The Kings of Syria, Armenia and Commagene — 1890

DEMETRIUS II NICATOR CXLVII functional, used in certain workshops like Tyr, and what proves it well is that it is impossible, when the royal name is absent or cropped, to distinguish the port- trait of Demetrius II from that of Antiochus VII Evergetes. Like Seleucus II and like Antiochus IV, Demetrius Nicator, leaving great to say his beard, undoubtedly had the aim of assimilating himself to a divinity; it's the same with the idea of deifying themselves that other kings gird their heads with the radiant crown. The god that Demetrius wanted to resemble by taking the name GEOX and wearing a long beard does not appear to be Daphne's Olympian Zeus whose head is on bronzes of Demetrius II himself; it's more like Dionysus Pogon or Brisaios whose full-length statue forms the reverse of small bronzes from the first first reign of Demetrius (Cutal. n° 943). And in fact, we found a head at Delos of this bearded god who very closely resembles that of bearded Demetrius. He is Cga- It is absolutely true that all the Parthian kings wear long beards on their medals; but We cannot reasonably maintain that, for them, any more than for the kings of Syria who imitated them, the beard was a sign of mourning, as it happened later among the Romans. IT. — Types of setbacks. Among the types of reverses of the coins of Demetrius IL, besides Zeus Nicephorus, the eagle on a ship's spur and some other frequent subjects during the reigns earlier, we will point out the less common type of the eagle standing on a lightning, reverse of tetradrachms (Catal. n°% 1194 to 1196) and didrachms (Catal. n° 1197 and 1198) struck at Ptolemais. The Sidon workshop minted, at the same time and at the same time, coins of Attic types and weights and pieces of Ptolemaic or Phenomenal types and weights nicians, Our catalog contains (n° 1203 to 1205) three Attic tetradrachms in type of Olympian Zeus struck in Sidon in the year ETIP (= year 185); the same year Sidon issues Phoenician weight coins in the eagle type. Only, these niers are very rare: I only know of this species, in Sidon, a tetradrachm of the Bunbury collection, very valuable in this respect”. An Attic drachma from the British Museum, with Athena Magarsia has, on the right, the long-bearded head of Demetrius: it therefore belongs to the second reign of this prince (fig. 32). The British Museum also has with the same bearded head, a tetradrachm (is s)and a drachma (fig. 34) in the type of Zeus Dolichenos. 1. Th. Homolle, in Bull. of corresp. Bellenic, t. V (1881), p. 507-508 and pi. x. 2. Bunbury, in Numism. chronicle, 3rd series, t. III (1883), p. 102-103. 3. Percy Gardner. The Seleucid Kings of Syria, pl. XXI, fig. s. 4. Percy Gardner, op. cit., pl. XXI, fig. 6 and 7.

CXLVIII INTRODUCTION The bronze coins of both Demetrius can, in general, be easily determined because of respective titles of these kings, their portraits and dates. The parts serrated, very common under the reign of Demetrius I, are at the contrary, very rare under Demetrius IT, although their use continued until under Alexander II Zebina. Mr. Imhoof-Blumer attributes to Demetrius Nicator the following bronze : Diademed bust and struck out from Helios, from the front, tilted a little to the left. R. BAZIAEQNZ AHMHTPIOY. Artemis hunt- ress, standing right, drawing an arrow from her body whats and holding the bow in the left hand. Æ 16. — 4 gr. 461. The head of Zeus of the dichalques (Cafal. n° 1225 et seq.) is that of Zeus Olym- stone of Daphne and it is the same on the autonomous bronzes of Antioch. The reverses of some of the same coins have a new type and particularly interesting : it is Athéna-Niké (Cafal. n° 1225 to 1227) that Mionnet qualified as wrong of Nemesis. She resembles the Athena Parthenos of the coins of Antio- chus VII, with the difference that she does not have a lance and that she is provided with wings. Athena Nike had a famous temple on the acropolis of Athens; but the statue of the goddess in Athens did not resemble the representation we have under the eyes. According to Harpocration* it was an ancient Eduvov, with a helmet in Ja right hand and a grenade in the left. Calamis had sculpted a statue of Athena Nike, which the Mantineans dedicated to Olympia 5. This goddess was also worshiped at Megara + and Eritrea from Ionia. Mr. Benndorft who, after Otto Jahn7, dedicated to Athena Niké an interesting dissertation, brought together on a board, the coins of Side, which seemed to him to relate to the goddess: some show us a simple Nike, a crown in his hand, the pomegranate being in the field of the room, the others a flightless Athena, having the pomegranate on her right hand and the shield on her left arm. A vase painting depicts Athena Nike, also wingless, holding in one hand a coat hook and in the other his helmet 5. So, nowhere do we encounter . Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 435, no. 1009. . Harpocr. Lexicon, s. v. . Pausanias, V, 26, 2. . Pausanias, I, 42, 4. . Movsetoy ebayy. oyoXñs, Smyrna, t. I, p. 104. . Otto Benndorf, Ueber das Cultusbild der Athéna-Niké, publication inserted in the Festschrift zut Juenfrigaehrigen Gruendungsfeier des archæol. Institutes in Rom, Wien, 1879. 7. Otto Jahn, Deantiquissimis Minerva simulacris atticis, Bonn, 1866, in-4°. 8. Ed. Gerhard, Auserlesene Griech. Vasenbilder. Vierter Theil, pl. CCXLII, fig. 1; Benndorf, loc. cit. p.22. SU ER D H

ALEXANDER II ZEBINA CXLIX trons, as on the coins of Demetrius II, the goddess uniting the wings of the Victory with the attributes of Athena Parthenos. Was there in Antioch or in any another city of the empire of Demetrius a temple of Athena Nike with a statue what would the coin engraver have copied? The chalques of Tire with the effigy of Demetrius IT, have interesting types: it is first of all the ship's spur (Cafal. n° 1245) which cannot be confused with a rudder; the parts of the spur called Tpocu66koy and Eubolov form clearly marked projections. It is on this spur that the eagle is perched, on the mounts silver coins; the same palm which, on silver coins, rests on the wing of the bird, is here placed on the spur. The palm tree (Catal. n° 1246 to 1248) has already encountered under previous reigns, from Antiochus IV (Catal. n° $77): it is a frequent type on the autonomous currencies of Tyre. It was also in Tire that were struck pes the small bronzes (Cafal. no 1249 and 1250), with a head surmounted by the calathos, to which we gave the name Artemis, rather than that of Demeter. At the death of Demetrius II, Tire regains its intermittent independence; she inaugurates a new era of autonomy with silver currencies of its own types:. Sidon and Laodicea of Lebanon have setbacks which are known to us by the reigns earlier, from Antiochus IV Epiphanes to Laodicea, and from Antiochus VII Sidetes, for Sidon. ALEXANDER II ZEBINA Era of the Sels. 184 to 190 (128 to 123 BC) "AXEavdpos Zabvas was the son of a merchant named Protarchos. The king of Egypt Ptolemy VIIT Physcon sent him to Syria to effect a diversion unfavorable to Demetrius IT who was besieging Pelusium, and he passed him off as the son of Alexander Bala: It is for this reason that Zebina claimed the throne of Syria on the death of Antiochus Sidetes. Antioch, Apamea and the cities of the coast, where Egyptian influence was exerted, were declared for the new suitor. In the year 125 BC. AD, Demetrius Nicator was defeated, then assassinated. His eldest son, Seleucus V, lived only a few months. Shortly after, Alexander II Z£bina having displeased the king of Egypt, found himself opposed by Ptolemy a new competitor in the person of Antiochus VIII Grypus, brother of Seleucus V. Zebina, beaten, confined himself in Antioch, and there, to settle the troops that remained to him, he plundered the treasure of the temple of Zeus and pushed his audacity than to remove the Golden Victory that the god held in his hand: Jovis solidum ex auro signum Victoriæ tolli jubet, says Justin. In vain did he try to make himself the god and the auspicious people by saying that they accepted the Victory that Zeus offered them. This game I. J.-P. Six, in Numism. chronicle, N.S., t. XVII (x877), p. 194.

CL INTRODUCTION of words recalls the famous ouyyensouelx roc Nixotc elc Tov ROhEULOV, pronounced at Athens, when, in support of the war in 406 BC. BC, we melted the Vic- golden tories of the Parthenon:. But what is particularly interesting is that it a specimen of this gold coin made with the treasures and Victory taken from Zeus. I recently had the opportunity to see a gold stater, corner flower, by Alexandre Zébina, type of Zeus Nicephorus. Isn’t it peculiar really curious to compare this piece of gold to the anecdote that we have just told report? The inhabitants of Antioch expelled Zebinah at the moment when he hand on the statue of Zeus himself; Seleucia also closed her doors to him, and he soon fell into the hands of Antiochus Grypus. Dates are rare on Alexandre Zébina's coins. Like extreme years we meet ATTP (— year 184) and AP (— year 190). Certain letters or groups of letters, in the field of pieces, deserve to attract our attention, without, for We are able to explain this. This is, among other things, the group 21, which can designate a monetary officer or some minister of Zebina. Sometimes, instead of 121, it seems that the engraver simply wrote IZ or 2; but these variants are only due to the negligence of monetary workers. The types of Alexander IT are, for the most part, reproductions of those of the reigns previous ones. Dionysus standing (Catal. no. 1261 et seq.) is known to us from Antio- chus VI; the bust of Eros (Ca/al. no. 1268) from Antiochus VII; Zeus Nicephorus (Catal. nos. 1274 et seq.) is, we already know, the image of the statue to which allusion to the anecdote told earlier. The anchor, the head of Dionysus, Victory, Athena Parthenos, the elephant, the caps of the Dioscuri surmounting the bow, mosttre, are already explained. The double cornucopia offers a particular rity on certain pieces (Cafal. n°s 1311 et seq.): it is that the two horns are, no longer juxtaposed according to usage, but intertwined like the twists of a rope. We will explain further the Zeus Dolichenos of drachma no. 1295 and the Tyche Chalque No. 1321. The effigy of Alexandre Zébina is, most often, diademed; it is written off on the Chalques No. 1298 to 1314; she is wearing a lion skin on the bronzes n® 1315 to 1320, 1326 and 1327: it is a renewed type of Alexander I Bala and which claims to recall the coins of Alexander the Great. L Among the parts missing from our catalog, the following are important: Diademed head of Alexandre Zébina, right. BR. BAZIAEQZ AAE=ANAPOY. Eagle standing, left, on a thunderbolt, with a palm on the right wing. In the field, on the right, AZ and a dove; on the left, the date ITTIP (— year 188); between the eagle's legs, the monogram. No. 206. Æ. 23 mill. Didr. 6 gr. 82 (fig. 35)5. — Same right. A. Even legend and same type. In the field, at left AZ, a dove and an apluster; 1. See E. Babelon, The gold coins of Athens, in the Revue des Études Grecians, 1889, p. 137. 2. See above, Zntrod., p. cxxix. 3. Catal. of sale of the coll. Gréau (1867), pl. V, fig. 2404; Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 436.

PTT SELEUCUS V CLI on the right the date OTIP (— year 189). Æ15 mill. Drach. 3 gr. 407. — This di- drachma and this drachma minted at Ascalon are of Phoenician types and weights; we will also find pieces of the same type under Antiochus VIII (Cafal. n® 1402 and 1403). Let us also cite a drachma, of Attic weight, preserved in British Museum: Diademed head of Alexandre Zébina. Bz. BAZIAEQNZ AAE=ANA- POY. Athena Parthenos standing left. In front monoer IE key. No. 148 and the letter AR 17. Drachma, 4 gr. * (fig. 36). We said, during the reign of Alexander I Bala, the difficulties encountered in classifying F9 07 some bronzes which may be suitable as well in Zebina than in Bala. However, we cannot hesitate to recognize the portrait of Zébina on the Laodicean chalque of Lebanon (Cafal. n° 1335) to the traditional types of this city. This bronze piece is the last one we have to record as coin bearing, with the royal effigy, the name and particular types of a city free from the Seleucid Empire. SELEUCUS V re es SEL LS TEE 2 After-sales service ETC Seleucus V was the eldest son of Demetrius IT Nicator. He took the royal crown the death of his father in 125 BC. B.C.; but his mother Cleopatra, who had already done put Demetrius to death, also had Seleucus V assassinated, who thus perished after few months of reign. Cleopatra then had her second son Antiochus VIII crowned Grypus. Among the coins in the name of Seleucus, I have not found any that could be say this young prince with some appearance of certainty. It is in vain that F. de Saulcy wrote the following: “Until recent years, we had not been able to distinguish guer no coin of Seleucus V. To M. Feuardent goes the honor of having them discerned and reported to numismatists, These are serrated copper coins which bear the sole name of Seleucus, and which until now had been grouped with undetermined coins struck in the name of a Seleucus. They stand out of all the others by their serration, which constitutes a method of manufacture which must will most likely be quite short-lived. » The serrated coins to which it is alluded to appear to belong rather to Seleucus IV. There is no evidence that they are from Seleucus V, and it is a purely gratuitous hypothesis to grant coins to this child king, who only passed on the throne. 1. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, pl. AXIT, fig. 1. 2. Percy Gardner, op. cit. pl. XXII, fig. 4.

