 155 of the May edition: rrjv rf Afytvtttav xkI t^v 'Po^tav fxväv TTis IlToXefjaTxrjg slvai nsvrajiXdaior. The same situation applies as well has been expressly noted before, also for the drachma; the Ptolemas> But mash drachma was equal to -^ denarius (Appendix § 12), so the aegi> näische to be set at 1^ denarius. This ratio must not be too low appear, because the Rhodian drachma (i.e. the didrachmon, like Momm- sen p. 39) is also applied, although it is in normal weight was even higher (Mommsen p. 3S).
30) 0. Müller Dorier II p. 209, Böckh p. 89 f., L. Müller Numisma- tique d'Alexandre le Grand p. 338.
I
i3S ATTTSCHES HOFING.
So we stick with the one based on the coins we received those determination; the Aeginaean currency. The sewing Calculation of the value is in the appendix under Aegina (§ 2, f given.
I. The Athenians were used to their most important state 1 Institutions that lag behind the historically authenticated time lay, on Theseus as the mythical founder of their Staalaa attributed. So it shouldn't be surprising that a legend, which Plutarch commemorates, also the first coinage of money attributed to Theseus'). That's why it can't be done seriously j be taken because Homer has not yet heard anything about gemijnzteni j Money knows (§ 22, 1); However, it is strange that both iB ' this legend than according to other testimonies, among which that of Philochoros is the most important^), as the original form I of the Athenian coins the bull, as the original denomination j the Didrachmon in contrast to the later Tetradrachmoa 1 be called. So in Athens they had a tradition of death a lost older coin currency if you look at it also probably, as can only be shown later, in I Regarding the alleged character, he was wrong. But not just the un- certain and ambiguous legend, but also the most definite.' historical news ^) teach us that in Athens early w | a different currency than later existed.
One of the most important preparatory measures, which Soion was carried out for the new constitution of the state^ J was, as is well known, the relief of the debt burden, under which> ]
1) Piut. Thes 25: hoi/if J* xal vöfiiana ßovv ^j'^fttpiffn«.
2) Schol. 10 Arislnph. A.v._1106: ^ ylaüi inl x'^QäyftaroiTiv x 3) lin 7usomiueiihBnB developed by Bötkh M. U. S. 114 — 120, i State II S 3f)2—364 ' 1. ITTIBCDES MlirlZWESE>. 139 rather the hatred of the Ürmerea population was sulking. SoIüd ■ did not want a complete overthrow of everything that existed I would have brought about the destruction of the debt - he chose the least violent way out under the circumstances, who, after him, was often tried under similar circumstances This is, namely, a reduction of the facial expression. The debts, which had been contracted in the older heavy coin, were not nominally reduced, but were made easier by the fact that they were repaid in the new, lighter money. The More detailed information about this is given by one received from Plutarch *). Indication of Androtion's: hiazdy yaQ enolrjae S^ax/tüiv zrjv fiväv TcqoTeqov tßäoftrJKovia xal vquöv ovaav " Sat' aQi&fitp ftiy loov, ävväfisi iJ' eXaztov ärrodtdövsav töipeXsTa&^at. fiiv rovs extivovtas nsyäi.a, (irjÖev de ßXämea^aL zoigxo/ii^Ofidvovg. The meaning of this word is clear in that it shows that . that a debt of 1,00 old drachmas with 100 new light ones f drachmas, which were only worth 73 old ones, were repaid ', so there was a relief of 27 percent. Just Plutarch made a mistake in his report in the printout. The entire mine couldn't hold 73 drachmas because it would then would have been the same as new, quite apart from the fact that the mine has never been divided into anything other than 100 drachmas; but Androtion must have said that 73 drachmas old currency the new mine was equated to 100 light drachmas. The new mine had a ratio of 100:137 to the old one (exactly 136fg), Two other testimonies are strangely consistent with this exactly match. According to the above-mentioned Athenian The people's resolutions on measures and weights^) should Trade mine, ^ fivärj ifiTTOQixij, 138 coin drachmas included. Here we unmistakably have the very mine that is in the Coin currency was abolished, but in commercial transactions continued existence (§ 19, 4). But Dardanos also made a difference the older and later weight of Athens, as if from a valuable
I
i) s
. 15.
5) C. 1st Gr. 1 23 g 4 : nj'Aoj äk xai ^ firv i) k/iTiogtxij SjetpaV7\- ipoQou iS(iiixfia; fxmov iQiäxiiiiTti xal oxjiö jigosiä müS/iin lä iv Ttp uQyvQoxonfiip. The Srnf.arrnfÖQOv äga^fial «Ind Drachmeii Attic Müuze, never aas the additions 7ip6f ric aiäÖ-fiia in iv i^ UQyvQoxoTitlqi deotlitrh emerges. INarh BBckh's (Stuatsh. II p. 362) very likely- Another VennuLhudg was the Müuzslätte in Athens with a chapel of the hero StejihBDpphoros connected, in which the maternal relations for the Nbnze
I
nuffläht n
earthen
tM ATTRSCHES HÜr
ToUeD note in Priscian^) goes here: 'talentum Atheniense }jarvuiii mJnae sexaginta, magDum mioae octoginta tres et unciae qiiattuor'. The small talent of 60 mines is the usual one Attic, the larger is the older MüDztalent and later Handeli weight, which according to Priscian contained 8^ mines. This gives as the ratio of the new mine to the older 18 f 25 == 100 : 139|i, So apart from the fraction, it agrees exactly with the above: mentioned Vutks decision.
Now that we are talking about the amount of new through Sulon introduced coin currency that was none other than the well-known Attic one is, are completely certain, so we can check the ratio numbers found on all Mimzfufs fall back asleep. Let's put the Attic drachma of 4.366 gr. (§ 26, 2) the pre-Solon drachma must be removed Androtion 5.9S1, according to Volksbeschhifs 6.025, according to Dardanas 6.064 gr. weighed. Among these values is the second^ because it came directly from a decree issued by the Athenian people Laws are derived, v □ turns out to be the most precise; also true it is just the middle of the other two determinations ^). What currency did the pre-Solonian drachma belong to? The most widespread coinage in Greece was the Aeginean (§ 24, 2), whose drachma has the standard weight of 6.20 gr. had, so it can be the pre-Solonian drachma of 6.025 gr. none other than the Aeginean. The small difference in weight should not be noticeable. As Solon at the introduction of the new currency the ratio of all money to the new one Certainly, he had to rely on the average weight of the time in Athens circulating coin of all currencies go out, and this cannot reach the normal weight of 6.20 gr. for the Drachma, but probably the slightly lower one of 6.025 gr. have been^).
6) The Sg. nnmer. 2 § 10. Dafa Dardanos the GewührsmaiiD i to the ver^rf^ichuDg with 3 g 14 sure Ijervor. The right appreciation The Slelle, previously overlooked by Scaliger and Gronov, gives Boclib S.l. IT. : What is particularly important is the proof that there are not ounces among the iinciae of the Rienian Pfondea, another twelfth of the Mine lu, you understand Compare § 20, 3 note 12.
T) Bückh p. 120, the cover of the Dardanoa door is the most accurate, i against Mnmnisen p. 45 rightly riding, as she through Reehni seems to be of a similar type to that found in Plutarch.
8) The identity of the pre-Sninian and Aeginaean drachma is e nBuerdings by Mommaen p. 43ff. been proven, prefer that weioheade Aosicbt Bückh'a see note toO.
I
I give way to Aosicbt Bückh'a see note to O.
k1
X2. ATTISCIUS MÜXfZWESEA. 141
So it turned out that the original coin wUmmg Athens like almost all of the rest of Greece It was a mistake, according to which it now goes without saying that According to the tradition already mentioned, it is the oldest money in Athens Didrachms were, because the didrachm was the main one Nominal of the Aeginean foot, while in the post-Solonian French currency is almost non-existent. Another, The less important question is whether Athens itself was after the Aeginean FuTse coined it, or whether it was just someone else's money before Solon Courant has formed Attic coins from the pre-Solonian period However, there is no time; but there is the report Plutarch probably spoke of a change in the coin base, but not speaks of the first introduction of money coinage, which would hardly have gone unmentioned, and thereafter the general tradition knew of an older coinage, so It is not unlikely that Athens was already there before Solon even in a limited way.
2. It could not have been Solon's intention Changing the currency arbitrarily a whole new coin weight to create, and that he really didn't do it, points to that clearly the odd and so inconvenient relationship between the old and new currency. Rather, he has to go to one already existing currency, whereby next The silver coinage from Corinth probably served as a model has. The Corinthian stater of 8.66 gr. (Appendix § 3) is not identifiable to the same normal weight as the Attic didrachm of 8.73 gr. been minted, but it cannot come from Athens be borrowed because its different division into thirds and sixth allows the Asian origin to be clearly recognized^). And in fact we find the weight of both the Attic like the Corinthian coin in the Persian gold, the Da- reiken, again. The Persian Dareikos has the effective weight of 8.385 gr. (App. § 10, 3), which at Corinth and at Athens, as elsewhere when adopting a new coinage, has been increased a little. The most striking thing is, that it was a gold weight that was used for silver coinage was carried out, a borrowing that is rightly highly doubtful would have to appear if it were not securely justified. The
9) Mommsen p. 61. Aach the Attic same Wähning from Cyrenaica (Appendix § 13, 2) is probably directly adjacent to Asia borrowed.
