The Kings of Syria, Armenia and Commagene — 1890

SELEUCUS II CALLINICUS LXVII Nos. 264 to 266). The same head of Athena can be seen on bronzes of kings and the city of Pergamum. On No. 283, appears for the first time in the series of Seleucid coins, the bust of Artemis, a divinity whose cult was closely linked to that of Apollo in the sanctuary of Daphne. In addition, Antiochus I Soter had built in Antioch a temple of Eleusinian Artemis. Libanius’ relates that a magnificent statue of this goddess had been taken to Egypt by Ptolemy Philometor, and an oracle ordered her to be transferred from Alexandria to Antioch: the ceremony was performed in great pomp after the sanctuary intended to receive the divine image had been built. This translation reminds us of that of the statue of Apollo, from Paphos to Antioch, and that of the statue of Cybele, from Pessinunte in Rome. From this moment, there had, in Antioch, an Eleusinian street which was surrounded by gardens ;? the guy of Artemis becomes frequent after Seleucus II. In the year 242, Seleucus, freed from the difficulties that Ptolemy had caused him Evergetes, founded the city of Callinicum on the Euphrates to which he gave its sur- name which means the Wictorieux. Victory, type of the reverse of some bronzes (Catal. no. 273), perhaps alludes to this nickname and the founding of the new cities. To the previous currencies, we must add this one which surely belongs at Seleucus IT: Bearded head of Heracles on the right, wearing a lion's skin and wearing the club on the right shoulder. B. BAZIAEQZ ZEAEYKOY. Apollo standing, leaning on a tripod (types of silver coins, Calal. nos. 248 et seq.)5. Bronze. I am less reassured about the allocation of mon- following births that MM. Gardner and Imhoof-Blumer classified to Seleucus IT and which seem to me rather to belong to Seleucus I Nicator: Laureate head of Apollo right. Bz. BAZIAEQZ ZEAEYKOY. The Dioscuri walking horse, right. Hairless bust of Dionysus (?) facing, tilted a little to the right. BR. Same legend. Elephant on the left7. | The type of the Dioscuri on horseback and the frontal head to which we give the name of Dionysus, could authorize the attribution of these coins to Seleucus I. Hip, tr: 1. Libanius, Epist. 1329, p. 619, ed. Wolf. 2. O. Muller, Antig. Antioch., p. 49. 3. Clinton, Fasti hellenici, t. IT, p.313; Droysen, Hist. from Hellen., t. III, Pre 4. See another bronze of the type of Nike leaning on a tripod, in Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greek., p. 428, no. 44, and Choice, pl. VI, no. 190. 4 $. Imhoof-Blumer, Coins Greek, p. 427, nos. 40 and 41; Gardner, The Seleucid Kings, pl. XXVIII, 7. 6. Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. greek., p. 427, no. 42; Gardner, The Seleucid Kings, pl. VI, 9. 7. Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greek., p. 428, n° 4s and 46: two pieces, one weighing 31 gr. 7$ and the other 4 gr. 30, Cf, above, Jnerod, p. XXII, note 1.

LXVIII INTRODUCTION Besides, we have already given this prince a bronze to the types of the Dioscuri (Catal. n° so), which Mr. Gardner classified in Seleucus IT: 27 dubis libertas. It is wrong that various authors wanted to recognize dates on the reverse of certain some coins of Seleucus II”: the dates are only beginning to appear, on the coins born of the kings of Syria, only towards the end of the reign of Antiochus III the Great. ANTIOCHUS HIERAX Contemporary of Seleucus IT; died in the year of the Sel. 85 (227 BC). 'Avrloyos 'Tépaë or the Sparrowhawk, so nicknamed, it is said, because of its character ambitious, was the youngest of the two sons that Antiochus IT Theos had from Laodice. The allocation of currencies to this prince is subject to the solution of differences difficult historical problems: over which countries and how long did he reign? We can be authorized to classify to his reign a greater or lesser number of coins, depending on whether his reign was more or less long. Pellerin® is the first who tried to give coins to Antiochus Hierax; he classifies to his reign a tetradrachm which bears a very similar royal effigy of that of Seleucus IT, and he bases himself on the fraternal resemblance to propose his attribution. Eckhel refuses to admit Pellerin's conjecture; he expresses his skepticism in this general remark, still true today: incerta omnia and ambiguous. Mionnet gives, on the contrary, without discernment, a long series of coins to Antiochus Hierax. The later authors are hesitant and perplexed. It is as well as Mr. Percy Gardner, after having assigned certain pieces to Antiochus Hierax in the Catalog of the British Museum, discusses its attribution in a work later and reports these same pieces to Antiochus IIT+ Mr. Bunbury deviates from his Mr. Gardner's turn on a number of points. These hesitations, on the part of scholars who have studied the Seleucid monetary series the most, are not to reassure their successors, and there must necessarily remain a lot of uncertainty in a class- ment which is based only on the iconographic character of the effigies, the royal titles remaining the same. It would be going beyond our scope to engage in historical research here. with the aim of establishing the framework of events and the part that Antiochus Hierax took in them; but it is nevertheless essential to summarize what the critics have written on this subject . Cavedoni in the Revue numism., 1856, p. 376; Bunbury in Numism. chronicle, 1883, p. 82. . Pellerin, Rois, p. 69. . Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p, 215 and 219. . Percy Gardner, in Numism. chronicle, 3rd series, t. I, 1887, p. 11. . Bunbury, in Numism, chronicle, 3rd series, t. III, 1883, p. 75 to 85. SAR % D H

ANTIOCHUS HIERAX LXIX modern. According to Charles Muller, the learned editor of the Porphyry fragments of Tyr', here is what the chronological sequence of events would have been: Years, 246-244. War between Ptolemy III Evergetes and Seleucus IT Callinicus. 243. After the departure of Ptolemy who had invaded Asez, Seleucus brought together a fleet to punish the cities which had abandoned it. His fleet is wrecked fragage; nevertheless several of the cities of Asia recognize its authority (Justin, XXVII, 2). 242. Seleucus defeats his brother Antiochus in two battles in Lydia (Porphyry). 242. Seleucus founded Callinicum (Chron. Alex. ad Olymp. 134, 1 — 244 BC). AD). Mithridates sides with Antiochus. Thanks to his help and to that of the Gauls, Antiochus inflicts on his brother a great defeat near Ancyra (Porphyry; Trog. Pomp., Proleg. XXVI; Justin; Phylarch, fr. 29, ap. Athens. XIIT; Polyen, IV, 10, 6; VIIT, 61; Plutarch, Moral.). Seleucus fled in disguise until Cilicia 5. 241. Driven out of Asia Minor, Seleucus undertakes to protect at least the | Syria and to oppose the new efforts of Ptolemy who, while that Seleucus was occupied in Asia Minor, had taken Damascus and besieged Orthosia. Seleucus delivers this city (Porphyry), then he | appears to have been beaten by the Egyptians (Justin, XXVIT, 2)4. So, | Seleucus takes refuge in Antioch and is reduced to begging for help of his brother Antiochus, offering to recognize him as king of all Asia Minor up to Taurus. Ptolemy, seeing that he was going to have to fight against both kings at the same time, concluded with Seleucus a truce of ten years. Things thus settled with Ptolemy and Antiochus, Seleucus undertakes to subjugate the eastern provinces which had defected tion thanks to the troubles recounted above: Arsace in Parthia and Diodotus in Bactria were proclaimed independent. Arsace repels Seleucus' effort (Justin, XLI, 5; Agathar., fr. 19). Pen- Meanwhile, Stratonice, repudiated by Demetrius II of Macedon, had returned to Syria: she raised Antioch, in collusion with Ptolemy and Antiochus Hierax. 1. In the Historical Fragments. graec. by Didot, t. IT, p. 708 et seq. 2. Returning from this campaign in Asia, Ptolemy entrusted the government of Cilicia “to his friend Antiochus,” said Justin. Droysen after Niebuhr (Kleine Schriften, p. 277) says: “It is probably bable that this Antiochus to whom Ptolemy entrusted Cilicia was none other than the younger brother of Seleucus. » Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. III, pp. 372 and 374. 3. Cf. Droysen, Hellén. t. II, p. 383. 4. Cf. Droyen, Hellén., t. III, p. 319. 5, Cf. Droyen, Hellén., t. II, p. 384-385,

LXX INTRODUCTION 236 approximately. Seleucus retakes Antioch and besieges Stratonice in Seleucia. In the same time, Antiochus Hierax overwhelms Phrygia with taxes for pay your mercenaries Gauls. Seleucus, having pacified Syria, wants to punish his brother for the part he took in the latest events, and he invaded Asia Minor, at the time when Antiochus, struggling with the revolted Gauls, took refuge in Magnesia. But Antiochus receives relief from Egypt in time; he appeases the mutineers and he fills door, on his brother, a victory that Justin confuses with that of Ancyra. After this new success, Antiochus marries the daughter of king of Bithynia Ziælas'. Then Attalus king of Pergamum intervenes; he attacks and defeats Antiochus and the Gauls (Justin, XXVII, 3; Polybius, XVIII, 24, ‘7; Strabo, XIII, p.621; Titus Live, XXXVIIESeSS Polven, IV, #0 Prontin Er 15): O. Hunted from Asia Minor by Attalus, Antiochus Hierax takes refuge in Cappa- V9 doce, then in Armenia near Arsame?. By a stratagem told by Polyaen, Antiochus nevertheless succeeded, in a new battle, in kill his brother Seleucus 4,000 soldiers. He is nevertheless beaten and obliged to ask for refuge and help from Ariamnes, king of Cap- padoce 5. This one, after having welcomed him well, sets a trap for him Antiochus fortunately escapes. He took refuge in Asia Minor and Seleucus pursues him as far as Lydia. 229. A great battle takes place near Sardis, and Antiochus is defeated by Seleucus and Attalus allies. 228. Antiochus is forced to take refuge in Thrace, where he dies abandoned by Ptolemy himself. Shortly after, Seleucus also dies. The sequence of these events could only be established by Muller by making correlations serious corrections to the various accounts of ancient authors, the main ones of which are Justin, Polyen, Porphyry, Phylarchus, Polybius, Strabo. But by adopting everything other system, that of Clinton+ for example, we are also forced to do 1. Droysen says “the daughter of Ariameene, king of Cappadocia (t. III, p. 384), and further (p. 445), he says opposite: the daughter of Ziælas (C£. p. 450). See Th. Reinach, Three Kingdoms of Asia Minor, p. 102 and 150-151 (genealogical table). 2. Polyen, IV, 17. There is in the text 'Apodôns; it is Arsames, king of Armenia, of whom we no further from currencies. Cf. Droysen, Hellén., t. III, p. 81 and 445 to 447. 3. This is Ariaramne, son of Ariarathes II. (Th. Reinach, Three Kingdoms, p. 14). We believed for a long time with Visconti, that the daughter of Ariaramne married Antiochus Hierax. This assertion, notes Mr. Reinach, is based on a passage from Justin (kxxvIr, 3) which says that Hierax, defeated in 230, took refuge with his step- father Ariamenes (— Ariaramne). But Justin uses the word socer here in a very broad sense (father-in-law of the sister), because Stratonice, sister of Hierax, had married Ariarathe IIT, son of Ariaramne, so that Ariaramne was the father-in-law of the sister of Hierax himself. In reality, Hierax had married the daughter of Ziaelas, king of Bithynia (Eusebius, I, 40, 10, ed. Migne, — I, 251, 39, ed. Schœne). Droysen was wrong like Vis- conti on this subject (Hist. of Hellenism, IT, 384, note 2). . 4. Clinton, Fasti hellenici, t. II, p. 312.

ANTIOCHUS HIERAX LXXI radical modifications to the historians' text, either by inverting events ments or by substituting one proper name for another. As long as we commit in such a path, all systems can be justified: we followed the one that seemed most likely to us. He makes Antiochus Hierax reign exclusively sively in Asia Minor, and during most of the reign of Seleucus IT Callinicus, that is to say from approximately the year 246 to the year 228. According to Clinton, in On the contrary, the events are concentrated in the space of a few years, that is to say say towards the end of the reign of Seleucus, since it is proven that the two brothers are died around the same time 7. The last author to address this difficult question, Mr. Julius Beloch? a, on certain points of detail, views which must be noted. Thus, it splits the person- swimming of Antiochus Hierax, and he believes that Seleucus had to fight in Asia Minor against two different Antiochus. When Ptolemy entrusted Cilicia 4 to his friend Antiochus, following Justin's expression, Mr. Beloch thinks that this is not at all about An- tiochus Hierax who, in 244, would have been only 7 to 8 years old. Ptolemy would not have received from this child no effective support: it is therefore, according to Mr. Beloch, another Antiochus unknown, supporter of Egyptian domination in Asia Minor. It is there, according to us, an unfounded hypothesis. The history of the ancient oriental monarchies Tales, and that of the Seleucids in particular, contain circumstances numerous where children, even at a young age, play an important political role, not by themselves, but by them. characters who have an interest in supporting them or use it and, in the special case in question, we know precisely that Antio- chus was only an instrument in the hands of his mother Laodice. On the other hand, the sequence of events proves that Antiochus Hierax, the brother of Seleucus, was just that at the end of his career, energetically supported by the king of Egypt who, in all circumstances, his friend shows himself. Why then suppose another Antiochus to start of this drama? , Mr. Beloch seems happier to us when, in the treatise he places in 237 between Seleucus and Ptolemy, he calls into doubt the expression of Justin who says that peace was concluded for ten years (in annos decem cum Seleuco pacem facif). A truce of this kind, thus regulated in advance, is not in the customs of the time when we carries this story. It is likely that Justin will have confused the duration of the truce with that of the war which had just taken place: in fact, begun in 246, the war lasted until 237, that is to say approximately ten years. Other proposed corrections by Mr. Beloch are of little importance from a numismatic point of view. What he was to us essential to note is that, in his system which does not bring Antio- 1. According to Malala, Antiochus Hierax only reigned for two years, but the Byzantine chronograph does not can be an authority: he makes Hierax the son and successor of Antiochus IV Epiphanes. Malala, p. 207. 2. J. Beloch, Seleukos Callinikos und Antiochos Hierax, in the Historische Zeitschrift, by H. von Sybel, 1888, p. 499 to S12,

LXXII INTRODUCTION chus Hierax that in 241, this young prince reigned for 13 years. According to Charles Muller, Hierax reigned for 18 years. From all of the above we draw the following conclusions: 1. Antiochus Hierax must have minted money, since he enjoyed for quite a long time number of years of the title of king; but it could only be minted in Asia Minor, and the pieces that we must propose to attribute to him cannot bear the mint mark located in other provinces of the Seleucid Empire. 2. We saw above that Antiochus II Theos sometimes has his royal effigy decorated with fins, on tetradrachms minted in Asia Minor. However, there is a a certain number of pieces on which the royal head, although equipped with fins, has no iconic connection with the head of Antiochus II Theos. She looks like On the contrary, the effigy of Seleucus IT Callinicus with which it would be confused, was not the legend BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY. We therefore believe that these parts are well certainly from Antiochus Hierax, because it is quite natural that the features of this prince resemble those of his brother Seleucus. Visconti and Mionnet, based on the meaning of the nickname ‘Téoaf, hawk, believed to be able to attribute to Antiochus Hitrax all the coins which have the royal effigy with wings at the temples: the wings reminiscent of the hawk. But the nickname Hierax was not given to the brother of Seleu- cus II only by his enemies and perhaps only by later writers; Antiochus was therefore not able to claim it as a title of glory. By placing the symbol on its currencies. The pieces at the head must be divided into two groups. winged: we saw above the reasons for the adoption of fins by Antiochus II Theos. As for Antiochus Hierax, if he adopted wings, it was perhaps to imitate his father and because he had in his domain the workshops where this symbol had been used; it was perhaps also because he married the daughter of Ziælas, king of Bithy- denies: we have said that Hierax's nephew, Prusias IL, also took the wings of Perseus for emblem. has 3. There is a group of coins, with the legend BAZIAEQNZ ANTIOXOY, which have a royal effigy not provided with wings and simply diademed, but whose features are so identical to those of the pieces of the previous group, that it is not possible to separate them: they were also struck in the same workshops. Here is another series of coins which surely belong to Antiochus Hierax (Calal. n°5 285 to 287). 4. Finally, by proceeding by elimination, we will give Antiochus Hierax some pieces of a very particular style and which have a royal effigy closer to that of this prince than of that of any other Antiochus: such are nos. 288 et seq. vants. There are even some whose barbaric style indicates hasty and passing manufacturing. gere, like that which can reasonably be assumed for the coinage of Yesterday rax in the middle of all his wars, obliged as he was to quickly provide the pay of his soldiers. It seems that, thanks to this careful method, we can present results, if not complete, at least more or less certain for most of the pieces.

SELEUCUS III CERAUNUS LXXIII The workshops from which the coins of Antiochus Hierax came out could not be, as we have said, only cities in Asia Minor. There are some who carry the bee, sym- well-known bole from the workshop of Ephesus. If we do not know in detail the peri- parts of the history of this city that were disputed, at that time, by the kings of Syria and the kings of Egypt, we know however that Antiochus II kept Ephesus until the end of his reign: that’s where he died’. Antiochus Hierax appears to have possessed this city until around 235, when it definitively fell into the hands of the Egyptians*. These dates, compared to the monetary symbol, are an argument for demonstrate that Antiochus Hierax was king from the first years following the death of Antiochus II Theos. Tetradrachm No. 290, which I attribute, because of the club of Heracles, to Heraclea of Ionia, at the foot of Mount Latmus, is similar to a tetradrachm classified to Aatiochus III by Mr. Gardner, but the royal effigy seems to prove us right. The bronze coin No. 294 seems to belong to Hierax because the head of Apollo is similar to that which appears on the bronzes of Achaeus, which, too, could only have been struck in Asia Minor; in addition, the type on the reverse, Apollo leaning on his tripod, is copied on the coins of Seleucus II. SELEUCUS III CERAUNUS Era of the Sels. 86 to 90 (226 to 222 BC) Seleucus III nicknamed Ceraunus, was the eldest son of Seleucus II Callinicus; his real name was Alexander, and it was only on the death of his priest that he took that of Seleucus. From the start of his reign, he undertook to steal from Attalus his possessions of Asia Minor and, accompanied by his cousin Achaeus, he crossed the Taurus at the head of an army. But Seleucus was soon assassinated by his soldiers: he was barely twenty years old at the time of his death, and his monetary portraits age quite noticeably. An inscription found at Seleucia, on the Orontes, and of which we give the text further #, seems to establish that the official nickname taken by Seleucus was Sofer; but neither this title n1 that of Ceraunus which historians give him, does not appear on the medals. According to the same inscription, Seleucus left a child named An- tiochus who, proclaimed king, was soon dismissed by his uncle Antiochus III the Great. The silver coins of Seleucus III Ceraunus are easy to determine, although 1. Eusebius, I, 251 (ed. Schœne); Phylarch, XI ATACS" 2. Eusebius, I, 251; Polybius, 5, 34, 11; J. Beloch. op. cit. p-499. 3. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings, p. 25, no. 7, et pl. VIIL, n° s. 4. See below, Introd., p. LxxIv,

LXXIV INTRODUCTION that they were once confused with those of Seleucus IV; but, the portrait of this the latter is fixed by the coins of his reign which bear dates. Seleucus IIT Ceraunus, like Seleucus IT, has short favorites. There is nothing to say about his type ordinary monetary, which is Apollo seated on the omphalos, following traditional usage- nel. However, we must point out the remarkable tetradrachm (Cafal. n° 295) whose type is Apollo seated on the omphalos, half-naked like Zeus, and the legs completely enveloped in her chlamys; in addition, the god holds his right hand holds his bow and he leans with his left arm on the tripod. On the copy of the British Museum, an elephant is a symbol, to highlight it. The bronze coins of Seleucus IIT are more difficult to determine than his silver coins. However, monogram No. 124, which is seen both on the Chalques No. 5, 315 and 316 and on silver coins No. 306 and following, makes it certain the classification of these bronzes to Seleucus III, since the silver coins are of a indisputable attribution. There is no need to return to the explanation we gave of the pre- ence of Artemis on the coins of the kings of Syria. The head of Apollo of the chalques n°% 303 to 306, was exactly copied by the satrap Molon who revolted at the com- beginning of the reign of Antiochus III: this circumstance justifies the attribution of these bronzes, because Molon is only two or three years removed from Seleucus II. ANTIOCHUS, SON: OF SELEUCUS IX Era of the Sels. 90 (222 BC) A priestly list preserved in the inscription of Seleucia, on the Orontes, at which we have already alluded to, lists in the following order the first kings of Syria successors of Alexander: I. Zeleüxou Audç Nixaropoc. ‘Avridyou AxéAwvos Ewtäpos. Avridyou Oeou. Zeheüxou Kaklivéxou. Zeheüxou Zwrÿooc. “Avriyou. 'Avridyou Meyahou. oœ SEA N.T. WHO Zehebxou?. This inscription inserts (line 6) a king named Antiochus, between Seleucus III Soter (Ceraunus) and Antiochus III the Great. This king Antiochus is not men- 1. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings, pl. VIL, fig. 7. 2. Boeckh, C. I. Gr. n° 4458. }

ANTIOCHUS, SON OF SELEUCUS III LXXV mentioned in ancient authors; also, the moderns have not given it serial number in the series of the kings of Syria, and the ancient numismatists did not thought about giving it currencies. This prince, who reigned only a few months, was probably son of Seleucus IIT; we don’t know his mother’s name’. He was not than a child on the death of his father, because Seleucus IIT cannot have come into the world before the year 245, and assuming, notes Droysen, that he had a son himself at the age of sixteen, the young Antiochus was born in the year 229 at the earliest: he had not therefore only six or seven years at most, at the death of his father, in 222. Now, we have coins, in the name of an Antiochus, which bear the portrait of a prince in infancy, and this portrait is younger than that of Antiochus V who reigned since the age of 9; it is even younger than that of Antiochus VI who died at the age of eight, after two years of reign. It is therefore impossible to accept the ancient attribution of these coins to Antiochus IIT who was twenty years old when he ascended the throne. And as these coins have certainly been minted, — their style proves it, — around the time of the advent of Antiochus II, it is necessary clearly classify them as the young son of Seleucus II. Bunbury accepts this attribution which appears to have been proposed for the first times by Droysen?. “There are, as we know,” says Droysen, “coins from Antio- chus bearing the head of a child as an effigy. We attributed them, if I don't deceives, on the faith of Sestini, Antiochus IIT; but the portrait seems decidedly too young for a prince of almost twenty years: these coins belong, without any doubt, to the son of Seleucus IIT. » This is now an established fact. As for trying to determine in what circumstances and in which country these coins were struck, we can only make conjectures on this point. We know that after the assassination of Seleucus III Ceraunus, the satrap Acaaeus, who governed part of Asia Minor, had the king's murderers put to death and that, refusing for himself the throne offered to him by the soldiers, he continued the war against Attalus, king of Pergamum 3. Achaeus therefore seems to have recognized as legitimate sovereign the son of Seleucus IT: we could thus admit that Achaeus made strike coins in Asia Minor in the name of the young son of Seleucus IT: the style of these beautiful tetradrachms, which all bear a tripod as a symbol, only confirm this explanation. However, Droysen puts forward a hypothesis which may force us to move the location of issue of the currencies in question. Leaving for his campaign in Asia Minor, he said4, Seleucus IIT had entrusted the Carian Hermias with the direction of international affairs. later: we can believe that Hermias particularly favored the advent of An- 1. See Droysen's conjectures about this young prince. Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. III, p. $52, note 3. 2. Droysen, Hellenismus, t. IT, p. 521, note (German ed.) and t. III, p. 552, note 3 of ed., French. Cf. Imhoof-Blumer, Portrætkoepfe, p. 29. 3. Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. III, p. 552. 4. Droysen, Hist, de l'hellen., t, IT, p. 563.