CLII INTRODUCTION CLEOPATRA THEA Cleopatra Thea, Queen of Syria, was the daughter of King Ptolemy Philometor of Egypt. In year 163 (149 BC) she married Alexander I Bala: we gave a tetradrachm and two bronzes which represent the joined heads of Alexander and Cleopatra. A few years later, in 167 (145 BC), Ptolemy Philometor took his daughter from Alexander Bala, to give her to Demetrius II Nicator. Then, during the captivity of this prince among the Parthians, and while he married Rhodogune:, Cleo- shepherd offered his hand, with the crown of Syria, to Antiochus VII Sidetes, brother of Demetrius. This Cleopatra was thus successively the wife of three kings of Syria. If we have coins where his head is associated with that of Alexandre Bala, we do not know of any where Cleopatra's head is combined with that of Demetrius IT or that of Antiochus VII. After the death of Antiochus VIT Sidetes, Cleopatra would find herself exposed to the revenge of Demetrius IT returned from captivity; but luckily for her this one This was defeated by a new pretender to the throne, Alexandre Zebina. Demetrius will then read to seek asylum in Ptolemais where Cleopatra was, but the ambitious The queen refused him entry into the city. Soon he was murdered along with his eldest son Seleucus V, by Cleopatra who placed another child, her son, on the throne of Syria favorite, Antiochus VIII Grypus; it was in 187 (125 BC). In 192 (127 BC). BC), Cleopatra, jealous of exercising supreme power alone, tried to poison Antiochus Grypus, but he, according to historians, forced his mother to drink the poi- sound that she had prepared for him. There is a superb tetradrachm in the British Museum (fig. 37), struck with the name of Cleopatra alone, as queen of Syria. On the right, there is the veiled and dia- deme of Cleopatra Théa. On the reverse, a double cornucopia filled with fruits, surrounded by the royal diadem; the very interesting legend is: BAZIAIZZHZ KAEOTTATPAX OEAZ EYETHPIAZ. The epi- thete of euernoto that Cléo takes shepherd is undoubtedly referring to the cornucopia filled with fruits, type borrowed from Egypt:. F9 7th r. HAS. by Longpérier, Memoir on the chron. and the iconogr. of the Parthian Arsacid kings, p. 27. 2. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, p.65 et pl. XXII, 1. Mionnet describes two copies of this beautiful medal (Suppl. t. VIII, n° 321 and 322); one, who was then in Lord's cabinet Northwich, is probably the British Museum medallion; the other is cited after Sestini. Description num. vet. ex (diversis) museis, Leipzig, 1796, p. 499.

CLEOPATRA THEA CLII Cleopatra takes, like Cérés, the names of @EA EYETHPIA; later, Queen Musa, among the Parthians, is called OEA OYPANIA on her medals, and Cleopatra VII, wife of Marc Antony and queen of Egypt, takes. also, on the currencies, the analogous epithets of OEA NEQTEPA:. Saulcy* and Mr. Percy Gardner; believe that the magnificent medal which we have just reproduced the image was struck in the Sycamina workshop. But this Opinion is based only on the presence, in the field of the reverse, of the monogram No. 278, which can be resolved in many ways, either as a man's name or as a city name; the small town of Sycamina probably never had a monetary workshop, Anyway, the medal was struck in the year ITTP (- 187), that is to say the same year of the assassination of Demetrius II and Seleucus V, and of the advent of Antiochus VIII, events which were accomplished by the hand or under the authority of Cleopatra, who then had sovereign power. Coincidence at note: it is around the same time, that is to say from year 117 to year 114 before our era, that the queen of Pontus, Laodice, daughter of Antiochus IV Epiphanes and widow of Mitbridate Philopator Philadelphus (Evergetes), had it struck in the Pont des mon- are born in his image alone. We have quite a few coins of Cleopatra associated with her son Antio- chus VIII. A few years earlier, rare coins were minted in Cappadocia with the conjoined heads of Ariarathe VI and Queen Nysa, his mother. Later, we similarly finds, in the Arsacid series, the head of Phraatace attached to that of his mother Musa. The coins of Cleopatra Thea and her son Grypus extend, according to the dates found on most of them, since XTTP =) until the year BHP (— year 192), dates which correspond, the first, to the advent of Antiochus VIII; the second, on the death of Cleopatra Théa. On all these currencies, the name of the astute queen appears, like her effigy, in the first place, instead of honor, before that of the young king his son4. The Berlin Museum has a tetradrachm of Cleopatra and Antiochus VIII which is of Phoenician weight and of the Eagle type. This piece is dated to the year A9P (= year 191) and bears, as mint mark, the dove and AZ, initials of Ascalons. This piece is directly linked to those of Alexandre Zébina, from the same minted and it precedes the coins of Antiochus VIIT alone, which have the same mark and the same emblem (Catal. nos 1402 and 1403) 7. Mionnet thought he recognized the combined busts of Cleopatra and Antiochus VIII on autonomous bronzes from Antioch by Ptolemaid®, but they are in reality the 1. F. Feuardent, Co!]. Demetrio. Ancient Egypt. Coins of kings, Pe133. 2. Saulcy, Dated Coins, p. 61. 5. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, p. 85. 4. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p. 239. Ss-Friedlaender, in the Zeitschrift für Numismatik, t. VSD 7 6. See above, our Zntrod. DrIcE 7. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid, p. 88, no. r. 8. Mionnet, Descr., t. V, p. 88, nos. 772 and 773.

CLIV INTRODUCTION busts of the Dioscuri surmounted by stars, and these pieces must be rejected from the royal series of Syria. The types of coins of Cleopatra and Antiochus VIIT are already known under , the previous reigns and have nothing that deserves to particularly attract our attention , tion. However, it is good to point out that most bronze coins, while bearing in legend the names of Cleopatra and Antiochus, only give the effigy of Antiochus alone, without that of his mother; Cleopatra's head is not found attached to that of Antiochus than on the series of undated bronzes, type of the Vic- tory (Catal. no. 1362 to 1366). It is also appropriate to point out false tetradrachms, of Attic weight, of the type of Zeus Nicephorus on the reverse, with the conjoined heads of Cleopatra and Antiochus VIIT to the right, that is to say tetradrachms similar to those which are described in our catalog no. 1358 to 1361. These are pieces skillfully made by a forger modern and who have managed to get lost in the greatest collections and in the best books. They are distinguished from authentic pieces by the style par- particular of the head of Zeus; in addition, the god has his arm extended disproportionately long; the letters finally betray a modern hand: the letter O especially has a shape implausible oval in ancient epigraphy. ANTIOCEUSMIEGRMEUS Era of the Sels. 187 to 216 (125.4 96 BC) I. — The titles of the king. Antiochus VIII, commonly called the osxes (with the hooked nose), carries simple- bears the nickname of Epiphanius on his coins. However, a small piece of silver published by Duane*, also gives him the epithet of Philomelor; here is the description- : tion: Slightly bearded head of Antiochus VIII, right. Bz. BAZIAEQZ | ANTIOXOY (right) ETTIDANOYZ | DIAOMHTOPOZ (left). Double horn of abundance. Æ13 mill. — Mionnet was wrong, based on considerations iconographic, to classify this coin to Antiochus IX Cyzicene 3. Various texts epigraphic finds, one in Ephesus, the others in Delos, came to justify the attrition bution of Duane, by making known all the official titles of Antiochus VII, that they call 'Exigavne, Buoufrwo, Kakvxos. By publishing the Ephesus inscription, Mr. Waddington + had thought that this Antiochus Epiphanes Philometor Callinus was . Overbeck, Kunstmythologie. Zeus, p. 59-60; cf. above our Introd., p. xcv. . Duane, Coins of the Seleucidae, pl. XX, n° 12 and p. 123. . Mionnet, Supplement, t. VIII, p. 69, no. 356 and note. . P. Lebas and Waddington, Voyage archéol., Inscriptions, n° 136. + » ND H

-if DS You ES ANTIOCHUS VIII GRYPUS CLV Antiochus XIII Asiaticus, the last of the Seleucids. But Mr. Mommsen: demonstrated that it could only be a question of Antiochus VIIL and the inscriptions from Delos are came, not long ago, to confirm the deductions of the German scholar; these are dedications cacies in honor of Antiochus, or written at his order, in honor of others characters 2. During the eight years following the death of his mother Cleopatra Théa, Antio- chus VIIT reigned in peace, but, in 112 BC. BC, his full brother Antiochus IX Cyzicene, son of Antiochus VII Sidetes and Cleopatra Thea, raised the standard of revolt in Asia Minor and soon succeeded in seizing Antioch and part of Syria. The civil war lasted several years with alternatives of success and setbacks which led to the definitive dismemberment of the Seleucid empire. Grypus remained king in Syria and Cilicia, and Cyzicene maintained his authority in Coelesyria and in Phoenicia, country. that their tendencies and traditions linked to Egypt. In 96 BC. BC, Antiochus VIII Grypus was assassinated by Heracleon. He left five sons and a daughter: the latter called Laodice married Mithridates I Callinicus, king of Commagene. IT. — These monetary dates. The dates noted by Saulcy; on the coins of Antiochus VIIL, range from HP (= year 190) until ZX (— year 207). The British Museum catalog does not mention, as extreme dates, only the years 192 and 197; ours gives, for its part; of years which range from B4P (192) to L AZ (— year 204). These dates do not affect, as we see, either the beginning or the end of the reign. He is good to say that here again, the extreme dates, and which would therefore be the most interesting, which Saulcy noted, do not exist in reality. The HP years (190) and AMP (191) are given by him according to the Mionnet Supplement +, However, the first would be found on a small bronze in the Vienna museum similar to our pieces (Catal. n°% 1407 and 1408), on which the date is rough, Mionnet did not see the coin once described by Eckhels, and it could well be that the figure on the left was missing. As for the second, Mionnet did not see it either: he reproduces the description of it. tion according to the Theupoli Museum and, until further information, we hold this AMP date for suspect; perhaps it should be replaced by AP (= year 194). The years EZ (— year 205) and SZ (— year 206) are missing even in Saulcy which gives yet ZZ (— year 207) according to a didrachm with an eagle struck in Ascalon, and supposed currently in the British Museum. However, not finding it in the catalog of the 1. In the Mit{b. der deutsch arch. Instit., Athenische Abtheilung, t. I, p. 27; cf. Salomon Reinach, in the Bull. corr. hell, 1883, t. VII, pp. 346-347. 2. Bull, corr. bell, t. III, p. 367; t. VI, P. 3323;t. VIL, p. 346; t. VIIL, p. 105 and 106. 3. Dated coins, p. 65. 4. Mionnet, Suppl. t. VIII, 342 and I S. Eckhel, Cat, Mus. Caes. Vindob., t. I, p. 217, no. 11.

CLVI INTRODUCTION British Museum published by Mr. Percy Gardner, I conclude that Saulcy recorded an incorrect date, although historically possible. II. — The royal effigy. The portrait of Antiochus VIII Grypus is characterized by the particularly strong and curved, which gave this prince the nickname Grypus. However Mr. Percy Gardner made a serious confusion in the British Museum catalog between the coins of Antiochus VIII and those of Antiochus XI Philadelphus. We leave again We will pay tribute to the reign of the latter. Mionnet: attributed coins from Laodicea and Seleucia to Antiochus VIII who have, by right, a radiated head in which he believes he recognizes the king of Syria. But the features of this effigy have only a very distant relationship with the physio- name of Antiochus VIII. In addition, one of these pieces, kept in the Cabinet of France, bears, in front of the head, the Seleucidian date BAP (= year 132) which cannot suitable for the reign of Antiochus VIII Grypus: it therefore becomes obvious that the figure removed from these medals is simply that of Helios. Mr. Six, for his part, proposed to see a symbolic allusion to Antiochus VIII and Antiochus IX in the two conjoined heads of the Dioscuri, type of the beautiful autonomous tetradrachms from Tripolis which began to be minted in the year 201 of the Seleucids 2. But he nevertheless recognizes that there is not the slightest resemblance white between the features given to the heads of the Dioscuri and those of the royal effigies of Antiochus VIIT and Antiochus IX; we will add that these two princes having been constantly at war, and bitter enemies, the fraternal association proposed by Mr. Six seems to us to be in contradiction with historical testimonies. IV. — The tomb of Sardanapalus (altar of Zeus Dolichenos). It is time to explain The curious type of tetradrachms n°5 1424 to 1426, and to a drachma No. 1427. We see it appear for the first time during the reign of Alexander I Bala3; we then find it under the reign of Demetrius II Nicator4, and on a 5 tetradrachm and a € drachma of Antiochus VII Sidetes. In our cat- logue, it appears for the first time on a drachma of Alexandre IT Zébina (Catal. n° 1295) and he continues on tetradrachms and drachmas of Antiochus VIII Grypus (Catal. no. 1424 to 1427) and Antiochus IX Cyzicene (Catal. no. 1482 and 1483). The same reverse is frequent on the autonomous pieces of Tarsus, and it occurs long in the coinage of this city under the Roman Empire until the reign of 1OMNiOnnet naked DescetN Ne D 107 2. J.-P. Six, The era of Tripolis in the Annuaire de la Soc. fr. of numismatics, 1886, p. 220. 3. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 433. 4. See above, our Jntrod., p. cxLvur; Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings, pl. XXI, fig. 6 and 7. 9. See above, our Introd., p. leather; Percy Gardner, op. cit. pl. XXVIIL, 8. 6. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, pl. H, fig. 14.