142 ATTISGHJSS COINWES^. § 25.
Although we can't go to Corinth, we can go to Athens "Historically pursue" It was about the plight of the poorer To help the people, a partial debt repayment is deemed necessary highlighted; recognized as the best means to achieve this one a reduction of the currency. But it wouldn't be wise been a new incongruent to all existing currencies To create coins, one chose from the existing never- other currencies and found the Persian one to be the closest Gold currency, which, through trade with Asia Minor, provided the European was known to early Greeks. This brought at the same time brings with it another advantage. The inequality between gold and silver weight, as in the Persian Empire existed, was not convenient for trade. The Ver- The relationship between gold and silver was easier to calculate and to express it better if the two metals are the same Weight were pronounced. That's how Corinth came up with it to strike his silver staters after the gold dareiks, so sat Solon also placed the heavy Aeginean drachma on the Dareiken drachma d. h. on the half Persian Dareikos or Corinthian chen stater down. That one can finally give in to the older, higher tion made a concession insofar as one went to the new one Adding a small surcharge to coin weights is easily clear; like the new introduction or restoration The position of a coin in antiquity was often determined by one Such a premium is characterized as a sign of a coinage reform. 3. But the agreement of the weight between the Attic and Corinthian silver currency on the one hand and the Persian gold dareikos, on the other hand, is not the only one Proof of the identity of both. It is already mentioned above that in Herodotus the Euboian talent was used as a signifier the weight of gold appears in the Persian Empire; the same But naming was also another expression for the Attic Talent ^<^). This is how the Romans reckon with the treaties
10) Proof of the identity of Attic and Euboian talent has been convincingly presented by Mommsen pp. 24 - 26. 55, with which the Explanation at Queipo I p. 490 ff. essentially corresponds. The The main reasons were already mentioned by Hussey p. 28 - 30 have been asserted. Böckh, however, deviates far from this. Since he has the Aeginean talent, which ches according to him is equal to the Babylonian, with PoUux equal to 10000 atti- If he uses drachmas, he explains the pre-Solonic talent for various that of this and believes to recognize the Euboian in it, to which he the amount we have estimated for the Aeginaean. Compensation
HB
S. ATTIC MÜiNZWESC? 143
Carthaginian Ton 24t and 201, as well as in those with Antiochus voa 190 and the Aetolians of 189 according to Euboian talents i^). In the treaty with Antiochus it is specifically stated that that the king received a total of 15,000 eubos as war compensation Talents, namely 500 talents immediately, 2500 after confirmation of peace by the people, the remaining 12,000 in twelve years should pay regular installments. In accordance with this takes later the Roman proconsul Manlius the 2500 talents in Receipt ^2)^ regarding the remaining sum but will be paid upon receipt Conclusion of the tract determined again ^^): dgyvQiov doTco lAvTLOXog IdtTL'KOv ^P(Ofialoig dglorov TaXavra fivQia dtaxi- Xia ev EveOL iß' , didovg xa^* eKaovov szog xLXia' fii^ ilccTTOv d^ ehiero) zd rdXavvov Xltqcov ^PcafiaiKciv fc\ The Talents of Attic silver can, as can be seen from the weight Mood for 80 Roman pounds emerges, nothing other than must have been Attic talents, just like those of Livy ^^). to be called; but they are also identical to those in Euboian talent agreed upon in the provisional contract th ^ ^) ; It therefore follows undoubtedly that the Romans had the Euboian Talent was just another name for the Attic. So It now goes without saying that in the contracts with the Aetolians the payment in Euboian talents and in Attic money is demanded ^ 6); so it becomes further understandable that the Romans generally counted on Euboian talents, which was the highest should be striking if the Euboian weight is different from the Attic one, the only one they had otherwise to be recognized alongside theirs in dealings with Greece used to know. Also the calculation of the Persian tribute in Herodotus (App. § 10, 3) only now receives its true light
M. U. Sections VIII and IX, especially p. 108 f. The most important aspects For walls, however, see Mommsen p. 27 notes 89 and 92 compare with p. 44.
11) The reference points are for the contracts of 241: Polyb. 1, 62, 9, Appian. Sic. 2; -- 201: Polyb. 15, 18, 7, ext. Lib. 54; — 190: Polyb. 21, 14, 4, Liv. 37, 45, 14, ext. Syr. 38; — 189: Polyb. 22, 13, 2 and 15, 8, Liv. 38, 9, 9. Elsewhere people counted according to Euboian talents; like that Stoic Poseidonios (d. 51 BC), who then took over the proceeds of the Spanish mines (Strab. 3 p. 147).
12) Polyb. 22, 24, 8/12.
13) Polyb. 22, 26, 19.
14) 38, 38, 13: Argenti probi daodecim milia Attica talenta.
15) Mommsen p. 25 against Böckh p. 106. ^
16) Polyb. 22, 15, 8: ^oTcoaav AiT(okol aqyvqCov (xri x^^QOVog Idx- Ttxov TiaQaxQrlfia fzkv rdXavTa Evßo'ixä or' etc.
144
ATTIC ILLUMINATION.
Almost all tributes were in silver or Babylonian talents paid, only the Indian ones in Euboian gold medals. Would have now Give Herodotus the total according to peraichem weights If he wants to, he must convert everything into Euboian gold talents or expressed in Babylonian silver talents; but he does neither of the two, but reduced because he has the sum for his wants to make Greek readers understand everything in a euphoric way Silver talents d. h. in Attic currency. Appear like this also in Pollux ") in a style that is unmistakably drawn from Herodotus Note instead of the 70 Euboian mines that this one gave to the baby attributes Ionian silver talents, 70 Attic mines; it knew So either Pollux himself or the informant to whom he followed, the identity of the Euboian and Attic talent. on- Falling, on the other hand, it must appear that Appian^*) the euhoic Talent worth 7Ü00 Aleiander drachmae. Since the Alexander Drachma is the Attic (§ 31, 3), so one could vennuthen, he I had Herodotus' approach in mind, but the Euboi srhe talent confused with the Babylonian one. Docb is one another explanation closer. The Alexander or Attic drachma is in the sense of Appian, who lived in the second century AD, the Roman denarius of 3.41 gr. (§ 32, 1), whose seven thousand not much behind the full amount of Attic talent remains behind. This also leads to another comment. As a result, the RBmers were treated equally with drachmas and denarius the Attic talent in the ordinary sense as law The total amount was 6,000 denarii, so it didn't correspond to more the original amount of SO Roman pounds, but Before Nero, he had a preponderance of 71 |, after him of 61^ pounds (§ 32). On the other hand, they were probably left out the older official style is called Euboic talent at to denote the all-important Attic talent ■ 9), and According to Appian, it was valued at 7,000 denarii. A trace of this distinction can also be seen in Feslus, who brought the Attic talent into general use to 6,000 denarii, but the Euhoic one was determined differently.
] Bemeinl are.
18) Sic. 2.
19) Hussey p, 31 note /.
•V {Tälaviav ISirmo iftK^fia; liiiixns) b Baßvliüfiov tßSoiiiixoviD [ftvät flyj), I doubtful faervargelit, difs atliscbs Mi-
J
3. 4. ATTIC COINFIT. 145
Of course, the numbers in the latter statement are so corrupt that
nothing further follows from this for the Euboian talent like to leave 2 o).
4. It can therefore be assumed that the of Coins imported into Athens from the Persian gold coins coin, and thus the Solonian Attic talent the Euboian was. The origin of the last name is, of course, unclear. No value can be placed on the legend being given to the king Pheidon attributes that he had the first gold in the insignificant Argive places left their mark on Euboea ^i), similar to the first Silver m Aegina. Both are just descriptions of the fact Things that the oldest silver currency in Greece is the Aegis näische (§ 24, 2) and the gold currency that came from Persia the Euboian one was called. So you go to the island of Euboea have to think. Of course, it wasn't originally there Euboian, but rather the Aeginean coin foxes existed; only before transitioning, namely in the time after Solon, is under Athenian During the reign, silver was minted according to the Attic foot, and only much later the Attic currency became common there* the 2 2), which is why it is impossible that the coin of Euboea gave the name to the Euboian talents. But it is It is believed that the Greeks of the mainland were the Persian Gold weight first through the mediation of the then flourishing got to know the Euboian trading cities of Chalcis and Eretria and then the Euboian named ^ ^). That's the Greeks themselves The name was unclear, but there is a clue to that
20) Festas p. 359: talentonim non nnum genus. Atticum est sex mi- ]ram denarium. Bhodinm et cistophorum qnatuor miliuüi et quingentornm denarium. The ratio of the denarius to the CistopboreDdracbme was 4:3 (Appendix § 7, 3). The news about the outstanding talent is only in the pull p. 78 preserved: Euboicum talentum numo Graeco Septem milium et qningentorum cistophorum est, nostro quatuor milium denariorum. This one The two approaches neither agree with each other nor with the first, because 7500 cistophore drachms would have to be according to the first equation 5625 denarii correspond to , while Paul only has 4000. But also those The sum of the cistophori cannot be correct, since the Euboian talent is at least equal to the Attic, 6000 denarii but equal to 8000 cistophore drachms. The discussion of the various the proposed improvement attempts (see appendix § 7 note 15) doesn't belong here; for the determination of the Euboian talent Under no circumstances can you conclude anything certain from the passage.