LXXVI INTRODUCTION tiochus III the Great, proclaimed by the troops remaining in Syria. From then on, Molon and Alexander, satraps of Media and Persia, revolted to support the cause of An- tiochus, son of Seleucus III, and this is why Molon did not take the royal title entirely immediately after his rebellion which had at least a pretext of legitimacy. This is Droysen's hypothesis, according to which the young Antiochus would probably have been put to death by Hermias who placed Antiochus IIT on the throne. Regardless, all the tetradrachms of Antiochus, son of Seleucus, were struck in the same workshop, because they are all of the same style and all bear a tripod as symbol; the letters or monograms of the exergue are only issue marks or names of magistrates. It is on the tetradrachms of Antiochus, son of Seleucus, that we find for the first time, the strip of wool around the royal effigy, replacing the garnet or rather alternating with him from now on. This new emblem was incidentally explained by Cavedoni' whose opinion went unnoticed or neglected. IT takes the shape of a woolen cord, with knots at intervals; this cord seems detached from the network of similar cords, which covers the omphalos on which Apollo is seated. In imitation of the coins of the Seleucids, this band- letter wool is also found on coins minted in the cities of Syria, framing the main type; but it seems, and this even happens on the coins of the last Seleucids, having then used it by imitation, conventionally and without referring to peel away its original and symbolic meaning, because it is deformed and completely resembles the well-known architectural molding, called a rosary of olives and which is composed placed with round pearls alternating with elongated grains: this resemblance has even led numismatists to designate monetary ornament under the name of pearl necklace. But to get an exact idea of what this really is ornament, it must be observed in its origins and not in its degenerations, \ and its subsequent alterations. This strip of wool, similar to that of which we adorned the heads of the victims before the sacrifice, the horns of the oxen, for example, It was the sacred creuua of Apollo; a marble statue represents Apollo holding on to hand this knotted cord: sometimes it even seems suspended from a tree sacred as an ex-voto’. Finally, the same strip comes down from the hands of Apollo, almost to the ground, in statues reproduced on the coins: witness the Apollo lon which forms the type of the coins of Magnesia of the Meander; it also adorns by- times the cortina of the Delphic tripod, and we can still compare the strips to it which hang from the hands of the Ephesian Artemis. The omphalos covered with a network, as seen on coins is, in general, too small in proportion to that we can appreciate the composition of the stitches of the fabric, but, if we are willing to 1. Cavedoni, Spicilegio numismatico, p. 260; cf. To de Longpérier, Memoir on the Arsacid Parthian kings, p. 26, footnote. 2. Clarac, Sculpture Museums, pl. 480, no. 923 (Pacetti collection). 3+ See in particular a bas-relief published by Guhl and Kœner, La vie antique (trans., French), p. 6, fig. 2. da

ANTIOCHUS III THE GREAT LXXVII refer to the monuments which reproduce the omphalos in greater proportions. tions (see above, p. XLIV), we will easily realize that the cords of wool which make up the network are exactly similar to that which surrounds the heads of the kings of Syria: this strip recalls the Apollonian origin of Seleucids; as we said above, it is an emblem which protects symbolically the head of the king, son of Apollo. This interpretation explains at the same time how it is that the strip of wool does not appear, in general, in the entire series of royal coins of antiquity, as well as those of kings of Syria: it is found neither on the coins of the kings of Macedonia, nor on those of the kings of Egypt, of Pergamum, of Pontus, of Cappadocia, of Bactria, nor even on the coins of the Parthian kings. The very rare exceptions to this rule that We can note, for example in the Cappadocian and Bactrian series, served would rather confirm than refute this general law. ANTIOCHUS II THE GREAT Era of the Sels. 90 to 126 (222 to 187 BC) I. — Classification of types. Antiochus III was the second son of Seleucus IT Callinicus; he took the throne death of his brother Seleucus IIT Céraunus, or rather to the death of his young nephew Antiochus. He was then twenty years old*: his first monetary portraits express the physiognomy of a young man of this age. While his cousin Achaeus did return under the Syrian yoke the provinces of Asia Minor conquered by Attalus, the satrapies of the East, Media and Persia, rose up at the instigation of the Molon brothers and Alexander: Antiochus only managed to subdue the rebels two years later, 220 BC He then had to abandon Ptolemy IV Philopator, king of Egypt, Coelesyria, Phenicia and Palestine, then undertake a campaign against Achaeus who proclaimed himself independent in Asia Minor; he besieged it in Sardis and had him put to death in 214. Long wars were undertaken by Antiochus in the East of his States, against the king of Parthia Arsaces III and against Eutydemus, king of Bactria. Having made the peace with the latter, he pushed into India and renewed the ancient alliance of kings of Syria with the sovereigns of this country: Sophagesenus provides him with a army of elephants. Antiochus only returned to Antioch after an absence of seven years, from 212 to 205, covered with glory and adorning himself with the title of Méyxs*. During this I. Clinton fixed this age according to a passage from Polybius which says that Antiochus III was fifty years old. during his marriage to Chalcis in the year 192. Cf. Bunbury, in Numism. chron., 3rd series, t. III (1883), p. 91. 2. Droysen (Hist, de l’hellenisme t. TL, p. 358) says that, according to the coins, he also seems to have

LXXVIIT INTRODUCTION long campaign, Antiochus had many coins minted which moved away, by their dry and barbaric style, coins issued in other portions of the empire Syrian; they recall the coins struck in these distant countries by Seleucus I Nicator, Antiochus I Soter and Antiochus II. The memory of the elephants that An- tiochus tira from India is also consecrated by monetary types; at the battle of Raphia, in 217, although Antiochus was defeated by Ptolemy, Indian elephants proved their superiority over the African elephants with which they found themselves in struggle. It is perhaps particularly due to this success of the elephants of Antiochus what do the bronzes which have as their reverse type an elephant ridden by a mahout (Catal. nos. 417 to 423). Unlike the elephants of Seleucus Nicator and Antiochus I Soter, those of Antiochus the Great are not decorated with horns of bull, but sometimes we still find here, next to them, the head of a horned horse (Catal. nos. 423, 438 and 439), which completes the demonstration that this is a sym- Bactro-Indian bole. The coins of Antiochus the Great, minted in the regions of Upper Asia and which we encounter in abundance in monetary finds of Oxus and Indus, are distinguished not only by their fabric, but again by monograms No. 22, 59 and 156, which we have already studied, and which, according to Mr. Howorth, would designate the workshop of Nyssa (Nishapour) in the Khorassan', Mr. Bunbury also rightly observes that it is probable that these coins must have continued to be minted after the departure or death of Antio- chus the Great in these distant provinces which, for a very short time, were located : veent returned to the Syrian empire. In the same year that Antiochus returned to Antioch, in 205, Ptolemy Philopator had died, leaving a son aged five. The king of Syria undertook to reconquer Coelesyria, Palestine and Phoenicia; helped by the Jews, he won, in 198, a great victory at Paneas over the Egyptian general Scopas. Nevertheless he offered the peace to the young Ptolemy V Epiphanes to whom he betrothed his daughter Cleopatra who received in dot Celesyria and Palestine. The workshops of these provinces can therefore very hardly have minted money in the name of Antiochus III. On the other hand, Antiochus III regained possession of Asia Minor; he even passed in Europe and captured the Chersonese of Thrace in 196. There his progress was hindered by the Romans and the Gauls, and Antiochus did not know how to take advantage Hannibal's advice. However, in 192, called by the Aetolians, as had already been his ancestor, Antiochus I Soter, Antiochus the Great passed to Greece: the year next born, he was beaten by the Romans at Thermopylae and forced to return to bore the nickname Nicator. This is an error arising from Droysen believing that currencies of Eutydemus, which bear the legend ANTIOXOY NIKATOPOZ, relate to Antiochus III whom the king of Bactria would have considered his suzerain. We have seen above than currencies bacteria in question are restitution medals which recall the memory of Antiochus I** Soter confused with his father. See above, Introd. p. xLr. 1. See above Introd. p. xXXVIT, xxxIx and xL. 2. Bunbury, in Numism. chronicle, 3rd series, t. III (1883), p. 93-95.

AND rs tie has ANTIOCHUS III THE GREAT 4 LXXIX Asia. His fleet was also twice defeated; finally, defeated by Scipio in 190 BC. AD, in a great battle, at the foot of Mount Sipyle near Magnesia, the king of Syria had to cede all the countries west of the Taurus, undertake to pay 12,000 talents euboic, deliver elephants and warships, send hostages to Rome his own son Antiochus. Antiochus III the Great was killed in 187, while lant, for the second time, to get his hands on the riches of a temple in Ely- maïde: he was 52 years old and had reigned 32. The historical summary that we have just presented to serve as milestones for our numismatic investigations show the extent and diversity of the countries which were more or less temporarily under the domination of Antiochus III, at the same time than the length of the reign of this prince. The production of currencies is felt directly from these circumstances. The royal effigy varies not only because of the multiplicity and reciprocal distance of workshops which extend from India to Thrace and Greece, but also because of the age of the king. Among the portraits of young Antiochus IIT, there are some that one could be tempted to attribute, with Mr. Percÿ Gardner, to Antiochus Hierax, because of their resemblance to the effigy monetary of Seleucus IT, the father of this prince. And in the portraits of Antiochus III aged, it turns out that we hesitate to classify it as this prince or as Antiochus I Soter. However, these hesitations only concern a very small number of pieces, and we can say that in general, we easily recognize the coins of Antiochus III in the middle of all the coins of the Seleucids; the portrait of the prince is to us ensured by the chalks bearing his effigy stamped with dates from the Seleucid era, in some towns of Phoenicia. Mr. Héron de Villefosse recognized the features of Antiochus III the Great in a marble bust in the Louvre Museum, long referred to as Julius Caesar. From the point of view of the age of the king and the style of the medals, we tried to constitute several groups which are differentiated from each other by particularities lities in the physiognomy of the portrait. Group A (Catal. nos. 335 to 354). Young head, pointed nose, full cheeks; on few coins, the king has emerging favorites like Seleucus III whose coins monetary policies were visibly copied at the start of the new reign. There is even coins in the name of Antiochus which bear the same monetary marks, for example monogrs. Nos. 124 and 130, which we have already noted on the coins of Seleucus III Ceraunus; finally some, from Asian workshops Minor, similar to the portrait of Antiochus Hierax. Group B (Cafal. nos. 355 to 364). The figure of the king is that of a grown man; his features are thin and angular; the physiognomy is more severe. The style of pieces described in nos. 363 and 364 are very particular: the neck is very elongated; the monetary blank is flat, dry, and this character, added to the Al monogram, proves that these medals were struck in Bactria.

LXXX INTRODUCTION Group C (Cat. No. 365 to 387). He is also a middle-aged guy, but in other workshops. The figure is more compact: it gives us the impression of a man aged 40 to 45. Group D (Catal. nos. 388 to 390). Type of old man; the features are accentuated, the face becomes wrinkled, deformed and emaciated, although Antiochus died only s2 years. IT. — Gold coins of Antiochus III. The gold coins of Antiochus III consist of staters and quadruples staters. Around 1886, a find of staters was made in some region of the banks of Oxus or Indus; these gold coins (Culal. n° 355) represent Antio- chus with traits that are already those of mature age, that is to say that these traits cor- correspond to the age that Antiochus was during his expedition in Bactria and in India; finally these staters are remarkable for their dry and flat fabric, and they bear, as a monetary mark, the monograms 59 or 156, which are special to currencies issued in Central Asia: these are more than sufficient reasons to establish that these staters were struck in India or Bactria during the long expedition of Antiochus III the Great in these remote regions:. The quadruple staters or octodrachms of gold which appear for the first time in the Seleucid series, are also known in fairly large numbers, but we ignores their origin. Besides our copy (Catal. n° 365) and that of the British Museum, there are three which, from the Fox collection, entered the Berlin Museum; three others are in the royal library of Haag* and one in the Museum of Flo- ence. There are still others which it is superfluous to enumerate; it is only suitable to warn the reader to be wary of false attributions that may have been made of some of these coins which were sometimes given to Antiochus I Soter or to others Antiochus5. These large and beautiful gold coins weigh 34 gr. 20 to 33 grams 90 approx. They were given, as with similar pieces of the Lagides series, the name of mnaieia (uvañov). “This name,” remarks Fr. Lenormant, “expressed their value of a mine or one hundred drachmas of silver. We can therefore compare them to gold hundred franc coins that are minted from time to time at the Paris Mint. » 1. Mr. Percy Gardner first attributed these staters to Antiochus Hierax (The Seleucid, p. 110 and pl. XXVIIL, x b); he later recognized that these pieces, due to their Indobactrian provenance, surely belonged to Antiochus III. (Numism. chron. 3rd series (1887), vol. I, p. 11). 2. See on these coins, Imhoof-Blumer, in the Zeitschrift für Numismatik. t. UT, p. 345 to 347. 3. For example, in the Northwick Catalogue, No. 1262, where one of these octodrachms is attributed to Antiochus I°* Soter. M. A. von Sallet claims that the Berlin Museum has a gold octodrachm of Antiochus V Eupator: I hardly believe in this attribution. (A. von Sallet, in the Zeifsch. f. Numism., t. III, p. 347, footnote; cf. Friedlaender, in the Zeit. f. Numism., t. I, p. 268). The description of the octo- gold drachmas from the Berlin Museum can be found in full in Friedlaender and A. von Sallet, Das Kænigl. Munzkabinet, n°5 416, 417, 418 and 426: the attribution to Antiochus V is maintained. 4. Fr. Lenormant, Money in Antiquity, t. I, p. 7.

ANTIOCHUS III THE GREAT b LXXXI As these quadruple gold staters are struck with the same dies as the silver tetradrachms whose external appearance they have, one could be tempted to suspect authenticity. But it is well established in the eyes of the best judges; most of the pieces have been known for a very long time and have passed by all hands. Finally, the monograms that we read on the reverse of these medallions vary in shape, move, and thus attest to the multiplicity of monetary corners. Judging by the appearance of Antiochus' head, the golden octodrachms were struck at a time roughly contemporary with the staters, but not in the same country. Their manufacture seems to designate Babylonia, and perhaps it is possible to relate to a historical circumstance the temporary issue of these extra- ordinary. At the start of his campaign in the East, Antiochus occupied Ecbatana where he found a famous temple of Anaïtis whose riches were proverbial. Antio- He got his hands on the gold and silver of the temple and minted money. Is this that the gold coins, unusual in their size, of which we have just spoken, represent would smell to our eyes the gold ingots taken from the sacred treasure of Anaïtis, in Ecbatane? HE. — Antiochus III in Europe. If, as we have seen, the campaign of Antiochus III in Bactria and in India had its repercussions in numismatics, the same is true of its experience. edition in Europe and its fight against the Romans. Once Philip V was dethroned by the Romans, the king of Syria believed the time had come to take back for his own account the claims of Seleucus Nicator and Antiochus Soter to throne occupied by Alexander. His projects were favored by those of the Greeks who were enemies of Roman rule. The Aetolians sent to Antiochus a deputation led by Thoas and offered him the title of supreme leader of the Aetolian League (xdroxsérwo otpurnyée). In 192, Antiochus landed at Demetrias in Thessaly; the islands of Imbros and Lemnos welcomed him enthusiastically, and he receives at Chalcis the submission of all Euboea, His allies are the Aetolians, the Boeotians, the Acarnanes, the Magnetes, the Messenians, the people of Elis and Amy- nander, king of the Athamanes. In the winter of 191-192, he marched through Boeotia and Thessaly, reduced to Pheres, Scotussa, Crannon, fails before Larissa. He takes his winter quarters at Chalcis, in Euboea, where he married Eubæa, daughter of Cleoptolemus. Already some time before, he had sent rich gifts to the sanctuary from Apollo to Delos, and the grateful Delians had voted crowns and busts to the king of Syria and to Laodice his first wife, at the same time, it is true, that they formed similar wishes in favor of the Roman generals who enriched them also sacrificed their offerings *. Finally, a statue was even erected at Delos at 1. Th. Homolle, in Bull. of corr. hellen., t. VIII, p. 85. BaseLoN., — Kings of Syria, YI

LXXXII ‘ INTRODUCTION Antiochus the Great, through the care of Menippos, a character who plays a consi- difficult in the negotiations of the years 193 and 192 between the Romans, the Aetolians and Antiochus; significant circumstance, the dedication of the statue gives the king of Syria the epithet of Macedonian*. It was in the spring of 191 that Antiochus, beaten at Thermopylae, by Man. Acilius Glabrio, was forced to leave Europe and to take refuge in Ephesus. Mr. Percy Gardner has skillfully brought out the traces left in the numismatics this unsuccessful but important campaign?. 1. The city of Hephaestia, on the island of Lemnos, issued mon- Bronze wings with the diademed head of a king who appears to be Antiochus III the Great. These coins are not very rare, and on well-preserved examples, we see that the head has the greatest relationship with that of the royal coins of Syria. 2. The town of Carystus, in Euboea, mints the following coin: Head of Antio- chus III on the right, diademed and crowned with oak leaves. Rz. KAPY2ZTION. Victory holding a palm, in a galloping bige to the left. Didrachmesi. 3. The city of Chalcis, in Euboea, mints the following coins: Head of Queen Euboea, veiled like Hera, right. BL. XAAKIAEQN ZENOKPATHZ. Demeter in a galloping quadriga, right, holding a torch and the reins. Hard oak crown. Attic tetradrachm4. XAAKI- Woman in a quadriga. BL. GEOKAHZ TTAYZANIOY, in a laurel wreath. Chalque 5. 4. The Aetolian league minted the following coin: Head of Antiochus III, right, diademed and crowned with oak leaves (as on the didrachms of Carystus). BR. AITOAON: Warrior standing left, crowned with oak, his chlamys on the leg, the Aetolian causia thrown back on its back, its sword at its side and the foot placed on a rock; with his right hand, he leans on his spear. Didrachma, s. The Acarnanian League issues the following currency : AKAPNANON. Head Laurea of Apollo on the right. &. OYQN. Artemis advancing to the right, a torch in each hand, the quiver on the shoulder; in front of her, Pancre of the Seleucids. Crown laurel around the edge. Æ‘. 6. Amynander, king of the Athamanes, strikes the following bronze: Veiled head of Queen Euboœaea (or Dione). B:. AGAMANON. Athena standing holding an owl and a spear 7. The diademed, and therefore royal, head which appears to the right of the bronzes bar- bars of Lemnos, appears to be that of Antiochus III. However the iconic character . Homolle, in the Bull. of corr. hellén., t. IT, p. 36x. . Percy Gardner, in Numism. chronicle, N.S., t. XVIII, p. 94 to 97. . Barclay Head, Central Greece (British Museum catalog), pl. XIX, fig. 2. . Barclay Head, Central Greece, pl. XIX, fig. x; Hist. numerum, p. 304, fig. 203. . Barclay Head, Central Greece, pl. XXI, fig. 4. . Percy Gardner, Thessaly to Aetolia (British Museum catalog), pl. XXVII, fig. 5. . Percy Gardner, Thessaly to Ætolia, pl. XVIII, fig. s. PLAY % D H P O

ANTIOCHUS III THE GREAT LXXXIIT nographic of the monetary effigy, on these coins, is not clear enough for us to can be absolutely affirmative on this point. So this is just a conjecture. probable. It is quite different with the head which appears on the magnificent medals of Carystus and the Aetolian League. First, the fact that the same head appears on medals of Carystus and Aetolia contemporary with Antiochus II, already constitutes a presumption in favor of attributing this head to the king of Syria whose Aetolians and Euboeans were allies. Secondly, the head which is on these medals have iconographically, as Mr. Gardner remarks, a large resemblance to the effigy of Syrian currencies. The oak crown that enlaces the royal diadem is not an obstacle to the attribution to Antiochus III, because the contemporary currencies, of Attalus I king of Pergamum and of Ptolemy IV king from Egypt, offer similar characteristics. Since the same head appears at the same time on the Euboean and Aetolian coins, it is obvious that, on the coins of Aetolia cannot be the head of Ætolos, the eponymous hero, nor that of Attalus I, king of Pergamum, who was leader of the Aetolian league in 209: Ætolos and Attalus did not nothing to do with Euboea. There is no reason either, we believe, to think of recognize in this head that of Alexander the Great, because it has no relation nor with that which we see on the coins of Lysimachus decorated with the horns of Ammon, nor with that which Greek and Roman tradition gives to the Macedonian hero. I believe therefore that Mr. Gardner's hypothesis is justified and that the head in question gives us offers the features, perhaps a little idealized, of Antiochus III:. On the coins of Chalcis and on those of the Athamanes undoubtedly struck by the care of Amynander, ally of Antiochus, we see, as we have said, a head of veiled woman in whom we can recognize Queen Euboea, rather than the nymph Dione. Compare to it the queen's head which appears on the coins of Seleucus IV Philopator, the head of Laodice attached to that of Alexander I Bala, the head of Cleopatra alone or joined to that of Antiochus VIIT Grypus, the head of the Arsinoë and Berenices on Egyptian coins; finally, the head of Queen Philistis on Syracuse coins. The reverse of the coin of Chalcis, with Demeter in a quadriga, makes direct- an allusion to the sumptuous feasts that Antiochus gave in honor of his marriage with the daughter of Cleoptolemus, whom he pompously greeted with the name of Eu- boea, the eponymous nymph and protector of the island. We readily admit that the other currency of Chalcis, of which we have given the description, also relates to Antiochus IIT’s stay in Euboea and his wedding celebrations. As for the magis- trats who signed these pieces, Theocles, son of Pausanias, and Xenocrates, they are historically unknown, and it is unfounded that Mr. Gardner identifies Xeno- crates with a certain Xenoclides whom Titus Livius cites as one of the main citizens of Chalcis at the time of the passage of Antiochus. 1. See Imhoof-Blumer, Portretkæpfe, p. 29.

LXXXIV INTRODUCTION Finally, all that remains is for us to point out the anchor of the Seleucids, an unrecovered emblem. sand of Antiochus III, on the currency of the Acarnanian league that we have described under No. 5, and whose types are also foreign to Acarnanian coinage ordinary, the head of Apollo replacing that of Achelous, and Artemis being substituted killed at Apollo Actius seated. The currencies that we have just listed belong to the countries which made alliance with Antiochus III, and they are not part of the currency minted under the direct authority of this prince: they cannot, consequently, be placed under his reigns in the series of Seleucid coins: they must remain, even those which have the idealized head of Antiochus, classified to their respective countries. But, in the same series of coins of Antiochus III, we can recognize a certain number which were struck in Europe or which betray memories of the expedition tion of Antiochus in Greece. This is how we find on the bronzes of our catalogue, n° 424 to 435, the same head of a veiled woman as the one we have reported on the coins of Chalcis, proposing to recognize the effhigy of the Queen Euboea. The bronzes in question have, it is true, been classified by Mr. Percy Gardner uncertainly to Antiochus IV or Antiochus V:; but they are surely of Antiochus III for the following reasons: 1. The type of the elephant, which well suits Antiochus III, cannot relate to Antiochus IV or V who never have the elephant on their coins. 2. The elephant head on the reverse of these coins has, behind it, a tripod; gold, which only sees that these small bronzes are divisions of the chalques of Antiochus III (neither 417 et seq.) which have on the right, the head of this prince and, on the reverse, the whole elephant, with the same tripod? We therefore cannot hesitate to recognize in these pieces products of the coinage of Antiochus IIT in Europe. Our chalk no. 443, must also be European factory. This bronze which Mr. Percy Gardner classified to Antiochus I Soter?, has a type of reverse, Apollo standing, his foot on the omphalos, which recalls the type of Poseidon on a large number of coins of Macedonia and others country. We can also compare the standing warrior who appears on the reverse of the beautiful Aetolian coins on which we recognized the head of Antiochus III. IV. — Dated coins. The coins of Antiochus the Great are the first of the Seleucid series on which we begin to encounter a date, and this date is naturally sup- pute after the Seleucid era. We will find monetary dates up to the reign of Tigranes the Armed. 1. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, p. 43. 2. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, pl. IV, fig 2. A C RE it <

ANTIOCHUS III THE GREAT LXXXV nien, that is to say until the end of the series; but not all currencies are dated, and in each reign we had to form a separate group of pieces without date. It is remarkable that before being used on the royal coins of Syria, the Seleucid era had long since made its appearance on the coins of different towns on the coast of Phoenicia. On the coins of Tyre, the Seleucid date the oldest is year 2 (— 310 BC); in Acé, we find year 5 (= 308 BC). AD"). Thus, the Seleucid era was initially put into exclusive use on the coins of the Phoenician cities. Moreover, the royal coins which bear dates, at least under Antiochus III the Great, also come out exclusively, from the workshops of Tire and Sidon, and these are only bronze coins. The dates PIB (year 112), PIE (= year 115), PIZ (— year 117) are the only authentic ones of the reign of Antiochus IIL2. You have to go down to Demetrius I Soter to find worm of dated royal tetradrachms. Also Mr. Six made a mistake, according to me, in admitting, according to Leake #, a tetradrachm of Antiochus III with the date AP EE 204) hit at Tyr5. This is, most likely, an AP monogram which will have been wrongly taken for a date: this same monogram appears on a bronze from the British museum. Mionnetz gives, according to Sestini, the PIE date (= year 115) with the type of palm which suits Tyre; but this reverse is not seen on any other coin of Antiochus III, which makes me doubt the date, although it is admitted by Saulcy 8. On the coins of the Arsacids and the kings of Pontus, we see indicated, by a raf- finely precise, the same month the coins were minted. I don't have found the application of a similar method on the coins of the kings of SYHÉ, and the numerous attempts made in this direction by Saulcy, for the explanation of certain many monograms with the names of months, all seemed vain and unfounded to me. lying?. V. — The workshops. The monogram of Tyre, composed of the letters TYP; appears in the series of mon- royal families of Syria for the first time under Antiochus III: we see it on tetradr. n°5 344 and 345, and we will often encounter it later, but with this I. J.-P. Six, in Numism. chronicle, 3rd series, t. VI (1886), p. 97 to 113. 2. The PKA date (= year 124) given by MM. Percy Gardner and Bunbury, after a bronze from British Museum, does not seem certain to me, at least upon inspection of the collotype (Gardner, The Seleu- cid Kings of Syria, pl. IX, fig. 3. Bunbury in Numism. chron. 3rd series, t. III, (1883), p. 88. + Waddington, Numismatic mixtures, 2nd series (1867), PAS 216: + Leake, Numism. bellen. Kings, p. 25. J-P. Six. The Age of Tyre, p. 11-12 (Extr. from Num. chron., 3rd series, vol. VI, 1886). + Gardner, The Seleucid Kings, pl. IX, 6. . Supplement, No. 116. + Saulcy, Coins dated to the Seleucids, p. 7 to 8. . Saulcy, op. cit., p. 21 et passim. © ON What + ww

LXXXVI INTRODUCTION particularity that it will be constantly placed above the club of Heracles. So arranged, it alone forms the type of autonomous currencies of Tyre, so that its interpretation cannot raise the slightest doubt. We know that Lycia passed from the hands of the Egyptians into those of Antio- chus IIT; also Mr. Percy Gardner proposed to recognize the goddess of Myra placed as a symbol in the field of a beautiful tetradrachm in the British Museum. After the defeat of Antiochus III at Magnesia, the Romans gave Lycia to the Rhodians. Mr. Imhoof-Blumer looks at the bar-style bronzes as if they were struck in Babylonia. bare (Catal. n° 446 to 448) which have the type of a mare nursing her foal:. Finally, we will not return to what we said above about the coins minted in Bactria or in Iran and in Europe. It was perhaps in Antioch that the small bronze coin No. 415 was struck, which bears on the right, the head of Apollo, and on the reverse an arrowhead: we melt this hypothetical attribution on the legend relating to Apollo's arrowhead, which we reported above. We will not try to explain by city names a certain number of monograms which lend themselves with as much complacency as arbitrariness to this genre of exercise. There is, however, a completely unusual piece that we must point out. here, it is that of Antioch of Ptolemaides with the year 99. The reading of the date is certain taine; the year is preceded by the index L uxdbavros), the use of which is of Egyptian origin. here. This coin is the only royal coin with the name of a city which appears in the Seleucid series before Antiochus IV Epiphanes. It was during the reign of Antiochus III that certain workshops began to strike bronze coins whose edges are cut into saw teeth. MOLON re of Sel. 92 (220 BC) Upon his accession to the throne, Antiochus III the Great had entrusted the govern- creation of the satrapies of Persia and Media to two brothers whom he believed worthy of his confidence, Molon and Alexander, at the same time as he charged Achaeus with the pacification of Asia Minor. But a disagreement arose between Hermias, minister all powerful of Antiochus, and the two brothers, pushed the latter to revolt. Molon proclaimed himself king of the entire country east of the Tigris and captured Seleucia and 1. P. Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, p. $2, 12; pl. VII, 6, 2. Imhoof-Blumer. Greek coins, p. 429. 3+ See above, Znfrod., p. xLvT, Pe CT

ACHAEUS LXXXVII of Babylon, while Antiochus was busy making war on the Egyptians in Coelesyria. But, from the year 220, Antiochus marched against the rebel whom he had crucified. Such, according to Polyber, is the story of this satrap who, although king for two barely years old, had time to strike bronze coins, but not mon- naies of gold and silver’. The bronzes of Molon are very interesting in that they make known the style of the coins of Babylonia and Media, excluding from the other provinces of the Seleucid empire where this ephemeral king was unable to mint money. On the chalque (Catal. no. 457), Apollo Musagète is depicted almost as on the magnificent tetradrachm of Antiochus IV Epiphanes which we will talk about soon (Catal. no. 547). On the small bronzes, Apollo has his hair raised on the back of his neck, and the head of the god is, as we have already said, slavishly copied on the bronzes attributed to Seleucus III Céraunus. We do not know of other types on the coins of Molon, but the coins contained in our catalog exist in several several copies, with various monograms5, ACHAEUS Era of the Sels. 98 (214 BC) Achaeus ('Ayutoc) was son of Andromachus whose sister Laodice had married Seleucus IT Callinicus; he himself took as his wife Laodice, daughter of Mithridates IT, king of Pontus. Achaeus accompanied Seleucus IIT Ceraunus in his expedition against Attalus, and later Antiochus III the Great, entrusted him with the government of Asia Minor that he had reconquered and pacified; thanks to him, Egyptian domination only remained in Ephesus and Samos. But the claims of Hermias, the favorite of the king, incited them to revolt as they had pushed Molon to do : Achaeus took the title of king. Antiochus the Great having concluded a one-year truce with Ptole- mée Philopator in 96 (217 BC), crossed the Taurus, united with Attalus, stripped Achaeus with all his possessions, and besieged him in Sardis, his capital. After a 1. Polybius, V, 40 to 54; Trog. Pomp., Prol. XXX. 2. Saulcy believed he could attribute a bronze coin to Alexander, brother of Molon; but on an observation from Mr. Six, he himself later recognized his error. See, Numisma Mixtures- tick, published by F: de Saulcy and A. de Barthélemy, t. II (1877), p. 342-345, et t. III, p. 311-312. 3. In addition to the catalog of the British Museum, see on the coins of Molon: Prokesch Osten, in the Archæologische Zeitung, 1853, p. 383; 1859, p. 74, and in the Revue numismatique, 1860, p. 277. 4. King Achaeus was often confused with his grandfather Achaeus I who was never king, but simply governor of part of Asia Minor. The first Achaeus was the father of Andromachus and Laodice, the wife of Seleucus II. His grandson, King Achaeus, whom we will call Achaeus IT, married Laodice, the second daughter of Mithridates IT; he thereby became the brother-in-law of Pharnaces I‘ and of Mithridates Philopator Philadelphus. (See the genealogical tables drawn up by Mr. Th. Reinach. Three kingdoms of Asia Minor, pp. 20$ and 206.) s. Droysen, History of Hellenism, t. III, p. 454, note 4, and pp. 553, 564, 574 and 597.