ANTIOCCHUS VIII GRYPUS LVII Gordian the Pious 1. We therefore cannot hesitate to recognize in this monetary type the image of a monument particular to the city of Tarsus, and to admit that the mon- The births of the kings of Syria of this type came out of this workshop. It is generally believed that it is a building whose ruins, explored and described by Victor Langlois 2, today bear the name of Dunuk-Tasch; they are located southeast of Tarsus, on the right bank of the Cydnus. “It’s a vast parallelogram having a surface length of 87 meters, not including exterior works, 42 meters wide and 7.60 meters high. » The insufficient excavations between taken in these ruins did not produce results making it possible to specify the nature and purpose of the monument. However, it seems likely that it was the edition fact reported to us, near Tarsus, by various authors of Greco-Roman antiquity and to which they give the apocryphal name of uvua Zapdavar#Alou. Strabo speaks as it follows: “Anchiale was founded by Sardanapalus, says Aristobulus. It's there that we saw the tomb of this prince and a stone statue which represented him with the fingers of his right hand arranged as if he wanted to crack them. According to some, the statue still bore this inscription in Assyrian characters : € Sardanapalus, son of Anacyndaraxes, built the city of Anchiale in a single day and that of Tarsus. Passing by, eat, drink, have fun, because everything else is worthless. » The poet Chœrile also mentions this inscription, and everyone knows it the following two verses: “I have left my rich treasures; I only have the advantage left to have enjoyed 4 the pleasures of the table and those of love to excess5. » Arrian, recounting the passage of Alexander in Cilicia, points out the tomb and the epitaph _ of Sardanapalus4, Athenaeus transmitted to us, according to other authors, several tra- _ alleged deductions from the Assyrian inscription 5. Cicero himself recalled it in these two verses: Haec habeo quæ edi, quaeque exsaturata libido Hauserat, illa jacent multa et praeclara relicta 6, It would be absurd to claim with Langlois that these epitaphs, whose meaning is the same and which only differs by details or rhetorical amplifications, relate to two different Sardanapales. It would also be fanciful to believe to the accuracy of these Greek or Latin translations, and to attribute to them the slightest historical value. All these fables can only serve to demonstrate a positive fact. tif: it is that near Tarsus, there was a famous monument, of Assyrian origin, around which popular ignorance has grafted the legend of Sardanapalus whose 1. Victor Langlois, in the Revue numismatique, t, XX, $185, p. 386 to 391. | 2. See the description of the monument given by this traveler, in the Archaeological Review, vol. X (1853-54) p. 527 to 537. Im 3. Strabo, XIV, 671-672. - 4. Ârrian, Exped. by Alex., I, Se s- Athenaeus, Deipnosoph., VIII, 335 et seq.; XII, 530. 6. Cicero, Tusculanes, V, 35. Cicero adds that on the occasion of Sardanapalus and his epitaph, Aris- | bote is said to have said: “What could be more fittingly engraved on the tomb of an ox? »

CLVIII INTRODUCTION Classical authors echoed this. From a numismatic point of view, we draw hence another conclusion no less rigorous. From the moment that the currencies that we seek to explain came out of the workshop of Tarsus, if we manage to demonstrate the Assyrian character of their type, it will now be almost impossible to doubt that this monetary type is the image of the monument famous throughout antiquity under the false name of tomb of Sardanapalus. Although the monetary types of this monument vary to throughout the ages, from Alexander I Bala to Gordian the Pious, and that some attributes are added, removed or modified in turn, we always recognize the general and essential traits of the same divinity, and it is enough to bring them closer various monuments of Assyrian antiquity. On many Assyrian cylinders is engraved a male deity standing on a fantastic quadruped which, depending on the case, is more or less similar to the bull, lion or deer; this god has four wings; he is armed with lightning or: bow and arrows, sometimes an axe, and his costume mainly consists of a long tunic open at the front like that of our monastic character silence. Assyrian gods standing on quadrupeds are also seen on the bottoms rock reliefs from Bavian and Malthaï 2. Finally the sculptures of the Hittheans, both in In Syria and Cappadocia, divine images of the same kind unfold before our eyes. In short, hesitation is not possible for a moment: the monetary type of Tarsus is the image of a divinity whose cult was established in this city from the time of the Assyrian domination. As for the name that the Assyrians gave to that of their gods which is similar the most of the figure of our medals, it is impossible to determine, in the current state of our knowledge of Assyrian mythology. They said it was Sandan, the Assyrian Heracles, considered the founder of the city of Tarsus5; we can- would also give him the name Raman, which designates the god of lightning in the cuneiform texts. In any case, in the classical period, this Assyrian god who became a Baal, was assimilated to Zeus, and it is under this name to which a qualifier was added special, that he was worshiped in Tarsus and other cities. In Tarsus, this god did not have us left other traces than the monctary types and the mute rubble visited by the travelers. But we find elsewhere vestiges of the cult with which he was honored. Sound name was Zeÿçs Aokyaios; it was given to him, according to Stephen of Byzantium, because of the town of Doliché in Commagene, where he had a famous sanctuary. Zeus Dolichenos even became, at the time of the Roman Empire, one of the deities most honored Syrian women. In Rome he had two temples, one on the Esquiline and 1. See specimens of these cylinders in the Revue numismatique, 1853 (t. XX), pl. XII; Lajard, The culle of Mithras, passim: Lenormant and Babelon, Ancient History of the Orient, t. V, pp. 244, 248, 265, 296, etc. 2. G. Perrot and Ch, Chipiez, History of art in antiquity, t. II, pp. 637 and 643. 3. Raoul Rochette, Comparative Archeology Memoirs. The Assyrian and Phoenician Hercules, p. 195 et seq. ; B. Head, Hist, numorum, p. 645.

FROM | ANTIOCHUS VIII GRYPUS CLIX the other on the Aventine r, His cult spread, like that of Mithras, throughout all Jes provinces of the empire from the century of the Antonines, and we find traces of it in Africa, in Dacia, in Pannonia, in Germany, in Great Britain; registrations in his honor they usually call him: Juppiler Optimus Maximus Dolichenus Deus Aelernus Commagenorum?. It is also sometimes given the geographical qualifiers of Heliopolitanus, of Adiabenus, of Adioassuritanus. He is a warrior god who receives sur- all the tributes and wishes of the soldiers. Numerous monuments, most of them re- nied by Seidls, represent him standing on a bull; sometimes he is accompanied of Juno Dolichena standing on a goat. Among the statues, we will cite between others the one which, found in Marseille, is now kept in the Stutt museum- gart; on the base, we read a dedication DEO DOLICH ENIO-. But we must insist- ter Especially on the bas-reliefs which adorn pyramidal steles, sculpted on a of their triangular faces. One of the specimens most related to our mon- naies is a bas-relief from the Pesth Museum, which was found in Kœmlæd in Hungary, and which we will see reproduced in Seïdl's memoir and Roscher's Lexicon (art. Dolichenus). Zeus Dolichenos, standing on the bull, is dressed as a legionnaire; a star is above his head; he holds in his right hand a bipenne like the Zeus Stratios of Labranda, and in the left a thunderbolt. Around him, Victory, an altar, busts of Hercules and Pallas. This whole scene is framed by a triangular pediment, in the shape of a very acute gable, similar to that of coins of Tarsus; finally, on the base, a dedication to IOVI DVLCHENO. Refer to this image and at first glance you will be struck, with Seidl, by the diversity sity of attributes and details, of the analogy of the monetary type with the bas-relief, It is indeed the same oriental god who, through the centuries, has gradually allowed himself stripping of its original attributes, on coins as in sculpture monumental, and which ended up entering the Roman pantheon with its adornment Anaïtis or Astarté, who became Juno Dolichena. V. — Zeus Ouranios and other types. Zeus Ouranios presents himself to us in two aspects: sometimes he is entirely naked, sometimes he is naked only the upper part of the torso, and the body is wrapped | in a chlamys. Apart from this difference, it is the same divinity with the same L4 attributes: the crescent above the head, the star on the outstretched right hand, and at the | left hand a long scepter ending in a lotus flower. What name to give to this | | | 1. Corp. register lat., t. VI, no. 406; cf. an interesting article by C. L. Visconti, in the Bullettino della Municipal Commission of Rome, 1875, p. 204 et seq. 2. C.TI. L., t. II, n° 130% 4 1: 3. Seidl, Ueber den Dolichenuskult in the Berichte Wien. Akad., Phil, hist. Class, t. XII (1854). See also on Zeus Dolichenos the following works: Overbeck, Kunstmythologie. Zeus, p.271; Hettner, De | Jove Dolicheno, Bonn, 1877; C. IT. Visconti, op, cit. ; and art. Dolichenus by Ed. Meyer in the Lexicon of Roscher.

CLX INTRODUCTION god? The bearded head is indeed that of Zeus and the scepter further confirms this identity. tification, so that there is no need to think of a Syrian Apollo, like Eckhel the conjecturally proposed r. But the Viennese scholar is nevertheless right in saying that it is certainly an astronomical type, a divinity which presides over the walk of the sun represented by the star which is on his hand, and of the moon represented on his head in the shape of a crescent. However, these attributes hardly allow us to he- site to recognize here Zeus Ouranios or Asterios who presided over the march of the stars?, and which Visconti regards as the personification of the month Dios, the first of the Seleucidian year. Zeus Obpävios was worshiped especially in Syria, but his cult is also reported in Lacedaemon 4 where he was considered the presiding deity sidereal movements and celestial revolutions, while Hera his wife was assimilated to Gê, and considered as the goddess of the earth. On the bronze coins of Antiochus VIIT of the eagle type, it is notable that the bird supports, on its wing, not a palm, according to custom, but a scepter like on Egyptian coins. We will find, under numbers 1402 and 1403, two Phoenician tetradrachms of the type of the eagle on a thunderbolt, which bear the mark of the Ascalon workshop. On the first, we have, in abbreviation, the formula 'Acxthwvos teoûs xat acbdov, the reading of which cannot be the subject of doubt. The other tetradrachm bears a legend, unfortunately crude in part. The interpretation we proposed: ?’AcxiAwvos leoäç acüou aôrévouou, must be the real one, given the legend of bronze coins autonomous which have: AZKA*IEP-AZ-K*AY 6. It is undoubtedly necessary to see, in the head of law, only a degenerate imitation of the head of the king of Syria. The British Museum 7 has a tetradrachm of Phoenician weight, of the type of the eagle on a thunderbolt, which has only the letters AZ and the dove as its mintmark: it is the Asca-mark. lon as we reported it during previous reigns. Mr. Imhoof-Blumer a variety of this tetradrachm, with the date BP (— year 192)8. The same scholar has makes known an mite with the legend BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY ETTIbANOYZ to the type of the ear on its stem, which we have already encountered under Demetrius II (Caal. No. 933) and which still exists under Seleucus VI. VI. — Heracleon. It was said above that Antiochus VIII was assassinated by Heracleon, one of his 1. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p. 240. 2.- Vaillant, Hist. regum Syriae, p. 342. 3. Visconti, Iconogr. Greek, t. IL, p. 354. . Herodotus, VI, 56. . Gerhard, Griech. Mythology, t. I, p. 168, note 3. . F. de Saulcy, Numismatics of the Holy Land, p. 179 and p. 181, no. 35. . Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, p. 88, no. 7. . Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 436, no. 115. DNI Or BR

ANTIOCHUS IX CYZICENE CLXI favorites', Trogue Pompey2 affirms that this Heracleon seized the throne of Syria which he only kept for a very short time. It is based on this witness- gnage that Saulcy did not hesitate to attribute to Heracleon two currencies acquired by him in Jerusalem and about which he expresses himself thus: “However short it was the time during which Heracleon dreamed of royalty was long enough to allow him to put to mint coins that I was the first to make known. On the reverse of the head of the usurper, they offer either a dove or a bunch of grapes. The first variety seems to me to have been issued in Ascalon; as for the second, I don't know its origin. None of these coins, which are made of copper and of very small module, bear date; date; the name of Heracleon is represented by a monogram and his title of king by the letters BA3 alone. » Here is the description of these two bronzes, published by Saulcy in 1865: Head radiated to the right. BC. Dove on the left. On the right, BA (£usi1twc); on the left, the monogram. No. 287. Æ 16 mill. 3 gold. 20. Same radiated head on the right. Rg. Bunch of grapes. On the right, BA (Basthëws); to left, the mongr. No. 287. Æ 13 mill. t gr. IO4. “These coins,” adds Saulcy, “have a very great analogy with those of the kings of Syria Antiochus VI Dionysius, Alexander Zebina and Antiochus VIT Grypus, who present the same radiated head, The monogram can easily be decomposed in HPAKA., so that the legend can be reconstructed in BAZIAEQNZ HPA- KAEONOZ., » It is not necessary to demonstrate the fragility of this scaffolding; also, the two currencies in question are classified in the Cabinet of Medals among the uncertain, while waiting for their true attribution to be determined. ANTIOCHUS IX CYZICENE Era of the Sels. 196 to 217 (116 to 95 BC) This competitor of Antiochus VIII, son of Antiochus VII Sidetes, was raised in Cyzicus, hence the nickname given to it by historians; on his coins, he takes alone- lies the title of Philopators. We said that after a long period of wars, Antiochus VIII and IX divided the Syrian monarchy between them and the Cyzi- Cenes was recognized as king of Coelesyria and Phoenicia: his capital was Damascus. A 1. Josephus, Ant. Jud., XIII, 13, 4. 2. Trog. Pomp., Prol. from book XXXIX. 3. F. de Saulcy, Coins dated to the Seleucids, p. 69. These two pieces were acquired by the Cabinet Medals in 1860. 4. F. de Saulcy, in the Revue numismatique, 1865, P. 227-230. s. We saw above that Mionnet was wrong to attribute to Antiochus IX Cyzicene the mon- nave which bears the legend: BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY ETTIDANOYZE DIAOMHTOPOZ See above Introd. p. cLIv). BaBeLoN, — Kings of Syria. XI