21) Etymole. M. unt. Evßoixbv vofiafxa. Compare Böckh p. 104.
22) Mommsen p. 62 f. 91 note 32. Appendix § 5 Euboea.
23) Böckh p. 104. Mommsen p. 26. 63.
Wait, metrology. 10
146 ATTIC COINAGE. § 25, 5.
At the beginning of this section there was a legend about the oldest Coinage of Athens. It was known that the Attic talent came from the Euboian arose, associated with that the mint of the Euboian coins was the bull (Appendix § 5), and now suspected about the oldest coins in Athens which one was not informed about in more detail, that the same must have had a boish character, namely the bull, for what reason Another contributing factor is that, as is well known, the cattle were originally instead of money had served as a determination of value (§ 22, 1).
5. In the system, when the euboi was introduced, essentially nothing has changed in the currency. The division of the new talent and the naming of the parts remained the same. The big unit was still the talent, the small one drachma. Only in the denominations represented by coins An important change occurred in that the largest piece of silver a tetradrachm to replace the Aeginean didrachm came (§ 27, 1). The public accounts of the Athenian States were in talents, drachmas, obols and half obols guided, the mine does not appear here 2*). Usually right* were paid in round amounts based on drachmas, and not infrequently after mines, even beyond the talent, so they said e.g. b. 10000 drachmas instead of 1 talent 4000 drachmas 2 5). The treatment The mention of the drachma was often completely omitted 2 6).
§ 26. Determination of the standard weight of the Attic coin,
1. prefer to have the weight of the Attic talent we have a message from antiquity itself, which is reliable
24) The evidence can be found in the Böckb Staatsbaash. Vol. II and III collected inscriptions, especially Vol. II n. I (G. I. 147), II (Random gab6 n. 1 19), VII (C. I. 158), VIII (C. I. 157). In the tribute lists that are un- ter n. XX are compiled appear in the odds, which y^tt of the full amount (Böckh p. 620), drachmas and obols, which Full amounts (p. 547 ff.) are based on talents and thousands of drachmas, some smaller ones even after hundreds. From the documents about the sea, especially n. X and XIV give multiple examples.
25) Dem. 19, 39: /4,vQCag &Qax/j,ds next to TQta and intaxaC^^xa rd- Xttvra, Lys. 19, 42: öy&oi^xovTa fjLväg next to nivxE TaXdvT(ov,where man sees that the name in which the amount of money is expressed is always chosen It was the shortest way to express yourself. Mväg kxarov has Ephippos near Athens. 4, 14() C.
26) Aristoph. Eq. 829: dlXd ffs xX^tttov^* alQrjaco *yü) TQslg fiv- QidSag. This is often the case with speakers &tax6aiaL, /Uiai etc., e.g. B. Demosth. 22, 21, 24, 3, 36, 15. Likewise with later ones, such as Act. Ap. 19, 19: aQyvqCov fivqidöag niris, loseph. Arch. 12, 3, 3 p. 80 bekk.
§26.1. ATTIC MÜI^Z BEING. 147
few others in the field of metrology can match it. In the already mentioned treaty between the Romans and King Antio chos became the amount of war compensation still to be paid set at 12,000 talents aQyvQiov ^ttikov dgiatov and particularly specific: firj elazTov 1) Polyb. 22, 26, 19. Liv. 38, 38, 13. 2) Böckh p. 123. 3) Galen is, as well, over-the-top in terms of measures and weights not exactly taught here. He says de conipos. med. p. gen. p. 789, the Mine is estimated by some at 16 ounces, by others at 20 ounces; on- They, he continues, make a difference and give the Alexandrian see mine 20 ounces, the other 16. The other mine is no different than the Attic, which also corresponds to the information in Cleopatra (p. 767) and Dioscorides (p. 775). The latter says: fjivä xara fjilv TTjV iaTQixrjv xq^aiv ayu ro tg', Cleopatra: 7\ [xvä ovo/na arcc^uov l/C£ yo ig'. Of course, the Attic mine subsequently distinguishes it from this, which attributes them to only 12^ ounces; but the error is easily explained from the fact that the 100 drachmas of the mine were Neronic denarii of 1/2 ounce be considered, according to which calculation, however, only 12| ounces on go the mine. It is very valuable to know which Metrolog the Benedictine (Anal. p. 394): §^6f ri fj.vä olxccg ixarov, TiQog ^k To ^ItaXixbv Qiß'. rj ovyyCa &h öXxccg C > ^irixecg cT« g' ;fai oßoXöv a' xal x^^^Xxovg &'. The Italian drachmas are denarii of
10*
148 ATTlSCIir,SMf:NEWESE>-. 5 2C, jf^
2. These approaches are used in a surprising way confirmed the finding of the coins. Although the oldest is attiscUn Silver immediately after Selon was still somewhat low only the tetradrachms, which were found soon afterwards, were marked out have been hit, completely reach the ElVective weight ' Tone a little over 17.46 gr.*), which indicates a dracbnie of 4.366 gr. leads, i.e. the amount of the Attic weight just found corresponds exactly. On the other hand, it cannot be considered that not long afterwards, probably before the Persian Wars, this more careful minting suffered a small break again, which is limited to a maximum of 0.05 gr. for the drachma is to be applied, aodafs now the Telradrahraon at about 17.27, the Goldstaler at S.62 size came out ^). This is also the footing according to which cut Philip ron Macedonia in gold, his son Alexander coined in gold and silver {§ 31, 2. 3). But among the Sicilian schen coins that also follow the Attic foot can be found numerous pieces representing the full weight of the coin, yes Partially exceed it"). We therefore have no reservations
^ Pfnad, from danea give 7 to the ounce. Attic drachmas gave nar Ö\ on the üuze or«r 75 on the Pfupd, this is how the Attic mine behaves from lOU Dmcbmea lam Roman deposit like 100: 75 = 4: 3. Compare. Böckb p. 123.
4) Prakesch- East via the Mint of Athens, in the Abbandl. the Bei'l. Akad. 1S4S p. 6 was found as the weight of the oldest tetra- drachmeo with the Palia3ko|)f 329 par. grains = 17.47 gr. A tetra drachmon from the same time in Mus. Brit. p. 125 (shown in Table 6, 10), welcbeu 17.67 gr. (^^ 272.7) weighs, is a bit overcoined,
5) For further details see § 27, 4 with note 22.
G) Decadracfamen from SyrakDS weigh 44.06 (^6S0 Leake p. 71), 43.45 H B'^Oi Nortbwick p. 34), 43.3S (^ 669.5 Haater p. 289), 43.34 (= 668.9 Leate p. 72), 43.29 (= 815 Mionnet p. 36 = 668 Northw. p. 34), which corresponds to a drachma from 4.4U6 to 4.329, i.e. an average of 4.367 gr. stirs. Some maximum weights of sicily green tetradrachms are: Agrigento 17.60 (Pinder p. 21), 17.46 (= 269^ Nopthw. p. 23), Gela 17.88 (= 276 Leake p. 57), 17.53 (= 270.5 Leaka p. 67), Himera 17.46 (=, 269i Mortbw. p. 291, Leontini 37.63 (= 272 Northw. p. 29), 17.53 (= 270.5 Perabroke p. 95}, 17.18 (= 269.8 Leake p. 61), 17.47 (= 329 Mionnet p. 32), Messana 17.66 (=332jt Mionaetp. 32), 17.65 (PiDderS.24), Panonau» 17.46 (= 2601 Mus. Br. p. 72), Syrakni 17.53 (= 2^^ Norüiw. p. 35), 17.51 (= 27Üi Northw. p. 35). Furthermore, didrachms in the normal weight of 8.73 Gr.: Agrigento 8.96 (= 138.3 Leake p. 49), S.84 {= 166^ HIannet p. 28), 8.75 (= 135 Mns. Br. p. 58), 8.74 (= 164^ Mionnet p, 28), Leontini 8.73 (= 134.7 Leake p. 61), Syracuse 8.81 (c^ 135.9 Pembrake p. 110). As the remaining pieces are overcoined, whereupon auuh fiurgon Catal. Pembr. p, 111) draws attention, it may be readily admitted; it It should only be proven that the Attic normal weight is approx " la Contribution also iu deu Coins of Sicily ÜndeL
S27, 1. ATTIC COINAGE. 149
the standard weight of the Attic drachma is 4.366 gr. 7) and then the talent to 26.196 kilograms, the lead to 436.6 grams. to start. This determines the weight of the different ones Attic gold and silver coins as follows:
deycddgaxiiov 43.66 gr.