LXXXVIII INTRODUCTION two-year struggle, Achaeus fell into the hands of Antiochus who had him put to death. dead. From historical events it follows that Achaeus was only able to mint money in Asia Minor and particularly in Sardis. We only know of him bronze coins and a stater preserved in the Munich Museum. We reproduce (fig. 18) the image and description of this important gold medal, unique until now: Diademed and bearded bust of Achaeus, right. B. BAZIAEQZ (right) AXAIOY (left). Athena advancing to the left, and fighting with the spear and the shield. In the field on the left. the letters OE and a horse's head; on the right, the monopgr. Fig. 18. No. 138:. The chalques of Achaeus have varied types. The head of Apollo (Cafal. n° 459 to 461) has calamistrated hair like on a bronze that we classified in Antio- chus Hierax, who was king in the same country as Achaeus. The eagle with a palm on the wing, is a type imitated from Egyptian coins: this is the first time that we We meet him in the Seleucid series, but we will find him again later. The horse head of our No. 461 does not appear horned, any more than the one which is in symbol on the gold stater and that which we see on chalques of Demetrius I Soter. We give here, to complete the numismatics of King Achaeus, the drawings of two bronzes which are missing from the Cabinet of France. To Hairless and diademed head of Achaeus? right. BL BAXIAENZ AXAIOY. = Naked Apollo, standing left, holding an arrow right hand raised. Æ18 mill. (Pembroke Museum, leaves. II, tab. LXI; Mionnet, Suppl. No. 119; Treasure of Num. Greek Kings, p. 91, no. 8.) The head of the right is perhaps simply the head of Apollo. The type of reverse is strange; the gesture of Apollo holding a Fig. 19. arrow was obviously imagined by the engraver of the Muste Pembroke, following the defective condition of the medal. It is undoubtedly the ordinary type of Apollo standing, leaning on a tripod, and holding an arrow in his right hand. Laureate head of Apollo, right. Bz. BAZIAEQNZ AXAIOY. Tripod. Æ12. (Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, p. 30, n°5, and pl. X, fig. 4.) We can compare this piece to a small bronze to the same types that we classified at Antiochus Hierax. Some of the bronzes of Achaeus bear the mark 1 monetary To who cannot, here, relate to a workshop in the eastern provinces 1. First published by Streber in the Denkschriften der Munchener Akademie, 1816-1817, (Klasse der Geschichte, p. 1); the king's head is reproduced in the work of M. Imhoof-Blumer, Portrætkæpfe pl. I, 19. 4 To 4! É | |

SELEUCUS IV PHILOPATOR LXXXIX of the Syrian monarchy. We also sometimes find on the chalkboards, as a countermark, the letters APX, where a tripod, or a horse's head. Finally, for currencies of Achaeus, more perhaps than for those of any other king of Syria, we must put ourselves warns against the erroneous descriptions of ancient authors”. SELEUCUS IV PHILOPATOR Era of the Sels. 126 to 138 (187 to 175 BC) I. —— Monetary types. The son and successor of Antiochus IIT was already a grown man when his father gave him, in 196 BC. BC, in Lysimachia, the government of the Chersonese of Thrace. Four years later, Seleucus, at the head of a large army, now born Ionia in obedience, recaptured Cyme and Phocce and besieged Pergamum itself same. Seleucus commanded part of the Syrian forces at the Battle of Magné- sie in 190. He received, three years later, from the hands of his father, a weakened empire. Once on the throne, he tried, but in vain, to restore power Syrian in Asia Minor: the Romans prevented it from succeeding. We see it like this ally themselves successively with the Achaeans, with Pharnaces, king of Pontus, with Perseus, king of Mace- doine, and even to the Romans to whom he delivered his son Demetrius as a hostage, in place of his brother who was to be Antiochus IV. He was going to find himself grappling with Ptolemy V Epiphanes when he was assassinated by his minister Heliodorus, son of Aeschylus?. The monetary portraits of Seleucus IV are certain because his effhigy appears on dated documents. The iconic features of the royal head, its broken forehead green, its large jaws do not allow confusion, on coins without date, the features of Seleucus IV with those of the homonymous kings. The bronzes do not have not always, like silver coins, the royal effigy; also, in the absence of this effigy or a date, would the attribution of the chalques sometimes be difficult to justify, if another criterion did not come to our aid. We said above that the coins with serrated edges begin to appear at the end of the reign of Antiochus III. All the chalques in the name of Seleucus, which have serralti edges do not could therefore be prior to Seleucus IV. They also cannot be posted- laughing, because Seleucus V, who had a very short reign, very probably did not strike 1. Notably Mionnet, Descr. No. 253 (head of Hercules) after Vaillant and Frœlich; and Supplement no. 120 (curly woman's head). In both cases, it is a head of Apollo. 2. Mr. Homolle found an inscription in Delos which relates the erection of the statue of this character in the temple of Apollo. Bull, corr. hell., t. III, p. 364-365.

_XC INTRODUCTION currency; as for Seleucus VI, he is too far away: the currencies of his time are of a different manufacture which excludes any attempt to attribute to this prince the bronzes in question. Thus, all the chalques of Seleucus IV, undated, are distinguished from those of homonymous princes by the jagged edges. From the point of view of types, they constitute kill the following groups: 1° Head of Apollo, archaic style. R. Apollo leaning on the tripod (Catal. n°5 479 to 491). There is nothing to say about these subjects which are only the continuation of the traditional types of the Seleucids. — 2° Head of Dionysus. Rz. Bow (Catal. n°5 492 to 500). The bow suggests that these pieces are minted in Phoenicia, perhaps in Tire or Sidon. — 3° Artemis (Cafal. n°s Sor at 504). The attributes of the goddess do not allow us to hesitate to recognize Artemis huntress; the reverse being identical to that of the autonomous coins of Laodicea on sea, to the legend IOYAIEQN TON KAI AAOAIKEON, the plays of Seleu- cus IV may therefore have been issued in the workshop of Laodicea. — 4° Head of diademed and veiled woman. Rz. Elephant head (Cafal. n° sos to 508). We have already pointed out that this woman's head is similar to that of the bronzes of Antio- chus IIT le Grand (Catal. n° 425 to 435), and that it seems to us to represent a queen. However, it cannot be the wife of Antiochus IIT whose presence does not would not be justified on the coins of Seleucus IV Philopator. Should we recognize here the queen wife of Seleucus? We don't know his name, and it's a hypothesis completely free that Frœlich gives his own sister Lao as wife to Seleucus IV. dice whom he is said to have married when she became the widow of his elder brother Antiochusr. Whoever she was, the wife of Seleucus IV, mother of Demetrius I and Laodice, could well have, like other queens of Syria, had her effigy attached to that of the king. HE. — Dated coins. The coins of Seleucus IV Philopator provide some interesting dates to report (Cafal. n°s $0o to 512). Our parts carry the following: ZN (sic, n° $o9 to 512) for SAP (— year 136) or LAP (— year 137)? SAP (= year 136) n° 510. SAH (sic, n° 511) for SAP (= year 136). PAL (— year 137) n° 512. The date is read from left to right, and not from right to left following usual usage. These currencies therefore do not give, in reality, in a positive way, that years 136 and 137. These are, moreover, the only two that Mionnet noted in his body of work? In his Supplement (vol. VIII, p. 23, no. 126), the same author reads the date PAA (= 131), which he records according to Eckhel5, but he adds: This date does not seem accurate, Eckhel not having reported it in his Doctr. num. vel. » 1. Frœlich, Annales Syr., p. 43. 2. Mionnet, Descr., t. V, p. 30, n° 268 and 260. 3. Eckhel, Catal, mus. Caes, Vindob., T, p. 212, no. 3.

ANTIOCHUS IV EPIPHANES XCI Mionnet (n° 127) notes the date PAS (— year 136) on a bronze from the British Museum. tannic, according to Haym.' The same date is , again reported by Mionnet (his n° 128) on a piece from the Pembroke Museum: the type of lyre and the legend BAZIAEQZ ZEAEYKOY DIAOTTATOPOZ (fig. 21). These two dates 136 and 137 are consistent with those of the parts of the Cabinet of France. But Mionnet (nos. 129 and 130) gives, according to Sestini, two other certain dates. ly false. The first PAZ (year 137) would be read, according to Sestini 5, on a bronze which has, on the right, the head of Dionysus and, on the reverse, the prow of a ship. This room is similar to those of our group (nos. 492 to 00) which does not include a single medal with date. It is therefore almost certain that this is a false reading. The other piece, published by Sestini after the Cousinéry firm, has the same types and it would bear the date PAH (— 138). It gives rise to the same observations tions than the previous one and there is no need to take them into account. Besides, Mionnet himself says- even in a note: “If this date has been well read, it gives great value to this medal which extends the reign of Seleucus IV by a year or a few months, since it was in the year 138 of the Seleucid era that Antiochus IV mounted the throne. » Clinton does not talk about this date 1384, which must be definitively rejected and which only belongs to the reign of Antiochus IV Epiphanes. ANTIOCHUS IV EPIPHANES Era of the Sels. 138 to 149 (175 to 164 BC) Antiochus IV, nicknamed "Eripavis and Oeds, was delivered to the Romans as a hostage from the year 188, by his father Antiochus the Great. He remained in Rome until 176, time when his brother Seleucus IV sent his own son Demé to replace him. trius. While returning from captivity, Antiochus stopped, on the way, at Athens where he stayed for a long time, immersing himself in Hellenic civilization, playing even an important role in public affairs. This is how there are Athenian coins minted in 175 BC. BC on which his name appears as chief magistrate, accompanied by the elephant, symbol of the family of Seleucids. Antiochus inscribed his name on these coins as oroxrnyoc H + Haym, Thes Brit., I, p. 40. + Catal. from the Pembroke Museum, t. II, pl. LXI. . Sestini, Lett. numism., t. VIII, p-IIO. 4. Clinton, Fasti hellenici, t, I, p. 317, note. Cavedoni also proposed rejecting this PAH date (Revue munism., 1856, p. 377); cf, F, de Saulcy, Memoir on coins dating from the Seleucids, p. 9. SW D

XCII INTRODUCTION rt to OmhuT. About ninety years later, Mithridates Eupator, king of Pont, was also named strategist of arms, and his name with the symbol of his amile, the star and the crescent, also appears on a series of Athenian coins. In Athens, Antiochus showed himself to be particularly generous; he contributed in a large part in the reconstitution of the Olympiaion *, and its coins, like its history, testify to his cult of Olympian Zeus. The obols of our Cata- log, n°% 529 and 530, have a type which seems to recall one of the incidents of the stay of Antiochus in Greece: it is an aegis seen from the front, a type that we also find ment on some bronzes 5. It is undoubtedly the image of the golden aegis, decorated with a head of Gorgon, at aiyk in LpvoŸ xal ët” avris n the opyw éoriv, that the future king of of Syria had it placed on the ridge of the roof of the theater of Athens 4. Antiochus also stood out by his pompous liberalities towards the sanctuary of Apollo at Delos, where we found several inscriptions in his honor. One of them teaches us that a Athenian, who had experienced the effects of royal munificence, had Antiochus erect a statue in the temple of Apollo. We do not fully understand the reign of Antiochus IV Epiphanes, his political role and even the types of its currencies, that if we take into account this fact: namely that this prince had become deeply Hellenized and he strove, tirelessly and without scruple, to transplant to Syria the Hellenic culture with which he was imbued. Considered at this point from a point of view, its historical role is quite different from that in the Jewish tradition which did not consider dered in him as the odious persecutor. Antiochus' cruelty towards the Jews aimed to introduce into Palestine the cult of Greek divinities, and we saw erect a statue of Olympian Zeus in the very sanctuary of Jehovah, even as in the temple of Mount Gerizim 7. Antiochus adorned Antioch, his capital, a large number of copies of the main masterpieces of Greek sculpture, notably a replica of the Athena Parthenos of Phidias ® whose image appears on coins from Alexander I Bala, Antiochus IV was already old when he succeeded his brother, and his monetary effigy is related to this historical information. However, the chronological establishment logic of currencies presents difficulties from an iconographic point of view: the legends of silver coins will help us get out of trouble. In fact, they give Antiochus more or less numerous titles, and logic leads us to admit a priori that the legends where Antiochus takes the most 1. Beulé, The coins of Athens, p. 206 to 210; Barclay Head, Afica, Megaris, Ægina (British Catal. Mus.), p. 36; and especially Th. Reinach, in the Revue des Etudesgrees, 1888, p. 163-176. 2. Polybius, Relig. XXVI, 10; T. Liv., XLI, 20; cf. the Papers of American Schools, Athens, vol. I, p. 198. 3. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, pl. XI, fig. 7. 4. Pausanias, V, xIx, 4. s- Polybius, XXVI, ro; Livy, XLI, 20; cf. Th. Homolle, in the Bull. of corresp. Hellenic, t. II (1879), p. 362 et seq. and t. VIII (1884), p. 431. 6. II Macch., VI, 2. 7. Josephus, Antiq. jud., XII, 5. 8. Ad. Michaelis, Der Parthenon, pp. 42 and 282, 27. |4

ANTIOCHUS IV EPIPHANES XIII complicated are the last of the reign. In other words, Antiochus must have understood start striking coins with the simple legend BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY. Then come those where Antiochus takes the title of Epiphanes : BAXIAEQZ ANTIOXOY ETTIDANOY3S. Later, the nickname @eés appeared: BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY @EOY or BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY OEOY ErTtIbA- NOYZ. Finally, lastly, Antiochus adds to all these titles that of Nice- phorus: BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY EEOY ETTIDANOYZ NIKHHOPOY. Strange thing, if we place the silver coins of An- tiochus IV, we see that the royal effigy, on the coins where the legend is most developed and therefore posterior, appears significantly younger than on the medals where there is simply BAXIAEQZ ANTIOXOY. These are these which give us the true portrait of Antiochus Epiphanes. Soon this portrait royal is transfigured and rejuvenated. Antiochus, who takes the name of God, gives himself the idealized figure of a god: he becomes an Apollo. But this iconic idealization graph does not occur abruptly; it gradually increases, as as the king arrogates more and more divine attributes or names. The first tetradrachms with the legend BAXIAEQZ ANTIOXOY offer us the portrait of a man who is over forty, with a broad face, a very uncovered, noble, energetic and regular profile. He is surrounded, following the workshops, either with a simple circular line, or with a rubble, or with a strip of wool, Soon, with the same simple caption, this portrait appears surmounted by a star. The star, above the king's head, alludes to the dciification that he claimed was coming. tribuer: he informs us that the king becomes God, divus, as one would have said under the Roman emperors, and the star precedes the appearance of the word Hosea in the legend. The author of the book of Maccabees seems to allude to this star when he says, in speaking of Antiochus IV punished by God, that, a short time before, this prince believed himself to be the companion stars : Ka appointment HIXP® TpÜTecoy TÜY oupavloy Gorowy Arrecüar dOXOÛVTY rapaxomteivr. The Romans borrowed this symbol of deification to the Orientals, and we will recall the sidus Julium which, on Roman coins, shines above the forehead of the deified Julius Caesar. On coins bearing BAZIAEQNZ ANTIOXOY ETIDANOYSZ: and BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY OEOY, the star disappears, the royal effigy becomes younger and takes on the idealized features which bring it closer to the head of Apollo. Antiochus is become God: the legend and the monetary effigy attest to this. With the inscription BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY @EOY ETTIDANOYZ, we find the same deified effigy, or else certain particularities which affirm even more the deification of Antiochus. Thus, on No. 533, the ends of the dia- deme of Antiochus are each decorated with a star. On a few silver coins, I. IT Macch, IX, ro. 2. Mr. Bunbury published a tetradrachm from his collection with this legend, Numism, chronicle, 3° series, t, [IT (1883), p. 97-98.

XCIV INTRODUCTION hemi-drachmas (Cafal. n° $29 and 530) and obols: the head of Antiochus is both diademed and radiated, The diadem is the emblem of royal dignity; the crown of rays relates to divine honors, and it is again to the successors of Alexander in Syria, in Egypt, in Macedonia, that the Roman emperors will borrow this symbol of apotheosis. In the succession of the kings of Syria, we can say that Antio- chus IV is the first to be represented with the crown of rays, like Helios or Apollo; we can, in fact, only consider as a test shy and isolated the irradiation that Antiochus IT Theos placed around his head on one of his tetradrachms (Caal. n° 209). The coins which have the most complete legend, that is to say the last of the reign: BAZIAEQNZ ANTIOXOY SEOY ETTIDANOYZ NIKHHOPOY, we show the royal effigy, diademed, with an even more youthful character accentuated than in the previous groups. The lock of hair that comes down the temples are longer, the facial features are more regular and move away more and more of the true portrait of Antiochus IV. This proud prince says to himself Nicephorus like the Olympian Zeus whom he takes as the type of his coins. It will perhaps not be superfluous to point out that in establishing this development normal and successive ment of the monetary legend, we in no way have the pre- attempt to maintain, for example, that all the currencies of the end of the reign bear, without exception, the most complete inscription. Most currencies of bronze have, on the contrary, throughout the duration of the reign, only BAZIAEQNZ ANTIOXOY, and this simple legend is even found on a drachma at the radice head?. Struck concurrently with those where the legend develops gradually dually, these coins with the simple title of BAZIAEQZ given to Antiochus, do not in any way invalidate our theory. I. — Olympian Zeus and Daphnean Apollo. On coins with the legend BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY OEOY ETTIDANOY2Z NIKHDOPOY, sometimes appear, in place of the royal effigy, types that we we have not yet encountered until now: it is the head of Zeus and that of Apollo. The head of Zeus is, there can be no doubt, that of the statue which is represented entirely on the reverse of the same tetradrachms, as on the reverse of a certain number of others which have, in the right, the deified royal effigy. We have on these magnificent medals the reproduction of the colossal statue of Olympian Zeus erected in the temple from Apollo, to Daphne, and which is mentioned in this passage from Ammianus Marcellinus: 1. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, pl. XI, fig. 6. Diademed and radiated head of Antiochus IV on the right, RL. BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY @EOY ETTIDANOYZ. Tripod. — 1 gr. 16. 2. British Museum. Percy Gardner, op. cit. pl. XI, fig. 5. .

ANTIOCHUS IV EPIPHANES XCV “At that time (that is to say in the year 361 of our cre), a fire consumed building the immense temple that Antiochus Epiphanes, this furious and cruel king, had raised to Apollo Daphnean and in which he had placed a statue of Jupiter Olympian of the grandeur of the original: » (the Zeus of Phidias, at Olympia). We we recalled above the particular devotion of Antiochus Epiphanes towards Zeus Olympian, and the manifestations in which he indulged according to this feeling, both Athens than Jerusalem. Titus Livius (XLI, 20) reports that Antiochus had Antioch, on Mount Silpion, a temple covered with gold strips to Jupiter Capi- tolin, that is to say to Olympian Zeus. | Olympian Zeus or Nicephorus was also particularly in honor of Antioch since the time of the founding of the city by Seleucus I Nicator, and we we saw the type of the statue of Pheidias on the reverse of the coins of the first kings of the Seleucid dynasty, until Antiochus II Theos. From Antiochus los type disappears only to reappear under Antiochus IV Epiphanes, in the oc- case, undoubtedly, of the inauguration of the colossal statue of Olympian Zeus in Daphne. We will now meet Olympian Zeus on Syrian currencies until the end of the dynasty, with the exception of the reigns of Tryphon, Antiochus VII Sidetes, Seleucus VI and Antiochus X, under whom this reverse has not yet been reported. From the preceding observations, it follows that Antiochus IV did not inaugurate in reac- lity the statue of Olympian Zeus in the temple of Apollo, since it already existed there from the time of Seleucus I: ; he probably only restored or replaced it. At remains, the testimony of Ammien Marcellin cannot be taken entirely literally, nor that of Malala who attributes to Diocletian the foundation of the sanctuary of Zeus to Daphne. The famous statue of Zeus subsequently underwent vicissitudes during which give us some columnists. Justin + says that Alexandre Zébina cannot before paying his troops, seized the golden Victory that Zeus held on his hand right; this prince even tried, but in vain, to take away the entire statue, which, like that of Phidias, was chryselephantine. Other authors tell us attempts of the same kind; but they are perhaps only variants or alterations of Justin's account; only, we blame the sacrilege on Antio- chus IX Cyzicenes. 1. Amplissimum Dapbnaei Apollinis fanum, quod Epiphanes Antiochus rex ille condidit iracundus et saevus The simulation in eo Olympiaci Jovis imitamenti aequiparens magnitudinem. Amm, Marcell. in Julianus, MORE RENE 2. See above, our Jntrod., p. XI. 3. Malala, Chronicle. p. 307; Overbeck, Kunstmythologie. Zeus, p. 58-09. 4. Justin, XXXIX, 2, s. s+ Clem. Alex. Cobort., p. 146, ed. Migne; Arnob. adv. Nationes, VI, 21. Mr. Overbeck wrongly says that he These texts are about Antiochus Sidetes: it is Antiochus IX who is in question. Overbeck, Kunstmy- theology, Zeus, p. 58-59.

XCVI INTRODUCTION The coins give the type of Zeus different aspects which show with what freedom did the artists who engraved monetary coins translate a work sculptural. Sometimes Victory offers a crown to Zeus, sometimes she presents the crown to the crowd or rather to the winners of the games that Antiochus IV had so brilliantly restored or inaugurated in its capital in the year 167 BC. AD:. The throne of Zeus sometimes has a file, sometimes he does not; the chlamys of the god is wrapped around her loins, leaving the entire torso bare, or she is brought back on one of his shoulders; the feet are placed next to each other, or the right foot of the divinity is brought back, against the foot of the throne. These differences are sufficiently characteristic that the monetary type cannot not be regarded as a faithful reproduction of the statue. Mr. Overbeck who has already noticed these variants, reproduced, to make them more sensitive, four tetradrachms borrowed from the reigns of Antiochus IV, Demetrius II, Cleopatra and Antio- chus VII, finally of Philippe Philadelphe. But he is wrong when he says that sometimes Victoire is completely missing: this case only presents itself, on certain copies, by following a striking accident; he is also wrong about Cleopatra's medal and Antiochus VIII who gives to Zeus a disproportionately elongated arm: it is the work of a modern forger?! The beautiful head of Zeus, on tetradrachms nos. 544 to 546, was viewed by some tain numismatists such as a portrait of bearded Antiochus IV. This is an error, that the comparison of this head with the beardless royal effigy or with that of Zeus Olympian, on the coins of Elis or on tetradrachms of Cnossus of Crete, is enough to refute; all that can be asserted is that the features of the god are intentionally brought closer to the physiognomy of the king. The same Zeus Olympien forms the ordinary type of the first autonomous currencies of the city of Antioch, struck around the time of the fall of the Seleucid dynasty. The rarest and one of the most beautiful tetradrachms of Antiochus IV is dedicated to the Apollo of Daphne whose statue he reproduces (Cutal. n° 547). The great laureate head ‘which appears on the right, is that of the statue represented in full length on the reverse of the same room. It is compared, by Mr. Overbeck, to the head of Apollo on the tetra- drachmas of Myrhina, Myndus, Alexandria Troas, Cnossus, Alabanda, and the German scholar remarks that, despite some particularities of detail, all these heads aim for the same ideal of youthful beauty:. The full-length figure, from the reverse, represents shovels the famous Vatican statue known as the Palatine Apollo+; she also reminds us of a coin from Delphi representing Apollo in female costume and playing the lyre’. Finally, bronze pieces from Antioch, 1. Polybius, ap. Athens. V, p. 194, c. sqq.; O Muller, Antig. Antioch., p. 63-64. 2. Overbeck, Kunstmythologie. Zeus, p. $9-60. 3. Overbeck, Kunstmythologie. Apollo, p. 158, Munztaf. II, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69 and 70. 4. Reproduced in particular in Baumeiïster, Denkmeæler, vol. I, p. 99. 5. P. Gardner and Imhoof-Blumer, Numism. Commentary on Pausanias, pl. Y,IV.