CEXII INTRODUCTION the death of Antiochus Grypus, Antiochus IX tried to take possession of the entire Syria, but Seleucus VI, eldest son of Grypus, defeated him in 95 BC. Antiochus IX Cyzicene committed suicide shortly afterwards, and was succeeded by his son Antiochus X Eusebius. The coins of Antiochus IX, like those of previous reigns, are shared in two series: those which are dated, a fashion which is becoming more and more rare, and those which are without date. The dated pieces in our catalog range from OP (= year 199) until BIZ (— year 212). The British Museum provides as years extremes OP (— year 199) and SIZ (— year 216)'. Chronologically, these dates do not teach us nothing, since they are neither the beginning nor the end of the reigns. It is different for the first two dates recorded by Saulcy: S4P (= year 196) and ZP (— 197), which correspond to the first years of the struggle between Grypus and Cyzicene. However, these two dates were noted in Sestini of which Pau- tority is, as we know, most suspect 2. Finally, Saulcy's last year is the year BIZ (— 212), according to Mionnet, who read it on three bronze coins from Cabinet of France : these are the chalks from our catalog n° 1459, 1460 and 1463; on the first two, we must read, on the contrary, the date BZ (— year 202); the BIZ reading (— 212) is only certain on chalk no. 1463. From year 212, we no longer find dates for the Father of the Seleucids on the coins of Antiochus IX nor those of his successors, except under Demetrius III Eucaerus. This disappearance of dates on Seleucid coins is not a fact that we must exclusively attribute to the negligence of the monetary minting and the general decadence which is rapidly increasing, thanks to civil wars. There is a more direct cause: it was during the reign of Antiochus IX, in the year 207 of the era of Seleucids, which Tripolis and Sidon, following the example of Tire and Aradus, inaugurated their special era which replaces, on their currencies, the era of the Seleucids until then employee4. Thus, the Phoenician cities, increasingly liberated, adopted the eras of their autonomy, and as it is in their workshops that the custom of writing dates on species has particularly developed, we thus have the reason immediate of the disappearance of the Seleucidian era on royal coins. The effigy of Antiochus IX is easily distinguished from that of other kings only when she is hairless. The opportunity has already presented itself to observe that sometimes, on the coins of the kings of Syria, there are false portraits, and that the iconic type of a prince is sometimes used to mint coins of his successor : we don't change than the legend. Friedlaender cites a tetradrachm which, having the legend BAZIAEQOZ ANTIOXOY DIAOTTATOPOZ, is surely from Antiochus IX Cyzicene, while that it nevertheless positively bears the head of Antiochus VII Grypuss. 1. W. Wroth, in Numism. chronicle, 3rd series, t. VIIL, pl. I, fig. 27. 2. Mionnet, Supplement, t. VIII, p. 69, nos. 357 and 358; cf. Sestini, Desc. del Museo Hedervariano, t. II, HER E CE 3. Mionnet, Descr., t. V, p. 99, n° 873 at 87s. 4. J. P. Six, the Era of Tripolis, in the Annuaire de la Soc. fr. de numism., 1886, p. 237. $. Friedlaender, in the Zeitsçhrift für Numismatik, t. VIL, p. 227. " dice dti

k: ANTIOCHUS IX CYZICENE CLXIIT From the reign of Alexander I Bala (Catal. nos. 866 and 867) we encountered bronzes with a type found on the tetradrachm and the drachma of Antio- chus IX cataloged under n°5 1464 and 1465: Tyche standing leaning on the helm of a rudder. On the tetradrachm, there is, behind the goddess, a rose on her stem, which can be seen very clearly on examples better preserved than the ours', and which we encountered as the type of a small bronze of Antiochus VIII (Catal. No. 1448). In the exergue, a date we we barely see the traces; but on Mr. Lœbbeke's piece, we read HZ (= year 208) and on that of Bri- tish Museum, SIZ (— year 216). The attribute of Fortune alone forms the type of reverse of small bronzes of Cleopatra and Antiochus VIII (Calal. nos. 1355 and 1356) on which it can be appreciated more clearly; it has long provoked curiosity numismatists. After having pointed out this symbol on the coins of the kings of Macedonia, on coins from Rhodes, Tripolis and other cities, Mr. Imhoof adds that we see it, serving as a support for the right hand of Pallas, on the magnificent silver coat hook from the Hildesheim find, in the Berlin Museum. “We exhausted in conjectures, adds the same scholar, on the name and explanation of the object, so that a very rich and varied nomenclature resulted: cornucopia dance, column, quiver, torch, trumpet or salpinx, harped, lituus, stick, rudder, rudder bar, plow, lamp suspended from a candelabra, etc. None of the known forms of these objects, however, corresponds completely to that of our instrument:. » We think, for our part, that we sought- go too far to explain this very common symbol, and those who tried to recognize the helm of a rudder found it right. Tyche is, depending on the country or according to usage, represented in two ways: either it directly poses the hand on the end of the rudder: this is the most common case; or she poses the hand on the bar which, fixed to the rudder, was used to maneuver it: such is the case of the currencies that we seek to explain. This bar or this crosspiece was more or less decorated and generally curved; more rarely we see it, as on our pieces, with one end forming a rounded hook and raised in cane beak. The image we give opposite (fig. 38), borrowed from a coinage of Samos from the Roman imperial era, does not leave no doubt about the question which should be considered as definitively decided. Bronzes from Corinth have the type a rudder fitted with a bar which also has the same shape in a round hook straightened at the end. This bar is the emblem of the rudder itself or of the entire vessel. The Tyche tetradrachms of Antiochus IX is similar to that of autonomous tetradrachms from Tripolis: also Mr. Six pro- 1. See in particular W. Wroth, in Nnmism. chronicle, 3rd series, t. VIII, pl. I, fig. 21, and Loeb- beke in the Zeitschrift für Numismatik, t. XV, p. 53. 2. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 130-131.

CLXIV INTRODUCTION posed this city as the place of issue of the currencies of the kings of Syria who have this type of Tyche leaning on the helm of a rudder. The rose which is a symbol on tetradrachms, forms the type of small autonomous bronzes from Soli, in Cilicia. We have under Antiochus IX Cyzicene the last coins of Phoenician weight. Cian or Ptolemaic: after this reign, we only encounter the Attic weight a little weakened, In the British Museum there is a didrachm of Phoenician weight of the type of the eagle on a thunderbolt; the workshop is thus designated: AZ IEP AZY (’Aocxtwvoc ispäs asûdov) with the date L AZ (— year 204)°. Another type and weight didrachm Phoenicians, minted at Ascalon, is published by M. Imhoof-Blumer, with the date x (—= year 200) and the mark AZ (’Acxahwvituv) 5. Finally, there are pieces of weight Phoenician eagle type, with a spike on the wing, probably struck at: Ptole- corn 4. The helmeted head of Athena from bronzes n° 1507 to 1510, which recalls certain pieces of Alexander I Bala (Catal. n°s 853 et seq.), are found identical on autonomous coins of Seleucia of Calycadnus. Tetradrachms of Antiochus IX were overstruck on Cnossuss types. SELEUCUS VI EPIPHANES NICATOR Era of the Sels. 216 to 217 (96 to 9s BC) When Antiochus VIII Grypus died, his eldest son Seleucus took the title of king, with the nicknames of Epiphane and Nicator, borrowed from his father and his grandfather Démé- trius II. He had to continue the war against Antiochus IX Cyzicene who soon perished. But the son of Cyzicene, Antiochus X Eusebius, who had taken refuge in Apamea, brought together a new army, and Seleucus VI, defeated in his turn, was forced to take refuge in Cilicia. He had established himself in Mopsus, when his exactions aroused the people who set fire to their palace, the Gymnasium. Seleucus VI perished in the fire. The coins of Seleucus VI do not bear dates. The legend is sometimes BAZI- AEQZ ZEAEYKOY ETTIDANOYZ NIKATOPOZ, sometimes BAZIAEQZ ZEAEY- KOY NIKATOPOZ. Besides the legend, we often encounter in the field unexplained pieces, letters or monograms, which have, because of their development, ment, attempted, more particularly than others, the effort of scholars. We have noted in particular the following groups: 1. J.-P. Six, in the Annuaire de la Société de numismatique, 1886, p. 233. 2. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, p. 9x, no. 2. 3. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 426, no. 118. 4. Imhoof-Blumer, loc, cit, no. 117. s. Zeit. für Numism. t. V, p. 148; J. Svoronos, Numism. from ancient Crete, t. I, p. 78, no. 00. 6. A dedication was found at Delos which appears to be written in honor of Seleucus VI. Th. Homolle, in the Bull, corr. hell., t. VIII (1884), p. 106.

SELEUCUS VI EPIPHANES NICATOR CIS 1. AAE AH 2. Monogr. n° 295$ and ATIOA 3. DO IZI 4. Monogr. No. 296 and ZH Each of these groups appears, on the pieces, clearly separated into two parts, so that there is no need to read, as was done in the past, in a single word, by example, AAEAH or NEIZI, recognizing in this last word the name of the city of Nisibis in Mesopotamia. As for groups like AAE, ATTH, NE, AH, ATIOA, 121, ZH, their meaning still escapes us; they seem to designate rather names of men than names of workshops. We have already met group 121 on coins of Alexander II Zebina. From an iconographic point of view, we will notice as for Antiochus IX, that he There are two types of head, although Seleucus VI only reigned for a year. On some parts he is represented beardless, with a strong and curved nose which recalls his father Antio- chus VIIT, as well as his brothers, Philip and Antiochus XI: this type therefore gives the true portrait of Seleucus VI. On other coins, this prince is represented with a beard collar; the head recalls the effigy of Antiochus IX Cyzicene, to such an extent that, were it not for the legend, we would be very embarrassed for the iconographic attribution of these medals. It is obvious that Cyzicene monetary coins were used of which we were content to change the legend. Here again we see how much it is often dangerous to rely exclusively on the features of an effigy royal to fix the attribution of certain pieces to homonymous princes. The types of coins of Seleucus VI teach us nothing new. The pieces of the type of Zeus Nicephorus are of a more careful style than those of the type of Athena Parthenos : these are heavy work, with letters tees and compacts; the head of Seleucus is wider, the neck thicker, the curve of the nose more accentuated. The engraving of the type of Athena is even so neglected that the shield of the goddess is no longer, as previously, decorated with a head of Medusa, and the spear, instead of being supported on the arm of the goddess, is standing without support, at side of the shield. An interesting obol has the reverse type of an ear on its stem? like the pieces already mentioned of Demetrius II and Antiochus VIII. The Apollo of the chalques n°5 1522 at $152 is no longer represented according to tradition seleucid; he holds a branch in his right hand, and he leans with his left arm on a cippus, as on the autonomous coins of Célenderis. This guy has already been reported under Antiochus IX Cyzicene4, and we will find it again later. It is not uncommon to find in Greek numismatics and even on mon- . Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., p. 242; Treasure of nnmismatics. Greek Kings, p. 110. . Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 437, no. 120. . See above, Introd. Pier . Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, P. 437, No. 119. + D H

CLXVI INTRODUCTION Roman imperial naies, an Apollo, a laurel branch in his hand:: some- times, as on the tetradrachms of Myrhina, the branch is decorated with a strip of knotted wool. It is in these varied representations of Apollo xabdooto:, the atoning and purifying god to whom the legends of Roman coins are addressed: APOLLINI SALVTARI. In some cases, it is more like a fern than a laurel branch: a statue in Lesbos represented him with the fern, wuptxn, hence his name Apollo Myricine. ANTIOCHUS X EUSEBIUS Era of the Sels. 218 to 229 (94 to 83 BC) Antiochus X receives the nicknames of Hicééns Pilorérwo on the medals. He sucks surrendered to his father Antiochus IX Cyzicene and took the title of king in Aradus. After having defeated his competitor Seleucus VI, he had to fight against the latter's brothers, Philip and Antiochus XI. He defeated them on the banks of the Orontes, and Antiochus XI remained among the dead. To strengthen his throne, Antiochus Eusebius married Cleopatra Selene, widow of Antiochus VIIT Grypus and her own father Antiochus IX Cyzi- supper. Antiochus Eusebius was nevertheless soon forced to take up arms again against Philip and his other brother Demetrius III Eucaerus; unhappy in this cam- loincloth, we believe that he had to take refuge with the Parthians? ; the year Antio died chus X is uncertain. He left two sons: Antiochus XIII and Seleucus Cybiosactes; the latter was not king. The monastic portraits of Antiochus x Eusebius closely resemble those of Antiochus IX Cyzicene, his father. We see that we sought, at this time when the genealogical origins of the pretenders to the throne were contested, to recall the features of the father in those of the son. Note also that Antiochus DIAOTIAT OP, already worn by his father Antiochus IX. The tetradrachms of Antiochus X are of the type of the Olympian Zeus of Daphne. The drachma (Catal. no. 1531) shows us the Tyche of Tripolis, supporting herself with her hand right on the helm of a rudder, an attribute explained in the reign of Antiochus IX. | Among the bronzes, some have the caps of the Dioscuri, Tripolitan type, others have Victory, by allusion to the military successes which allowed Antiochus keep the throne for more than ten years. The letters or monograms that we encounter in the field of An- tiochus X vary little, which would tend to demonstrate that the number of workshops was very restricted. There are no dates on the coins of Antiochus X Eusebius. 1. Overbeck, Kunésmythologie. Apollo, p. 309. Compare a bronze statuette from the Berlin museum, Overbeck, op. cit., p. 229. 2. Visconti, Iconogr. Greek, t. II, p. 360,

ANTIOCHUS XI PHILADELPHUS CEXVII ANTIOCHUS XI PHILADELPHUS Era of the Sels. 220 (92 BC) Antiochus XI, nicknamed on coins, Epiphanes Philadelphus, was the brother twin of Philip, with whom he associated himself against Antiochus X Eusebius. After a first successful, Philip and Antiochus XI were defeated and the latter drowned in the Orontes. The nickname Epiphanes that this prince takes is in honor of his father; as for that of Philadelphus, it indicates the love of Antiochus XI for his brother Philip who, moreover, bears the same nickname, as do the other sons of Antiochus VIII. The reign of Antiochus XI was so short that his coins are very rare; also, there Was there any reason to be surprised that numismatists attributed to him, not long ago, a series of very common pieces: it was a mistake. As we said to the reign of Antiochus VIII, the British Museum Catalog confuses the mon- births of Antiochus VIII Grypus with those of Antiochus XI Philadelphus. J. Friedlaen- der has already done justice to this classification?, and Mr. Head admitted, in part, the rectifications fications of the German scholar whose thesis is, in our opinion, in all respects unassailable quable, Here it is in all its simplicity. Coins which only bear the legend BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY ETTIDANOYZ (without DIAAAEADOY) are, without exception, of Antiochus VIII Grypus. — Those of Antiochus XI Philadelphus bear, either: BAZIAEQZ AN- TIOXOY ŒIAAAEADOY, either BAXIAEQNZ ANTIOXOY ETTIbANOYE DIAAAEADOY. In a word, the name of Philadelphus is never omitted from the mon- coins of Antiochus XI, while it never appears on the coins of Antiochus - chus VIII. . Mr. Head is mistaken when he says that there are no silver coins from Antio- chus XI Philadelphus, but only bronzes. Our tetradrachm no. 1538, known for a long time (acquired at the Révil sale in 1845), is doing well BAZXIAEQYZ ANTIOXOY PIAAAEADOY, and can only be attributed to Antiochus XI Phila- delphi. Furthermore, the iconographic character of the head is very accentuated: it differs from the portrait of Antiochus VIII Grypus, while having with him traits of family, that is to say a long and curved nose, which is the distinctive mark of An- tiochus Grypus and his sons. The coins of Antiochus XI Philadelphus, struck during a reign which lasted only a few months, present to us only two types: Zeus Olym- 1. Mionnet only fell into this error in his Supplement, and for a single piece (t. VIIL, p. 74, n° 378), and again he warns us by a note that, in this attribution, he lets himself follow the example by Visconti. 2. Friedlaender, in the Zeitschrift für Numismatik, t. VIII, p. 225. 3. Barclay Head, Historia numorum, p. 648. Mr. Head left bronzes classified to Antiochus XI which are surely from Antiochus VIII,