TexQddQCLXfxov 17.46
didqaxfiovy XQ^^f^og aTcevi^Q . . . 8.73
^Qccxf^rj 4,366 -
TtBVTcissoXov 3.64
TevQcSßolov 2.91
TQitaßoXov 2.18 -
diwßoXov 1.45
TQirjfiKoßöXtov 1.09
oßoXog^ 0.73 -
TQCTfJflOQlOV 0.55
rjfXLtaßoXiov 0.36
TSvaQTrifzoQiov 0.18
Eighth lobolos (in gold) 0.09 -
§ 27. The Atian overcoinage,
1. It has already been noted that, as in the place the heavy Aeginaean drachma was joined by the lighter Euboian drachma, the old currency system has not been changed. The Drachmas continued to break down into halves or trioboles, sixths or obols and twelfths or hemioboli^). But shaped
7) The Attic drachma Letronne determines the same amount consid6r. p. 93 (= 82| Par. Gran) nnd Böckh M. U. S. 124, Staatsh. I p. 21 (s= 82.2). Leake Numism. Bright. Earop. Gr. p. 21 enters the approach nm noticeably higher to 4.374 gr. (:= 67.5). Hnssey, the heaviest The coins of the Attic foot were not yet known, calculated to him present maximum coin weights a drachma of 4.31 gr. (= 66.5 p. 18). The approaches to Beule p are too low. 11 f., the Mean value of 17.20 gr. for the tetradrachmon or 4.30 gr. for the Drachma takes, as well as from Queipo I p. 460 and 606, which is characterized by an uncritical table average calculation to 4.25 gr. for the drachma comes. Under the older provisions, which Hussey p. 19 f. compiled, come The closest thing to the above is that of Greaves on the Roman foot p. 269 and Bernard de mens. p. 105, which is 4.34 gr. (= 67 English grains) found, and those of Barth^lemy Voyagc VII p. LTV, which is 4.355 gr. (= 82 par. Gran) calculated.
1) The TQtwßokov and the oßoXog are used by Attic writers mentioned so often that no evidence is needed; the tjfjutoßoXiov er- seems at Xen. Anab. 1, 5, 6, Arist. Ran. 554 and in the minor form tjfii- (üßHiov in Aristot. Rhet. 1, 14. Compare Poll. 9, 62, 64.
150
on top of that, you can avenge other criminals, third parties or Dioboli'), quarter drachmas or trihemiobolia and more as halves tritemoria =2 ObolosS). Yes, still a while to the quarter of the Obolos, the Tetartemorion*), the silver went embossing down. Rarer denominations were the Zneidrilteldrachma or the Tetrobolone and the very isolated Peotobolone*). The denominations of gold coinage are no less varied, which will be discussed below. The main deviation from the system of the previous currency consisted in the Introducing a new silver bergross piece instead of the Aeginean one Staters. The didracbraon of 8.7 gr. was too small to fit To serve as a general courant coin, it was therefore minted only very rarely. It was replaced by changing the amount double, the Attic tetradrachm, the chief coin of the States "^j. The designation arariqq, originally only dem Didracbmon belongs and in Athens excels in gold coins was only attributed to the tetradrachmon by later writers been attached'). The tridrachmon, which also belongs to the aegis What was alien to the Naean system is in Athens, if not everything
2) The Si(aßoi.ov mention Aristo jib. Albums. 3, 117 D, Pollax», S3: fiv 3i xol r^i VofiiafiäTtar 'AtiixiSp.
at Poll
. TgiiJi/iÖQiov Deinar- 'V iajiv ¥f yaixoT, 'f'ii.ijtiim nä xai^ovs flxfV, ~- ol Si n rpfdf fi/Ql tail tov cßoXov, irt, the moreover the one I secondary standard was nB=b Polt.
. nl. d. W.; 5i»öi rpiiiUL^,™ itiJäaxfi; Poll. 9, 65: ö ufvroi äßoiog'öx ¥S (^«^«"'1 IQ'-nj/iÖQiav {lapo/iäilta], OTl '■ for which two Ue share white via Pbifemna c Pona TQuiiiiogov used. An Andi
T^I TBQTTJH OQlOy.
4) Poll. a. a. 0. : ol fihi 8vo yalxoi TiTaQTjj/iö^iov xal xDjä äno- xniT^V inpiij^dpiov lüvo^nftm, ort ^v loS ößoinv idagToy. Alas, that ItJeinste Mürkb calls it Aristo!. Pnl. T, I ; as a translation of the Roman schen ^Horfron» uses esPInl.Pnbf. 23 compare with Liv. 2.1(1.7. 3, 18.11.
5) The TicvttoßnlLov at ArJst. Eq. 798 is seven as a coin, not as a hlorser numerical value (= Ttivre äßolai). Dafa it really has been punished will be demonstrated below (Note 3D|.
ä) prefer the rare occurrence of Didracbmon see uut. 5\nni. 25, over (lai attiache tetrad one rubbed diu g 2b note 2 indicated place of Philocboroi.
T) The anonymous Alexandrian mp. 18 (May) determines the Altischbe Mine of 25 Staleren, used alan otb-ii^q for JiiQBägiiy/n)V. Hesj'chios discovers the ylaCxig ^avQianixnl of Arislnphanes ats npyvQOainTffiei, after he previously more precisely -yXavi than vöuta/ja jjffqfTiiri ret(iäägn- jf^or denotes bat. Saach Pbolins and Snidas explain the oTdiij» ata iirpaäpn/fiov vöfiio/jcc (the handwritten reading Tnpiiyb>fov be- correct by LetruDoe ennsid. p. 90, Bijckh Staatih. I S. IT Note d).
1.2. ATTIC COINAGE. 151
deceptive, never been pronounced ^). The largest Attic silver incoin, which has been preserved in several fine examples the decadrachmon (§ 27, 5).
2. The silver coins, which are marked with the inscription A0E to identify themselves as Athenian, have almost no Except for the head of Pallas on the front, the owl on the back. page ^). The oldest surviving pieces show in shape and Stamp a technique that is so poorly developed that you can't She raised concerns at the time of the emergence of the Attic Münzfufses, to move up to the age of Solon. Still have unmistakable traces of a different Attic style Minting shown that preceded the era of Pallas coins must be. There are rows of ancient coins which... follow the Attic foot and the nominals of the same from the Represent hemiobolion upwards to the tetradrachmon; just that the latter is rare, whereas the didrachmon is quite common is. They are embossed on one side and bear the me- dusenhaupt, the owl, the horse, the dice or most commonly the wheel^^). If really, as everything points to, Athens as the hometown of this coinage is to be considered, it follows that that this is the oldest after the actually Attic foot, i.e. the Solonian, and that the coins with the head of Pallas first belong to a somewhat later era. But the introduction can
8) Hassey p. 48. Böckh p. 124. A coin with an Attic stamp, 12, 5i size (= 193 English grains) heavy, which can be a tridrachmon what you need is not Leake Numism. Bright. Ear. Gr. p. 24.
9) The head of Pallas is referred to as the mint of Attic coins Poll. 9, 7§ ; About the owl see § 25 note 2 above. Therefore the following are explained: The most joking names for the Attic coins are: IlaXXddeg with the comedian Eubulos at Poll. 9, 76, xoQai in Hypereides and Euripides (Poll. a. a. 0.), yXavxeg AavqiwTixal in Aristoph. Av. 1106, ylavxe^ at Plat. Lysand. 16. A rare genus of older Athenian coins shows two united heads of Pallas on the front and one on the back. bump p. 52. Leake p. 25.
10) The most important thing about these coins is from Beule Monnaies d'Athenes p. 15 ff. and Mommsen p. 52 ff. 856 compiled. The According to Mommsen, the maximum weights are:
Tetradr.
Didraohm.
drachma
Triob.
Obol.
Hemiob.
Medusa head. . 17.02
8.52
.—
—
0.72
0.20
owl —
8.42
— .
—
0.65
—
horse, horse hind
theii, tripod . —
8.45
4.25
2.00
—
—
Dice....