ANTIOCHUS IV EPIPHANES XCVII the effigy of the Roman emperors Philippe father and son, Trébonien Galle and even Julien PApostat, have as their reverse type the same Daphnean Apollo standing in long dress, holding a lyre and a peg:. The temple of Apollo at Daphne, in which the statue was located, was located exactly at the place called today Beit-el-Mâ, as proven by an inscription which was discovered in this place, and which appears to date from the time of Antiochus IIT?2. The statue was the work of the sculptor Bryaxis, who collaborated, in his youth, with Scopas, at the mausoleum of Halicarnassus, in 353. We have already said that the same artist executed a statue of Seleucus Nicator. The colossus of the temple of Daphne, which thus dates back to the time of the founding of Antioch, is described with the greatest great details by Libanius, Theodoret, Philostorge and some other authors of the low times, who speak of it in connection with the fire which destroyed the temple and the Statue, in 361, during the reign of Julian the Apostate. Libanius5 praises at length the maintenance, harmony and elegance of all parts of Bryaxis' work, which was covered with strips of gold: it represents, he says, Apollo victorious, and the God appears to both sing and make a libation. The head of the colossus was approaching from the roof of the building; it was made of wood and marble, the bare parts of marble, the gilded wood clothing. Dressed in a talar chiton tightened at the waist by a belt, Apollo had his zither hanging from his shoulder and he touched it with his fingers to extract sounds from it, at the same time as his half-open mouth showed that he was companion of the voice; in the other hand he held a hook (o14Xnv, xbadov). The devotees claimed that, following the example of the vocal statue of Memnon in the Upper Egypt, the Iyre of Apollo sometimes made harmonious sounds at midday. This phenomenon had occurred at least once, according to Libanius, quite sceptically. tick by the way: Well someone heard him, they say, playing the zither at noon+. But the most complete and accurate description of the statue of Apollo Daphneen is that of Philostorge: it is found in a fragment of his works, extract from the story of the martyrdom of Saint Artemius by John of Rhodes. It is appropriate to quote, in entire, this description which, moreover, has already been skillfully commented by M. Max. Egger; : “The body of the god was made of wood vine so wonderfully worked that one would have said it was made in one piece; he was covered in a gold peplos which highlighted the bare and non-golden parts of the body, and which gave them an indescribable beauty. He was standing, a lyre in his hand, in the attitude of Musagete. Her hair and her laurel wreath blending together together were all in shining gold, with a sparkling grace to behold. Hyacinths (purple stones) filled the orbit of his eyes, in allusion to 1, Muller and Wiescler, Denkmæler t. I, pl. XLIX, b. 2. The Bottom and Waddington, Pan Voyage t. III, p. 628. 3. Libanius, t. III, p. 344 et seq. (ed Roike), See also Malala, p. 234; Cedrenus, p. 536; Theo- doret, t. IIT, p. 1099 (ed. Migne). 4. Cf. Letronne, Selected Works. First series. Ancient Egypt, t. IL, p. 86. $. Max. Egger, Bryaxis and the Apollo of Daphne, in the Review of Greek Studies, vol. II (1889), p. 102. BABELON. — Kings of Syria. VII

XCVIIT INTRODUCTION Hyacinthos, son of Amyclas; the brilliance and grandeur of these precious stones buy there goes the beauty of statue. » According to these descriptions and the type of the coinage of Antiochus IV, it is so interesting to bring it closer, we see that the general appearance of the god of Daphne was the same as that of the Palatine Apollo: Bryaxis visibly imitated the work of Scopas, or rather perhaps, the two sculptors were both inspired by older type of the Apollo of the Pythian games, because the Apollo Musagète of Daphne is also described as a Pythian*. IT. — Bronze coins, without city name. The bronze coins of Antiochus IV are divided into two categories: royal bronzes proper, that is to say those which bear the name of the king, without that of the workshop, and the bronzes from various cities which, to the royal effigy, add the name, in full, of the city where they were struck. The royal bronzes without city names, the only ones we took care of before feeling, have, most of the time, the head of Antiochus Epiphanes diademed and struck off, with the simple legend BAZIAENZ ANTIOXOY. A few pieces, all times, bear the more developed inscription: BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY GEOY ETII- HANOY2, and the largest coins minted in Egypt (Cafal. nes 580 to 97) do not have the royal effigy, but the heads of Zeus Serapis and Isis. Backhand types vary. On group E (Cafal nos. 548 to 555), figure Tyché seated, her head topped with the calathos, holding Nike on her right hand, and having in her feet an ibis. This bird from the banks of the Nile appears quite frequently in the numismatics of the city of Alexandria 3. On Roman coins, he is the per- sonification of this city and even of the whole of Egypt. From this follows the consequence quence that, on the coins of Antiochus, the Tyche Nicephorus, accompanied by a ibis, is the symbolic figure of Egypt presenting Victory to the king of Syria. We will accept, if we wish, Eckhel's interpretation for the bigus of Nike, on the Chalques Nos. 556 to 558. According to him4, this monetary type relates to the games of An- 1. To dé éyalpa to ’AréAkwvos tolovde tv xarasxeuhy nv &E qurélou uév aûr® auvexerwyé T0 cûua, ravÜauudotrÿ dE TÉ{Vn mp0 puas cuupulas (déav ouvapmoodév ypuoé DE rücç Ô repursl= HLEVOS TÉTAOS GHLPLEVVÜLEVOS TOÏS RAPAYEVULLVWLEVOLS Ha a eÿaots ToÙ owatos els &ppaITOV ti guveoléyyero x4AXos" dot@tl te meta peîpas nv xÜdpa, movonyyetoëvré riva léxuuouuéve: af GÈ x0pat xaÙ tic Ddpvne O oTépavos TÔv ppuoôv avaulé érvlouv, ds Quehde ydpts ÉEactpdbet roÂM rot eacomévos" baxtvdol te «dre D6o Alor uéyakor roy Tüv Oplaucv éexlfpouv tôrov, xata uviunv To ’Auvxhalou radds Y’axtyfou, roi dei To t@y Mluwv xéA dos xat méyelos TOY méyiaTOy Rposed of tee GYAAUATL 2001LOV, 2. Stephani wrongly claimed that the type of the Antiochus IV medal was not the Apollo of Bryaxis, based on the fact that the coin would probably not have been minted in Antioch. Accounts renderings of the comm. of St. Petersburg for 1873, p. 207; for 1874, p. 157, $16 and 168; for 1875, D d 3. Imhoof-Blumer and Keller, Tier und Pflanxenbilder, p. 137, et pl. VI, n° r et seq. 4. Eckhel, Docé. num. vet., t. IIL, p. 223. or ap 2 Ron Re cat From | = THE 0m 5 + to

ns 7. ANTIOCHUS IV EPIPHANES XCIX tioche, whose magnificence was far, it is true, from that of the ancient games of Greece, but which surpassed them in follies and prodigalities of all kinds, if we believe Atheneer. The bige of Victory would therefore have, here, the same meaning as on the staters of Philip of Macedon and the city of Syracuse, for example. Apollo standing and shooting the bow (Catal. n° 566 to 579) is a less banal reverse, to be compared to a marble statue in the Berlin museum. The currencies of Phrygian cities of Alia, Synaos, Cremna 5, struck during the Roman era, have the same type: it closely recalls PApollo Sminthian from the tetradrachms of Alexan- dria Troas which reproduce a famous work by Scopas 4. Artemis Phosphoros, on hemi-chalcum no. 571, is characterized by the long lit torch which she holds in her right hand. It also appears under other reigns, and we must avoid confusing her with Artemis the huntress. The bust of Artemis including the cult was associated with that of Apollo, at Daphne as at Delos and Delphi, encountered quite frequently, notably during the reigns of Seleucus II (Cafal. n° 283), of Seleucus III (Catal. nos. 314 to 324), of Seleucus IV (Catal. nos. sor to 504), of Demetrius I (Cafal. n° 732), of Demetrius II (Cafal. nes 1249), etc. We see also Artemis in full length, on the reverse of a large bronze of Antiochus III (Catal. no. 442), where she seems to us to lean on her spear or her hunting spear rather than on a long torch. Under Seleucus IV (Catal. n° $or to S04), the case is not doubtful. teux, the goddess leans well on her spear, while under Demetrius II Nicator (Cafal. n° 968)' and Antiochus IV (Catal. n° $71), we are dealing, on the contrary, with Arté- put Docpépos. A famous bas-relief in an archaic style, kept in the Museum of Naples shows us Artemis Phosphoros accompanying Apollo Musagètes 5. The type of Artemis standing, a long torch in her hand, is common in numismatics, but it is especially remarkable on coins from Cydoniaf: according to Malala, there had a colony of Cretans in Antioch. We preferred to give the veiled figure of bronze no. 572 the name Htra rather than that of Demeter or Nemesis, although the latter divinity had, in Antioch, a famous temple, located near the mefa of the stadium, as well as in Ephesus and other cities 7. Zeus standing or seated (Cafal. nes 559 to 565), Apollo on the omphalos (Cafal. n° 570) or Apollo standing, leaning on his bow (Cafal. n° 576), do not require here a special comment. The palm of the hemi-chalques n° 577 and 578 is found against identical, either on autonomous currencies of Tire, or on currencies t, Athenaeus, Deipnos., V, 21 to 24. One of the main grievances of the Jews against Antiochus Epiphanes, it is that this prince wanted to force them to take part in the Greek games that he had organized in Antioch, 2. Overbeck, Kunstmythologie. Apollo, p. 219, fig. 14. 3. Overbeck, op. cit., Munztaf IV, fig. 30, 31 and 32. 4. Barclay Head, Hits numorum, p. 469-470. 5. Clarac, Mus. of sculpture., pl. 120, no. 39. Cf. pl. 122, n° 38 and 40. 6. J. Svoronos, Numism. from ancient Crete, t. I, pl. X, fig. r. 7. Mall, p. 307; cf. O. Muller, Antig. Antioch., p. 62, note 4.

C INTRODUCTION of this city struck in the name of the kings of Syria Demetrius I (Catal. no. 779) and Demetrius II (Catal. no. 1246); this is what makes us believe that the bronzes of Antiochus IV in question here come from the workshop of Tyre. Let us add, however, that the palm tree is also the reverse of Jewish coins. The dove, type of hemi-chalque No. 579, does not allow us to hesitate to classify this currency in Ascalon where Astarte-Semiramis was worshiped under the emblem of a dove: autonomous parts of this city are of the same type. The abbreviation B. For BastAewc 'Avridyov is unusual on Syrian currencies: she recalls abbreviations of the same kind which the royal series of Cypres provides by name good examples. | The group of bronze coins struck in Egypt by Antiochus Epiphanes, during his expedition to this country, deserves to fix our attention for a moment (Cat. $80 to 600). “These coins,” says M. Feuardent, “must have been struck in a locality neighboring Alexandria, very probably during the long siege that Antiochus IV directed against this great city. * » Taking advantage of what the Romans found themselves engaged in their war against Perseus of Macedon, Antiochus had declared war on Ptolemy Epiphanes, to whom he successively resumed, 171 to 168 BC. BC, Coelesyria, Palestine, Lower Egypt. He was preparing to besiege Alexandria when the Romans ordered him to withdraw. The mon- The coins he had minted during his stay in the Nile Delta are entirely Egyptian character, so much so that they are sometimes classified in the Egyptian series. They all have, on the reverse, the eagle of the Lagides standing on a thunderbolt. To the rights of adults pieces, figure the head of Zeus Serapis surmounted by the lotus, symbol of Osiris; on the coins of a lower module are the head of Isis, the calamistrated hair and topped with the symbol that characterizes it in Egyptian mythology; finally, the smallest pieces have the radiated head of Antiochus. As we see, these bronzes, whose edges are beveled, have an Egyptian style and types; hit by the king of Syria, conqueror of the Nile delta, they are foreign to coinage Syrian. Our largest piece weighs 73 grams; Mr. Bunbury has a deca- chalque of 76 gr. 50; it is exactly double the heaviest and most large pieces from the Lagides suite?. The series of specifically Syrian currencies does not contain, for bronze, divisions above tetrachalcum. A number of bronze coins of Antiochus IV Epiphanes present an important feature of which Mr. Imhoof-Blumer very skillfully gave the keys. They bear, on the right, variable monograms which are nothing less than marks of value, or rather the abbreviated name of the currencies themselves. These monograms (nos. 177, 178 and 179) composed of the letters XA, 1. Feuardent, ancient Egypt. Coll. Demetrio, p. 73. 2. Bunbury, Numism. chronicle, N.S., t. III (1883), p. 95-97. 3. Imhoof-Blumer, in the Zeitschrift für Numismatik, t. III, p. 347 to 348; cf. Greek coins p. 429. t TN CE ud - t

ANTIOCHUS IV EPIPHANES IC signs of value of reroiyalxov, Béyahxov and yakxoëe. And what proves that Mr. Imhoof-Blumer's remark is correct, it is that the modulus and the weight of these bronze coins are related to these monetary divisions. We will come back further on this interesting question. IV. — City coins with the effigy of Antiochus IV. We must devote a particular study to the bronzes which, while being struck with the effigy of Antiochus IV Epiphanes, bear on the reverse, in full, the name of a city accompanied by a local guy. Here is the list of workshops from which we note the names on these coins: Antioch on the Sarus (Adana): ANTIOXEQON TON TPOZ TAI ZAPQI Antioch of Mygdonia (Nisibe): ANTIOXEON TON IN MYTAOQNIAI Antioch on the Callirhoë (Edessa): ANTIOXEQN TON ETTI KAAAIPOHI Antioch of Ptolemaides (Ace): ANTIOXEQN TON IN TITOAEMAIAI Antioch, near Daphne: ANTIOXEON TON TIPOZ AADNHI Hieropolis of Cyrrhestica (Bambyce): IEPOTIOAITON Hieropolis of Cilicia (Castabala): IEPOTIOAITON TONTTPOZ TQI TYPAMQI Seleucia in Pieria: ZEAEYKEQN TON EM TIIEPIAI Mopsus or Seleucia on the Pyramus: MOYWEATON or ZEAEYKEQON TON TTPOZ TQI TYPAMOQI Alexandria, near Issus: AAEZANAPEON _Ascalon: AZ{x4)wvrev) Laodicea on the sea: AAOÏIKEQN TON TTPOZ EAAAZIHI Laodicea of Lebanon: 1y252 mn n27N0ù Apamea of Syria: ATMTAMEQON TON TPOZ TAI A=IQI Gebal (Byblos): nwTp 5235 Tyr: TYPION ox ox 1 Sidon: ZIAQNIQN 35x95 Tripolis: TPITOAITON Antioch on the Sarus (Adana). The first of the five cities named Antioch which minted coins bearing the image of Antiochus IV, was located in Cilicia, on the Sarus. No author from antiquity makes no mention of it, and its existence, under the name of Antioch at least, is not known to us || revealed only by the monetary legends: ?Avrioy£wv rüv mpèç T& Edpw. We have since long accepted that this city was none other than Adana, a flourishing city located at the both on the western edge of the mouth of the Sarus and on the main military road

CII INTRODUCTION which went from Tarsus to Issus:. It has autonomous coins with the legend AAANEON. If the name Antioch applied to this city is not known to the authors, it is because it failed, in ordinary usage, to replace the name of Adana; it was alone- is an official name imposed by Antiochus IV and which did not survive the reign of this prince. The neighborhood of other cities named Antioch must, moreover, contribute to making it disappear, because of the difficulties that entailed in practice tick of life this official homonym. The city of Tarsus itself was called Antioch on the Cydnus, and put a moment on its autonomous currencies, the legend ANTIOXEQON TON TIPOZ TQI KYANQI; we have not found so far coins of Antioch on the Cydnus (Tarsus) with the effigy of Antiochus IV. Antioch of Mygdonia (Nisibe). The small country called Muydovix, Muy0ovtu, whose capital was Nisibis, is located goes to the heart of Mesopotamia, west of the course of the Chaboras, a tributary of the Eu- phrate. Nisibis received the name Antioch, probably from Antiochus IV, and it was from then on, for a while, 'Avridyeix Muydovixr*. The authors and Coins from the Roman era return to the name of Nisibis. The medal of our catalog (n° 602), with the legend 'Avriwyéov rüv èv Muydoviz, is not isolated, MM. Imhoof-Blumer and Percy Gardner made two bronze pieces known, a tetrachalcum and a dichalcum with the same legend. What characterizes these pieces it is that to the right, behind the radiated head of Antiochus, there are the monograms nos 177 and 178, composed of the letters XA and XB which are the marks of value respective of each of these currencies5. Tetrachalcum is of the type of Zeus aeto- seated phorus, and the dichalcum has, for reverse, Victory walking on the left, a cover- ronned by hand, like the hemi-chalque in our catalog. Antioch near Callirhoe (Edessa). The radiated head of Antiochus IV appears on bronze coins which bear reverse: ’Avriwoyewv t@v êrt Kalpont. The city designated by this legend is Edessa of Mesopotamia, which temporarily changed its name, because of the colony of An- Fiocheans who came to settle there. Droysen says that this event took place under 1. Forbiger, Handhuch der alten Geographie, t. II, p. 284; The Bas and Waddington, Archaeological Journey., Inscriptions, vol. TT, p. 351; Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. IT, p. 723. Cf. Numismatic Review, 1854, pp. II, 12, 138, 139. D 2. Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. II, p. 744. . Fr. Imhoof-Blumer, in the Zeitschrift für Numismatik, vol. IT, p. 349; Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Hinee of Syria, p. 43. Mr. Gardner incorrectly reads MVTAONIAIÏ instead of MYTFAQNIAI. 4. On these coins, see Buttmann, Myfhologus, t. I, p. 748. R © te < RER to return 20th EL AA Mn tng

ANTIOCHUS IV EPIPHANES CII Seleucus Nicatorr. But nothing justifies this hypothesis, and perhaps Edessa started to take the name Antioch only under Antiochus IV. Furthermore, while recognizing that Edessa was called Antioch, Droysen claims that the coins at legend ’Avrtoyéwv r&v ërt Kapon, do not belong to the capital of Osrhoëne. “This legend,” he says, “seems to place this Antioch on the Callirhoë which flows in the Dead Sea on the eastern side. It seems entirely imprudent to identify this Antioch with Edessa in Mesopotamia, based on an index without any guarantee provided by Pliny (V, 24, 86). Furthermore, Stephen of Byzantium calls his eighth Antioch ÿ ërt Kallppôns Muvns, an absurd expression that should be completed thus: êmi KaAlBbons xat ’AcpaltériÈos Muvne*”. I admit that I do not share the opinion nion of Droysen. The monetary legends are in concordance with Stephen of Byzantium and with Pliny who says: Edessam quae quondam Antiochia dicebatur, Calirhoen a nominatam cast iron. Thus, according to Pliny, the name of Callirhoe would have been that of a neighboring fountain of Edessa, and this city taking the name of Antioch, as so others, had to add a qualifier to their new name to distinguish themselves homonymous towns and particularly Antioch of Mygdonia, its neighbor. All this is much simpler and more natural than assuming the existence of a another Antioch not far from the shores of the Dead Sea. According to Malala, Edessa was also referred to as Avridyerx É06%p6moos. Antioch of Ptolemaide (Ace). The old city of Acé or Acco in which numerous mon- born of Alexander and Seleucus Nicator, received, upon falling under the domination of the Lagides, the name of Ptolemais which was given to him by Ptolemy II Philadelphus:. It returned a little later under the authority of the kings of Syria, and it was probably Antiochus IT who sent a colony of Antiochians there, from which it took the name of An- tioche of Ptolemaides. Indeed, there are coins dating from the reign of Antio- chus IT, with the legend 'Avrioyéwv rüv &v IIrokeuaïà: these pieces bear the date O4 (= year 99)+. Mr. Barclay Head; think that Antioch of Ptolemaides is perhaps to be Acé, but the preposition ëv does not seem very clear to him. However, the force money mule in question is explained in the same way as the formula ’Avrioyéuwv Tüv ëv MuyGwvis for Nisibis, for example. The Ptolemaid was obviously ment the district of Ace or Ptolemais which, taking the name of Antioch following the example of a a large number of other cities, had to add a qualifier to its new name which distinguished it from its namesakes. Like the latter, it did not keep long 1. Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. II, p. 660. 2. Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. IL, p. 737 and 743. 3. Polybius, V, 62; cf. Droysen, Hist. from Hellen., t. II, p. 739. 4. See our Catalogue, No. 456. 5. B. Head, Hist, numorum, p. 658.

CIV INTRODUCTION time this name of Antioch and it resumed that of Ptolemais by falling again under the yoke of the Ptolemies. Antioch near Daphne. Coins that bear ANTIOXEQON TON TPOZ AANHI have been minted at Antioch on the Orontes, the capital of the Seleucid empire. The words where Adovn are only added to the name of the city to differentiate it from its homonyms. Built by Seleucus Nicator who attracted there, between others, Jews of Persia and Babylonia, Antiochus Epiphanes annexed a new district to it, which made the city a quadripolis, and this district, undoubtedly closer to Daphne, like the three others, formed a distinct city, a suburban suburb. bath, surrounded by walls, and whose inhabitants enjoyed special privileges, notably that of minting money. The new Antiochians were, for the Most of them, Jews who, after the alienation of the temple of Jerusalem, came to join their brothers of origin, became Hellenized following the wish of Antiochus Epiphanes and were attracted by him to Antioch, where they enjoyed the same privileges as the Greeks. The type of Zeus, on the reverse of the coins, relates, as we will soon see, at the Daphne Olympic Games. Hieropolis on the Pyramus (Castabala). The town of Castabala, on the Pyramus, in Cilicia, east of Anazarbe and north of Mopsus, received from Antiochus IV the name of Hieropolis, as proven by the coins with the legend IEPOTIOAITON TON TIPOZ TQI TYPAMQI. We have long believed in the existence of another town of Castabala located in Cappadocia: Mr. Imhoof-Blumer 5 thought, not without reason, that there has only ever been one Casta- bala; as this city was located on the upper course of the Pyramus, at the limit of the border between Cilicia and Cappadocia, ancient geographers understood it taken in one or other of these provinces, and thus the moderns were led to believe in the existence of two cities of the same name. Which clearly proves that Castabala is the same city as Hieropolis, it is that during the Roman era the coins carried, in the legend, the double name of the city: IEPOTIOAEIT ON KAZTABAAEQN. The name of Hieropolis was given to Castabala because of the famous temple of Artemis Pera- sia, who was there#. This divinity must have been a close relative of Athena Magar- 1. Strabo, XVI, 2, 4; Eustathius, ad Dionys. Perieg. V, 918; cf. O. Muller, Antig. Antioch., p. So-51. 2. Josephus, Bell. Jud. VII, 3, 3; cf. O. Muller, Antig. Antioch., p. 28-29. Graetz, Hist. Jews, transl. Wogue, t. IT, pp. 57 and 306. 3. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 352-353. 4. Strabo, XII, 537.

ANTIOCHUS- IV EPIPHANES CV sia, as well as Artemis of Ephesus, Perga and Myra. The medal that we given here (fig. 22) is in the Munich museum; she was published by Mionnet and more correctly by Mr. Imhoof-Blumer:. On the right, there is the radiated head of Antiochus IV, and on the reverse, an eagle standing on the left; an arrow is at the top, Hieropolis of Cyrrhestica (Bambyce). This city, which should not be confused with Hieropolis of Cilicia, is the ancient Bambyce, the most important center of Cyrrhestica, on a small tributary of the Euphrates called Sangarius. It was famous because of its temple dedicated to goddess Derceto or Atergatis, the Venus of Asian religions. The currencies which were struck with the effigy of Antiochus IV and Alexander Bala bear the legend lIEPOTIOAITON, without any other qualifier, although the cities of Hieropolis or Hieropolis rapolis were numerous. Seleucia in Pieria. The coins bearing the effigy of Antiochus IV minted in this city bear the legend XZehsuxéov rôv ë Iiepty. This is the city built by Seleucus I Nicator in the mouth of the Orontes and which served as a port for Antioch. Winged lightning, type of one of the medals (Catal. no. 647), recalls the role played by Zeus in the founding tion of the city. The phenomenon which happened then, according to legend, resembles the one which is recounted for the founding of Antioch, Alexandria and a certain number of other cities. When he wanted to found Seleucia, Malala recounts, Seleucus lives on the seashore a small town built by Syrus, son of Agenor. The 23rd one day in April, he went up to Mount Casios to offer a sacrifice to Zeus Casios and ask the god in which place he should establish the new city, After the ceremonies, there came an eagle and carried away a piece of flesh until the year old city. Seleucus having followed the eagle, with the haruspices, found the piece of meat at the port of Pieria, near the sea, at the bottom of the old town. He con- concluded that this was the place designated by the god?. It was as close as Zeus had struck down the giant Pagros. The autonomous coins of Seleucia have as their type the thunderbolt of Zeus placed on a throne; in the Roman era we see, on the reverse of certain coins, betyl divine, accompanied by the inscription ZEYC KACIOC or ZEYC KEPAYNIOC. 1. Zeitschrift für Numismatik, t. X, pp. 267 and 286. 2. Malala, Chronogr. p. 199; cf. Droysen, Hist. from Hellen., t. II, p. 726.

CVI INTRODUCTION Seleucia on the Pyramus (Mopsus). Mopsus, on the Pyramus, in Cilicia, took the name of Seleucia, at the time when the cities neighbors, Tarsus, Mallus and Adana, abandoned their ancient names to adopt new ones who flattered the kings of Syria. The identity of Mopsus and Seleucia is established by a consideration put forward by Mr. Waddington:. There are rare autonomous bronze coins, corresponding to the following description: Laureate head of Zeus. BR. ZEAEYKEQN TONTIPOZ TQI TYPAMQI: Altar lit place on a support; on each side, a monogram. However, the parts are absolutely similar to Mopsus coins with the legend: MOWEATON THZ IEPAZ KAI AYTONOMOY. The two legends therefore designate the same city. The British Museum has a small bronze (fig. 23) with the legend MOYWEA- TON, which bears, on the right, the diademed head of Antio- chus IV Epiphanes, and on the reverse, Artemis huntress of- end of face’. On the other hand, Mr. Imhoof-Blumer made know a currency, of the same types, with the legend ZEAEYKEQON TONTIPOZ TQI TYPAMQI;. These two documents confirm Mr. Wadding’s observation- tone relating to the identity of the cities of Mopsus and Seleucia, and prove that it was only ly after the beginning of the reign of Antiochus IV that the name of Seleucia replaced that of Mopsus. We must avoid confusing Seleucia on the Pyramus with Seleucia on the Calycadnus or Seleucia rpuyetx, whose autonomous parts have the legend YEAEYKEQN TON TIPOZ TQI KAAYKAANOQI. From this last Finally, no coins bearing the effigy of Antiochus IV have yet been reported. Alexandria near Issus. This is the modern Alexandretta. Her name, among ancient authors, is ?AXeËdypeux “hxat” ’Tosov where Alexandria Scabiosa. The nickname Scabiosa is also given to his neighbor Laodicea, and he seems to allude to the fever which reigned in these parts. The shield decorated with the head of Antiochus IV, on our medal (Cafal. n° 651), is a particularly interesting type. On coins from the Roman era, the caption is AAEZANAPEON KAT ICCON. Ascalon. The coins bearing the effigy of Antiochus IV minted in Ascalon offer this particularity. . Le Bas et Waddington, Archaeological Journey, t. III, p. 352. . Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, p. 40 and pl. XXVIIL, 5. . Imhoof-Blumer, in the Zeilschrift für Numismatik, t. X, p. 295. . This currency is described in Mionnet, Descr. t. III, p. 548, no. 59. ER © D H

ANTIOCHUS IV EPIPHANES CVII rity that they do not bear the name of the city in full, but only the initials AZ. Their type, however, allows us to place them here, because it is the same as in many of the other cities we review. The ate brand link of Ascalon, in the form AZK and AZ, is found from the reign of Antiochus II Théos (Cafal. n°5 204 and 205). We also awarded Ascalon a small bronze of Antiochus IV, without mintmark, in the type of the dove (Catal. no. 579). Under Alexander II Zebina, Antiochus VIII Grypus, and others, we will find the name of Ascalon inscribed in abbreviation on silver coins of Phoenician weight to the type of Eagle. Laodicea at sea. He had, in honor of the different queens who bore the name of Laodice, numerous Laodiceae, notably: Laodicée la brulée (+ xaTaxexauuévn), in Lycao- denies; Laodicea on the Lycus (ext Aüxw), in Phrygia; Laodicea of Lebanon, of which we speak we'll read about it later; Laodicea on the sea (Awodtxeux ërt Tà Oxhdoon). This was, at testimony of Strabo, one of the four main cities of Syria: the other three were Antioch, Seleucia and Apamea: these are the sister cities whose currencies autonomous bear the significant legend: AAEADON AHMAON. The foundation of Laodicea on the sea by Seleucus I Nicator was reported by a prodigy similar to those that are recounted for the founding of Antioch and Seleucia. It was an eagle who, by coming to steal a scrap of the flesh of the sacrificed victim, indicated the place where the new city was to rise. Seleucus, Malala recounts, having set out in pursuit eagle, an enormous boar came to meet him. Seleucus killed him with his lance and interpreting the augury, he understood that it was in the place marked by blood that he was to lay the foundations of the city, He then sacrificed a spotless virgin named Agave, then he had a bronze statue erected to this virgin in Tyche of the new town. We noted above a coin of Seleucus I Nicator on which features the head of the Laodicte boar, at the foot of a trophy®. The type of coins of Laodicea on the sea with the effigy of Antiochus IV is natural- Poseidon says. He appears in two different attitudes: the god of the sea leans on his trident and he holds a dolphin on his left hand (Cafal. n° 658 and 659): This is the classic type of Poseidon: he resembles Zeus, except that Paigle and the scepter are replaced by the dolphin and the trident. The other pieces represent him holding a crown and having a dolphin at his feet (Cafal. n° 654 to 657). Mr. Imhoof-Blumer published a coin from the collection of the Academy of Sciences of Amsterdam, which has, on the right, the head of Antiochus IV, and on the reverse, a sim- plements. Besides Poseidon, Artemis Brauronia was worshiped in Laodicea, whose statue had been brought from Susa by Seleucus Nicator+. 1. Malala, p. 202-203. | 2. See above, Introduction, p. XXX. 3. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 439: 4. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet. t, III, p. 317; C. I. Gr., t. III, nos. 4470 and 4471.