CLXVIIT INTRODUCTION pien for the tetradrachm, and Athena nicephorus for the chalcus. The British Museum nique only has the bronze piece, disregarding, of course, the coins which, in the Catalog of Mr. Percy Gardner, must be referred to Antiochus VIII. There are very rare tetradrachms which represent the heads of Antio- chus XI and his brother Philippe; the alliance formed by these two twin brothers against Antiochus X and which we spoke about earlier, explains these medals. The two heads are conjugated like those of the Dioscuri on the tetradrachms IE autonomous communities of Tripolis that they seem to want to imitate2. The letters CD that we read in the field on the reverse, appear to designate a workshop name followed by the word ieoïs or iesäç Hoûdou; in this case the city name represented by Cd could be Sep- phoris (Diocesarea of Galilee) which, on its autonomous coins, calls itself holy and place asylum, with the ethnic ZETHOPHNON. PÉFCIPPEMePAIPADETEETE Era of the Sels. 220 to 229 (62 to 83 BC) After the death of his twin brother Antiochus sion of part of Syria. He was assisted by his fourth brother, Demetrius IIT, who, proclaimed king by Ptolemy Lathyre, made common cause with him against Antio- chus x Eusebius. However, harmony did not reign for long between the two brothers, and Demetrius declared war on Philip. The latter was supported by Straton, tyrant of Beroea, by Azizos, phylarch of the Arabs, by a Parthian army commanded by Mithridates Sinaces. Demetrius IT taken prisoner was taken to the Parthians5. Master of Antioch, Philip was, for a time, the undisputed sovereign of the entire kingdom of Syria, probably until year 88. But then the war civil war began again, provoked by the fifth son of Grypus, Antiochus XII, who captured Damascus and Coelesyria. We hardly know what happened in the last years of Philip's reign; what seems certain is that he was dethroned and probably put to death by Tigranes, king of Armenia, who himself established himself on the throne of Syria, in 83 BC. AD4 Philippe Philadelphe had a son with the same name as him, whom we will call Philippe IT to distinguish him from his father. This young prince was for an instant put on the spot 1. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, p. 99; No. 15, and pl. XXVI, 8. 2. In addition to our copy, we would like to point out that of the Berlin Museum, published in the Zeitschrift for Numismatik, t. VII (1880), pl. IV, fig. 2. 3. Duc de Luynes, in the Revue numismatique, 1858, p. 307. 4. Clinton, Fasti hellenici, t. I, p. 339.

PÉAUPIPÉE MP ENLCADELPÉAE CLXIX throne of Syria by the Arab Azizos', but he does not appear to have minted money. Good that we can point out certain varieties in the monetary effigy of the coins at name of Philippe, these differences are attributable to the typing which is more or less barbarian following the workshops. They are not radical enough for us to be able to get away with it. prevail in favor of young Philippe. The legend remains constantly the same: BAZIAEQZ ŒIAITITIOY ETTIDANOYZ DIAAAEADOY; the name of Epiphanes is in honor of Antiochus VIII Grypus, and the name of Philadelphus refers to the brothers of Philip I: these nicknames would have no reason to be on coins by Philippe IT. The monetary type is also invariable: it is the representation, of more and more barbaric, of Daphne's Olympian Zeus. In the parts field, there has many varieties of letters or monograms. In the monogram No. 229, we could recognize the elements of the name of Antioch, a city which was actually owned by Philippe Philadelphe, but it does not seem to have been able strike all the coins on which this monogram is found. We divided the coins of Philippe Philadelphe into two groups: those which are dated and those which are without date. Our catalog provides the following years vanes: O1 — year 19; K — year 20; KA — year 21; BK — year 22; KA — year 24. This series of years clearly proves that we are dealing with numeral letters, while other letters like N, TT, Z, d, etc., which are found on other tetradrachms, are not dates. If the years 19 to 24 cannot relate to the era of Seleucids, it is also not possible to see years of reign like the would like Saulcy: Philippe Philadelphe only reigned nine to ten years. These dates are obviously assumed from the news that various towns on the coast of Phoenician nicia had inaugurated there, thanks to the civil wars. The eras of Tri- polis and Sidon, for example, which begin, according to the research of Mr. Six?, both moon and the other in the year 207 of the Seleucids, would agree well with the dates noted on the coins of Philip, since the year 19 would correspond to the year 220 of the Seleu- cides, that is to say in the very year of the accession of Philip. This coincidence seems decisive to us. Mionnet and Saulcy noted 3, according to Sestini, on tetradrachms of Philippe, Seleucid dates: AKZ (— year 221), ZKC (— year 227), OKZ (= year 229). These dates are not improbable since they fall in the reign of Phi- lippe; However, it is permissible to consider them suspicious, and neither Mionnet nor Saulcy should not have recorded them without checking the too often erroneous readings of Sestini. 1. Diode. Sic. Fragm. libri XL, 1 a, b, (ed. Dindorf-Teubner); cf. Cavedoni, in Rev. numisma- tick, 1856, p. 385; Th. Mommsen, in the Mitiheilungen des arch. Institutes. Athenische Abtheilung, t. 1, p. 29, footnote. 2. J. P. Six, in the Annuaire de la Soc. fr. of numismatics, t. X, 1886, p. 229 et seq.; cf. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p. 367. 3. Mionnet, Suppl. t. VIII, P. 75; Saulcy, Dated coins, p. 78.

CLXX INTRODUCTION DEMETRIUS HI EUCAERUS Being of the Sel. 217 to 225 (95 to 88 BC) Demetrius was the fourth son of Antiochus VIII Grypus. While Antiochus X Eusebius and Philip Philopator disputed the throne of Syria, Ptolemy Lathyre, governor of Cypress, called from Cnidus the young Demetrius whom he installed in Damascus, as king of Coelesyria. After the death of Antiochus Syria, together with his brother Philippe; but discord soon broke out between the two brothers: Demetrius having come to besiege Philip at Beroea, was himself made prisoner by the Parthian Mithridates Sinaces, ally of Philip, and he died in captivity *. On his coins, Demetrius, whom historians refer to by the nickname Eÿxatpos, sometimes takes the names of Théos Philopalor Soter, sometimes those of Philo- Metor Everoetes Callinicus (Catal. n° 1571 to 1573). Besides the ordinary type of Olympian Zeus of Daphne, these currencies offer new types, in particular culier the agalma or the xoanon archaic tetradrachms No. 1567 to 1569. Eckhel, Mionnet and others gave this statue the name of Diana ephemeral. hers and they described her incorrectly. She has in common with the goddess of Ephesus his general attitude and the shape of his body which seems covered with udders like the famous statue of Artemis. But all other attributes are different. The ears that emerge on each side of the shoulders allow us to give this figure the name Demeter, and perhaps Demetrius wanted, by this new type, allude to his own name. It does not seem certain to us that the protuberances which are spread all along the mummiform sheath of the goddess, from the neck to the feet, be breasts, as is the case for the Ephesian Artemis. These are perhaps simple ornaments of this xoanon archaic. On some examples, we can clearly distinguish the two long chains or cords that hang from the top of the head almost to the feet, and the arms of the goddess spread slightly; but on other pieces of a style less neat, these chains merge with the folds of the veil, so that we sometimes misunderstood them. Coins from different cities of Lydia, Gordus Julia, Maeonia, Sardis, Silandus, have an analogous type of Demeter, with a long veil and hands outstretched, holding ears of corn and poppies, but without the protuberances nipples that we see here2. Many oriental goddesses, which we give, depending on the case, the names of Astarte, Atergatis, Demeter, of Persian Artemis, were worshiped in different cities of Syria and Cilicia, Al and they were, without a doubt, very similar statues of the one whose 1, Duc de Luynes, in the Revue numism., 1858, p. 306 et seq. 2. Overbeck, Kunstmythologie. Demeter and Kora, p. 414. M

DEMETRIUS III EUCAERUS CLXXI we have the image before our eyes. But which one is it specifically: is it the Persian Artemis who, in Antioch itself, had a temple on Mount Meroe: ? is- this Artemis Brauronia of Laodicea on the sea, or Atergatis, the great goddess of Hiera- polis (Bambyce) or finally the xoanon of Démetrias, holy city of Coelesyria, of which Shall we talk later? The Nike of chalques n°s 1563 to 1566 makes a gesture with the right hand which recalls that of Zeus in certain plays of Antiochus IV and subsequent reigns?. She is similar to that which we described on a small bronze of Alexander I Bala and of Cleopatra (Cafal. n° 928 bis) and which we also see on coins of the kings of Bithynia. _The thunderbolt placed on an altar (Cafal. n°5 1571 to 1573) is the well-known type of Seleucia in Pieria where the coins were certainly issued: it is in this city only that the names of Philometor, Evergetes and Callinique are given to Démé- trius. Hermes standing on a cippe (Catal. nos 15744 1577), almost like Hermes Most of the bronzes of Prusias IT, king of Bithynia, seem to reproduce a sculptural work tural,. We know the role that Hermés plays in the myth of lo, so popular in Antioch: but it would be rash to connect the monetary type to this legend. We finally give (Cafal. n° 1578) a coin from the city of Demetrias, minted sword with the well-characterized effigy of Demetrius III Eucaerus. The reverse type is a degenerate imitation of the coins of the kings of Syria, like a seated Apollo on the omphalos. As for the city of Demetrias, we do not know the site and it is not mentioned by any author, although it has a number of coins autonomous and Roman imperial coins. Saulcy expresses himself as follows: their place, in his Numismatics of the Holy Land: “In order not to omit anything, I will say a few words about the coins that Mionnet attributed to a town in Démé- Triassic of Coelesyria. This attribution is far from being demonstrated for me, and Besides, I have no idea where this Demetrias could be located. The The reader is therefore free to accept or not accept, for the numismatics of the Palestine, the pieces that will be discussed4. » The autonomous currencies have the legend: AHMHTPIEON THX IEPAS. There can be no question of the city of Demetrias in Assyria, which could not strike per coin neither for Demetrius III nor for the Romans. According to the testimony of Eckhel; and Sestini, the coins of Demetrias are found in the neighborhood swimming of Damascus, a circumstance which seems to authorize placing the city in Coelesyria. The effigy of Demetrius III would lead us to believe that this city received its name from this prince who undoubtedly embellished and colonized it. Perhaps the xoanon of Demeter 1. O. Muller, Antig. Antioch., p. 21-62. 2. See above, Introd, p. cxxr. 3. See above, Infrod., p. xxxir; Baumeister, Denkmeæler, p. 752 and 753. 4, F. de Saulcy, Numismatics of the Holy Land, +. Se + Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. II, P-137-138.

CLXXII INTRODUCTION on the tetradrachms that we examined earlier, is the venerated statue reated in the temple of Demetrias the saint. Seleucid dates are found on a certain number of coins from Demes. trius III. Our catalog provides the following: HIZ — year 218; OIZ = year 219; A.K.E. year of reign. Mionnet? believes he also read it on a bronze from the Cabinet of France to the type of Hermes; it is probably in the exergue of our n° 1575; but it seems there find a whole word where you can only see the letter H. Eckhel 5 reports the AKZ date (— and I myself have met her twice in commerce. We have not, until now, marked with coin bearing the date 225, that is to say the last year of the reign of Demetrius IIT. — year 221. The British Museum has the date LIE — year 217:: this is the first year 224) on a tetradrachm of the type of Demeter, ANTIOCHUS XII DIONYSUS Era of the Sels. 224 to 228 (89 to 84 BC) Antiochus XIT takes on his coins the names of Dionysus, Epiphanes, Philopator, Calhinicos; sometimes the name of Dionysus is omitted. He was the youngest son of Antiochus VIII Grypus; he took the title of king in Damascus when his brother Déme- trius IT had been taken prisoner by the Parthians. But while he was grappling with the Nabataean Arabs, his other brother Philip stole his capital. Antiochus, rap- devastated by these events, returns to Damascus, thanks to the betrayal of governor Milesios, then he returns to war against the Arabs supported by the Jewish prince Alexander Jyear; he is killed in a fight in which he had just been victorious. It was then that the garrison of Damascus called the Nabataean king Aretas III Philhellene: the domination of Seleucids in Coelesyria had lived 4. The coins of Antiochus XII sometimes bear the legend: BAZIAEQZ AN- TIOXOY AIONYZOY ETTIDANOYSZ DIAOTATOPOZ KAAAINIKOY; tan- early the legend : BAZIAENZ ANTIOXOY ETTIbANOYZ IAOTIATOPOZ KAAAINIKOY. The ancient numismatists, relying on the omission of the word AIONYZOY, believed they could attribute the currencies which form the second group to Antiochus XIIT Asiaticus, and not to Antiochus XII. This classification does not could be justified, as Mionnet has already noted. Indeed, the royal effigy is the even on coins which have the word AIONYZOY, and on those where this word is 1. See Cavedoni, in the Revue numismatique, 1856, p. 38. 2. Supplement, t. VIII, p. 76, no. 380. 3. Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p. 245. 4. Josephus, An. Taie XIII, 15, 1; cf. Duke of Luynes, in the Revue numismatique, 1858, p. 307. s. See Gough, Coins of the ne P. 149.