8.13
—
"—
—
—
wheel
8.50
4.22
—
0.71
—
152 ATTIC MÜNIWESES. I«.
the new coinage can hardly be reduced much because The same thing had actually existed for some time when the Persians invaded Greece ^^). It probably was Peisistratös, which has the kunatvoUe instead of the simple coat of arms introduced coinage with the image of a god; so it would be for the Coat of arms coins only remain for the short period from 594 to 560. It is possible that they will remain alongside the PaUas coins for a while for traffic with the north, or in northern colonies even how they were defeated at Neapolis on the Strymon; In any case, we must have the rabid and regulated Attic Minting dates from the era of Pallas coins i^).
11) A fair number of Greek NÜDzeD, which represent the time Perierian kings Dareias and Xerxes anhürea, show a peculiar, Apparently only after the embossing of the original stamp. Egg is a wide one deep incision that goes from the middle to the right edge. Meh- Leake Nutn has several pieces labeled SD. Bright. Kinj^s p. 1 and 19, Asian. Gr. 12T, Burap. Gr. 23 and IS described. The incision is located aof the manias of Alexander I of Makedaniea, the contemporary of the reias and mn 520 reigned, as well as Ddeo coin belonging to the same period Until ancient times in Thrace, very hSuGg also on Cilician coins of that time the Persiaabove Magnificent. Exactly the same brand doesn't appear either blow on an attisclien tetra dmcbmnn with pollus head, whichever Form and style of the ültestea Prügnng an|;ebört (pictured Mas. Brit. Table VI, iü, described by Leake p. 22), but now on a Defca drachmon, which already belongs to the second phase of the Athenian trial listened to (precisely hasohrieben van Leake p. 23). Leake probably has a score recognized in the strange characters a kind of stamp that the Persians At the time of their reign in the relevant regions the coin aaflu- gea, to indicate that she should be considered a Conraot in her realm. The The time of stamping for the Tnakedonian and Thracian coins is un- doubtful that of the Persian Wars, so it can also be of the Athenian ones not to be scheduled later. From this it follows that the coinage The PaUa coins in Athens began some time before 500 must, so not until the time of the expulsion of the Peisjatratids (510) may have started, like bump p. 29. 33 and Mommsen p. 60f. anio- nebmen inclined liud. But the greatest Wabrac asked her to please, that the other date set by Mommsen, the beginning of Hernchail: of the Peiaistratos (5G
12) The old coat of arms coins do not show the full Attic narmal weight; the smallest piece yields a drachma of only 4.26 gr.; they are i.e. minted less carefully than the PaUas coins that followed. Of course, it should be borne in mind that perhaps the most important pieces, too are very rare among the latter, lost in the older grater have gone. In any case, it does not seem advisable to assume that the Fixation of the Attic ?jormaigcweight9 not immediately through meaning, but
I
I.S. ATTISeHES MU5IWBSB9. 153
3. These monks are clearly in the roof at the time itwo large classes, each of which has its subdivisions has The characteristic features of the first class are the simple style and the absence of superfluous ornamentation advice on the pictures on the front and back, the passport hanpte and the owl. The back has a stamped mark square, which only gradually disappears towards the end of the period Meibt; n^hesi of the owl are the only symbols of the olive branch and partly the crescent moon, the only inscription is AOE in a more or less archaistic form, often even backwards written commonly. The oldest tetradrachms of this Class are small from Umfeng ^3), but thick and lumpy. Pallas's head is raised slightly high and the nose is pointed and long, the eye is large and rounded towards the nose Hair lies in six tight curls over the forehead and on the cheek. The helmet is without any decoration, except for wide ear flaps and shows Yom Kamm only the beginning. The owl on the back is clumsy, the square struck almost flat, the olive branch in the field long, the font A0E or declining 30 A some pieces barely visible. The stamp is also rare clean and shows unevenness^^). There is a second one next to it." Department in which a gradual letting go of the older ones Styles and the transition to a finer and more beautiful one, as well a great progress in the art of minting is visible. The helmet the Pallas is decorated with three standing ovary leaves and one decorated with twisted branches. The older pieces work the eye is still slit, but it is gradually becoming more beautiful and more truly drawn, the nose loses the too sharp tip and sits straighter on the forehead, the cheeks become more rounded
only occurred later with the minting of Pallas coins. The ones above § 25, 1, the passages discussed in this context indicate that the solo weight was not different from the late Attic; which is quite compatible with the fact that the first coinage was not quite as careful. was different than the one that soon followed, which was under stricter control was carried out with better tools.
13) According to Mionnet's scale, they have plenty of fourth to fifth Size, or compared to today's coins, the diameter of a silver mountain penny piece. But there are also pieces from sixth counts that the Description must be assigned according to this former division.
14) This description is given by Prokesch - Osten about the coins Athens, treatise. the beri. Akad. 1848 p. 6, somewhat less detailed Leake Europe Gr. p. 22 f. Illustrations in Prokesch Tnedita in the Memoir the Vienna Academy. 1854 Plate TI Fig. 63, Mus. Brit. Table VI, 10, bump p. 35.
^
154 ATTIC MÜMZWESBU. §
and vullfr. Uic hair is of the same class in Tetra draclimcn swept in two braids over the forehead. The helmet has Torne a diadem-like cuff; the chimney becomes more or less less visible, the Olirlapjjen become smaller and fall softly also completely gone. Most of the necks are decorated with pearls. cord decorated. The square on the back, only deeper and safer than the previous class, gradually disappears almost completely. The owl is kept larger and sometimes stands up a club-like, knotty branch that is often split is. The leaves of the branch are wider, sometimes ribbed and A crescent moon can always be seen there. The writing is more standing, the circumference of the coin is noticeably larger'^). Here There is a special grater as a third section Tone tetradracbmen, which represent the full development of the archaic style with superior means of art > ''), according to the time but do not stand behind those of the previous Ahlbeilnng, but are to be viewed as inserted into it, sodafa the less artistic embossing is the one of the highest artistic critical perfection survived again * ').
The coins of the second category differ significantly class. They are wider and thinner, so despite of the reduced weight significantly larger in scope'*). The helmet, with acrostolium and winged griffin, above the cuff but adorned with teeth, wears a high, doubled one and feathered comb, the hair is barely siftable and smooth
15) The confession according to Prakesch p. 6f., which means that of the decadrach mana at Leake p. 23 except for no details. Illustrations Mus. Haoter Tab. S n. 7, Mionnpt pl. LIV, 1, Prokesch Ined. Plate 11 Fig. 16) Prokesh S.T ; 'The head, kept smaller in the Gaazen, lüTstllBain for daa flacbe, better leveled and better foundedB t'eld. The helmet is Oboe ornamental with a smooth bob and front cuff. The ofar is free. The hair lies in nine long curls, carefully arranged on the I Forehead and cheek. The eye, although slit, is right in the hilt and the nose small and noble. The alder cord adorns the neck. This Rectangle of the back is sharp and deep, also significantly smaller, the owl stockier, without a base, and like Oetzweig and Suhrift smaller. The crescent moon is omitted, Grljfse 0.' Aehnlith Üeule p. 3 17) Prokesub p. 13. BcaU: elassiBcirt the Mdnzeo, which refers to the Follow the third section, as the fourth section. 18) The liröfae give from 7-9, nlso almost to mm Linfang aioes Ver- BiostbnlcM. Ucbei- the weight see below in Aum. 23. k ., •« — ^ ^ ^ ^1 . .^— s — square mtea Kt^^i. DkE »MtHiB dm Xanai of the city of istoacli the aiti ■ lliiaii Im h SckrAwöse b q bdu i l gn^ nourishing in the M^istratsnaram after the since 403 t. C introduced by law Ordiography regularly H can be found according to the type of observation There are two recognizable inscriptions next to it Sub-abtheflanges have to be distinguished according to the time the others must have followed. Initially the names appear the magistrates only in monograms, later in three, animal and more initial letters or fully spelled out Mi ^ ^). 4. The differences in the external form, like us just with the Athenian coins in descending order of time ▼have taken place, correspond to possible differences in weight The well-preserved tetradrachms, which belong to the first division belong to the first class, weigh 17.47 g. and above^ ^), 19) The description is also based on Prokesch p. 7 f. AeboUch Beole p. 81 f. Illustrations in Mos. Hnnter Tab. 8. 9. 10, at Mionnet pl. LXXII, 8, bump p. 83. The symbols on the back of the Diota are from the greatest diversity; its meaning has not yet been confirmed with certainty let it be determined. Compare bump p. 117 ff. Except the name of magistrates are often found either on or under the Diota or letters in both places at the same time, and only one on the Diota, under the same two. The letters on the Diota give Yon A to M; these are numbers from 1 to 12. From each of the twelve Pbyles, which which had existed since 307, probably became a magistrate in charge of the control appointed and indicated by the number of its phyle. bump p. Ulf. 129 ff. Of course, an N also appears once (p. 170), what a dent Engraver's oversight explained. — The meaning of the two or three Letters under the diota, which bump p. 135 f. back to 23 groups- leads, has not yet been revealed. Since the same characters appear in the different most series, which are probably far apart in time, recur, the names of mint officials become worrying wanting to recognize. But Beule's hypothesis is also untenable, that with the names of the various workshops of the Mint of Athens had been drawn.