CVIII INTRODUCTION Laodicea of Lebanon. In Coelesyria there was a fairly extensive district called Laodicene, named after its capital Auwodtxeix. It was called Laodicea the Scabious (5x26{wox) or Laodicea of the Lebanon (ÿ rod At6dvw). It was built, Appian tells us, by Seleucus Nicator, in a large plain southwest of Emesia, on the course of the Orontes. She has Roman imperial coins with the legend AAOAIKEQN TTPOC AIBANQ. The coins of Antiochus IV minted in this city have a Phoenician legend. city which gives it the pompous title of metropolis of Canaan. The guy is Poseidon standing, facing, holding a peg and a trident. It is curious to find the name biblical Canaan on these coins. The letters AA, in the field, appear to be the initials of the name of Laodicea. Apamea of ​​Syria. This important city was located on the Orontes or rather, perhaps, on one of its small tributaries, the Axius, as Sozomen and the coins say (xpès r® 'Aflw), if, however, the name Axius does not designate the Orontes itself. Founded by Antigone, who gave it the Macedonian name of Pella, it was enlarged by Seleucus Nicator, who called it by the name of his wife, the Sogdian Apama”. Gebal (Byblos). The holy city of Byblos or Gebal (NnwTp 523) was the center of reli- gious relating to the origin of the world, which have been preserved to us in part under form of epic story, in the Sanchoniathon of Philo of Byblos. Some coins of Byblos have types which are linked to these legends and make us know the plastic forms of the oriental deities who play a role in these cosmogonic stories. This is the case, among others, for the divinity, foreign to Hellenic pantheon, which appears on the chalkboard of our catalog no. 671. It is the Phoenician Kronos, who, according to Philo of Byblos, was created by Taautos or Destiny, at the same time as Dagon, another divinity whose Phoenician coins reproduce also reflect the image. “Taautos,” says Philo, “imagined for Cronus the insignia of royalty, four eyes in front and behind, two of which are at rest and closed [when the other two are open], and on its shoulders four wings, two ele- raised and two lowered. This was intended to symbolically express that Cronus saw while sleeping and slept awake; likewise, the position of its four wings showed that he flew while resting and rested while flying. And he gave to Cronus two wings still on the head, one to express his spirit of command, 1. Droysen, Hist, of Hellenism, t. II, pp. 667 and 731.

= > ANTIOCHUS IV EPIPHANES CIX the other its sensitive power. »r, It is impossible not to be struck, with the D° Judas *, of the relationship which exists between this description of the Phoenician Cronus and the figure on the other side of our coin, There are truly only differences in detail and they can be explained, on the one hand, by the variations that the representatives had to undergo tations of Cronus, on the other hand, by the poetic character of the story of Philo who, in his description, did not commit himself to the fidelity of an archaeologist. Thus, the app- pendant with four branches which rises above the head of the god does not resemble not at all with fins; the wings attached to the shoulders of Kronos are numbered of sixes instead of fours but notice that, on the coin, in accordance with the cosmogonic data, there are two which are lowered and at rest, while the others are pushed aside like those of a flying bird. The Phoenician Cronus brings together, through its attributes, Assyrian deities, and it makes us think of Zeus Dolichenos who, mounted on a lion, appears on the coins of Alexander I Bala and of some of his successors. Tyre. On Chalques Nos. 674 to 681, we read a Phoenician legend which describes Tire metropolis of the Sidonians; it was undoubtedly to respond to the pretensions con- temporary of Laodicea of Lebanon which calls itself metropolis of Canaan, and especially in those of Sidon which is entitled mefropole of Tire itself (Catal n° 689). Similar bell tower rivalries can be seen in the numismatics of other cities, at the time Roman. The attribution to Tire of Chalques Nos. 672 and 673 is not in doubt, although thanks to the absence of the name of the city: Tire takes as its type the prow of a galley, while that Sidon is in dire straits. We find dates on the coins bearing the effigy of Antiochus IV minted in Tyre, in Tripolis and Ascalon. On the coins of Tyre, we note the following: PAH —year 138 (175 BC; Cutal. no. 672). L OAP — year 139 (174 BC; Cafal. No. 673). AMP — year 144 (169 BC; Catal n° 674 to 677). EMP — year 145 (168 BC; Catal. Nos. 678 to 681). It seems, from this table, that Tire had two issues of coins, one in 138 and 139, the other in 144 and 145. On the pieces of this last group, the index L is missing before the date; in addition, it is only on coins from the years 144 and 145 that the Phoenician legend mentioned above appears. These dated coins have were struck when Antiochus IV recaptured Coelesyria and Phoenicia from Ptolemy Philometor and invaded lower Egypt. The years 144 and 145 are also those that we noted on the coins of Ascalon (Catal. n° 652 and 653); the mon- The watering of Tripolis provides us with the year 147. t. Translation by Fr. Lenormant in The origins of history according to the Bible, t. 1, p. 547; cf. Eusebius, Praepar. evangel., I, ro; Sanchoniathon, p. 24-40 of the ed. Orelli. 2. Judas, in the Revue numismatique, 1856, p. 395.

Cx INTRODUCTION Sidon. The coins of Sidon bearing the effigy of Antiochus IV bear Phoenician legends. citizens of the highest interest. One, 27%, of the Sidonians, is the translation of the Greek legend which accompanies it: ZIAQNIQN (Catal. nos. 682 to 688). The other does not includes no less than four lines which have long been the despair of inter- ready (Catal. n°5 689 and 690). Here is this legend: 4Y n2 NO (sometimes 2122) 292 EN EITv). Etienne Quatremère still wrote in 1857, about this legend: “These characters have been read and interpreted in several different ways by scholars who have devoted their waking hours to this type of study, without, until now, having could agree on the value of the letters and the meaning they present:. » It would be superfluous to recall the numerous and sometimes bizarre interpretations to which reference is made; we will only cite that of Movers which translates: “In Sidon, mother of Cambé (var. Caccabé), of Hippos, of Ket (Citium) and of Tyr2. » Quatremère felt it necessary to depart from the reading and interpretation of Movers; he reads: 7 DAN AN 207 EN DiTx) and translated: “In Sidon, mother of Hashib (Ecdippa) and also sister of Tyre. » But the material decipherment of the legend is very positive, given the respectable number of copies of these medals; we sometimes see a variant in the word 2122 (Cambé) replaced by 223 (Caccabé). As for the question of interpretation, the scholar who seems to us to have definitively decided it is Aloïs Muller 5. He adopts Movers' reading and translates: “From Sidon+, the metropolis of Cambé (or Caccabé), of Hippo, of Citium, of Tyre. » We know that Cambé or Caccabé was the original name of Carthage; it was populated by a colony of Sido- niens before receiving the Tyrian refugees who accompanied Dido. Hippo, on the coast of Africa, and Ket or Citium in Cyprus, were also Sido- niennes. This is how this curious monetary legend that we will reappear again under the reign of Demetrius I Soter (Catal. no. 788). | Tripolis. The coins struck with the effigy of Antiochus IV in this city are of the type Dioscuri, the tutelary deities of Tripolis. One of these pieces provides the date ZMP, year 147 (= 166 BC). Saulcy 5 also admits, according to Mionnet 6, the date 1. And. Quatremère, in the Journal des Savants, 1857, p. 124. 2. Movers, Die Phœnixier, t. He, x'° part., p. 120, and 2nd part., p. 134. Gesenius translated: Sidomiorum matris Citti, Melitae, Beryti item sororis Tyri (Monumenta, p. 267). 3. Alois Muller. More Sidonische Münxen, in the Sitxungberichte der Wiener Akademie der Wissenschaf: ten. Philosopher. histor. Class, Band XXXV, 1860, p. 33-50. 4. Word for word: of the Sidonians. 5. Saulcy, Coins dated to the Seleucids, p.13. 6. Mionnet, Supplement, t. VIII, p. 31, no. 162. mi RernE un

ANTIOCHUS IV EPIPHANES CXI OMP (= year 149): it is the last year of the reign of Antiochus IV Epiphanes, and This date is, therefore, interesting to note. It is found, first of all, on a piece from the British Museum, published by Taylor Combe r, and if it is not reproduced in the catalog of the kings of Syria written by Mr. Gardner, it holds, I think of the fact that it must have remained classified in Tripolis in the English medal box. There is no in any case, according to the engraving of Combe's work, no reason to believe the incorrect date. On the other hand, it is a similar piece that Cavedoni wanted to attribute to Antiochus V Eupator: this new copy bears the same OMP date, with a royal effigy which is in reality that of Antiochus IV Epiphanes: Cavedoni's error comes from the fact that this scholar put Antiochus Epiphanes to death in the spring of the year 148 2. It is fair to observe, for the excuse of the Modenese scholar, that when the royal effigy is not accompanied by a legend, it is sometimes embarrassing to say whether the head is that of Antiochus IV, Demetrius I Soter or Alexander Bala. We have completed reviewing the different cities that have placed on their municipal bronze coins the effigy of Antiochus IV 3, and we will see continue the same usage in a certain number of cities, until under the reign of Demetrius II Nicator and even of Alexander II Zebina. From a general point of view, It appears from the preceding table that these cities had half-monetary autonomy. silence, granted mainly to the colonies of Antiochians, that is to say citizens who enjoyed the same rights as the free inhabitants of Antioch, the capital of the empire. We obtained the privileges of an Antiochian as we had those of a Macedonian or Greek at other times, and later those of civis romanus or colony of Latin law. The cities whose inhabitants received the title of Antiochcens could mint coins of autonomous bronze, although with the royal effigy. Some of them, if not all, had two workshops, one which transmitted this semi-autonomous currency, and the other which minted the royal currency. A large number of cities to which these freedoms were granted and which received colonies from Antiochians, even took the name Antioch, like the metropolis. This is how in Cilicia there are three Antiochs (Tarsus, Adana, Mallus) whose territory bordered. Just as there were several Antioch in Syria, Cilicia and Mesopotamia, there were also several Seleu- cies and several Laodiceae. Antiochus IV naturally granted preference the rights of Antiochians to the inhabitants of the new colonies that he established in the different provinces of the empire. The Jews who agreed to comply with the Hellenization that the king of Syria wanted 1. T. Combe, Vet. pop. and reg. numi qui in museo britannico adservantur, p. $20, n° 23, et pl. XII, No. 4. 2. Cavedoni, in the Revue numismatique, 1856, p. 380-387. 3. Mionnet also gives, with the head of Antiochus IV, a coin from Epiphanea (Mionnet, Deser. t. V, p. 38, no. 338), another by Laertes (Mionnet, Descr., t. V, p. 39, no. 341) and even by Berytus (Mion- net, Suppl., t. VIII, p. 31, no. 167). But these are pieces whose reading is doubtful or whose attraction bution is uncertain, even iconographically. ;

CXII INTRODUCTION impose on them, obtained the privileges of Antiochians in the different cities where they settled down:. Hence why Saulcy was even able to claim, and Fr. Lenormant is not far from sharing his opinion, that the currencies of several cities of the name of Antioch: (Antioch near Daphne, Antioch of Ptolemaides, Antioch near Cal- lirhoe) were all struck by Jewish settlers installed in three different neighborhoods. rents from Antioch on the Orontes and who received the title and privileges of Antioch cheans 5. This hypothesis is unfounded and is overturned by the simple enumeration of the cities where similar coins were minted. Eckhel was right in expressing the opinion that the title of Antiochians designates the inhabitants of various cities to which the same privileges were granted +. What proves it well is that the majority of these cities borrow from Antioch on the Orontes the type of its bronze coins, as well as, later, the colors nies of Latin law, under the Roman Empire, all reproduced, on their coins, the statue of Marsyas, emblem of freedom, which stood on the forum of Rome. The the most frequent monetary setback we encountered in the colonies of Antio- Cheans, — Antioch on the Orontes, Antioch of Ptolemaides, Hieropolis of Cyrrhes- tick, Seleucia in Pieria, Ascalon, Laodicea on the sea, - is Zeus half naked, standing, turning his head away and holding a crown with his outstretched right hand. This guy who appears to represent Zeus offering a crown to the winners of the Olympic games inaugurated at Daphne by Antiochus IV, comes very close, in terms of plastic, from the Zeus Stratios of the coins of the kings of Bithynia from Prusias I (228-180). 3 It was an artist named Dædalus (not Dædalus the Sicyonian) who executed this statue of Zeus Stratios for the city of Nicomedia. Visconti remarked that this Zeus holds with his outstretched right hand a crown which he appears to present to the winners of the Sofeira games organized in Nicomedia in his honor. Although the Zeus of the coins of Antioch has a slightly different attitude from the Zeus bithy- nothing, it nevertheless seems derived from it, and Overbeckf is right to say that the Zeus of Syrian coins in question is an imitation of the Zeus Stratios of Dædalus on the coins of the kings of Bithynia. There was undoubtedly, in Antioch, a statue of Zeus standing, holding out a crown and turning his head away, which was inspired by the work of Dædalus, as we have seen, in the same city, the copies of works famous works of other artists, executed at the instigation of Antiochus IV himself. Malala relates a legend which appears, under a singular disguise, to be 1. The Bas and Waddington, Archaeological Journey. in Asia Minor, t. II, p. 351. The so-called Antioch on the Tragus (Mionnet, Cilicia, n° 115) does not exist. The medal which appeared to mention it is, in reality, a misread coinage from Antioch on the Cydnus (Tarsus). 2. See Graetz, History of the Jews, trans. Wogue, t. II, p. 87. 3. Saulcy, in Numism. chronicle, 1871 (N. S. t. X), p. 7o et seq.; Fr. Lenormant, Money in antiquity, t. IT, p. 34, note 8. 4. Cf. Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. He, p. 739. S. H. Jordan, Marsyas auf dem Forum in Rom, Berlin, 1883. in-8°. 6. Overbeck, Kunstmythologie. Zeus, p. 60-61 and p. 164.

ANTIOCHUS V EUPATOR CXIII relate to this very statue designated, in this story, under the name of Orestes. The first inhabitants of Mount Silpion, the Lonites, having asked Orestes who had fled to their surroundings, in which place he had recovered his reason, Orestes pointed out to them, without turning around, and extending his arm at head height, the mountain and the temple of Vesta where he had been healed. The Ionites raised, in consequence, a bronze statue to Orestes, in the very place where he had desired them the temple, and they ‘represented him stretching out his hand without turning around.’ This statue, which could still be seen in Malala's time, was popular under the name of Orestes the fugitive (oran where *Opésrov in Gpurérns). Given the relationship that exists between the monetary type and the description of the statue of Orestes, also given the apocryphal interpretations of the same kind with which the story of the chrono- Byzantine graph, we are inclined to believe that it is the statue of Zeus Stratios, imitation of the work of Dædalus, raised on Mount Silpion by the care of Antiochus IV, which will have given birth to this fable imagined after the fact, expressly to explain quer the gesture of the statue. ANTIOCHUS V EUPATOR Era of the Sels. 149 to 161 (164 to 162 BC) Antiochus V nicknamed Eërirwp, was only nine years old when his father died Antiochus IV Epiphanes, and he reigned only two years. His medals give him traits much older than those of a child aged 9 to 11: they could suitable for a teenager of at least twenty years old. The same remark can be made about the coins of Antiochus VI Dionysus who was also king all child; however we have seen a real childish effigy given to Antiochus, son of Seleucus III. When he died, Antiochus Epiphanes had charged his minister Philip with guardianship of young Antiochus, but Lysias knew how to push Philip aside and take charge of finishing the education of the king to whom, following the book of Maccabees, he himself awarded the name of Eupalor? The coins actually give this nickname to Antiochus V, this which prevents there being a chance of confusion between these parts and those of others Antiochus. Philip, who had raised an army to take up the charge usurped by Lysias was beaten and killed by his competitor. Shortly after, Demetrius, son of Stleu- cus IV, who was held in Rome as a hostage, was released. He made his device , » # SU CES DS 1st 1 î \” Pr 22nd 0 2 1. Malala, Chronogr., p. 14x: oÙx aneotpäpn xt bmédetfev atots r0 Éepôv À +0 Üpos Orou 666 0n rie : th ro VERY _ " , S Û OF vgou, a XX xovplaus Tv Debtav adtod yetpa brepavw this xÔTOÙ 20pups TO daxtÜw The ELPOS AÜTOÙ brédertey adrotç T0 Opos nat to fepv. 2. I Macch. VI, 17/: at êxdheoe (Auotas) 50 üvoua adtoë Erdtopa. BaBELON. — Kings of Syria. VIII

CXIV . INTRODUCTION rition in Syria, claiming his father's throne: Lysias and Antiochus V fell in his hands and were put to death. We do not know of any coins dated to Antiochus Eupator, and this is wrong, we tells us above, that Cavedoni attributed to him a piece from Tripolis bearing the date OMP (— year 149): this coin is from Antiochus IV Epiphanes. Our catalog only includes, in terms of silver coins, pieces that have the type Zeus Nicephorus. The British Museum has a tetradrachm (fig. 24) and a drachma from the same king, type of Apollo seated on Pomphalos:. On all pieces the legend is BAZI- AEQZ ANTIOXOY EYTIATOPOZ:. Saulcy attributed to Antiochus Eupator a tetradrachm in the type of eagle, probably blessedly, he says, struck at Ascalon in 164 av. AD (The author means in 166, without doubt), before the defeat of Gorgias and the invasion of Idumea by Judas Mac- Chabee, in 165 BC. J.-C. It is therefore not, adds this scholar, to Alexandre Bala that he must attribute the adoption of the type of the eagle. But he would have been careful before formulating make such an assertion, to clearly establish the attribution to Antiochus V Eupator of the coin in question: however, I have no doubt that it is a coin of Antiochus VII Sidetes and that the conclusions of Saulcy should not be rejected5. As for the bronze coins of Antiochus V Eupator, only one is certain, it is our number 699 which has the legend BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY EYTIATOPOZ. It is a thin and flat piece, of a semi-barbaric style and of a very particular appearance. bind. The two currencies which follow resemble it, and it is because of this relationship of style that we classify them here; but, if they are better suited to this reign than to quite different, their attribution nevertheless remains doubtful: they do not give the king the nickname Eupator. Mr. Imhoof-Blumer spoke of a very interesting bronze coin, minted in . Gebal (Byblos) with the effigy of Antiochus V Eupator. Here is the description according to him: EYMATOPO3. Diademed head of Antiochus V Eupator, right. R. AN- TIOXOY. Six-winged Phoenician Kronos, standing left. Above Py4Ÿ Legal (nwTD bah, from Gebal, the saint +). We have already met the Phenomenal Cronus at Byblos. Nician, on coins bearing the effigy of Antiochus IV Epiphanes. 1. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings, pl. XIII, n° 11 and 13; Mionnet (Descr. t. V, p. 42, n° 363) gives the description of a tetradrachm of the same type, but of a modern die, which is in the Cabinet of France. 2. See what we said above, about a quadruple gold stater from the Berlin Museum, attributed to Antiochus V Eupator, Introd. p. Lxxx. 3. F. de Saulcy, Coins dated to the Seleucids, p. 27, footnote; Barclay Head, Historia numorum, p. 642. 4. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 442. The piece was then part of the collection of Mr. G:. Schlumberger. A RI stinks pr pm P.S. In ER us I

TIMARCHUS | CXIV TIMARCHUS Era of the Sels. 150 to 151 (162 BC) Timarchus was one of the favorites of Antiochus IV Epiphanes who appointed him satrap of Babylon. He seems to have benefited, in collusion with his brother Heraclides, from the mino- rity of Antiochus V Eupator to foment a revolt and proclaim himself king in the Babylonia. When Demetrius I Soter seized the throne of Syria, he had killed Timarchus and exiled Heraclides who, later, found a way to interest the Romans in the cause of Alexander Balar. We only have, in our catalog, bronze coins from Timarchus; they bear the legend BAXIAENZ METAAOY TIMAPXOY, and they are at type of Nike, probable allusion to the conquests of Timarchus in Media. But, besides these bronzes whose legend recalls that of contemporary Arsacid coins raines, there are very important gold and silver coins from Timarchus. We Let us first mention a unique gold stater, which from the Prokesh collection- Osten visited the Berlin museum: Diademed head of Timarchus, right. Wool strip around the edge. Bt. BAZIAEQZ METAAOY TIMAPXOY. Quadriga galloping, right. A7. 19 mill. 8 gr. 49° (Ag. 25). Timarchus also minted tetradrachms — SO MUCH of which there is a unique copy, preserved From : . Fipse2r, in the British Museum, and even this copy does not it only reached us dishonored by an overprint. In its primitive state, this curious piece was similar, except for the legend, to the tetradrichms of Eucratides, king of Bactria: Helmeted bust of Timarchus right, chlamys around his neck. Bz, BAXIAEQYZ METAAOY TIMAPXOY. The Dioscuri on horseback, galloping, right. This tetradrachm was overstruck in the following manner, under the reign of Demc- trius I Soter: Adjoining heads of Demetrius and Laodice, right. BL. BAZIAENYZ AHMHTPIOY ZQTHPOZ. Ia Fortune seated on the left. This new imprint seems to indicate that Demetrius wanted to erase from history even the name even from Timarchus and make his coins disappear. ; In addition to the tetradrachm just mentioned, the British Museum still has the good fortune to possess the following drachma: I. Appian, Syriaca, 45 and 47. 2. See Kœhne, in the Berliner Bletter für Munx-Siegel und Wappenkunde, t. II (1865) p. 275 and pl. XXIT, No. 12; Prokesch-Osten, in the Revue numismatique, 1859, pl. XII, No. 14; Friedlaender and A. von Sallet, Das Kœnigl. Munzkabinet, p. 140, no. 482. 3. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, p. 150 and pl. XV, 2; A. von Sallet, in the Zeit, Jür Numismatik, t, IV, p. 6, etc. VI, p. 301. :

CXVI INTRODUCTION Diademed head of Timarchus, right. Grénetis. RL. Isère METAAOY TIMAPXOY: Artemis standing, right, holding a bow with left hand and take with right hand an arrow in his quiver' (fig. 26). By bringing together the preceding currencies of those which appear in our Catalogue, we let's reconstitute the complete series of coins of Timarchus, thus composed: the golden stater, the tetradrachm, the drachma, the tetra- chalque, dichalcum, chalcum. There is a chance that all these currencies were struck at Babylon, the capital of Timarchus. Gold and silver coins are unique so far. Bronzes are rare and generally quite poor conservation; a large number of them carry a small countermark Victory which is only the reproduction of the same type of the reverse?. DEMETRIUS I SOTER Era of the Sels. 151-162 (162 to 150 BC) Demetrius, son of Seleucus IV, spent his entire youth in Rome as a hostage. At the death of Antiochus IV, he was 23 years old: not having obtained authorization from the Roman senate tation to return to Syria to dispute the throne of his fathers with his cousin Antiochus Eupator, he secretly fled from Rome, thanks to the complicity of his friend, the historian nothing Polybius. He arrives in Tripolis, gathers an army and puts to death : Eupator and his tutor Lysias. Shortly after, the new king succeeded in pacifying the eastern provinces; he expels Timarchus and Heraclides from Babylon, and the Babylonians Our grateful people awarded him the nickname Soter which was given to the king on a many of its currencies. Later, he waged war against the Jews commanded by Judas Maccabeus; he incurred the enmity of the Romans in the affairs of Cappadocia, dethroning Ariarathes V Philopator. He is killed in a battle fought by Alexander Bala, his competitor for the throne of Syriai. It is very difficult to directly relate the monetary types of Demetrius to the political events of his reign. The order we adopted in the . classification of these currencies is the following, which appears in relation to the chronology, since the pieces which do not give the nickname Soter to Demetrius sy find the first ones: 1. Percy Gardner, op. cit., p. so and pl. XXVIII, fig. 6. 2. On the coins of Timarchus, see mainly, in addition to the works cited above: Visconti, Tconogr. Greek, t. II, p. 189; Bartholomaei, in the Zeitschrift für Münx-Siegel und Wappenkunde, t. NI, p. 260; Collection sale catalog. Billoin (1886), n° 796. 3. Clinton, Fasti bellenici, t. IT, p. 323 et seq. NCR

DEMETRIUS I SOTER CXVII L Coins without date. - HAS. Silver and bronze coins with legend BAZIAEQZ AHMHTPIOY (Cat. n°5 706 to 733). — B. Silver and gold coins bronze with BAZIAEQZ AHMHTPIOY ZOTHPOZ (Catal. n° 734 to 740). IT. Coins dales. Parts gold, silver and bronze with the legend BAZIAEQZ AHMHTPIOY ZQTHPOD, and dates from PST (158) to B=P (162) (Catal. nes 741 to 769). LT. Coins of Tire and Sidon, with the effigy of Demetrius I Soter, with or without date (Catal. n°5 770 to 790). In the first group we first find a series of pieces with the head of the king surrounded by the traditional woolen band, and on the reverse, the ordinary type nary of Apollo seated on the omphalos. But it doesn't take long for us to see it appear, with No. 709, in competition with Apollo, a divinity who has not yet met countered on the coins of the Seleucids. The king's diademed head is located approximately ringed with a laurel wreath in place of the strip of wool, and the type of Reverse is a Tyche seated on a throne. This new guy was watched by some numismatists' as being Demeter, and we wanted to recognize a emblematic allusion to the very name of Demetrius. But, by accepting this inter- pretation, we are forced to admit that Demeter is not represented with any of the attributes familiar to him in ancient art, notably the torch, poppies and the ears? ; she has, on the contrary, a short scepter which she carries as Apollo holds his arrow; on his left arm is the cornucopia, a characteristic attribute of all the Tyches. However, the goddess appears once again on the coins of Demetrius II Nicator (Cafal. n° 931), a circumstance which may seem an argument in favor of the interpretation that we dare not accept. As for the reasons for which Demetrius Soter included on his coins the type of Tyche, we do not know them. However, an event recounted by Malala*, could have some connection with the adoption of the new monetary type. The Byzantine author says that the city of Antigonia having been destroyed by Seleucus I Nicator, the Tyche of the abandoned city was transported to Rhosus by Demetrius Poliorcetes after the death of Seleucus. It was a bronze statue placed under a building with four columns and open on all sides; she was holding a horn on her arm of abundance. Ottfried Muller, having noticed that Malala is wrong since Démé- | trius Poliorcetes, having died before Seleucus, was unable to have the statue transported after the death of the latter, ingeniously conjectures that the event in question must have happened during the reign of Demetrius I Sotert, the misled Byzantine writer by the similarity of the names, will have attributed to the king of Macedonia an act of the king of 1. Treasure of numismatics and glyptics, Greek Kings, p. 95. Duke of Luynes, in the Revue munismatique, 1858, p. 300. 2. Overbeck, Griech. Kunstmythologie. Demeter and Kora, boards, passim. 3. Malala, Chronogr., p. 201 (Bonn ed.). 4. O, Muller, Antig. Antioch., p. 40-41.