P.T. ANTIOCHUS XII DIONYSUS CLXXIII omitted. The type of standing Zeus meets with both legends. We know moreover, by numerous examples, which the kings of Syria often omitted one or more of their names in the official title of their medals. Finally, among the coins which do not bear the name of Dionysus, there is a tetra- drachma, from the Dresdez museum, with the date SKX (= year 227) which fits well in the reign of Antiochus XII, while it could not be suitable for that of Antiochus chus XIII. The conclusion to be drawn from the preceding facts is that if Antiochus XIII minted coins, which is doubtful, they have not yet been found. The Dresden tetradrachm, to which we have just alluded, is a piece unique of the highest interest by its type of reverse. Here is the image and description: tion: Diademed head of Antiochus XII, right. &. BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY ETTIDANOYZ ŒIAOTTATOPOZ KAAAINIKOY. Divinity bearded, from the front, between two lying bulls, on a two-step base. The god is wearing a pointed cap, dressed in a long chiton, with a wide belt tied around the body, and a peplos stapled to the neck. His two hands are extended; in the left he is holding an ear with two leaves. The degree upper part of the base appears to bear a registration. In the field on the left, the monogr. No. 148; in the exergue, the date ASKZ (—year 227). Laurel wreath around the edge. Æ 27. Attic tetradrachm, 15 gr. 70. Dresden Museum. This Asian type of bearded deity, with a body reminiscent of the xoana archaic, is an enigma even more difficult than Demeter or Atergatis of the tetradrachms of Demetrius III; I would be tempted to recognize the figure of Baal there Kevan of Hieropolis in Cyrrhestic, which appears on the coins of the Imperial era. rial between two bulls 4. Mr. Imhoof simply points out that this guy relates shovel, with the two bulls lying on each side of the statue, the deities represented on coins of Rhosus, Hieropolis, Dium in Decapolis and from Neapolis (Samaria); certain details also refer us to Zeus Dolichenos. D IE rm na D © —_ = AR “EUR has 1. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, pl. XXVII, 4, and Introd. p. XXvIIT, 2. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 437. 3. Imhoof-Blumer, /oc. quote, 4. Lucien, De Dea Syr., 31 and 32; cf. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p. 296; J.-P. Six, in the Numism. chronicle, N. S. t. XVIII (1878), p. 120.

CLXXIV INTRODUCTION ANTHOGCHUSERIPASPAMOUS Sel era, 243 to 247 (69 to 65 BC) It will not be useless to summarize here what we know about this Antiochus XIII, the last deny the Seleucids, kings of Syria. Son of Antiochus X Eusebius and Cleopatra Selene took refuge in Rome while Tigranes dominated Syria; the nickname of Asiaticus was given to him because he spent his youth in Asia Minor. After the defeat of Tigranes in 69 BC. BC, Lucullus offered Antiochus XIII Asiaticus to reestablish the kingdom of Syria in his favor. This is how Antiochus reigned for some time until he was dethroned in 65 BC. BC, by Pompey who succeeded Lucullus in command of the Roman armies in the East: the last deny of the Seleucids died at the moment when the throne of Egypt, which he had requested from Senate, was offered to him by the Alexandrians. According to Diodorus?, the Arab prince Sampsiceramus had Antiochus Asiaticus murdered; Porphyre3 does, on the contrary, die of illness. But these are probably two different characters, and one can admit that, after the conquest of Syria by the Romans, the Arabs retained with them Philip and Antiochus, and that when the Egyptians called them to throne, Sampsiceramus did not let his protégé go and had him killed, while Phi- Lippe escaped the pursuit of Azizos and reached Egypt. This Philippe is the grandson of Grypus, as Diodorus says, and not his son, as chronograph 4 wants. We have described, at the end of our catalog of the coins of the kings of Syria, two low weight drachmas, which bear the name of a king Antiochus and which were minted visits to Chios. One of these pieces was formerly published by Caylus 5, and Eckhel asks if she belongs to Antiochus IIT rather than to Antiochus II 6. This attribution was based on the fact that after Antiochus III, the kings of Syria ceased to dominate in Asia Minor and the adjacent islands, and consequently the medal could not, was believed to be classified as a later Antiochus. Also, it is still attributed to Antiochus IT by Mionnet7 and the Trésor de numismatique8. Mionnet, returning to his attribution, in his Supplement even suggests giving the coin to Antiochus I Soter°. These variations clearly show that numismatists do not have an opinion well stopped; so we will not linger to discuss. It is evident, in ‘Hustin, 20.2. . Diod. Sic. XL, r a and b (ed.Dindorf). . In Eusebius, Chronic., I, 26 (t.I, p. 266, ed. Migne). Th. Mommsen, in the Mifth. der deutschen arch. Institutes. Athenische Abtheilung, t.T, p. 29, footnote. . Caylus, Collection of Antiquities, t. II, p. 144. . Eckhel, Doctr. num. vel, t. III, p. 220. . Mionnet, Descr. t. V, p. 26, no. 236." . Very, of numism. and glyptic. Greek Kings, p. 91. 9. Mionnet, Suppl., t. VIII, p. 10, nos. 54 and 55. DOI Our BR R

ANTIOCHUS XII ASIATICUS CLXXV despite the historical facts on which we believed we could rely, that the drachmas in question cannot go back to the time of Antiochus III. They are from the types of Chios where, to all appearances, they were struck. Now, in Chios, where similar drachmas were issued in abundance, except for legends, these types are not earlier than the year 84 before our tre, that is to say the time when Sulla proclaimed the freedom of the island, and the coinage of these drachmas of Chios extends from this date until the imperial era 1. In the presence of this positive fact, the drachmas of Chios, with BAZIAEQNZ ANTIOXOY, could not therefore belonging to a Seleucid king prior to Antiochus XIII Asiaticus; they don't can only bear the name of this prince, unless they are attributed to one of the kings of the Commagene which is also called Antiochus. It is no more surprising to find the name of a king Antiochus on coins of Chios, than it is to encounter the name of Antiochus IV Epiphanes or that of Mithridates Eupator on Athenian coins. We know that the relationships of kings of Syria with Asia Minor and Greece and especially Delos, continued to be fre- quentes; these princes honor themselves to the end for being Macedonians and Philhellenes, and it is in Asia Minor that they will complete their education wherever they retire when political events chase them from their country. The kings of Commagene, we As we will see, these traditions continued; an inscription from Ephesus is in honor of one of them, and one of their descendants occupied to Athens the highest charges, Antiochus XIIT, nicknamed the Asiatic because he was raised in Asia Minor, was able to stay in Chios, be honored there with the highest dignities as king in parhibus, and inscribe his name on the coins of the island, as municipal magistrate. If not he could only be one of the kings of Commagene, for example Antiochus IV; but, in all cases, we see that the name of Antiochus on a Chios drachma does not in any way imply the domination of Chios by this prince?. This is the hypothesis that we like more. We are going to formulate another one, We know that in the period from 170 to 147 BC. BC, the city of Aradus minted currency with Ephesian types: the drachmas of Aradus and Ephesus, during this time, are distinguished only by legend, so that it is proven that there was a commercial and monetary alliance between the two cities, although that no text mentions it. Can we not assume an analogous case for Chios and a city on the coast of Phenicia, after the year 84? Note that the name of XIOZ which appears on all the other drachmas of the island is missing on our coins where it is replaced by the name of King Antiochus. If we therefore admit this hypothesis, it would be necessary to conclude that Chios made a commercial and monetary alliance with some port of the Syrian kingdom where the coins were allegedly minted. The word ANPON probably indicates a gift from King Antiochus. He has the same 1. Barclay Head, Hist. numorusm, P-514. 2. An Antiochus son of Apollonides, who has nothing in common with King Antiochus except the name, also signed coins of Chios, in the first century AD, Mionnet, Suppl, t. VI, p. 399, n° 92 and 93:

CLXXVI INTRODUCTION sense that the word LIBERALITAS on Roman imperial coins, and the word DONATIO on a bronze from the colony of Cremna in Pisidia 1. In Tarsus, we find under Caracalla the word AMPON on billon drachmas; one of them even wears the legend AQPEA CITOY; gratuity of wheat, granted by the emperor to the inhabitants residents of the city 2. As for the letters HZ or HZI that we read on one of the drachmas, the other being trimmed, they form part of the name of a magistrate; the letter | only is uncertain. We could think of a name like DH2Z/{r::) or rather maybe be DHZI(va), if however, which is doubtful, the letter is indeed the first of the word. GENERAL REMARKS 1. — Monograms. Our intention is not to study, one after the other, the 306 mono- grams contained in our plates XXXI and XXXII. We already know that the results of such a long undertaking would not be commensurate with the efforts that it would have cost, since we can, most of the time, only achieve hypotheses. It is not, in fact, the deciphering of monograms, but rather on the contrary, almost always historical considerations or the study of style, types, symbols, which allowed us to determine a certain number workshops of Seleucus I, of Antiochus Ie and their successors. We will have noticed, no doubt, that if we have insisted on these elements of diverse nature, which inform us about the geographical distribution of the workshops, we We are shown, on the other hand, to be extremely reserved when it comes to reading monograms and the distribution to various cities of the currencies which bear these distinctive marks, but obscure to us. It would have been easy for us to do, like Saulcy, for example, parade of numerous attributions, or simply in reproducing conjectures of our predecessors, or by imagining new ones. The onomastics of cities or historical figures is so rich and varied that we can almost always make a monogram speak, or find a key that opens it; only, most of the time, it is a false key. However, we should not throw ourselves into the opposite excess and display skepticism 1. Waddington, in the Revue numismatique, 1853, p. 38. 2. E. Babelon, in the Annuaire de la Sociélé fr. of numismatics, t. VIII (1883) p. 19. 3. The name of the Nsivos magistrate is already found on a Chios drachma. Mionnet, Descr. t. III, p. 267, no. 20.

GENERAL REMARKS CLXXVII too absolute. There are some monograms whose decipherment is scientific. only certain, others of which it is very probable. The monogram of Tire could raise the slightest objection: it is our n° 149 in which we recognize easily the letters TYP'. It is not found on Alexander's coins, but it exists on Lagid coins struck in Tire while the kings of Egypt owned Phéniciez. In the Syrian series, he appears for the first time under Antiochus III the Great (Catal. nos. 344 and 345); he returns later, under Alexandre Bala (Cafal. nos. 887 et seq.) with coins of Phoenician weight, and, at From this moment on, it presents itself to us in a very particular form. One of its elements, the letter P;, is placed on the club of the Tyrian Melkarth, such so that this club becomes an extension of the monogram. This form of monogram of Tyre, common on the coins of the kings of Syria, is not unknown. naked in the monetary suite of the kings of Egypt who possessed Tyr3. Finally, and this finally makes the interpretation indisputable, the autonomous people of Tire themselves often have, as their exclusive reverse, this same monogram surmounting the club of the Tyrian Heracles. From Demetrius II (Catal. no. 978), the monogram of Tire is accompanied A of two others, pe ÿ, in which we recognize the initials or principals main elements of the words iepäç äoÿkou4, epithets that Sidon also takes on the royal coins of Syria. This leads us to point out the letters IE which appear on chalques of Antiochus VIII (Cafal. n° 1370 et seq.), and which could well be the initials of the word éepÿs; under the same reign, we also meet. (Caal. n° 1413 et seq.), a group which should be careful not to confuse with Fe (éspäe) and which seems to mean fepäç äoihou. The name of the city which takes this title is unknown, but the form of the abbreviation of the sacred formula is not the same that in Tire and Sidon, we can believe that it is another workshop: the cities of Syria who were saints and enjoyed the right of asylum are very numerous, and there is difficult to choose. | Another workshop whose difference is no less certain than those of Tire and Sidon is that of Ascalon. It is represented by the letters AZK or AX, often accompanied by the dove of Astarte honored with a particular cult in this | city. There exists, with the AZ mark, a series of Alexander coins that Muller $ class in Ascalon. These coins immediately precede those of the first kings of Syria minted in the same workshop with one of the AXK or AZ brands: “Mion- net 6, says Droysen, cites a coin of Antiochus Soter with the legend AZK and sees 1, See above, Zntrod., p. Lxxxv. 2. F. Lenormant, Essay on the classification of the coins of the Lagides, DA 77th 3. F. Lenormant, op. cit., p. 80-87. 4. See above, Introd., p. cxxxrv. $. L. Muller, Numism. by Alexander, p. 308. 6. Mionnet, Descr. t, V, p. 8, no. 50. BABELON, — Kings of Syria, XII

CLXX VIII INTRODUCTION in these letters the name of Ascalon, which this king would therefore have had in his possession. session. If I believe what experts tell me, this interpretation is extremely uncertain; I must say, however, that L. Muller (Num. d’Alex., p. 309) judges her accurately *. » We see that the observation of the Ascalon workshop on coins of Antiochus I Soter would be very important for the history of the war between Antiochus I Soter and Ptolemy, in 266-263. But the piece from the Allier cabinet Hauteroche, given by Mionnet to Antiochus I Soter, is number 204 of our cata- logue: it belongs to Antiochus II Theos, and I do not know of any Seleu coin. cide exit from the Ascalon workshop which is prior to that one. The AZK brand or AZ meets again under Antiochus III (Cafal. n° 379), under Antiochus IV (Catal. nos. 652 and 653), then on coins of Phoenician type and weight that we have noted in their place: the last are from the reign of Antiochus IX2. The city of Ace, after it took the name of Ptolemais, puts on the products of his pharmacy the monogr. M or the monogram. No. 252, in which we easily recognize the letters TIT and TTO. In Nos. 61 and 208, it is also possible to find the main elements of TTOAE{ua<). If we stick to monogr. No. 252, it is demonstrated that it must, in general, decompose into Pfolémais, because it appears on the coins of the Lagides who owned this city 3. However, it there are exceptions: we find it, for example, on a coin of the British Museum struck in the name of Antiochus VIII with the mark and symbol of Ascalon 4. The monograph. No. 228 seems to be that of Berytus; composed of letters BHPY; we can already see it on coins of Alexander 5. It is accompanied by the trident, symbol of Poseidon, to which the Greeks assimilated the Phoenician Baal Berit, the topical divinity of Berytus 6. Finally, the Seleucid coins which have the monopgr. No. 228 are of Phoenician weight and, therefore, they were struck in the country of which Berytus was a part. I therefore believe that Mr Bunbury7 was wrong to cast doubt on the attribution of the monogram in question to Berytus. The interpretations are limited to these monograms that we have just examined. which we consider to be certain. All the others that have been proposed so far, conjectures appear more or less plausible to us, but which do not are not based on a scientific basis; we can't even say if these mono- silent grams are, like the preceding ones, names of towns, or else names of monetary magistrates, differences of pharmacies or issues. Some experiences Nothing, deliberately focusing on the simplest monograms, will justify our “ skepticism, in demonstrating that the problem of interpretation mono . Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. TIT, p. $26, note 1. . See above, Infrod., p. CLxIV. Fr. Lenormant, Essay on the classification of the coins of the Lagides, p. 75-76. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings, p. 88, no. x. . L. Muller, Numism. by Alexander, p. 310. . Judges, VIT, 33; IX, 4; Fr. Lenormant, Essay on the classification of the coins of the Lagides, p. 83. . Bunbury, in Numism. chronicle, 3rd ser., t. III (1883) p. 98-90. JON R w R H