20) The series treated with monograms Beui^ p. 143 — 184, the- those with abbreviated or spelled out names p. 186-384.
21) That the stated weight of 17.47 gr. for the oldest Te-
156 ATTIC MÜlMZWESPIF. S27.
You therefore reach normal weight (§ 26, 2). In In the second compartment the weight decreases a little up to 17.32 gr. and below, but the lagging behind is allowed Normal weight no higher than 0.20 gr., the tetradrachm so not lower than 17.27 gr. be set ^^). One However, the weight in the period has a significant reduction Find out which class coins belong to. Here the tetradrachmon only exceeds this in exceptional cases Weight of 17 gr., usually between 16.8 and 1 6.5 gr., but still sinks far below 16 gr. ^3).
Tradraehmen by Prokescb has been found, and that individual pieces Going beyond this has already been shown above in § 26 note 4. Of course there are a lot of pieces underneath, which is hardly due to wear and tear Blame can be attributed. The weights are 17.30 (= 266.9 Leake p. 23), 17.15 (= 264.6 ibid.), 17.13 (== 264.3 ibid.), 17.05 (=321 Mionnet Descr. 113, 19, Poids 96), 16.95 (=261.5 Leake), 16.85 (= 260 Northwiek 74 n. 777). So you already coined in the first Period often below the normal weight, and it seems therefore the difference reduction in coin weight by 0.2 gr. in the following period so much more less conspicuous.
22) The best-preserved tetradrachmon from this division was found by Prokescb p. 7 17.32 size (= 326 par. grains) heavy. A very reliable one The beautiful decadrachmon is worth 43.16 gr. (*=* 666) at Leake p. 23, which indicates a drachma of 4.32 and a tetradrachm of 17.27 gr. leads. This means that the heaviest Attic gold stater is exactly right of 8.64 gr. nnd the heaviest gold drachma of 4.32 gr. (Section 28 Note 1 1). This at least must have been the weight on which the then local embossing was fixed; The drachma came to 0.05, the tetradrachm mon to 0.20 gr. below normal weight, one for the usual The reduction is difficult to notice in traffic, as there is not much accounted for over 1 percent. Of course, the coins that have been preserved to us are still there partly as a result of the increase in suspicion, partly because many people are less carefully may be minted, usually a little lower. The next highest prizes weights are: 17.24 (»^ 324^ Mionnet p. 96), 17.22 (» 265.7 Leake 23), 17.21 (-» 324 Mionnet), 17.20 (^ 323f ibid.), 17.19 (=» 265.3 Thomas p. 204), 17.17 ("^ 265 Leake Suppl. p. 115), 17.14 (=: 264.5 Leake 23), 17.13 (“264.3 ibid.), 17.10 (= 322 million). Several pieces of even smaller weight must have lost noticeably. The tetra drama, which Prokescb understands in the third grade while she according to the above grouping in the second division of the first class have been inserted (3 note 16, 17), do not outweigh that 17.04 gr. (« 320 p. 7).
23) A rare high weight tetradrachm with a monogram men, i.e. belonging to the second class, is 17.14 gr. (= 264.5) at Leake p. 24; others stand at 16.89 {<= 318 million p. 97), 16.85 (=s 260 Northwiek p. 74), 16.81 (“3164 two at Mioonet p.97) and so on in stages- wise downwards to 16.00 (== 301^ Mionnet p. 97), 15.80 (=> 297| ibid.). From the tetradrams of the second division, on which the magistrates'
4. 5. ATTIC COIN BEING. 157
5. We have the different eras of the Athenian Minting has so far been traced to the tetradrachms, where they are located on to be distinguished most clearly; There is still a lot left to do now add the remaining nominals. The decadrachmon appears in the second and third divisions of the first period in some fine specimens; the coinage of the same began probably shortly before the Persian Wars, but that is likely has never been exercised on a larger scale, and is intended stopped again at the beginning of the second period 2*). That too extremely rare Didrachmon is only found in older times sometimes been beaten, in the second period it appears no more^^). The drachma is not uncommon in both first than in the second period; the weight corresponds to that
names appearing in ordinary script are the highest weights 17.61 (= 271 | Hunter p. 53, cf. Barthelemy Voyage VII, table XI p. LV), a coined piece; 17.13 (=» 322^ Mionnet p. 102), 17.11 (= 264.1 Mas. Brit. p. 126), 17.02 (:=262.7 Leake p. 24). These are rare exceptions; Most of the pieces are well under 17 grams, like the following Overview of Mionnet p. 98 - 103 listed excluding the used or mutilated shows: The highest weight next to that just mentioned of 17.13 Gr. is 16.86 gr.; from there to 16.80 gr. stand eighteen pieces, up to 16.70, seventeen, up to 16.60, twenty-two, up to 16.50 twenty, up to 16.00 fifty-one, including up to 15.38 fourteen. Very similar- The other larger collections produce similar results, according to which as It can be considered certain that the tetradrachm of this period Normally at around 16.8 to 16.7 gr., but on average even lower was pronounced; but so that overall there are even more pieces over 16.5 than standing underneath. This is also how Beule p fixes it. 105 f., which contains more than 1000 parts to have had the more recent tradition under one's hands ensures that the average weight is between 16.5 and 16.6 gr.
24) Two decadrachms, which belong to the second division of the first Period, describes Leake p. 23; the weights are 43.16 (»= 666) and 42.70 (“659.1). A third of 43.03 gr. (=> 664) was in the Thomas see collection (Catal. p. 203, illustrated at Bröndsted Reisen in Greece- chenland II p. 189). A fourth of 42.65 gr. (:= 803) is in the Collection by Prokesch (Ined. 1854 p. 261, shown Fig. 76). BeuU (p. 47 f.) asked for several pieces to be examined in Paris, London and Athens convinced of their authenticity; According to him, their character is one of the most beautiful Epoch of art, i.e. the third department.
25) The preserved didrachms all seem to be from the second section to belong to the division. The weights are 8.41 gr. (= 129|^ Mus. Hunt, p. 56), 8.39 (= 129.5 Leake p. 24), 8.21 (= 126.7 Mus. Brit. p. 125). A fourth one of equal weight in the Paris collection (Mioonet p. 96 = 154^), according to the illustration at Beul^ p. 52 apparently assigned to the second division obedient, is perforated. Prokesch p. 8 also only knows one piece, which ches is trimmed at the edge and 7.49 gr. (=s 141) weighs.
»
I
k
of the equilateral tetradrachm **). What finally the part When the drachma reaches 1,000 coins, the talJing increase is shown. sciliation that they are complete only in the second and third First class healing occurs. In the first ab- Iheilung, i.e. the time of the oldest influence, can be included Security only the half and the sixth of the drachma, trio bolon and obolos, but also the twelfth or he- Niiobolion was undoubtedly already defeated at that time in the north^'). This was followed by the period of male silver coinage, in which, in addition to the nominal values mentioned ^^) the tetrobolone, Dioholone, Trihemiobolion, Tritemorion and Tetarte- inorion*^) appear. Pentoboles also have to combat this
26) ProLeich S. S: 'The Dradine of the second and fourth grades (nicli nnserer Gruppira Dg Class I Abtbeiluog 2, uQd Blasse II) is dense direct; vaa the one of the first and drilling is not a beksDnl' for us. Doeh sticks bump p. 52 the illustration of a Drncbme of the oldest style, which according to the first section znzaarrangement; some nodes, nelche p. 54f. are shown, places the same in the time of Periclea and further down- wKrts; It must therefore be partly innate to the third department. The hScbsteD weights aiad; Class I Abtbeünag 2: 4.30 {=: Sl Proliescb ^- 66.4 Leate p. 24), 4.26 (= 65.7 Mus. Brit. p. 125), 4.21 (= 73^ Mionnet Tescr. II p. 115, 3B, Poids p. 97), likewise 4.21 (= 65 Leate p. 24, DurebichniltroD four pieces); — Classes Department 1: 4.06 (= 62.7 Lenke), 4.04 (= 76 Mionnet p. 97), 4.02 (= 62 Lcake); — Section 2: 4.15 (= 64 Northwick p. 75, Leake Suppl. p. 116), 4.14 (= 7« Prokesch p. 8, possibly based on the previous section assigned to the department), 1.03 (=62.2 Mus. Brit. p. 127).
27) ProkeiebS. 10 parts trioboles of 2.178 gr. (=41) of this period to. About the Obolos rgl. same p. 9, Ined. p. 25p. An apeable one here in recbaendea piece at Lcake p. 25, which is 0.S94 size. (= 13.8) weighs, is something (iberniiiazl. In auderii Obolen as well as in ciDigea Hcmi- Dbolien cannot be identified because of the poor description, whether they belong to this period or the next. But it is not ta doubt that hemiobalia scboD have been beaten because they appear in front of the coat of arms (note 10).