CXVIII INTRODUCTION Syria its namesake: similar errors teem in its story, and the correction cation of Muller is very likely. If this is so, can we not, at our turn, conjecture that the Tyche type was inaugurated on the coins of Demetrius I Soter on the occasion of the event reported by Malala? The moné type silence would be, in this case, the image of the bronze statue, just as the Tyche of Antioch on the coins of Tigranes the Great, is the reproduction of another famous sculptural work. The throne of the goddess has feet which represent Nereids or Tritonids; we sought to explain this particularity which, I think, there is no need to compare dear to the Nymphaeum (NuuoGv fsoèv) of Antioch, located at the end of the moon avenues which led to Pomphalos and where the nuptial ceremonies took place:. We must see there, undoubtedly, only a decorative motif, analogous to the eagles which adorn sometimes the feet of the throne of Zeus (Cafal. n° 797). While Fortune appears on tetradrachms, drachmas generally do not have than the cornucopia, that is to say the attribute of the goddess *. The Drachma Guy is often thus a reduction or, if you like, an abbreviation of the type of tetra- drachma. “It was a frequent usage among the ancients,” said the Duke of Luynes, “to as the module decreased, to represent, on the reverse, only parts of the reverse side of large modules. Thus, for example, in Phoenicia, we see on the mon- bronze shelves depict, according to the modules, a galley, its bow, its acrostolium, his rudder. The royal cornucopia, the one adorned with a diadem, appears, according to the testimony of Athenaeus, to have been first used as an attribute to adorn the statues of Arsinoe, wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus4. » The horn of abundance does not appear on ancient coins before Ptolemy I Soter, and the Kings of Syria borrowed this symbol from their neighbors in Egypt. We don't meet her We can only see from Demetrius I Soter, that is to say at the time when the Egyptian fluence in Phenicia and Syria: the Egyptian cornucopia forms the type of reverse of the magnificent gold medallion described under No. 765. Among the other types of coins of Demetrius I Soter, the only ones which deserve a special mention are those of the few bronzes that we are going to list. On chalk no. 733, there is a horse's head and an elephant's head, in which Cavedoni, after Eckhelé, would like to recognize an allusion to the forces soldiers of Demetrius, the cavalry and the elephants which we then began to 1. Libanius, t. I, p. 339; Malala, p. 244; cf. O. Muller, Antig. Antiochenae, p. s9. 2. M..Imhoof-Blumer (Greek Coins, p. 432, no. 83) published a poorly made drachma, which has the type Tyche seated, like the tetradrachms. We must also report a piece of bronze (tetrachalcum, 33 gr. 50) from the Berlin Museum, described by the same scholar, no. 85, and which is also to the type of seated Tyche. 3. Athenée, Deipnosoph., XI, 97 (ed. Schweighauser); cf. t. IT, p. 408 of the ed. Meineke (Teubner). 4. Duc de Luynes, in the Revue numismatique, 1858, p. 300-301. s. Let us point out here as missing from our catalog the diobolus (r gr. 43) of the type of standing Apollo, building on his arc, published by M. Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greeks, p. 432, no. 84. 6. Eckhel, Doctr. num, vet., t. III, p. 226; Cavedoni, in the Revue numismatique, 1856, p. 381. rer t

* which appear on a bronze in the British Museum? (fig. 27). DEMETRIUS I SOTER CXIX line up in battle according to a new tactic alluded to in the history of Maccabees: “They divided the elephants by legions, and a thousand men armed with coats of mail and brass helmets, accompanied each elephant; and five hundred horsemen chosen had order to always stand near each elephant r. » On the bronze coins nos. 738 to 740 curious, unexplained types appear. qués so far: lion and boar heads; mastiff and aegagre heads; it is necessary add the head of an eagle or griffin and the head of a deer This group of types of animals which recall, by their style, certain Assyrian bas-reliefs, perhaps indicates sion to the royal hunts. The earliest date we have found on the coins of Demetrius I Soter is the year ANP (— year 154) which appears on a chalque of Tire (Catal. no. 770); it is therefore only from the third year of the reign of Demetrius who ascended the throne in the year 151. Saulcy 3 recorded, according to Mionnet, the date L NP (=anrso); but Mionnet 4 believed to note this date on a bronze from the Cabinet of France struck at Tyre; this is probably the chalque which appears in our Catalog under the heading No. 777 and on which the date is partly erased: there is no need to take this into account. He we must also reject in the domain of illusion what Saulcy says, on p, 22 of his Memory: “We have, in my opinion,” he claims, “tetradrachms struck in Peritius, the year NP, in MI?, in Perinte, in Antioch, in Diospolis”. As the author does not cites no reference, I don't know what currencies these are, but I have no doubt there is no question of misread documents. The year ANP (= 151) is given from a bronze from Tyre, by Mionnet (Suppl. t. VIT, p. 35, no. 181), but only following the testimony of Gessners whose readings that are so often erroneous cannot be taken into consideration; it is good probably from the ANP date (— year 154) misread by this old author. In short, the date oldest from the reign of Demetrius that we have authentically recorded remains the year ANP (= year 154). We note the last year of the reign, BP (— year 162), on a series of pieces (Cat. n° 76$ to 769) starting with the gold medallion of which we have already mentioned, who thus happens to have been struck only a few months before the death of Ü A | ES , 1. Kat GuetAoy ta Onpla ets tas pXAXYyas, xt Tapéornoav éxAoT® EAépavtt yiMous dvdpas Tedu- «rtomLEvous v &AuotDuwrots, xal mepuxepahatat yahraï ri rov zepahGv attaiv, Lai revraxdatot Ürrot P ù > 3? ï T k T Û _ laughed 4 A Otatetayuevo: Exdot® Onplw éxkekeyuévor. I Macch. VI, 35; cf. II Macch. XV, 20. The horse's head also appears as a symbol on a tetradrachm and a small bronze of Demetrius I Soter published by M. Imhoof-Blumer, Coins Greek, p. 431, no. 70, and p. 432, No. 80. The elephant head forms the type ? £ 2 ? P ? from a chalque published by the same scholar under number 88, with the effigy of Demetrius on the right. 2. Percy Gardner, op. cit., pl. XIV, No. 14, 3. Coins dated to the Seleucids, pp. 18 and 22. 4. Mionnet, Suppl., t. VIII, p. 34, no. 180. s. Gessner, Numism. graeca Reg. Syr. tab. III, no. 2.

CXX INTRODUCTION Demetrius. This magnificent piece, found at Hasbeiah, in the Jordan region, around 1855, and published for the first time by Fr. Lenormant x, relates to the field of reverse the letters ZA and a monogram composed of the two letters TA. Fr. Lenor- mant looks at the letters ZA as indicating the workshop of Salamis in Cyprus, while that monogram No. 205 would designate Paphos. This conjecture is devoid of foundation. The letters ZA and the monogram No. 205 appear, under other reigns, on coins which could not be struck in Cyprus, and as for the gold medallion itself even, we will point out that in the time of Demetrius I Soter, Cyprus never ceased to belong to Egypt, which F. Lenormant also recognizes, but by making the improbable supposition that Ptolemy Evergetes IT, who reigned in Cyprus, would have sided with Demetrius and minted coins in his name. Moreover, the piece is flat, with a sharp-edged edge, characteristics that coins do not have Cypriots of any period, while they are ordinary on coins minted in the eastern provinces of the Syrian monarchy. - The Florence Museum has a gold medallion of the same types, with the mono- gram no. 28; it weighs 28 grams. 30°, while ours weighs only 21 gr. 48. This weight difference is singular, our example can be considered as flush corner; it must be assumed that the 28 gr piece. 30 is a higher currency division lower than that of the 21 gr coin. 48. To the right of our medallion, there is a mark which seems to have a direct relationship with weight: it is the monogram B4. Quite curious striking feature which we realize when looking at the piece using a magnifying glass, the engraver had first engraved this acronym under the throne of Tyche; then he got it erased, not without leaving some traces, to engrave it more clearly in the field of the room. The sign £, said in substance by Fr. Lenormant, cannot be con- fused with 4 or Z which, in the Greek papyri, designates the drachma; L is the sign of the stater, so that B£ — 2 staters of 10 er. 73. A gold medallion of Bere- nice, wife of Ptolemy Evergetes I, gives an identical weight of 21 gr. 473. The piece from the Florence Museum, weighing 28 gr. 30, can hardly, in the Lenormant system, pass for a piece of three Babylonian staters of ro gr. 73. On the contrary, considering the 21 gr coin. 48 as representing three staters gold of 7 gr. 15 approximately, we will see that the 28 gr. 30 becomes, in this hypothesis, a quadruple stater. The gold stater of 7 gr. 15, less than 1 gr. 25 to Attic stater, would be a Phoenician or Ptolemaic stater, corresponding to the divi- sion used in Phoenicia and Egypt for money, and which reduces the drachma to weight of 3 gr. 60, instead of 4 gr. 30. Only, in this explanation, the mono- gramme B£ no longer has the meaning attributed to it by Lenormant. Compared to weights Attics, the gold medallion of Demetrius is worth exactly 2 and a half staters; also 1. Numismatic Review, 1855, p. 89. 2. Imhoof-Blumer, in the Zeitschrift für Numismatik, t. II, p. 346. Cf. t. VI, p. 2, another gold medallion from the Berlin Museum, which appears to bear the monogram of Antioch. 3. Fr. Lenormant, Essay on the classification of the coins of the Lagides, p. 143 to 166.

DEMETRIUS I SOTER CXXI could we ask ourselves if B equals 2, the sign £ would not be worth 1/2, which would make a total of 2 1/2 staters. On drachmas dated from the year 161 (Cafal. n° 757): on the reverse, in addition to the legend, the inscription DIAITT. Mr. Feuardent, who was the first to note this name, asks if he means a man or a workshop. He points out the character by the name of Philip, favorite of Antiochus IV Epiphanes who, upon dying, bequeathed him guardianship of his young son Antiochus V Eupator; Antiochus V preferred Lysias, the friend of Romans, to Philip, his father's friend. Philippe then resolved to dethrone his ward, and in 162 BC. BC he took Antioch and had himself proclaimed king; but Lysias does not It didn't take long to dethrone him. Mr. Feuardent recognizes that Philippe was dead when Demetrius I Soter seized the throne on his return from Rome; consequently, he renounces seeing in the DIAITT inscription the name of the friend of Antiochns IV and he pre- recognize a city name such as Philippopolis, for example 2. François Lenormant, who took up the question, did not maintain the prudent reserve of Mr. Feuardent. He has no doubt that the word OIAITT designates the friend of Antiochus Epiphanes, while recognizing that this character was put to death a few weeks before the landing in Tripolis of Demetrius I Soter. Lenormant assumes, for to reconcile the facts with this numismatic interpretation, which Philippe had declared for Demetrius from the time he was still held prisoner in Rome. He conjecturally admits a plot, a prior agreement between Demetrius and Philippe: this would explain, according to him, that Philippe had had him knocked, before the arrival of Demetrius, coins bearing the name of this prince as king, accompanied named after the conspirator who ordered the broadcast 5. This reasoning is flawed at the base, and Lenormant would not have risked it, even if jecturally, if he had paid attention to the date the coins bear. They are from Van AZP (= year 161), that is to say from the end of the reign of Demetrius and not from the time of his entry into Syria: from then on the arrangement of the facts as proposed by Lenormant cannot survive. We will say in turn, however, that the word DIAITT, from even as the letters OEO which we find on the same piece, seem to us to designate rather men's names than workshop names+, It is the same with the letters KA which we see on other pieces of Demetrius I and in which M. Feuardent proposes to recognize the city of Carné in Phoenicia. We will meet later other similarly abbreviated names, including TPY and daughters of Antiochus VI Dionysus. As for the Philip who appears on our drachma, or well he is another character than his namesake friend of Antiochus IV, or else if H. See also Percy Gardner, The Seleucid kings of Syria, p. 45, no. 2, et pl. XIV, s. . Feuardent, in the Revue numismatique, 1862, p. 190-196. . Fr. Lenormant, Money in Antiquity, t. LIT, p. 92-93. 4. The word OEO is also read on autonomous tetradrachms from Tripolis of the Dioscuri type. Six, The era of Tripolis, in the Directory of the Society fr. of numismatics, t. X (1886), p. 230. J.W. D

CXXII INTRODUCTION it is this very friend, which seems unlikely to us, we would have to admit that he lived much longer than historians say. The coins of the cities, in the name and effigy of Demetrius I Soter, are exclusive vement of Phoenician bronzes from Tire and Sidon. The pieces of Tire stand out both by their legend and by the prow which forms the type; those of Sidon have the whole hassle. For the dates we note, on the pieces of T'yr, the years The ANP (154), the HNP (158), the ONP (r59) and =P (= 160), the latter on a currency of the palm type which, as we have seen, is particular to Tyre. Except on this piece, we find on all the others the bilingual legend 39 — of Tyre, and TYPIQN. The coins of Sidon have more varied types and they do not bear dates. In addition to the bilingual legend 23735 (of the Sidonians) ZIAQNIQN, we encounter the Phoenician legend, difficult to explain, which we have already seen under Antio- chus IV, and whose meaning seems definitively fixed to us today: Of the Sidonmians, metropolis of Cambé, Hippo, Citium, Tyre. On hemi-chalque no. 790, we see Europe carried away by Zeus' bull, frequent type on the autonomous currencies of Sidon, and which relates to a legend local: Europa was the daughter of Agenor, king of the Sidonians:. Demetrius I Soter married his sister Laodice, widow of Perseus, king of Macedonia, and he had coins struck where the effigy of the queen was placed next to his own. We We first know of this type two tetradrachms from the British Museum 2. They bear on the right the combined heads of Demetrius and Laodice, and on the reverse, the Tyche seat of ordinary tetradrachms of Demetrius alone, with the legend BAZI- AEQZ AHMHTPIOY ZOTHPOZ (fg. 28). One of these tetradrachms offers this particularity already mentioned, namely that it is overstruck on a tetradrachm of Timarchus3. The Cabi- net de France only has, with the effhigies of Demetrius and Laodice, a bronze piece given by Mr. Wadding- ton in 1851 (Cafal. n° 791). The combined heads of Demetrius and Laodice resemble those of the Dioscuri on the small autonomous bronzes of Antioch by Ptolemaides (Ace) with the legend: ANTIOXEQON TON ENTITOAEMAIAI IEPAZ AZYAOY. We we will find also later, in the Syrian series, the joined heads of Alexander I Bala and Cleopatra Thea, as well as those of Antiochus VIII and the same Cleopitra. 1. Lucien, of Dea Syr., 4; cf. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet. t. III, p.370; B. Head, Hist. numerum, p. 673. 2. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, p. 50 and pl. XV, fig. r and 2. 3. See above, Jntrod, p. cxv.

ALEXANDER I BALA CXXIII ALEXANDRE I BALA Sel era / 1627242167. (150 to 145 BC). I. — Chronology of the reign. "AXEavôpos Bélus claimed to be the son of Antiochus IV Epiphanes, and he is an ex- minister of the latter, Heraclides, banished by Demetrius I Soter, who asserted his pre- attempts to the throne of Syria. Most historians, relying on the assertion miss of Josephus and the first book of the Maccabees, place his usurpation in the year 160 of the Seleucid era, and it was believed to find confirmation of this date in numismatics. The Duke of Luynes published our tetradrachm No. 792 in 1850, in the back of which he read, in addition to the monogram of Aradus, the date 2P (— 160)1. But I have tried in vain to find traces of the date on this piece =P; she is not there in reality, and we cannot distinguish, apart from the monogram composed of the letters AP; what remains of another crude monogram. This piece is of the Tyche type of Aradus seated; it is therefore not the tetradrachm that Saulcy indicates as being in the Cabinet of France with this same date 2P and Zeus Nicéphore?. This news medal which would also bear the date 160, does not exist in our boxes, or rather it it is simply the tetradrachm described in our Catalog under number 879, and of which the cropped date only reveals the two letters on the right 2P, then a line horizontal which must be the upper bar of an E; and which Saulcy neglected. The AZP date (— 161), twice given by Saulcy according to Mionnet (V, 419) and is the collection of the British Museum itself very certain? According to Mionnet, this piece would be in the Cabinet of France. However, as it does not appear in our Catalogue, it must be the result of a reading error. The catalog of the British Museum also does not mention the AZP date (161), so it is proved that here again, Saulcy twice allowed himself to be misled by former authors whom he too complacently echoed, instead of verifying their assertions tions on the monuments themselves. The AZP date is finally given by Mionnet (Suppl. no. 216) according to a tetradrachm of Phoenician weight struck in Sidon and con- served at the Pembroke+ museum: but this is again an error. The oldest date that we have noted is BZP (— year 162) which we read on a tetradrachm struck in Tyre. As we still find the same year on of the coins of Demetrius I Soter, we are authorized to admit that B=P (162) is indeed the year of the accession of Alexandre Bala: Clinton is also par- came by different routes to the same results. If the attempt made by Bala on 1. Duc de Luynes, in the Revue numismatique, 1850, vol. XV, p. 316. 2. Saulcy, Coins dated to the Seleucids, p. 26. 3, Coins dated to the Seleucids, p. 26. 4. Pembroke Museum, p. 2, pl. Lxr. s. Clinton, Fasti hellenici, t. II, p. 324 et seq.

CXXIV INTRODUCTION Ptolemais took place in the year 160, as the book of Maccabees says, it was poorly happy, and it is in this city alone, and not in Sidon, Aradus or Tyre, that we could have struck, from the year 160, coins in the name and effigy of the usurper. Nothing so far in numismatics has come, whatever has been said, in support of the thesis that makes the civil war last for two whole years. It was in the year 162 that Alexander, victorious in a second attempt, thanks to the support of Ptolemy Philometor, king of Egypt, whose daughter Cleopatra he had married, became in fact king from Syria. He had all the members of the ancient royal family put to death, the exception of two sons of Demetrius who escaped from him and took refuge in Crete. The eldest, who must have been Demetrius II Nicator, raised an army and invaded Cilicia. Soon the young Demetrius was clever enough to secure the support of Ptolemy Philometor who recalled his daughter Cleopatra and gave her, by new marriage, to Demetrius. Alexandre Bala had to fight his ex-father-in-law on the banks of the P'Œnoparas: 1] was completely defeated and died shortly after by the hand of a dynast Arab Zabdiel or Zabelos with whom he had taken refuge. The date of these last events is fixed by numismatics, since the year ZI£P (— year 167) is found both on the coins of Alexandre Bala and on those of Demetrius II Nicator'. However, here again we disagree with Saulcy: who thought he noted the date HZP (— year 168) on two coins of Alexander Bala which he designates as follows: 1. Tetradrachm with eagle, from Tyre. (Mionnet, V, 497.) 2. Copper coin in the type of Pallas fulminant. (Cab. of Paris.) The copper coin referred to is the Athena type chalque Alkis, which we have classified under No. 883, on which there is, in reality, the date L=P (— year 167) and not H2P (168). As for the tetradrachm given by Saulcy as being published by Mionnet under number 497 with the year H2P (= year 168), if Pon would like to refer to Mionnet's text, we will see that this author has read IEP (year 167) and not H=P (year 168): Saulcy thought he noted a date in Mionnet which was not there finds points. The last date of the reign of Alexander Bala is therefore the year I=P (67) == 145 ay. JC: IT. — Classification of currencies. Alexandre Bala takes on his coins the four nicknames of Théopalor, Ever- freezes, Epiphanes and Nicephorus. Mr. Percy Gardner admits a fifth, Eupator according to a chalque from the British Museum, to the type of Athena Alkis, whose legend would be: BAZIAEQZ AAEZANAPOY EYTIATOPOZ2#. I doubt the accuracy of 1. Duc de Luynes, in the Revue numismatique, 1848, p. 320. 2. Saulcy, Dated Coins, p. 27. 3. Saulcy's error seems to come from the fact that this scholar, at least in the two cases mentioned above, confused the letters Let H. He took L for n — 8, while L is only a varied and well-known form of 7: C = 7. 4. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, p. 54, no. 33; Imhoof-Blumer, Portretkæpfe, p. 30.

ALEXANDER I BALA CXXIV this reading, the piece seems to me to be analogous to that which we describe in our Catalogue, under No. 883. The names taken by Alexander Bala are not, like those of Antiochus IV, by example, honorary titles with which he would have successively adorned himself during his reign: he possesses them all from the beginning, and if he sometimes uses some, sometimes others, if even the pieces simply bear BAZIAEQZ AAEZANAPOY, this simply depends on the preference of the workshops, the more or less large space reserved, in the field of the medal, to the engraving of the legend, or finally to studies borrowed from Egypt. Thus, parts with very small modules, as well as those which are of Egyptian type and weight, only have the legend BAZIAEQZ AAEZAN- APOY; to whatever period of Bala's reign they belong. Several of the Bala's titles are in honor of his supposed father Antiochus IV. Nicknames of Epiphanes and Nicephorus are already those of Antiochus IV; that of Theopator has intended to affirm the filiation of Alexandre Bala, a filiation that was contested, but which was the only justification for his claims to the throne; the word Theopator (Deo natus pair) is furthermore a tribute to the dcification of Antiochus IV:. The title of Evergetus had not yet been worn by a Seleucid, but it is that of Ptole- Mee VII Physcon, the contemporary king of Egypt. We have divided the many coins of Alexandre Bala into three essential groups: 1. Undated coins (Cafal. n°s 792 to 870). 2. Dated coins (Catal. n°5 871 to 908). 3. Coins which bear the names or types of various cities: Cyrrhus (Calal. No. 901 to 908); Antioch (Cafal. n°% 909 to 911); Apamea (Catal. nos 912 to 921); Laodicea on the sea (Cafal. n° 922 to 924); Sidon (Cafal. n° 925 to 927). The British Museum also has two bronze pieces from Seleucia in Pieria with the date B=P (162), the legend ZEAEYKEON TON EM TTIEPIAI and the type of Zeus Nicephorus fssis, little Victory holding the thunderbolt. In this classification, a separate place is given to currencies which are of weight Phoenician or Ptolemaic and not of Attic weight, following the usage adopted until now by the kings of Syria (Cafal. nes 887 to 900). These coins, all struck in the towns on the coast of Phoenicia, are distinguished from those of Attic weight by their type reverse which is always the Ptolemaic eagle. They only start with the reign of Alexander Bala, and their first broadcast, as noted by Fr. Lenor- mant, is certainly linked to the alliance of the Seleucid family with the Lagides, by the marriage of Cleopatra Thea, daughter of Philometor, with Alexander Bala 5. We told earlier that following this marriage, Bala triumphed of Demetrius and became king of Syria, thanks to the support given to him by the forces 1. Eckhel, Doct, num. vet., t. III, p. 227. 2. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, p. 57, n° 68 and 69. 3. Fr. Lenormant, Classification of the coins of the Lagides, p. 86 to 87.

CXXVI INTRODUCTION Egyptians. The dates noted on the coins of Phoenician weight prove that it was these very events that introduced the new size of the currency silver for the coins of the Seleucid kings minted in the Phoenician cities, more directly subject than the others to Egyptian influence. In fact, the dates ZIP (— 160) and AZP (— 161) being erroneous, the Phoenician weight coin with the highest ancient door that we have encountered the BP date (— year 162); she therefore dates back to the beginning of the reign of Alexander Bala and his marriage to Cleopatra r. In the previous year, that is to say in 161, the king of Egypt Ptolemy Philopator struck in his personal name and on the type of the eagle, in the workshop of Ptolemais, coins of Phoenician weight. We will cite in particular a tetradrachm of this prince, with the caption BAZIAEQZ TITOAEMAIOY DIAOMHTOPOZ @EOY, and the mark of the workshop of Ptolemais; this piece, in the type of the eagle, bears the date Seleucidian AZP (— year 161):. We see from this that by becoming the son-in-law of Ptole- Philometor, in 162, Alexander Bala only had to continue in his personal name nel the minting of Phoenician weight coins, inaugurated in the cities of the coast by the king of Egypt. The coins struck according to the new standard theoretically have the following weights: Fronts: Tetradrachm, 14 gr. 40; didrachm, 7 gr. 20; drachma, 3 gr. 60; hemi- drachma, 1 gr. 80; obol, o gr. 60. The successors of Alexandre Bala continued the issue of heavy currencies Phoenician in the ports of the coast of Phenicia, concurrently with the currencies of Attic weight, up to and including the reign of Antiochus IX Cyzicene. IT. — Monetary types. The eagle, constant reverse of coins of Phoenician weight, is imitated from that which forms the ordinary type of Lagides coins. The kings of Egypt introduced this emblem in Phoenicia, and the Seleucids kept it in the cities of the coast get used to Egyptian currency. A tradition, reported by Suidas (ve Asyos) and which we have already cited, claimed that an eagle had fed, in its childhood, Ptolemy, son of Lagus, the founder of the Egyptian dynasty: this is how the eagle, bird of Zeus, became the protector of the Lagid race. Later, said Again, this bird appeared at the birth of Ptolemy Philadelphus, as a sign a happy omen:. Moreover, the legends of Syria also directly gave right of citizenship to the eagle in this country, and we have related, in recounting the foundations 1. Fr. Lenormant, in the aforementioned work, admitting the date AZP (= 161), was forced to conclude that the Phoenician weight had made its appearance in the Seleucid series before the marriage of Bala and Cleo- shepherd. It is undoubtedly an error of the same kind which made Friedlaender say that the Ptolemaic weight or Phoenician goes back in the Seleucid series until the last years of Demetrius I Soter. Friedlaender, in the Zeitschrift für Numismatik, t. VI, p. 6 to 7. 2. Lenormant, op. cit., p. 87. 3. Théocr., Idyll. XVII; Cavedoni, Spicil. numism., p. 293.