GENERAL REMARKS CLXXIX grams is almost always insoluble. Let’s take monopgr. No. 36 which appears under the first reigns, from Seleucus Jer to Antiochus III. This persistence presence of the same monogram for several generations prevents us from thinking to recognize a man's name there. It therefore appears to be a workshop. However, this monogram cannot be read otherwise than AEA:. If we open the onomas- Greek ticks, we note that the only cities whose name begins with these three letters are Delphi (AcAgoi), Aë)6erx in Isauria, and Aehgoucta in Arcadia, cities who, for various reasons, but easy to understand, were unable to mint money in the name of kings of Syria, from Seleucus I to Antiochus III. If the letters AEÀ are not the initials neither of a magistrate's name, nor those of a city important enough to having had a monetary workshop, we are reduced to recognizing the special mark there of a pharmacy, and their meanings will probably always be hidden from us. It would be superfluous to return to the doubts that the interpretation inspires in us of the monogram Al by Dionysopolis or by Diospolis; let us only remember that we have noted a few cases where this meaning would surely be wrong. This monogram: appears in particular on tetradrachms of Aegae in Aeolis (Catal. nes 195 and 196), on chalques from Achaeus probably struck in Sardis, on a chalque from Apamea on the Orontes (Catal. no. 668), finally on a drachma of Alexander I Bala in Tarsus?2. The monogram No. 130 composed of the letters PA appears at first glance to indicate naturally hinder the city of Rhosus, and yet we find it on the bronze n° 651 struck in Alexandria near Issus. No. 187, composed of the letters MA does not always represent Gaza, since it appears on Chalques Nos. 637 and 643 struck at Antioch, near Daphne. And besides, the traditional brand and well known from Gaza is the Phoenician mim (no. 264) initial of the name of the god Marna: this letter alone forms the type of autonomous currencies of Gaza. It is believed that the monograms nes 74, 134,138, 270 designate Aradus; and however- No. 138 is found on bronzes Nos. 645 and 646 struck in Hieropolis. Ludwig Muller 5 attributed to Sycamina tetradrachms of Alexander which bear monogram no. 278 which we find on coins of Cleopatra Théa, of Antiochus VIII and Antiochus IX attributed to the same workshop by Mr. Percy Gardner and other authors 4. Now, is it possible to formulate a hypothesis less solid? Sycamina was only an unimportant town in the vicinity of the Mount Carmel. Not the slightest proof is provided of the establishment of a workshop in this insignificant city mentioned for the first time by Strabo: a The only consideration that could be invoked is that the monogram appears to be decomposing. pose in ZŸ; initials of Sycaminas. 1, See above, Introd. pp. xxxvIr, xxxIx and Lxxx came, 2. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p- 433, no. 96. 3: L. Muller, Numism. by Alexander, p. 305, no. 1464; Madden, Coinage of the Jews, p. sossr. 4. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings, Introd. p. xxx; cf. Bunbury, in Numism. chronicle, 3rd ser. t. II (1883) p. 105-106. $. See above, Introd. p. czrrr.

CLXXX INTRODUCTION We talked at length about the monetary series issued in European mints, during the fight between Antiochus I Soter and Antigone Gonatas'. The mono- constant grams of these series are Nos. 94 and 95, and the first does not appear be able to decipher other than MEO; if it is a city name, we do not know were born only Methone in Macedonia and Methydrium in Thessaly, which could have find yourself geographically in a position to mint currency for the king of Syria, and it is very unlikely that Antiochus I would have chosen one of these two cities for establish his monetary workshop there. Monogram No. 93 composed of the letters HP can represent a Heraclea, but this is certainly not always true, since we encounter it on the coins from our catalog nos. 634 and 889 struck, one in Antioch near Daphne, and the other in Tyre. After that, what can we say about the conjecture of Mr. Six who believes that this same monogram, on a tetradrachm of Antiochus I, designates Heraclea of Pontus, although Antiochus I was never master of this city: Heraclea, an independent city Dante, would have, thinks Mr. Six, flatteringly put the name of the king of Syria on his coins?! We do not refute such fragile hypotheses. Monograms No. 7, 26, 122, 210, 266, and 287, close to the previous one in their form, rather designate a Hera- key, and yet it is in No. 287 that Saulcy deemed it preferable to read the name of the rebellious satrap Heracleon5. We are very tempted to recognize the city of Apamea on the Orontes in monograms nos. 40, 180, 185, which can be read ATT or TTA, but how can we scientifically demonstrate that Saulcy is wrong by recognizing it? born, by an accidental whim, the name of the month Panemos? Monograms no. 25, 88, 150, 162 and 199 appear to contain the initials of the name Antioch. But in this case, we are rightly surprised by the relative rarity of the monetary brand. silence of a city as important as Antioch, the capital of the kingdom; let's notice also incidentally as the monosr. No. 162 designates Antigone on Macedonian coins. Donians of Antigone Gonatas or Dozon. If the mongr. No. 231 means, as Saulcy believes, the name of the month Gorpiaeos on the coins coming out of the workshop of Tyre, how can we explain that the name of this month is so common while we do not find the names of the other months of the Syrian year? It would be absurd to admit that coins were minted every year, exclusively during this month Gorpiaeos. Besides, none of the conjectures of Saulcy to find the names of months in the Seleucid series is not justified. The letters ZA which we encounter under Antiochus III (Cafal. n° 369), Seleucus IV4, Antiochus IV (Catal. n° 518), Demetrius I Soter (Cufal. n° 765), see themselves equal« | lies on coins of the kings of Egypt. Without examining the question of whether . See above, Introd. p. KLVUT, . J.-P. Six, Sinope, in Numism. chronicle, 1885; extract, p. 62. . See above, Introd. p. czxt. . Bunbury, in Numism. chronicle, 3rd ser. t. III (1883), p. 95. . Fr. Lenormant, Essay on the classification of the coins of the Lagides, p. 11-12. A RE © D H

D GENERAL REMARKS CLXXXI they represent, on the pieces of the Lagides, the workshop of Salamis in Cypre, we can already say that it is not certain that the group ZA has the same meaning on the Egyptian currencies and Syrian currencies. Cyprus was not under the domination of the kings of Syria, except for a moment under Antiochus IV; we wouldn't know therefore admit, with Fr. Lenormant and M. Percy Gardner, the interpretation of ZA through Salamis for Syrian currencies. For similar reasons, we must reject the attribution to Paphos of the monogram which can be broken down into TA, although that these letters designate Paphos on the coins of the Lagides. It would be possible that the monogr. n% 16, 111, 147 and 247 designated the workshop Charax; we find an almost similar monogram on Arsacid coins perhaps struck in this city2. Likewise, in No. 222 we can find the elements of the name of Artamita, a neighboring town of Charax; the same monogram was reported on coins of Arsace V Mithridates I3. The monograph. No. 104 could wish gner Phylaceus, in Persia, because it is found on coins of the same prince arsa- cide 4. Some of the numerous monograms found on monograms Bactrian bacteria could also be used for comparisons similar to those that we have just indicated; but it would be without much benefit. Mr. Chabouillet remarked qué that, in the midst of the extreme abundance of monograms of bac- in Trians, there are none that can be resolved by the name of the cities con- naked of this empires. It is almost the same for the monograms of kings of Syria, and we are surprised that very important cities of the Syrian monarchy do not have their Monttaire monogram. It seems that sometimes the same monogram varies in shape and is more or less less explicit, depending on the case. Compare with each other, for example, n°5 29, 31, 32 €t 35, and you will be inclined to suppose that the same name is hidden under these four little different shapes; this is the case with nos. 4, 21 and 23; similarly, mono- Brammes which we have noted as being able to designate the cities of Heraclea, of Antioch, of Apamea, of Aradus. We could develop almost indefinitely the examination of the attributions con- jectural and risky hypotheses, by numismatists even the most authoritative ses. But let's stop there: the few examples cited above are clear proof of the sterility of the efforts that have been made in this direction. It appears from the preceding remarks that the monograms which appear in the field of coins of the kings of Syria are rarely the names of cities; good often, on the other hand, they cannot represent the names of men, since the same monogram extends on species longer than one can 1. P. Gardner, The Seleucid Kings, p. 1x; cf. above, our Introd. p. cxx. 2. To. by Longpérier, Essay on chronol. of the Parthian Arsacid kings, p. 22. 3. To. by Longpérier, op. cit., p. 22. 4. To. by Longpérier, op. cit., p. 22. 5. See the remarkable study by Mr. Chabouillet on monograms in general, in the Revue numismatics of 1867, p. 392 to 407.

CLXXXII INTRODUCTION normally admit it for the duration of the functions of a monetary magistrate. This nor are the names of the months abbreviated, because the experience that can be made in this sense leads to a negative result. We must therefore temporarily resign ourselves to recognize, most of the time, special marks of broadcasts or monetary offices, similar to the symbols or letters which still appear on our current currencies and for which we would not be able to find the key according to the laws of historical criticism, if the registers of the mint do not provide us with directly gave the explanation. Weights and names of currencies. Gold coins are rare in the royal series of Syria. There are staters attics of the following kings: Seleucus I Nicator; Antiochus I Soter; Antiochus I Theos; Seleucus IT Callinicus; Antiochus III the Great; Achaeus; Antiochus IV Epiphanius; Timarchus; Alexander I Bala; Alexander II Zebina. There are furthermore exceptional gold coins under Antiochus IIT, who minted quadruples Attic staters, and under Demetrius I Soter who had large gold coins equivalent with two 1/2 staters, of Attic weight. I don't know than a currency authentic gold from reigns after Alexander I Bala; it is the stater of Alexander II Zebina struck in the circumference exceptional instances that we have recounted. We may find others some day, but in small numbers however, because the coinage of gold disappears almost completely from the Greek countries around this time of general decadence: Egypt itself ceases to mint gold coinage with the minority of Ptole- Aea VI Philometor (181 to 146 BC) and Macedonia no longer had a gold coin after Philippe V2. The Attic gold stater of the kings of Syria is of normal weight, that is to say it weighs 8 gr. 60 to 8 gr. 40, depending on the conservation of the copies. The great plays of Antiochus IIT and Demetrius I Soter were spoken of in his place. Silver coins belong to two different systems: the Attic system and the Ptolemaic or Phoenician system. In the Attic system, we know that the normal weight of the drachma is 4 gr. 30, which gives for the tetradrachm 17 gr. 20. The tetradrachm is the most common division; the didrachm (8 gr. 60) is extremely rare, and as such we will recall that of Seleucus Nicator in type of the Dioscuri, which is unpublished (Catal. no. 46). The drachma is the most common after the tetradrachm; an inscription from Iasos in Caria mentions the douyuat ’Avrioyuxui 5. The weight of the pieces is normal under the first Seleucids: thus, the tetradrachms of Seleucus I commonly reach above 17 gr.; it is still like this under Antiochus IV Epiphanes. From Demetrius I Soter, and this probably under the influence of the Ptolemaic weight which then appears 1. See above, Infrod. p. cL. 2. Fr. Lenormant, Money in Antiquity, t. II, p. 124. 3. The Bas and Waddington, Archaeological Journey, in Asia Minor. Inscriptions, vol. III, p. 94.

EE Don't — GENERAL REMARKS CLXXXIII tion in the royal coinage of Syria, the Attic weight weakened quite significantly; tetradrachms barely reach 16gr. 90; the average itself would be 16 gr. 65 approx. At the end of the dynasty, it is exceptional to encounter tetradrachms above 16 gr., and there are a large number of good preservation which do not do not exceed 15 gr. Coins of Phoenician weight appeared under Alexander I Bala: we we told in what circumstances *. They disappear with the reign of Antio- chus IX Cyzicene. Easily recognizable by their type, these pieces have not been issued only in the towns on the coast of Phenicia, that is to say in the maritime towns times who traded with Egypt from where this system was imported. There was therefore, in the Syrian monarchy, during a period of fifty years, mon- Coins of Phoenician weight concurrently with coins of Attic weight. Theoretically, the Ptolemaic or Phoenician weight drachma weighs 3 gr. 60, this which gives for the didrachm 7 gr. 20 and for the tetradrachm 14 gr. 40. The Drachma is rarer than didrachma; the tetradrachm is the most ordinary coin. Cir- very singular constancy, the first Phoenician tetradrachm that we have to record (Cafal. n° 887) provides the weight of 16 gr. 10 which is an Attic weight; but this is an exception, perhaps explainable by the momentary disturbance which resulted from the appearance of the new system. Other Phoenician tetradrachms weigh 14 gr. 20 approximately. This weight is maintained fairly regularly until the dis- appearance of the system: the reduction in Attic weight which had gradually carried out, as we have seen, caused there to be a sort of fusion or rapprochement between the two systems, and it contributed to the disappearance of the Phoenician weight. Moreover, the metal itself, almost pure originally, deteriorates under the successors of Antiochus VIII Grypus. Chemical analysis demonstrated that in tetradrachms of Antiochus I Soter, there is 0.990 of pure silver, while tetradrachms of Philippe Philadelphe, for example, only provided 0.678 of silver?2. We have given, in our catalog, the weight of bronze coins also although that of gold and silver coins, with the aim of providing above all a service in numismatic metrology studies. The currency size system bronze in the different countries of the Hellenic world, has been, until now, still little studied, and I presume that if very little attention has been paid to it, this is mainly due to this that, the coin catalogs generally neglecting to give the weights, we have backed away from preliminary work, long and daunting, weighing the pieces. We also imagined with too much complacency that bronze coins having only insignificant intrinsic value, their size was almost arbitrary, lacked fixity, and that it was impossible to reconstruct the scale of divisions and multiples of the chalque, as was done for the drachma and for the Stater. Without doubt, the bronze coinage, which was, in general, only the mon- 1. See above, Introd. p. cxxv. 2, Fr, Lenormant, Money in antiquity, t. I, p. 191.