28) Trioholon 2.138 1= 33 Leake p. 25 = 40| Prokesch p. 10), 2.125 (=32.8 Leake), 2.093 (=32.3 Lenke, average weight of 6 sticks), 2.DT1 (= 39 Mionnet p. 97, Prokesch p. 10), 2.05S {^ 39$ Mioanet)a. s.w. — Obolos 0.717 (=13} Prokesch p. 10), 0.713 (= 11 Leake p. 2ä), 0.703 (= 13^ Mionnet p. 96) and hauBg below. Viersehn Stacke at Leake weigh 0.6S0 {= 1U.5) in the oarch section. —Hemiubo- lion 0.372 (= T Mionnet Descr. II p. 114, 28, Poids p. 96, gives birth to many- slightly in the first period), 0.350 (^^ 5.4 Leake) and often below. Fourteen pieces at Leake give an average of 0.318 <== 4.0).
2») The Tetrnbolnn can be identified by the fact that it is on the back two angels appear, like another Po[|. 9, 63 states. The highest gifts weights are 2.842 {=b3i Minanet p. 97), 2,815 ( = 53 Prokesch p. 10),
I 1
5 6. ATTIC MC.XIWESEX. 159
to have been minted at the end of this period '®). Completely different the coinage was designed at that time, the coins were soft represent the second crack. Here you can buy partial coins Dradime only the TriolH>]on, and also this rarely, before' ^), a sure proof that since then the more popular values were represented by copper coins '^).
6. The time which marks the different periods of pre- If you belong to Athens, this can be explained by the lack of consent Data is only approximately correct. It's already on it It has been pointed out that a decadrachmon, which corresponds to the
2,611 (= 40.3 Leake p. 25). The style of the Pallas head points to some on the second, in others on the third, section of the first ridge.
— The Diobolon had two owls on the back, which were in a braid together, it weighs a maximum of 1.434 (= 27 Prokesch p. 10), 1.374 (»s 21.2 Mus. Brit. p. 125, Leake p. 25), 1,361 (^21 Leake Snppl. 116). ~ The Trihemiobolion shows the owl with its wings wide open, it is belongs to the second and third divisions and weighs 1,050 (= 16.2 Leak« p. 25), 1.037 (r=r 16 Leake), 1.009 (== 19 Prokesch p. 1 1). An older one Piece with a different character in Leake p. 25 weighs 1.082 (= 16.7).
— The Tritemorion has three on the back, the Tetartemorion a crescent moon; the former weighs a maximum of 0.544 (= 10^ Mionnet p. 97), 0.531 {:== 8.2 Leake Suppl. p. 116 = 10 Prokesch p. 11), 0.518 {= 8 Leake p. 25, the latter 0.186 (= 3^ Mionnet p. 97, Prokesch p. 12), 0.168 (— 2.6 Mus. Brit. p. 126). There is also a series of small silver coins with a cylindrical vessel on the back weighing 0.27 (=5 plenty, Prokesch p. 11) and 0.26 gr. (» 4 Leake p. 26). You are too heavy to be considered a tetartemorion, for which they are from Leaks are kept; They could rather be described as slightly embossed hemio- look at Bolia. There is no way it ever has Tribemitartemorieo given, which strange nominal Prokesch and Beul^ p. 13. 54 fake.
30) Leake p. 24 describes a peculiar Attic coin Embossing. The owl on the back holds the right wing open left remains almost completely hidden behind the body, in the field On the right an upright Diota and a small crescent moon appear (pictured at Beule p. 56). The weight is 3.26 grams. (“» 50.3). This In any case, with Leake, the piece can be viewed as a pentoboion. Another, which 3.45 gr. (=* 65) is listed by Prokesch p. 19 (corrected forms Inedita 1854 plate 11 fig. 75). Beul^ (p. 57) knows six Pentoboles. In time, these coins represent the transition from the first to the following period, which is most evident from the appearance of the Diota emerges. Compare Prokesch p. 19 and Ined. p. 260f. , bump^ p. 58. The fact that the nominal is mentioned by Aristophanes is already mentioned above (note 5). been noticed.
31) Bump p. 85. Leake Suppl. p. 116 and European Gr. p. 25 leads two Triobols with magistrate names. The former weighs 2.074 (»» 32), that others 2.009 (=.31).
32) Bump^ p. 86. Compare below § 28, 4.
161
ATTIC MARCH SYSTEM.
t
*
unmistakably characterizes the second division of the first class inscribed, seems to have been minted before the Persian Wars'^). This means that it is absolutely true that together with the 3Ü0 gold dareiken, which was found several years ago on Mount Athos were, also lUO Tütradrachmcn jjefauden, which all- Lich the second department and the oldest TLetle of the time belong to the same^*). The high weight of the Dareiken and others Circumstances indicate that the treasure was found during the Persian era. it must be buried; So we have one more proof that the influence of Athens had already reached that stage at that time which represent the coins of the second division. Next It follows that the earliest minting of Palias coins, like we find them in the first department, still by a noticeable amount should be scheduled earlier. Now, on the other hand, for the Epocbe Coat of arms coins whose minting did not begin before Solon can, must be left for some time, then the result is that Probably the favorite starting point for the minting of the Palias coins the reign of Peisistratos, i.e. the period from 560 onwards. Not long afterwards, perhaps with the expulsion of the Peisistratidea, By 500 at the latest, the more artistic coinage must be available according to the above representation, the coins of the second division show, have started ^ ^). In this form, the state is whose community has developed steadily and orderly since then, stood still for a long time. True, the weight was no longer the full and normal one of 17.46 gr. for the tetradrachm, but it stayed on its feet without much fluctuation 17.2 gr. Once, probably under the government of the Peri- gravel, we atofsen a noticeable change in the embossing, which but should only be viewed as a temporary one. They are these the coins of the third division ^ ^), where hand in hand with the the highest perfection of the style, a noticeable reduction of the weight. Indefs thereby became the ordinary one Embossing only temporarily interrupted; essentially must the second epoch lasted until the Macedonian period
33) See above 2 Aam. 11 to 5 karat. 24.
34) The find is indicated by Borrell Numism, clirogicio VI p. 163. Compare also Prokesvb p. 17 note.
35) A little later, not before, but in the time of the Persians wars, put the beginning of the second coin(!|incbe Prokesch p. 14 and Beulv p. 36. She thinks of the latter at the same time as Tbemiatocles and Kimon.
SU) Aneb Prokesch p. 15 and Beule p. 38f. put the coins of this Rlnase is the time of Pericles.
6. ATTIC COINAGE. 161
have ^^). The following reasons speak for this. Alexander led, how will be shown later (§ 31, 3), the Attic foot in the silver imprint of his empire. Now it's not unusual... Of course, with the inclusion of a new coinage there is also a small one increase in coin weight occurs; but it would hardly be It is believed that Alexander scaled his tetradrachms to 17.2 gr. and would have elaborated on this if the majority of circulating attacks drachmas already have a low weight of 16.8 to 16.5 gr. would have had, as we find it in the second main period. There- On the other hand, the same reduction in weight to 16.8 g can be seen. and below in the coins of the empires after Alexander's Death from the total monarchy formed and the Attic Coin feet retained. Also important is the fact that the Style of the later stamp, the inclusion of accessories Types on the back, the more rounded and flat shape of the pieces are clearly imitations of Alexander's coins reveal ^^). This is also worth noting Letters on the Diota representing the number symbols from 1 to 12 and which are only missing in a few series, apparently correspond to twelve phyla that existed in Athens since 307. So This also points to the time after Alexander. Of course it will This does not exclude the possibility that the oldest tetradrachms The new coinage was struck at the same time as Alexander can be, the change is probably not there either happened once and suddenly; anyway We will come closest to the truth if we Time after Alexander's death as the beginning of the young coinage put on ^^). In this period the names of the die appear Magistrates supervising the coin, about their appointment and business circle, unfortunately we are missing any message ^^), first
37) Prokesch p. 15, with which aneh Beule p. 41 matches, only that he belongs to the second division (time before Pericles) and the third (time- age of Pericles) a fourth, the period after Pericles up to De- Mostbenes and Alexander's death differs. This fourth falls with the second together at Prokesch.
38) 0. Müller Handbook of Art History. P. 169 (edited by Welcker)^ bump p. 99 f.
39) Bump p. 93-100. Prokesch p. 15 quite mistakenly leaves this More recent coinage only occurred at the time of the conquest of Corintb at the beginning of the Roman suzerainty began and continued until the Hadrian and next imperial period.
40) According to Beule's presentation (pp. 109 - 116), the one at the top denotes
lTuIl5cb, metrology. 11
162 ATTIC ULINIC SYSTEM. »S».
IQ Uonogranmncn on the back; but you remained stuck Probably standing close for a long time ^ ' ), but she wrote very much soon partly abbreviated and partly completely with the usual ones letters. In this way, Athens shaped Athens for two more centuries. continued his tetradracfames for a long time. But in the imperial era it was necessary it was the right to mint silver, which the Roman state handed over only with rare exceptions did things still exist back then, have lost. The evidence for this is only negative, but nothing less certain * ^). It is therefore very true- apparently that Athens had been in power ever since the city was stormed by Sulla I. i. 86 stopped hitting silver*^).