ALEXANDRE I BALA .. CXXVII from various cities by Seleucus Nicator, some of the fables who contributed P »:10C1q q to make eagle popular in Phenicia. Just like for the founding of Alexandria by Alexander the Great, the eagle of Zeus had rushed to designate the location new cities, when Seleucus wanted to lay the foundations of Seleucia, An- tioche, of Laodicea. In memory of what the eagle had pointed out to him the site that was to occupy Antioch, Seleucus had erected, in front of one of the city gates, the marble statue of an eagle with outstretched wings: Éornse 0ù 6 œûros Déleuxoc xu} TPÔ Ts reew Ayakux Mwov rG der r. It is the image of this eagle which forms the type constant of the coins of Antioch under the Roman Empire. On Seleucid coins of Phoenician weight, the eagle appears under one of the following aspects: 1. Standing eagle, without attributes; . Eagle standing, with a palm resting on its right wing; . Eagle standing on a ship's spur, with the same palm on the wing; . Eagle standing on a thunderbolt; Eagle standing on a palm (Catal. no. 890); . Eagle standing, with a spike resting on its right wing (Cafal. n° 1056); . Eagle standing on an ear of corn (Alexandre Bala) 5. Eagle standing, with a scepter resting on its right wing. D Olympic Games © The RD D The ship's spur, which is used to distinguish the parts leaving the VE aPÈtÉ workshop sometimes taken for a rudder; however, the comparison between the representation of these two parts of a vessel hardly allows for hesitation. As for the palm that we seen on the wing of Zeus's bird, if we remember that its Greek name is poivié, we will readily admit that it is, here, the emblem of Phoenicia; nothing stands in the way also to the fact that it relates to a legend similar to that to which Pliny makes allusion when he recounts that in Rome, at the Capitol, during the time of the war against Per- saw, a palm grew on the head of Jupiter and thus announced the victory and the triumph of Roman arms. On Egyptian coins, the eagle sometimes bears on its wing a scepter or a cornucopia in place of the palm fronds. Remember you also have the Achaemenid coins which have the type of an owl with the flail Egyptian on the wing. The palm is above all a guarantee of victory; we offer palms of gold to the conquerors'; on Athenian tetradrachms from the Charias series and Heraclides, we see a rooster which has a palm leaf on its wing, the emblem of his triumph7. Of Pergamon bronzes have, on the reverse, an owl standing on a reclining palm frond. 1. Malala, p. 202, ed. from Bonn. 2. Cf. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 433, no. 94. 3. Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greeks, p. 432-433, no. 92. 4. Necnon and Romæ in Capitolio in capite Jovis bello Persei enata palma victoriam triumphosque portendit Plin. Hist. nat., XVII, 245. s+ F. Feuardent, Coll. Demetrio, Ancient Egypt, pl. V, n° 257, 258, 270. 6. II Macch., XIV, 4. 7. Beulé, Coins of Athens, p. 378; cf. Numismatic Review, 1857, p. 104.

CXXVIII INTRODUCTION Some other types of Alexandre Bala's coins also deserve to attract our attention for a moment. The tetradrachm (Cafal. n° 792) which has, on the reverse, a Tyche Nicephorus recalls a little, through this figure, the Tyche of the coins of Demetrius I Soter holding a scepter and a cornucopia. The monogram in the field of the same piece, is composed of the letters AP, initials of the name of Ara- owed, so that it is likely that the monetary type represents the Tyche of Aradus. His convoluted head appears on the autonomous tetradrachms of this city. The type of PAthena Parthenos of Athens makes, for the first time in the series Seleucid, its appearance during the reign of Alexander Bala (Cafal. nos. 833 to 846). We do not know the motives which led this prince to adopt this new reverse, which is undoubtedly the reproduction of a sculptural work imitated from the masterpiece of Pheidias. Malala' relates, in truth, that, to found Antioch, Seleucus I Nica- tor overthrew Antigonia and transported the colony of Athenians to his new capital who lived in the destroyed city; then, to please these new settlers, he made erect a gigantic bronze statue of Athena, the deity of their motherland. But the epithet of 506e0%, the formidable one, given by Malala to this statue makes us think that it is a statue close to Promachos, that is to say Athena Alkis, rather than a copy of the Athena Parthenos to which the quality could not be suitable. fication of 606ep%. Anyway, this is the image of the Parthenos that we have. preserved the currencies of Alexander Bala and its successors. Not is not need to list here the ancient coins on which is also reproduced produced the famous chryselephantine statue; we will however point out his image on the coins of the kings of Cappadocia of which it forms the ordinary type from Ariarathe IV Eusebius (220-163), and Mr. Waddington observes that here Athena appears to have been identified with Mà or Enyo of Comana, qualified divinity ÿ Nixioooos Get in a Registration *. If Alexandre Bala had the image of the statue which adorned one of the main temples of Antioch, it was perhaps to imitate its neighbors in north, the kings of Cappadocia, with whom, at that time, the kings of Syria maintained incessant relationships are born. The negligence of the monetary engravers has altered, on the coins of the last Seleucids, the type of the Athena Parthenos. The Victory that the goddess holds on her right hand often becomes unrecognizable. Athena, sometimes, no longer holds her spear which is standing next to her, as if planted in the ground and without any support. The owl on a group of bronzes by Alexandre Bala (Catal. ns 847 and 848) is obviously relates to Athena Parthenos. All the coins of the kings of Syria who have the owl most probably came out of the Antioch workshop like the coins of the type of Athena Parthenos. What seems to us to establish this is that 1. Malala, p. 201. 2. Waddington, in the Bull, corr. hell., t. VIII, p. 127; cf. Th. Reinach, Three Kingdoms of Asia Minor, p. 37, note 2.

ALEXANDER I BALA CXXIX Freestanding bronzes from Antioch are the same type of owl. This setback had intended to recall the tradition according to which Antioch would have been colonized in part by Athenians. The aegis which forms the type of small bronzes Nos. 868 to 870 is perhaps not without connection, also, with the type of Athena Parthenos, since the aegis was one of the essential attributes of Athena; but encountering this setback during the reign of Antio- chus IV for the first time, we proposed another explanation. Two of the types of Bala bronzes recall Alexander the Great and attest that the king of Syria liked to compare himself to the Macedonian hero whose name he bore. One is the hairless head of Heracles wearing lion skin, similar to that of the coins of Alexander the Great (Cafal. nos. 810 to 824). The other is the very head of Bala headdress with a helmet and analogous to the traditional head of Alexander the Great whose features Bala goes so far as to take (Catal. nos. 853 to 867). Which proves well that here Bala wanted to attribute to himself the monetary effigy of Alexander the Great, it is that the The same helmeted head appears on silver coins from Cibyra in Phrygia. However, this city, which for a long time was no longer part of the Syrian monarchy, would have had no reason to place the head of the king of Syria on its coins while it is easy to explain why she chose the head of Alexander the Great, whose memory remained so vivid in Asia Minor?. Therefore, on currencies of Alexander Bala, we have the very head of Alexander the Great, or rather the effigy of Alexandre Bala with a physiognomy intentionally close to the features that tradition gave to the Mactdonian conqueror. It is important to particularly note the reverse of tetradrachm No. 880. On this coin of Attic weight, struck in Sidon, the type of Zeus Nicephorus is represented. placed by Zeus holding the thunderbolt. It is undoubtedly Zeus Kepauvios particularly worshiped in Seleucia of Pieria, as attested by the autonomous coins of this city and also the coins of Alexandre Bala cataloged under Nos. 884 to 886. head of bearded Zeus, on these coins, recalls that of Olympian Zeus on the mon- lines of Elis and those of Antiochus IV, but it very visibly has the features by Alexandre Bala. The winged thunderbolt on the reverse is the ordinary type of self-coins. nomes of Seleucia in Pieria, where it often appears placed on an altar. It is the weapon of Ceraunian Zeus whose temple was: raised at Seleucia in memory of what the giant Pagros was struck down by Zeus on one of the mountains surrounding this city. The currencies which bear the names of cities also offer us some types interesting. Cyrrhus (Ki£bos), located in the mountains, quite far to the northwest of Antioch and which gave its name to the district of Cyrrhestica, struck chalques with the effigy of Alexander Bala, which have on the reverse the Zeus of the coins of Antioch. Only, in Antioch, this Zeus who turns his head and holds out a crown is not accompanied by the owl which appears at his feet on the coins of Cyrrhus. What 1. See above, Jntrod., p. xcrr. 2. Six, in Numism. chronicle, N.S., t. XVIII (1878), p. 130-r4r. 3. Malala, p. 202; Pausanias, VIII, 20.04 BABELON. — Kings of Syria. IX

CXXX INTRODUCTION does this owl mean? Its aim is perhaps to attest that Cyrrhus was a colony of Athens. I would prefer, in any case, this simple explanation to that given by Panofka for a coin from Acmonia in Phrygia, on which we see Zeus seated on a throne, an owl at his feet. According to the mythological scholar logue, we should see in this guy an infernal Zeus, Zeus Acmonios, the owl indicating his wife Athenar. Among the coins that are missing from our catalog, we will cite those that Mr. Imhoof-Blumer made known: a Phoenician tetradrachm from the years L B=P (= year 162), S=P (— year 166) and I=P (— year 167) with an eagle standing on one cob or on a palm? ; a drachma with Zeus Dolichenos, standing on an animal fantastic, a type that we will explain to the reign of Antiochus VIII Grypus; a large bronze with an elephant ridden by a mahout, reverse which we encountered under Antiochus III +; a tetrachalcum of the elephant type, and two others tanned with a horse's head and an anchor. Let us point out one more tetradrachm from the Bunbury collection on which we read, in the exergue of the reverse, the letters TPO instead of a € monogram. IV. — Alexander I Bala and Cleopatra Thea. Mr. Imhoof-Blumer published? a tetradrachm of Alexander I and Cleopatra, of which we reproduce the image and description: Adjoining and diademed busts of Cleopatra and Alexander, right. Cleo's head shepherd is veiled and topped with calathos; behind his shoulder, a cornucopia dance and the letter A. Strip of wool around the edge. (House mark d’Este.) BR. BAZIAEQNZ AAEZANAPOY GEOTIATOPOZ EYEPTETOY. Zeus Nicephorus seated left on a throne with backrest; Victory holds a lightning with both hands. Æ 38 mill. Tetradr. att., 16 gr. 72. Brera Museum, in Milan (fig. 29). Lightning, attribute of Victory, is remarkable and indicates the workshop of Seleucia. There exists similar fake silver coins and in bronzes. Our bronze piece and the one published by Mr. Gardner° come to be ranked next to the splendid tetradrachm of the Brera. . Panofka, in the Annali dell Instituto arch. di Roma, t. V (1833), p. 286-287. . Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 432-433, n° 92 to 94. . Imhoof-Blumer, op. cif., p. 433, no. 06. . Imhoof-Blumer, op. cit. p. 433, no. 08. . Imhoof-Blumer, op. cit. p. 433, n° 99, 100 and rot. . Numism. chronicle, 3rd series, t. III (1883), p. 98. . Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 433-434, no. 102. . Mionnet, Suppl. t. VIII, p. 37, nos. 192 and 193; Duane, Coins of the Seleucidae, pl. XI, rs. . Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, pl. XVI, 6. L.O. OT a B D Î k

| == DEMETRIUS II NICATOR CXXXI DEMETRIUS II NICATOR FIRST REIGN Era of the Sels. 167 to 173 (145 to 140 BC) I. — The dates. Demetrius II Nicator was the eldest son of Demetrius I Soter. Refugee in Cnidus, then in Crete during the usurping reign of Alexander Bala, he obtained from the Cretan Las- Thénès the means to recruit a troop of mercenaries with whom he landed in Cilicia. The governor of Coelesyria, Apollonius Daos, declared for him, as well as the king of Egypt, Ptolemy Philometor, who gave him his daughter Cleopatra Théa, previously married to Alexandre Bala. The latter having been defeated and killed, Demetrius IT, master of all Syria, took, says Appian, the title of Nicator, and it is probably to these successes and to this title that the coins which represent feel Nike standing, a crown in his hand (Catal. no. 942). The currencies give to Demetrius, from the beginning of his reign, the titles of Theos, Philadelbhe and Nicator”. Soon a new suitor arises: it is Antiochus VI Dionysus, son by Alexandre Bala. Demetrius, defeated in his turn, loses Antioch, his capital; he was going succumbed when a tidal surge removed the majority of An- tiochus VI, encamped between Tire and Ptolemais. The Demetrians, witnesses of this event- providentially, sacrifice to Poseidon Tropaios; Antiochus VI Dionysus will soon be assassinated. Delivered from his rivals, Demetrius Nicator undertook a expedition against the Parthians. Initially victorious, he was beaten and taken prisoner in the year 173 (140 BC). Thus ends the first reign of Demetrius II. The prince prisoner was well treated by the Parthians, who sent him to Hyrcania; Mithridates I Arsaces VI even gave him his daughter Rhodogune in marriage. The first date that we encounter on the coins of Demetrius II Nica- tor is I=P — an 167 (Catal. n° 950 to 959). Saulcy says that there are currencies of Alexander I Bala, the predecessor of Demetrius, with the dates IEP (167) and HEP (168), also mentioned on coins of Demetrius II. He strives to look for- find an explanation for this anomaly. However, the LEP date (167) alone is well established under both reigns, and this is not surprising if we put an end to this year- there the reign of Alexander Bala and begin that of his successor. As for the date H2P (= 168), it is very certain on the coins of Demetrius II, but it was demonstrated above that it does not exist under Alexandre Bala. The last date of the first reign of Demetrius II Nicator is the year FOP (— 173) according to the coins (Catal. n° 978 and 979). The AOP date (— 174) given by 1. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p. 229.

CXXXII INTRODUCTION Mionnet (Descr. t. V, n° 554) is erroneous, because it is our Sidonian tetradrachm (n° 975) on which there is, on the contrary, AOP (— year 171). In view of these facts, there is no reason to bring down the first reign of Demetrius II until the year 175, as historians generally do. Indeed, while the certain dates noted so far on the coins of Demetrius are consistent dates back to the year 173, the first date noted on the coins of Antiochus VII Sidetes is AOP (—year 174):. II. — The guys. The most interesting type of coins of Demetrius II Nicator is that of the tetra- drachma No. 929, in which Athena Magarsia or Magarsis (or Megar- sis) because the medal is struck in Mallus, a town neighboring Megarsus and the san- stool of the goddess. The letter M, initial of the name of the workshop, which is written to the right, behind the royal head is replaced, on certain examples, by the syllable MAA?. Furthermore, the same goddess is found later as a type of the bronzes of Mallus at the effigy of Antoninus the Pious and Etruscille. In the past different names were given to this divinity which takes on, in its posture, archaic forms reminiscent of the xoana from primitive times. F. Lajard, for example, believed he recognized “Astarté depicted with a beard, although dressed in female costume” 5; he makes one sort of androgynous Venus. But, without trying to refute an outdated opinion, let us note that the goddess is in no way bearded; she is helmeted and she has a fist trine covered with the aegis, which characterizes her well like Athena. Thanks to the place | of emission and these particularities, we will not hesitate to recognize *Aümvä Mayuooic : also called ’Aünvä Mayuocta, whose sanctuary is mentioned by some authors4; Arrian says that Alexander came to sacrifice there before the battle of Issus, in October 333: ëe Mayapodv nxe xat Ti Aünv& 77 Mayaootdt Éduaev 5. This is all that what we know about this divinity; so we are very embarrassed to explain the attributes given to him by the medals, tetradrachmas and drachmas of Demetrius II 6 and bronzes from the Roman era. Is it a spear that she holds in her hand, as one is inclined to say it of an Athena, or is it a thyrsus as the image could rather make it believe? What does this double row of dappled chevrons mean Are they on each side of the statue, from the feet to the hips? The attitude of the goddess, the position of her arms, her attributes, bring her closer to Artemis 1. On page 119 of our description, it is necessary to correct as follows the dates given for the first first reign of Demetrius I: “Era of the Sel. 167 to 173 (145 to 140 BC)”, instead of “166 to 175 (146 to 138 BC).” 2. Imhoof-Blumer, in the Annuaire de la Soc. of Numismatics, 1883 (t. VII), p. 114. 3. F. Lajard, in the Nouvelles annals de l’Institut archéol. of Rome (1836), t. I, p. 189 et pl. D. 4. Stephen of Byzantium, v° Mayapois; Lycophron, scol. 444, p. 108 of the Kinkel edition (Teubner). S.…Arrien, He, 0: é 6. The drachma, which we reproduce below, is in the British Museum. Percy-Gardner, op. cit. pl. XXI, fig. s.

DEMETRIUS II NICATOR CXXXIII of Ephesus, Artemis Pergaia, Hera Samia, the goddess of Myra and some other deities whose archaic idols are often represented on coins from Asia. The Demeter of the coins of Demetrius III Eucaerus and the bearded divinity from a tetradrachm of Antiochus XII*, belong to the same group of deities oriental, the most famous of which was the goddess MA or Enyo of Comana in Cappadocia, On tetradrachm no. 931, we find the Tyche already noted under the reign of Demetrius I Soter? ; this is his only appearance under Demetrius IL. The anchor, on drachma No. 934, is particularly remarkable, especially because of the beautiful conservation of the medal. The influence of this type was exerted on the Parthian coins. Phraates IT, son of Mithridates I, having married the daughter of Demetrius IT Nicator, had the Seleucid anchor represented on his drachmas, to clearly attest to his alliance with the race of the kings of Syria 5. An analogous motive had led, we have seen, Antiochus II Theos to take the wings of Perseus as his emblem; the kings of Commagene will also place the anchor as a symbol on their currencies to affirm that they are linked to the illustrious descendants of Seleucus. Among the Parthians, the anchor persists for some time after Phraate II, but then this symbol loses its significance tion; it is deformed under the ignorant chisel of engravers, to such an extent that Longpérier he himself was able to take the altered form for the plant called mandrake. The Seleucid anchor also appears on Jewish bronzes, as a monetary imitation. Chalques No. 939 to 941 have an interesting type that is almost always wrong described. We see a character with a long beard, his head topped with a calathos, dressed in a talar tunic slit on the front, a costume often worn by figures from Assyrian bas-reliefs and which is still used today in the East: it is perhaps a Parthian. This character holds a cornucopia on his left arm, and he extends his right hand to a Tyche standing in front of him, this is 4 saying to the divinity tutelary of one of the cities of the Seleucid empire; but what name to assign to it and what city is it? On tetradrachms of Pharnaces, king of Pontus (183-169 approximately), a male figure appears who also holds a cornucopia; we has not yet found its name and we get out of trouble by calling it a figure panthea 5. The two genies standing holding hands, each holding a horn of abundance, are a frequent monetary type on bronzes from Gaza of the period Roman 6. Finally, Seleucia on the Tigris has autonomous currencies with two Tyches standing facing each other, holding cornucopias and joining hands with above a tripod, as if to symbolize the alliance of the two cities7. All these . Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, pl. H, fig. 15. . See above, Introd. p. xcvrr. . HAS. de Longpérier, Memoir on the chronology of the Arsacid Parthian kings, p. 40. . See above, Introd., p. Lv. s. Th. Reïinach, Three kingdoms of Asia Minor, p. 168 and 170; Warwick Wroth, Pontus, Paphla- gonia, Bithynia, etc. (Catal from the British Museum), pl. VIII, fig. 3 and p. 43. 6. F. de Saulcy, Numismatics of the Holy Land, pl. XI, fig. 10, 11 and 12. 7. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 451. HU SCREAM

CXXXIV INTRODUCTION comparisons hardly clarify the question. On the small bronze n° 944, we see the pincers, symbol of the Cabires, workers of Hephaestus; the same instrument appears as the emblem of Hephaestus on the mon- nais of Lipara and the Phoenician colony of Malacca, Spain. Should we report bring this type to the Cabires-Dioscures particularly honored in Tripolis, in Bery- tus and in some other Phoenician cities? Chalque No. 948 has types no less interesting. The diademed head with wings at the temples is well that of Hermes and not that of Perseus, as proven by the caduceus on the reverse. The piece is overstamped, but an intact copy is in the Munich Museum. The letters that we meet under Démétrius IT, for the first time P (Catal. No. 978), are the monogram of the word IEPAZ; they are always accompanied Generated by the monogram No. 149 which is that of the city of Tyre, and the monogram No. 244, composed of the letters AZY (= AZYAOY). The whole thing therefore reads TYPOY IEPAZ KAI AZYAOY. This interpretation is put beyond doubt by the legend of tetradrachm No. 976 which contains the formula in full. Notice, on the other hand, that this legend TYPOY IEPAZ KAI AZYAOYŸ does not imply any that the currency is municipal; on the contrary, the inscription is there only as the signature and mark of a king's workshop, and the pieces are royal; when the currency is municipal or, if you like, when the issue is ordered by the city, we use the name of the people, in the plural: TYPIQON, ZIAQNION, etc., as we have seen for the currencies of free colonies. ANTIOCHUS VI DIONYSUS Era of the Sels. 167 to 170 (145 to 142 BC) After the death of Alexander Bala, his son Antiochus, who took refuge among the Arabs, was called to the throne of Syria by Tryphon who defeated Demetrius Nicator, he took all his elephants and installed his young protégé in Antioch. Antiochus VI bears on its coins the titles of ‘Exipavns Auévusoc; it is called Oedc by Josephus; but, as Eckhel? noted, the Jewish historian uses this name in a general meaning, and he obviously has in mind the nickname of Dionysus which the king takes officially. The crown of rays alludes to the deification that the king had awarded in imitation of Antiochus IV Epiphanes, his alleged grandfather. After some time, Trypho considered taking the throne for himself. and he had Antiochus assassinated 5. Josephus informs us that Antiochus VI was king during 1. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p.435, no. 108. 2. Doctr. num. vet. t. III, p. 232. 3. See the story of Antiochus VI Dionysus in the Revue numismatique, 1858, p. 307.

ANTIOCHUS VI DIONYSUS CXXXV for four years. The medals confirm this assertion of the Jewish historian, because they provide the following years: Z2P (= 167), HEP (= 168), OZP (— 169), OP (— 170). Saulcy, who admits so many false dates, decides to issue, by chance, doubts about the date Z=ZP (167) because the same year also occurs on coins by Alexandre Balaï. However, the tetradrachm which bears the date in question tion is found twice in the Cabinet of France (n°5 986 and 987); the date is there positive and cannot be the subject of any dispute. Eckhel?, who knew one of these two medals, already published by Pellerin, did not even think of con- test the authenticity of the reading, and he rightly thought that this date was, in consequence, that of the Pavement of Antiochus VI. The coins that we have just mentioned are the only ones, with the hemi-drachma No. 1042, which does not give Antiochus VI the nickname Dionysus; much more, this hemi-drachma, which is without date, only bears the legend BAZIAEQNX ANTIOXOY,; so that its attribution to Antiochus VI is conjectural: according to the physiognomy of the royal portrait, it could also well be classified to the reign of Antiochus IV 3. The date which appears on the two tetradrachms n°5 986 and 987, does not do not hesitate to give them to Antiochus VI, and yet, sinister circumstance ular, from an iconographic point of view, the effigy of Antiochus VI Dionysus, on these two pieces, is very close to the effigy of Antiochus IV Epiphanes. The new calf king is not content to take the title of Epiphanes: he borrows from Antiochus IV its features, its deification, its crown of rays, and this for a political purpose easy to guess: it is to affirm its royal origin contested by the supporters of its opponent, who denied that his father Alexander was the son of Antiochus IV. The monetary dates therefore prove that two years did not pass, as it is generally said, between the death of Bala and the accession of Antiochus VI Diony- sos, but that, on the contrary, this one, supported by Tryphon, minister of his father" without delay claimed the throne of Syria. Demetrius IT Nicator had as competitor Antiochus VI Dionysus, from the beginning of his reign. With the exception of Zeus Nicephorus, a renewed type of previous reigns, who appears on the coins of the year 167, the constant reverse of the tetradrachms of Antiochus VI is the group of Castor and Pollux on their horses Xanthus and Cyllarus launched at large gallop, lance at rest. This type is the same as that of the silver coins of the Republic. Roman blique; it also appears on the coins of Eucratides, king of Bactria. A 1. Saulcy, Dated Coins, p. 39. We demonstrated above that the date 168, also noted by Saulcy on coins of Alexandre Bala, is the result of false readings. 2. Doctr. num. vek., t. III, p. 231-232. 3. Mr. Imhoof-Blumer published a copy of this small silver coin which he also attributes to Antiochus VI: see Greek Coins, p. 435, no. 110; the same scholar publishes (no. 111) a diobolus of O gr. 93, which has the same radiated head, and bears on the reverse a thyrsus decorated with bands and the legend BAZIAEQNZ ANTIOXOY ETTIbANOYZ AIONYZOY. In the field, ZTA. This diobolus could only belong to Antiochus VI. Cf. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, p. 64, No. 19, and pl. XIX, 6.

CXXXVI INTRODUCTION the occasion of the appearance of the head of the Dioscuri in the numismatics of the my Seleucids, we recalled that the cult of the Savior gods was partici- fully in honor of Tripolis *, Ott. Muller and Wieseler assume that, on the coins of Antiochus VI Dionysus, the Dioscuri are represented as they should have appear alongside Antiochus in the engagement where he triumphed over Demetrius IL2. At the Battle of Lake Regille, in 498 BC. BC, the Dioscuri appeared in the same way alongside the dictator Aulus Postumius and ensured victory for the Romans on the Confederate Latins s. The adjacent busts of the Dioscuri form the principal type pal of the autonomous tetradrachms that Tripolis began to issue from the year 201 of the Seleucids (112 BC), and it is perhaps in Tripolis that the coins of Antiochus VI Dionysus were struck 4. Finally, there would be nothing impossible for the Dioscuri to allude to Antiochus VI and his tutor Tryphon, who seems in some way associated with the throne, so much so that, during the lifetime of Antiochus, he placed the initials of his name on currencies; he even created a special monetary type, the Macedonian helmet (Catal. n° 1002 to 1006), which we will also see under his own reign. This helmet is always turned to the right under Antiochus VI, while it is to the left on the royal coins of Tryphon. It is quite natural that we encounter types relating to Dionysus, on the coins of a prince who had officially taken the name of this god. Dionysus was honored with a cult in different cities of Syria, and this Greek god was miled by the Arab populations to their Dusares. He had in Antioch, in the quarter tier called Epiphaneia, perhaps in honor of Antiochus Epiphanes Dionysus, a temple of Dionysus, the foundation of which Malala places at the time of Tiberius 5. But this foundation is surely earlier: does the same author not attribute to Diocletian the statue of Olympian Zeus which dates back to Antiochus IV? On the coins of An- tiochus VI Dionysus, the Dionysian types are as follows: a statue of Dio- nysos same; a leaping panther (fig. 30)6; a panther gnawing a javelin like the lion of the mountains naies of Cardia and like the griffon of Panticapaea; a thyrsus 7 as on the autonomous currencies of Apa- where these coins may have been minted; a can- thare; finally, the lychnophorous elephant or dadoeos. The appearance of the elephant on the coins of Antiochus VI does not occur to us surprising, because we know that, in the battle he won over his competitor, Antio- Fig. 30. 1. See above, Introd. p. xxx and xxx. 2. O. Muller and Wieseler. Denkmeæler der alten Kunst, t. x, no. 242. 3. E. Babelon, Descr. hist. and chron. coins of the Roman Republic, t. II, p. 376. 4. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. IIT, p. 233. s. O. Muller, Antiquity. Antioch. p. 70, 82 and 96. 6. Percy Gardner, op. cit. p. 67, nos. 49 and 50, and pl. XIX, ro. 7. Percy Gardner, The Kings of Syria, p. 64, no. 19, et pl. XIX, 6.

ANTIOCHUS VI DIONYSOS CXXXVII Chus VI succeeds in seizing all of Demetrius' elephants. As for the circum- Stance which means that the elephants are represented, here, carrying torches with the help of deceives them, she finds her explanation in Malala who reports that the games audiences of Antioch, with their mimes and their actors, were famous and that we walked in honor of Dionysus and Aphrodite with torches and lamps, amid great demonstrations of joy and more or less obscene dances:, It was said that there were more mimes than citizens in Antioch. We indulged in it more particularly than elsewhere to genetic practices and alchemy?, Antio- chus VI, on the occasion of his ephemeral triumph, was undoubtedly represented in Dionysus, as the kings of Egypt were wont to do, in festivals extravagant and orgiastic which featured lychnophorous elephants. Dion Cas- sius 3 and Suetonc4 report that after the battle of Thapsus, Julius Caesar met being victorious in Rome, was preceded in his march to the Capitol by forty elephants, arranged in two rows and carrying torches in their trunks moÂGY DE éAspdvroy XauraDas pepévrev, says Dion. Adouque or porter priests Torches are often mentioned in festivals, notably those of Eleusis 5. On most of the coins of Antiochus VI Dionysus, we read, in addition to the legend, the date and monograms, two groups of letters which, for a long time, greatly intrigue numismatists. These are the syllables TPY and XTA, initials of men's names; they are sometimes isolated, sometimes together on the same room. We naturally wanted, and rightly so, I believe, to recognize in the syllable TPY, the beginning of the name Tryphon. “If TPY,” said Eckhel, “indicates Try- phon which held first place in the kingdom, ZTA could well indicate the one who occupied second 6." Mr. Percy Gardner thinks that if TPY designates pro- bably Tryphon, ZTA is the beginning of Sfaphylos, mythological name that Trypho would also have taken as tutor of young Dionysus 7. But according to the fable, Staphylos is son of Dionysus, or son of the king of Assyria Oenomaus who welcomed the young Dionysus, and I hardly see how this name could be suitable nir to the protector of the young king of Syria. It is only natural to explain TPY by Tryphons; ZTA seems to us to be the name of an unknown character. In any case, these words must be brought together of those of DIAITT., OEO., TPO., IZI, etc., which surely represent per- important ringings having taken part in the issue of currencies, under other reigns. 1. Malala, p. 284. ed. from Bonn. 2. O. Muller, Anfiquitates Antiochenæ, p. 33-34. 3. Dion Cass., XLIIT, 22. 4. Suet., cap. 47: ascenditque Capitolium ad lumina quadraginta, elephantis dextri atque sinistrà lychnuchos gestantibus. $+ Fr. Lenormant, Archaeological Research. in Eleusis. Collection of registrations, p. 150 et seq. 6. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet. t. III, p. 233; Cavedoni, in the Revue numismatique, 1856, p. 382. 7. Percy Gardner, op. cit., Introd., p. xxxurr. 8. Cf, Cavedoni, in the Revue numismatique, 1856, p. 382,

CXXXVIII INTRODUCTION TRMPHON Era of the Sels. 170-174 (142-139 BC) Historians call it Au3otos 0 Tobgov. After having been the main auxiliary of Alexander Bala and having brought Antiochus VI Dionysus to the throne of Syria, he resolved to appropriate the sovereign power, and it was with this aim that he assassinated the prince Jewish Jonathan, friend of Antiochus VI, then Antiochus himself in year 170 (142 BC). AD). Then Cleopatra Thea, wife of Demetrius I, captive among the Parthians, offered his hand and the throne of Syria to Antiochus VII Evergetes, brother of Demetrius II. Try- phon, beaten by this new competitor and chased from Upper Syria, took refuge in. Phoenicia. Antiochus VII Sidetes came to besiege him at Dora; Tryphon manages to escape and to reach Orthosia, then Apamea where he was finally taken and put to death:. The extreme dates of Tryphon's reign are not fixed in a direct way, but according to calculations. This is due to the fact that the dates noted on the coins of this usurper are not years of the Seleucid era, but simply years of reign, in imitation of the coins of the kings of Egypt. The last date Seleucid noted on the coins of Antiochus VI is year OP (- 170), and the first The first one found on the coins of Antiochus VII Sidetes is the year AOP (= 174). There is, between these two extreme dates, a space of four full years which are those of the reign of Tryphon. The very coins of Tryphon agree with these data, because those which are of Phoenician or Ptolemaic weight, the only which have dates, provide the regnal years L B°(—an 2), L F (= an3), and The A (— year 4). This last year L A (— year 4) is very important to note, because it confirms the chronology of the first book of the Maccabees, which gives four full years of reign for Tryphon, while Josephus assigns him only three5. Tryphon takes on his coins the title of aulocralor, which was never worn by no other king of the Seleucid dynasty, but which is sometimes found more late on the coins of the Arsacids from Sinatroces (76-69 BC). Eckhel says that this title of aulocralor means “reigning by his own power”. Visconti explains it by leader of the army, and Cavedoni supposes that Tryphon perhaps had the pretension to compare himself to Alexander the Great, proclaimed autocrat of the Seratego Greece (oTournyôs AÜTOXO LTD ras EAludoc) during the preparations for the shipment against the Persians+. Antiochus III was also proclaimed autocratic strategist of the Aetolian league. Finally, Sulla, master of Rome, takes the title of aufocrator. 1. See its history in the Revue numismatique, 1858, p. 302 et seq., and Saulcy, in the Mixtures of numismatics, t. II (1877), p. 76 to 82. 2. Year 2 (LB) is given by Saulcy after a tetradrachm from the Péretié collection. Mixtures of numism. t. II (1877), p. 83. 3. 1 Maccab. XIII, 31, 32, 41; Jos. Ank. Jud., XIII, 7, 2. Cf. Revue numismatique, 1856, p. . 4. Cavedoni, in the Revue numismatique, 1856, p. 383.

TRYPHON CXXXIX We saw above that the name of Tryphon frequently appears on the coins of Antiochus VI where it appears abbreviated TPY and often accompanied by the letters ZTA: This last group is never inscribed on the coins of Tryphon, king. The most remarkable type of coins of Tryphon is the horned helmet, which already appears on drachmas of Antiochus VI, but always accompanied by the letters TPY, which allows us to believe that this helmet was the particular emblem of Tryphon. It is perhaps not entirely wrong that Vaillant saw in this helmet a sion in the name of Tryphon, because reupdlsux is the epithet of a helmet in Homer and Hesioder, This explanation seems too sophisticated to the judicious Eckhel who simply point out that the buoy horn of Tryphon's helmet is an ornament borrowed from the Macedonian national helmet?. This explains to us well why we . gives the name Macedonian helmet to the warlike hairstyle of Tryphon, but without provide us with the reasons why Trypho adopted him and made him a monc- shut up. This helmet was perhaps the badge of his dignity as autocratic leader of the army, under the reign of Antiochus VI Dionysus. The Lagidae eagle, the presence of which we explained above on the mountains, Seleucid coins minted in the cities of Phenicia, offer on some coins of Tryphon a particularity that we will encounter still later: it is that at the instead of having the palm, emblem of Phoenicia, resting on the right wing, it has a spike of wheat with a leaf. Tetradrachm No. 1056, which is of this type, bears the mono- gram of Ptolemais, where he was struck; It is interesting to note that there is coins of the king of Egypt Ptolemy Philometor also issued to Ptolemais, and which have the same eagle on a thunderbolt with a spike on the wing. However, this type is not not special to Ptolemais, because our tetradrachm No. 1057 was not struck in this city, and a didrachm of the year 3 of the same type, came out of the workshop of Sidon3. It remains for us to speak of the chalques of Ascalon, described under nos. 1058 and 1059 of our Catalog4. No. 1058, known for a long time, was classified in the city of Dora where an episode of the struggle between Tryphon and Antiochus VI took place; this attraction bution had as its starting point, the reading AQP:I€-K:*A:, proposed for the first first time by Pellerin. Eckhel says on this subject that this Pellerin medal is unique and that it was struck at Dora, from Phoenicia, a city which was until the end Tryphons. Mionnet, then the Trésor de numismatiqueé, admit the interpretation by Eckhel, and the author of this latest collection is particularly keen to highlight all the historical interest of a piece which illustrates the passage from Book I of the 1. Valiant. Historia regum Syria (4to, 1681), p. 283. 2. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p. 2343 cf. t. II, p. 124. The fable of Caranus, who took Edessa con- produced by a herd of goats, is perhaps of oriental origin, because we notice that the name of Caranus is the Semitic word meaning horn. 3. Imhoof-Blumer, in the Zeitschrift für Numismatik, t, III, p. 349-350; cf. Saulcy, in the Mixtures numismatics. t. II, (1877), p. 82. 4. See also Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, p. 69, n° 16, et pl. XXVIIL, ro. s. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p. 234. 6. Mionnet, Descr, t, V, p. 72, no. 631; Very, of numism. Greek Kings, p. 104.

CXL INTRODUCTION Maccabees (XV, 25) where it is related that Tryphon supported Dora in a siege against Antiochus VI. Finally, the currency in question was registered by Mr. Barclay Head: with the legend AQP*IE*KAI-A*, so that this scholar considers it as a piece quite different from that of the British Museum Catalog (No. 16), where Mr. Percy Gardner read LA AZK correctly: In reality, it is just another copy of the same room. From 1871, Saulcy? attempted to correct this erroneous reading. “The end of the legend,” he said, “is certainly...ZKA for AZKA and the piece is of Ascalon. Moreover, the ascalonite type of Olympian Jupiter completes the demonstration this new attribution. » We see that there was no longer left in Saulcy to be exact and complete, just read the date LA, next to the initials of Ascalon. ANTIOCHUS VII SIDETES Era of the Sels. 174 to 183 (138 to 129 BC) I. — The dates. Antiochus Xdrnc, so nicknamed from the city of Side in Pamphylia, where he was born, bears the nickname Eveérgetes on his coins, like his contemporaries Nicomedes IT of Bithynia, Ptolemy VIII Physcon, Philemenes of Paphlagonia, Mithridates I Arsaces VI; he was the youngest son of Demetrius I Soter. While his brother was a captive among the Parthians, he drove out the usurper Tryphon, and took, with the throne of Syria, the hand of Cleopatra Thea that Demetrius IT had abandoned for Rhodo- gune. Antiochus VII Sidetes made war on the Jews and took Jerusalem in 133 BC. AD Later, having attacked the Parthians, he won three victories in quick succession which determined Phraates to release Demetrius IT, with the aim of creating a competitor to Antiochus VII, whose exactions made him unpopular. This is how that Demetrius Nicator returned to the throne of Syria. Antiochus VII Sidetes was killed in a battle fought against him by Phraates in 183 (— 129 BC). Saulcy claims that Antiochus Sidetes did not perish in his defeat, but that, on the contrary, he became the friend and ally of his brother Demetrius IT returned to the freedom: the two brothers would have shared power for several years5. This assertion, which no ancient author authorizes, has as its apparent basis the study of currencies and the dates they provide. Saulcy falls under Antiochus VII to dates ranging from AOP (— year 174) to FTIP (= year 183). We are on this do not agree with him, and we still follow him when he corrects (p. 44) the pretension due AOP date (— year 171) given by Mionnet, in AOP (= year 174). But we cannot accept with him the ATIP date (— year 184) on the coins of Antio- chus VII Sidetes. This date, taken from Frœælich, is most likely to be replaced 1. B. Head, Hist, numorum, p. 669. 2. Saulcy, Dated Coins, p. 42. 3. F. de Saulcy, Coins dated to the Seleucids, p. 56.

ANTIOCHUS VII SIDETES - CXLI by ATIP (= year 181:). Above all, we cannot follow Saulcy when he goes back ter the second reign of Demetrius II Nicator until the year TP (= 180), claiming while we have, at the same time, coins of Antiochus VII Sidetes and Demetrius IT Nicator for the following years : TP — 180; ATTP — LAB TPE: 82; PTIP — 183; ATIP — 184. These pieces leaving the workshops of Tire and Sidon, it is obvious, says Saulcy, that these cities minted coins for five years names of both brothers at the same time. “From the release of Demetrius II from captivity until the death of Antiochus IV, the two brothers simultaneously enjoyed monetary law, or, in other words, shared royal power2. » Our catalog provides for the reign of Antiochus VII Sidetes, as dates extremes, the years AOP (— year 174) and FTIP (— year 183); the Museum catalog British does not exceed these dates either. For the second reign of Demetrius II Nicator, our series, as well as that of the British Museum, start it in FTIP (= year 183). From which it follows that the last date noted on the pieces of Antio- chus Sidetes is at the same time the first of the second reign of Demetrius Nicator. This regular coincidence is more eloquent than all the comments to demonstrate the implausibility of the simultaneous coexistence of the two kings. There is, however, one apparent exception, even in the catalog of the British Museum. Mr. Gardner gives a coin of Sidon with the portrait of Démé- trius IT Nicator and the BTIP date — year 182. We should therefore admit the coexistence of the two kings during the years 182 and 183. But this is not verified. Notice in fact that the coin in question does not bear the name of the king, but only his alleged effect. However, I noticed that, particularly for the parts leaving the workshop link of Sidon, there is such an analogy between the monetary effigy of Demetrius II and that of Antiochus Sidetes that there is no doubt that we made use of the same corners: facial features cannot therefore serve as a guide, and it is the date alone who can fix the attribution when the royal name is absent. I conclude that Mr. Percy Gardner made a mistake in giving the change with the BTTP date to Demetrius [tee could only be a play by Antiochus VII Sidetes. Saulcy fell into the reverse error by attributing to Demetrius II Nicator our tetradrachm no. 1124 with the ATTP year. The date is very positive, but the name of the king is entirely crude on the reverse, and as the royal effigy cannot be taken into consideration, the date force to classify this piece to Antiochus VII Sidetes4, | IT. — The guys. Most of the monetary types adopted under Antiochus VII Evergetes are known 1. Frœlich, Annales reg, Syr., p. 8, pl. XI, 28; cf. Mionnet, Suppl, t. VII, p. 58, no. 3or. If the date ATTP is well read, the play is by Demetrius II Nicator; I notice that the king's name is crude in the legend. * 2. Saulcy, Coins dated to the Seleucids, p. 56. 3. Percy Gardner, op. cit. p. 79. 4. See the note 1 of this page, where we see that Frœlich probably committed the same fault.

CXLII INTRODUCTION by previous reigns. Each show monetary provides species following: 1. Phoenician tetradrachm in the eagle type; 2. Phoenician didrachm of the same type; 3. Dichalcum (Prow topped with the caps of the Dioscuri. Rc. Trident); 4. Chalque (Bust of Eros. W. Ornament of the head of Isis); 5. Hemi-chalque (Lion's head. Bz. Club); 6. Dilepton (Prow. Bt. Bonnets of the Dioscures). According to the coins which appear in our catalogue, it is obvious that the find the series of six coins for each year. Silver coins bear the marks of Tire and Sidon; the bronze pieces do not have a mint indication, but they were certainly also struck in these two cities. The bust of Eros which appears on the chalques is a reported original type, but without comment, by Mr. Hans Riggauer in the study he devoted to Eros in numismatics’. A bust of Eros also forms the type of city currencies various: Tyndaris, Aphrodisias of Caria, Caesarea of Cappadocia, Laodicea of Syria: it is likely that these are copies of renowned sculptural works. The symbol of the head of Isis, on the reverse of the same bronzes, is of Egyptian origin. yours; it consists of the solar disk emerging from the horns of the cow, an allusion to the role of Isis-Hathor, mother of Horus, the rising sun, in Egyptian mythology. The same symbol is seen on pieces of the Lagides, and it forms the type of reverse of bronzes from Syracuse, Cyprus and Mindos in Caria. We met countered on a coin of Antiochus IV Epiphanes (Cafal. n° 575) Isis Pharia standing holding a sail inflated by the wind: this type is common on ancient coins; it notably forms the reverse of bronzes from Byblos. Seleucus IV had raised to Antioch a temple to Isis, the Iseion, where a statue of the goddess was installed, that they went seek in Memphis’; Libanius describes the simulacrum of division as Boixeowv Syxlux. Egyptian nity. It has been spoken of above; of the analogous transfer of a statue of Artemis from Alexandria to Antioch, under Seleucus II. Besides the monetary group that we have just reviewed, the reign of An- tiochus VII still has two more divisions for money. These are pieces of Attic weight: tetra- drachmas, with Athena Nicephorus or Parthenos, or with the altar of Zeus Dolichenos (fig. 31)4 that we will explain to the reign of Antiochus IX; finally the drachma with Nike holding a palm and a crown. SO MUCH 1. H, Riggauer, in the Zeitschrift für Numismatik, t. VIII (x881), p. 97. 2. Libanius, ed. Reiske, t. I, p. 308. 3. See above, Introd., p. LXvI. 4. British Museum copy, Percy Gardner, op. cit., pl. XXVIII fig. 8.

ANTIOCHUS VII SIDETES CXLIII The type of Athena Parthenos that we have already met on chalkboards of Alexander I Bala can, on the superb tetradrachms of Antiochus NIPMÈTRE appreciated in all its details. This is the image of a replica of the masterpiece of Phidias, which Antiochus IV Epiphanes had erected in Antiocher, Under the reigns later, the type of Athena Parthenos persists, gradually altering. The Gorgon mask which forms the episema of the shield of the goddess, ends up being unrecognizable; the spear of Athena which, in the first specimens, is placed at earth and supported by the hand of the goddess, is soon simply leaning on the arm that rests on the shield; in the end, it sometimes finds itself placed outside even of the arm and without any support. Finally, Victory, which the goddess carries, is sometimes turned on Athena's side, sometimes she presents a crown to the crowd: the same particle rity exists for the statues of Zeus Nicephorus. This Nike is sometimes even represented without wings, due to the negligence of the monetary engraver. Among the types of city currencies, the only remarkable one is the Astarte. Sidonian, standing at the front of the bow, like the Victory of Samothrace. She has the attributes of Nike, that is to say the crown and the trophy frame. This guy, who also occurs under the second reign of Demetrius IL, is frequent on autonomous bronzes from Sidon. The flower on half-chalques nos. 1166 and 1167 appears to be a lotus flower or a lily and designate Jerusalem as the place of issue. Is this Saulcy’s opinion? and from Madden 3; the latter places the minting of these coins in 132-131 BC. AD, it is- i.e. at the time when Antiochus VII Sidetes came to Jerusalem after having made an alliance with John Hyrcanus. Although we find a completely different flower on the coins autonomous Jews, we can admit this attribution. It is more rational than that of Cavedoni who, recognizing a pomegranate flower, wanted to see an allusion to the nickname Sidetes given to the king4. Eckhel believed, for his part, that This lotus flower was in honor of the Egyptian Cleopatra, the wife of the king. It is appropriate to recall here a very interesting numismatic fact which is linked to the reign of Antiochus VII Evergetes. This prince granted to Simon Maccabeus, prince of the Jews (141 to 135 BC), the right to coin money, by a rescript whose content, preserved in the first book of Maccabees, contains this passage: xut éretpeYd oo! roro xx Ldtov véGux TA x%p4 cou 6, The text of the letter from the king of Syria to Simon Maccabeus adds that Jerusalem will enjoy freedom: Tesoucalqu De xa Ta &yux eivar &XeU0eoæ. We rely on this letter from Antiochus VII to attribute . See what we said above. Zntrod. PP. LVII and CXXVIIL. . Saulcy, Dated coins, p. 45 and 48. + Madden, Coinage of the Jews (2nd ed.), p. 75-76. . Cavedoni, in the Revue numismatique, 1856, p. 384. . Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p. 236. + I Macchab, XV, 6. The word érétpelav, which some editions subsist In enetosha, would allusion to a concession of the same kind granted by Demetrius II. Madden, Coins of the Jews, p. 64, note 1; Graetz, Hist, of the Jews, trad, Wogue, t. II, pp. 146, 147 and I49. D ARS pb H

CXLIV INTRODUCTION to Simon Maccabeus shekels and half shekels of silver, as well as coins of bronze whose legends are in Samaritan characters. But these coins, dated from year I to year V, do not have the name Simon; they only carry, in addition to the dates, vague formulas: shekel or half shekel of Israel, — Jerusalem the holy, — the deliverance of Zion. Also we think, with Mr. Th. Reinach*, that attributing them tion is very questionable. As for supposing, with the same scholar, that Simon did not never used the coinage rights conferred on him by his overlord, the king of Syria, this is a conjecture that we cannot accept. It is unlikely ble that Jerusalem did not immediately take advantage of the franchises granted to it if liberally granted, for several years at least, and to which she held so much. But we will point out that we were probably wrong in searching among the Jewish silver coins those which can be attributed to Simon Maccabeus. The concession made to this prince was probably not extended to bronze coinage; the king of Syria, who had in no way attempt to abandon its sovereignty rights, did not have to grant Jerusalem other franchises than those he gave to the cities of Anfiocheans and the colonies proclaimed free from its empire. However, we have observed it many times3, these cities only had the right to mint bronze coins: the new situation made in Jerusalem must have been analogous: this city was allowed to have, for its needs local, a bronze currency, but not to mint silver coins whose circumference culation could have spread across the entire empire and caused a sort of ecological disruption. economic by competing with the royal coinage. Which seems to demonstrate again, although indirectly, these are the coins of John Hyrcanus I, son and successor cessor of Simon (135-106): the coinage of Hyrcanus is exclusively in bronze. On the part of Simon, silver coinage, testimony to absolute independence read, could only have been an insurrectionary currency and not a conceded currency by the king of Syria. This is the case, for example, with Hyspaosines, the first king of Characene: this prince revolts against Antiochus VII Sidetes and proclaims independence complete dance of his country around the year 1294; that's why we have this prince of silver coins. The monetary doctrine of all antiquity is certain applicable to Jerusalem as well as to all other free cities which belong to came from the Seleucid Empire. 1. Th. Reinach, Jewish coins, p. 20. | 2. Antiochus VII Sidetes himself withdrew after a few years the liberties he had granted to the Jews. I Macch., XV, 25-41. . 3. See above, Jntrod., p. cxt. 4. Edmond Drouin, Historical and geographical notice on the Characene (extract from the Muséon, 1890), p. 16.

DEMETRIUS II NICATOR CXLIV DEMETRIUS II NICATOR SECOND REIGN Era of the Sels. 182 to 187 (130 to 125 BC) I. — The bearded head of Demetrius. As we said above, Antiochus VII Sidetes having declared war to the Parthians and having defeated them, Phraates decided to release Demetrius II Nicator and help him reconquer his throne. The king of Syria was able to return to Antioch, after a ten-year captivity. Later, Demetrius having declared war on Egypt, Ptolemy Physcon raised a new candidate to the throne of Syria, Alexander II Zebina, by whom Demetrius was completely defeated: shortly after, he was murdered in Tyre, at the instigation of Cleopatra Thea. We found that we had caused the coins of the second reign of Demetrius Nicator, and that the first year that the medals provide is Van FTIP (= 183); we can, if we wish, with historians, go back to a few months earlier, that is to say in the year 182, the moment when Phraates sent back Syria the competitor of Antiochus VII. The last date that the currencies provide of Demetrius Nicator is ITTP (= year 187); it was the same year that the king was assassinated siné. Before seeking the explanation of the reverses of the coins of Demetrius IL, he It is important to say a few words about the effigy of this prince. If we compare them the monetary portraits of Demetrius, both for his first and for his second reign, we notice that they are divided into two categories: beardless portraits and bearded portraits. Until now, we believed that the bearded guy was found exclusively in the second reign, and that it recalled the captivity of Demetrius among the Parthians. Here is essentially what Eckhel says on this subject: In the second part of his reign, Demetrius IT appears bearded, while he is beardless during his first reign. His beard undoubtedly recalls his captivity among the Parthians, because it is for the same cause that Seleucus IT Callinicus also let his own grow 1. But it is important to note that Demetrius is not bearded on all the coins he had minted afterwards his return from captivity. Indeed, while he returned to the throne in the year 183, the coins from the years 185, 186, 187, show him sometimes bearded, sometimes beardless. The workshop of Antioch represents him bearded, while that of Tire adopts the type hairless. We must therefore conclude that wearing a beard for the monctary effigy was left to the pleasure of workshops 2, 1. See above, our Introd., p. Lxv. 2. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p. 230-231. BABELON, — Kings of Syria. X

CXLVI INTRODUCTION Longpérier subscribes to these conclusions and after having pointed out a certain resem- white between the bearded head of Mithridates I Arsaces VI r and the bearded head of Demetrius II Nicator who was the prisoner of this Arsacid prince whose daughter, Longpé- rier says that Demetrius, returning to Syria after having allowed himself to grow a beard, had represent on his coins more gentis parthicæ, as Seleu- cus Il°. The most recent of the authors who have dealt with this question, Mr. Bunbury also shares the opinion d’Eckhel; he believes that the portraits bearded men are all from the second reign of Demetrius and that, during this second period, we have, at the same time, following the workshops, hairless portraits and portraits bearded. The only modification he makes to Eckhel's doctrine is that while that the Viennese scholar says that Demetrius is bearded on the coins struck Antioch to the type of seated Zeus, and that he is always beardless on the coins type of Eagle from the workshop of Tyre, Mr. Bunbury cites, against this theory, a coin of the type of Olympian Zeus, which bears a head on the right hairless 3. We cannot share the opinion of the scholars whose opinion we have just summarized. nion, and just as we have demonstrated that Seleucus IT did not allow its growth beard in order to mourn a captivity that he did not endure, we we will try to prove that Démetrius IT followed a very widespread fashion among the Parthians, probably with the idea of getting closer to a type of divinity, but not at all for the truly singular pleasure of perpetuating, on its currencies, the come from a humiliating episode in his career. It would be strange, in fact, if Seleu- cus IT and Demetrius IT would have kept their beards as a sign of mourning for their captivity, and that they had consecrated this shame by the coins, monuments intended for the con- milk to perpetuate the glorious memories. Secondly, we saw that the dates force us to admit that after his restoration the portraits of Demetrius are, some hairless, the others bearded, which is difficult to explain in the hypothesis that admits that the king kept his beard as a sign of mourning, throughout the duration of his second reign. We have described in our Catalogue, under number 949, a tetradrachm of the type of Apollo seated on the omphalos, which we cannot hesitate to classify in the first reign of Demetrius, both because of the youthful character of the figure of the king and because of the type of setback which did not appear during the second reign. Now, this royal head is bearded; Demetrius has a thick, curly and already large beard, so that this medal proves that Demetrius began to wear his full beard from his first reigns. When the restoration of the throne of this prince arrives, his beard is, natural- ment, much longer, as is appropriate after a period of ten years. The portraits of the second reign which are beardless are almost suitable effigies. 1. Percy Gardner, The Parthian Coinage. pl. I, fig 17, et seq. 2. To. by Longpérier, Memoir on chronol. of the Parthian Arsacid kings, p. 28. 3. Bunbury, in Numism. chronicle, III° series, t. III (1883), p. 100-102.