§28. The Gold and Ktip/erginig:
1. From the previous illustration it follows how The silver coinage in Alhen was varied and extensive is; This will also be specifically pointed out later (§ 29, 1). that the silver there is always the actual courant of the state. Gold, on the other hand, is used so sparingly that people doubted for a long time whether it was over- main Attic gold coins'). Of course they ignored it including the testimony of Pollux ^), the explicitly Attic gold
standing name the magistrate, who has the highest supervision over the Coin had, so to speak, as an elitist office, which is why it is also mentioned here. IcaDDte Persliolichkeitea, like the Kooig Mithridates, AntiochoB, before him KSoig was the tyrant Aristlon and others. appear. The widest square niinnit the name of the actual previous edition of the coin, which is annual changed. Below him appear several completely erbaltFnea se- There are twelve changing names, each of which is an authority of two a Pbyle elected men show, what true«tifaeinlichb monthly wisely alternating the contrasts over the coinage. Remember that the numerals are also on the diota. Wetcbeu Natnen this burden We don't know what happened. DaCa it is the /ifT^aröfiot (§ lü, l note 2) have been, seems to me very questionable. Also the interpretation of the first Magistrates is not sufficiently informed
41) Beole p. 143 sets for the ICpocbe of the Monograniincn only the a short time of 30 to 3 hours after the Tamic War (323).
42) Beali p. lÜUf.
43) Mommsen p. 692.
1) Eükbel Dactr, nnm. vol. I p. XLlf. H p. 2D6f. trnd after him dere. Compare bump p. 5S.
2) 9, 53 the little golden talent will anf tqcis xQ""""^ jiiTixovg determined. Also in the Citnten from Aristphanes and Eopolis, which he § 58 When touched, he thinks to himself the obvious Attic gold alatcre, like the later version. mention of the ^aiiiixoe etc. shows. Otherwise it's probably SleU on most people
1.2. ATTIC COINAGE. 163
statere mentioned Recently, any doubt has been lifted that various gold coins from the eighth Attic have been made known ^). How this makes one- since the fact of gold coinage itself has been established, this shows on the other hand, the great rarity of these coins compared to the like Numerous silver coins that have survived to us indicate that the Minting gold always only on a very limited scale has taken place. An exception to this was the emergency coinage i. J. 407, about which Aristophanes^) gives us some hints gives. At that time, large amounts of armor required extraordinary effort Sums of money that, after the war had already consumed so much, had not been able to be obtained in the usual way. Therefore, instead of the old, well-adjusted silver coins, zen gold pieces, which were of course so heavily alloyed, that Aristophanes almost calls it copper. You have to very much soon fell considerably below their nominal value and later have disappeared from traffic again.
2. The gold was of the same weight and in the whole also minted at the same denominations as the silver. Just the whole piece was not a tetradrachm but a didrachmon, which was coined after the Persian Dareikos and , as well this one, Gold Stater or simply Stater was called ^). extra As with silver, there were drachmas and further down parts of the same stated previously (§ 27, 1); only was at The gold of the Yeltelobolos was also halved again^). So were
len, where Atticians talk about gold staters, Persian or later Macedonian meant real gold.
3) Zasammengestelite from Benl^ p. 60 ff. would rather see the weights Notes 6 and 11.
4) Ran. 720 ff. nnd daza the scholiast. Compare Böckh Staatsh. I p. 33 Note gy bump 6 p. 70.
5) Poil. 4, 173: 6 /gvaovs cfTctTrjQ 6vo riye ^Qct/fiäs lA.XTi,xdg, where- according to the position of Polemarch in Hesych. below. ;(Qvaovg is to be explained. The different expressions for the gold stater are: XQ^^^^^ OTarrJQ Ar. flood. 816, PoU. 4,173. 9.57; otccttiq xqvo^ov Eupolis at PoU. 9.58; cyraT^^» ;^()t; 6) The nominals, which result from the compilation at Beul^ p.62 resulting, in addition to the stater, are the drachma 4.32 and 4.29 gr. heavy, the triobolon 2.12 gr., diobolon 1.44 and 1.36 gr., obo los 0.76 gr., 11* 164 ATTIC HÜNZWBSEN. 9 28. also the weights usually only used for silver transfer prints to the gold; calculations were made in drachmas and obols of gold ^), and we also encounter mines and often- ger more talents Goldes ®). What value the Athenian gold coin legally had compared to silver, and whether at all If such a legal value relationship existed, it must be stay divorced; We only know this much, that the Attic stater just as the Dareikos in ordinary traffic equals twenty Silver drachmas were calculated ^). What finally the chrono As far as the theory of Attic gold coinage is concerned, the short description is sufficient. Tritemorion 0.55 ßr., Hemiobolioa 0.35 Gr., Tetarteinorion 0.17 and the Aclitelobolos 0.10 and 0.8 Gr. The latter four nominals, the legs of the obolo are bracteates and are marked only with the owl. Also an even smaller coin of 0.02 gr. asked sieve found. 7) C. 1st Gr. 150 § 43: "Av(^q(ov *JEkaiovaiog dn^Q^aro /ovoag: l V : QQccavlXo[g Evü}]vvfjLSvg /Qvabv : C d. b. 2 drachmas and ^ obolos gold. S. Bückb Staatsb. 11 p. 261. Mommsen p. 57 A. 172. Aueb Hesy- cbios mentions an i^Qa^/bir) /Qva(ov. 8) Polyb. 22, 15, 8: tc5v 64xu fxvtov ccQyvQiov j^qvcTiov /Liväv 6t,66v~ Tfft, Herod. 3, 94 TaXavia xprjyfiaTog (=/(?yö'oi'), Meuander near Poll. 9, 76: oXxrjv raXdvTov /Qvaiov, Nacb Tbuk. 2,' 13 were at the castle at Atben 500 talents of uncoined gold and silver, and after that- In the same place the gold on the statue of the goddess weighed 40 talents Pbilocboros at Scbol. to Arist. Fax 605 even 44 talents. That's the beer ToiXavTtt xQvaiov nothing other than the weight in gold, not that equivalent to the silver talent, the wording in Thucydi teaches des. Compare Bdckb Staatsb. I p. 592. No position has been reserved for me. knows, from which it could be proven that the expression golden talent denoted the sum of gold corresponding to one talent of silver. It does happen that a talent (namely silver worth) is worth 300 gold. staters are paid; but with TaXavTov XQ^^ov or /qvoIov you have never meant anything other than the weight of a talent.
9) Compare below § 30.1. Mommsen p. 57 f. puts forward the view that the gold in the Attic coin was valued at sixteen times the value of the silver was brought, so a stater had a coin value of 32 drachmas, who had half a stater of 16 drachmas, etc. This hypothesis is based only on the occurrence of a rjfjtUxrov XQ^^^^ ^^i™ ^^'' miker Krates (Poll. 9, 62), who equated eight obols there will. This rjfilexTov shall be considered as a twelfth of the drachma. In my opinion, however, according to established Greek usage the rjfiiexTov nothing other than the twelfth of the whole piece or stater to be ; It is also doubtful to me whether the name ever refers to Attic gold coins has been applied. I see in the rifiCtxTov at Krates, which, according to the wording of the passage, appears to be a little-known one Bug Qvsc\\t\nX. {rifACsxTov laiL xQv(iov, fxttvd-nveig, öxT(b oßoXoC), that Twelfth of a Cleiusian stater (Appendix §7.2), which because of its a strong alloy which, however, is very low but nonetheless niger probable Coars of only 8 Obols had in Athens.
P. 3. ATTIC COIN GIFT. 165
note that both gold coins from the oldest times, the era of coat of arms coins (27, 2), than from the age the Peisistratids and Pericles; yes, they seem too was defeated after Alexander Theilmänzen the Stater to be the one ^ ^). The effective weight of the gold corresponds exactly that of the simultaneous silver money ^^).
3. The surest proof that the copper Athens' coinage system was alien from the outset division of the values descending down to the smallest nominals Silver coin. An obolo was equal to 16 pfennigs (Prussian), a tritemorion equal to 12, a hemiobolion equal to 8, a tetar temorion equals 4 pfennigs; So they were the smallest possible lazily still depicted in silver. However, this had to happen early on Sensible needs also impose even lower values Express coins. This is how we came up with the copper sheath coin, the ;faAxoi;^, which is worth half the value of the smallest Silver coin, so equal to ^ Obolos was issued ^^^^ The The first mention of it dates back to the time before the Peloponnese sian wars. The statesman and poet Dionysius, who... who lived in the year 444, was nicknamed the Brazen One because he