CLXXXIV INTRODUCTION extra hedge, was not cut with the regularity and precision that should have been bring in the size of precious metals, and there is no doubt that it exists par- times a considerable difference in weight between brass instruments which represent the same monetary division; nevertheless, if we take into account this license particularly extent that the workers gave themselves, in the size of the bronze blanks, we see tate, when we carried out numerous weighings, on pieces belonging to the same country and at the same time, that a formal and immutable law emerges; and just as in Rome, under the Republic, despite the gap which exists between the weight similar species, we can reconstruct the system of the ace and its divisions, likewise, most of the monetary series of Greek cities provide by the weights, the types, the dimensions of the blank, elements of criticism which per- put to reconstitute the graduation of the pieces for which the chalque is the normal base. The first coins of Seleucus I Nicator provide for chalque a effective weight which floats between 9 gr. 10 and 6 st. 70, depending on the state of conservation of the exemplary and especially depending on the country. The average weight of the chalque struck in these conditions, can theoretically be set at 8 gr. 60; This is approximately the weight of chalques of Alexander, and a little less than the weight of Egyptian chalque. By taking as a base the chalque of 8 gold. 60, we will easily establish the following divisions: HERMSTÉPION RER RES O gr. 60. THE EPION ER RE A PE IN ER 174320, DHEDIOR RENE RP RES 2 gr. 50. Hemi-chalcum (3 lepta 1/2)....... 4 gr. 30 (weight of the silver drachma). GHAaÎQUE (7 HEDH EEE ER 8 gr. 60 (weight of the silver didrachm). DICHAICS RE ES Er . 17 gr. 20 (weight of the silver tetradrachm). PTICRAIQUE RER ER RS EEE 2 APT DO: THE RARE STAINED A.L. Tee 34 gr. 40 (weight of the silver octodrachm). Pentéchaique ee rene 43 gr. (weight of the silver decadrachm). Octochalcum (bronze obol). ... 68 gr. 80. DECACHAIC PER PRES 86 gr. The monetary divisions shown here have not all been minted. under each reign. Small fractions below the hemi-chalcum are rare; Pentechalcum, octochalcum and decachalcum are only found among the coins struck by Antiochus IV in Egypt. The connection established between the weight of bronze coins and the weight of silver coins allows us to conclude that there was a direct and simple relationship between extra currency and silver currency. The hemi-chalque theoretically weighs the same weight as the drachma, at least in the workshops whose weight matches with the one we took as a basis, and these are the most numerous. But he is countries where the correlation that we have established does not exist at all, because so much that the kingdom of the Seleucids retained a great extension, the weight of the chalques was not the same in all parts of the monarchy. The struck chalques

GENERAL REMARKS CLXXXV in Syria do not have the same weight as those who are struck in Babylonia, in Asia Minor or Europe. We cannot, for example, ignore the chalques in coins nos. 167 to 176, minted in Europe, and yet these coins, even well preserved, rarely weigh more than 6 grams, and the bronzes of Lysimachus and Cassandra, which are contemporary and struck in the same regions, also have this weakened weight, while the chalks issued in the workshops of Syria exceed often 7 and 8 grams. A circumstance pointed out by Mr. Imhoof-Blumer and to which we have already alludes to:, allows us to assert that certain workshops of Antiochus IV and Alexander [Bala had, for bronze, a standard of weakened weight which did not even reach 6 grams for chalque, while other workshops minted, at the same time, Chalques whose average weight is 8 gold. 60. On bronze coins of these two kings, we encounter the monograms n°% 177, 178 and 179 composed of the letter surmounted by the letters A, B, A, and it is clear that these monograms mean res- pectively : wn chalque (yaxoüc), two chalques (GéyaXxov) and four chalques (rerpiyalxov). However, the heaviest tetrachalques, marked with the letters XA, do not do not exceed 20 gr. 25 (Cafal. n° 548), and we cite one which has only 9 gr. 252. Our dichalques marked XB have respectively 7 gr. 10 and 6 gr. 20 (Cat. Nos. 550 and 551); our strongest chalque has only $ gr. 10 (Catal, n° $$2). But despite this weight reduction, attributable to the uses of a workshop, or of a specific province, it is impossible not to recognize that the indicators Values XA, XB, XA, correspond to the weight and modulus of the different fractional annuities. Another example, chosen outside the monetary series of the kings of Syria, purchased vera to demonstrate that the size of the bronzes obeyed fixed laws, but which varied according to time and region. In Chios, in the beginning of Roman domination, bronze coins were struck which bear their names in full, and we can see that the system in use on this island, was completely different from that of the Syrian bronzes, not only for the weights, but for the names, which is not surprising since the bronze coinage was never than local circulation. Here is the decreasing scale of these divisions, with the names assigned to them on the pieces themselves: 1. OBOAOZ, weight varying from.......,... ICT 47 AOT AG. RIDE LARACGAPIAG AND A A Net 21 gr. 84 to 6 gr. 40. AO LOPACCAPIANS STATE EAN 10 gr. 80 to 4 gr. 50. 4. ACCAPION HMYCY (an ace 1/2). ... 11 gr. 50 to 3 gr. 50. DR CCAPIONPA MARNE Was DAROTASOMS OT. 00. PLIMIACCAPION HEAD ASTM OT SO. PAXAARONT LOAN, 7 Ms 3 gr. 20. RIT ANKON ER HEAD D AIXAAKON? 5 EU M HP2 ST. 40: DR AARON ER Re you, | 1. See above, Introd., p. c. 2 Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 433, no. 99

CLXXXVI INTRODUCTION Thus, we see how difficult it would be to recognize oneself in the midst of all this tangle of weight, if the very name of the species was not recorded in the reverse, and if, on the other hand, we did not pay attention to the chronological classification of parts. Indeed, weight loss is not only caused by negligence. manufacturing; it must be remembered that these currencies of Chios are beginning to be struck in 84 BCE, when Sulla declared Chios a free city, and their coinage continued until the empire, so that we must admit that the weight decreased gradually and in parallel for each of the divisions: the the strongest weights of all the fractions are contemporary, but the strongest weights weaker are also lower among themselves, so that the arbitrariness in the size is not as big as one might think at first glance. The same phenomenon is observed for the coins of the Roman Republic which would appear struck in the most great disorder from a weight point of view, if we did not classify them chronologically. The chronological difficulty does not exist, in general, for royal coins, but another no less serious one arises: it is, we repeat, the difficulty geographical, the coins being struck in various workshops, sometimes very distant from each other and which, each individually, can have their own special standard. Such is above all, in the Seleucid series, apart from accidental causes, the reason to be often considerable differences in weight from which we can note many examples in our Catalogue; Let us cite only two. A tetrachalcum of Demetrius I Soter preserved in the Berlin Museum, weighs 33 gr. 50’, while our copy of the same types, a little trimmed it is true, weighs only 25 gr. 75 (Cutal. n° 737): we thus understand the reason which made us call this piece a tetrachalcum and not a trichalcum, as its effective weight would seem to indicate at first glance. Chalque No. 78 weighs 8 gr. 25; No. 84, which appears to be the same division, does not weighs only 4 gr. 65. Also, to fix the names given to the bronze pieces, during of the Catalogue, we had to bring into play considerations other than those of the weight. I considered the state of conservation of each copy and the proportions of the type, because it is clear that if a chalque and a hemi-chalque are of the same types, those of the hemi-chalcum will have smaller proportions and will be like a reduction of chalque types. Finally, the module is also an important element of classification. I noticed that, barring an accident occurring to the parts, like a burr from the strike, crushing, trimming of the edges, the chalks generally have ral a module which varies from 22 to 19 millimeters, the hemi-chalques, a module of 18 to 16 millimeters. All these elements of criticism combined together, brought together and controlled by each other, allowed me to give the pieces, sometimes with certainty study, sometimes with probability, their real name, which is incontestably pre- lendable to the empirical and anti-scientific denominations that we use in usage. 1. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 432, no. 85. 1] To | |

| GENERAL REMARKS CLXXXVII Monetary paleography. The paleography of the coins of the kings of Syria only gives rise to remarks not very important. When we consider the series as a whole, we realize that under the last reigns, and even from the time of Demetrius II Nicator, the legends become more compact, the letters are both larger, thicker and tighter, a system that the Parthians have always used, since the time of Arsaces I, The Parthian fashion of arranging the legend in a square or at least on three perpendicular sides diculars, around the type, naturally appears with the development royal titles, that is to say under Antiochus IV Epiphanes. Weighty currencies Phoenician always have a circular legend. From the reign of Seleucus I Nica- tor, the letters are balled, that is to say that their angles and ends are ending in points or globules: for example FE: for E etc.; but this form of letters only began to be absolute and exclusive around the time of Antiochus IV: previously we found indifferently, and no doubt depending on the workshops or the regions, letters balled or not. This fashion is becoming more and more pronounced, and towards the end of the dynasty, the balled-up letters and large impasto strokes, coming into line in very compact legends, contribute to increasing the difficulties of reading. The letter A keeps its normal and classic form until the end of the dynasty, However, from Alexandre I Bala, we find A, À, À indifferently, The letter B is often angular, & or K, from Antiochus IV. The E is usually square; the E uncial is exceptional; we noticed it only under Demetrius II and Antiochus VII. Z has both forms Z and I, but this one is more common. © has three forms: ©, © and ©; the latter is much more often employed than the other two. The O also has three shapes which only differ from each other by their dimensions O oO 0. The largest form is the rarest; nevertheless we also see it both under the first and the last reigns. The letter 2 almost always has its normal, square shape; the older form € does not appear. However, under the reigns of Seleucus I and Antiochus I, we find against sometimes the intermediate form Æ, that is to say with the arms still a little open. The lunar € is found exceptionally, notably under Alexander I Bala and Antiochus VII. The tetradrachm (n° 888) of Alexandre Bala, which gives us gives this example of a lunar sigma, is struck in Tire and dated to the year 163 of the Seleu- cides. Here we have perhaps the oldest known example of C lunar date certain. On coins of Demetrius IIL Eucaerus, appears the form exceptional €. The Y sometimes has the form V towards the end of the dynasty

CLXXX VIII INTRODUCTION The ® is one of the most distorted letters in the Seleucid alphabet. Enough regularly engraved still in the time of Antiochus IV, it became after Antiochus chus VII: @, to, ele, of. There is no need to pursue paleographic observations further. We we will only add that due to the variety of forms that we encounter for letters © and O, for example, even under a single reign, we believed it necessary adopt, in our transcription of the legends, the classic form rather than a which would only be accurate in appearance and only for specific examples. mined. This classic form does not prejudge anything as to the true form of which it is always easy to see by inspecting our boards. Serrated coins. Coins with sawtooth-cut edges and which, for this reason, are called nummi serrati, began to appear at the end of the reign of Antio- chus III the Great (Catal. n° 4071 to 404). These are hemi-chalques that we find indifferently serrated or not, undoubtedly depending on the workshop. Under Seleucus IV, all the bronze coins in our catalog, dichalques, chalques and hemi- Chalques are serrated, with the exception of those which come from the workshops of Tire and Sidon. With Antiochus IV, jagged edges are very rare and do not occur more than for small bronzes (Catal. n° 572 to 574), but they become frequent again. quents, and for all bronze modules, under later reigns. The mon- naies with serrated edges are still found under Alexandre Bala and even, but sporadically, during the first reign of Demetrius II Nicator (Catal. no. 945). Thus, the serration of the edges is exclusively reserved for bronze coins and it is confined in a space which extends approximately from the year 190 to the year 145 BC x. Some gossip coins minted in the name of the Macedonian community niens around the year 145 BC. BC also have the edges cut into sawtooth2. The as- pect of these pieces is similar to that of Syrian bronzes, and it seems obvious that the serration of the edges was only practiced in Macedonia to imitate coins royals of Syria. A small number of gold and silver coins from Carthage have also the serrated edges3: these are coins that were issued at a time indeterminate, but which, although prior to the year 146, dates from the destruction of Car- thage by Scipio, cannot go back beyond the year 200 BCE. Finally, the fashion of serrating the edges was put into practice in Rome, under the Republic blique, but exclusively for silver denarii, never for gold coins or 1. It is as a result of false attributions that certain authors have started the serration of the borders only with the reign of Demetrius I Soter, and made it continue until under Antiochus VI Dionysus. F. Bompois, Coins minted by the community of Macedonians, p. sx. 2. Bompois, op. cit., pl. IV, 5th cat., fig. x. 3. L. Muller, Numismatics of ancient Africa, t. H, p. 90-91; 112 and 113.

GENERAL REMARKS CLXXXIX of bronze. These are the coins that Tacitus calls serrati in a famous passage: he says, speaking of the Germans of his contemporaries: Pecuniam probant veterem et diu nolam serralos bigatosque*, which means that the Germäins preferred deniers imperial coins issued during the time of the historian, the old funds of the Republic remaining in circulation, which were heavier and of better quality; the barbarians recognize them were born with the type of bige (bigati) and the edges cut into sawtooth (serrati). The first appearance of the Roman serrati denarii took place at the beginning of the swimming of money in Rome, that is to say that this fashion is observed on denarii probably struck between the years 268 and 200 BC. AD These first denarii on board serrated have a wheel, as a symbol of the monetary magistrate2. After an inter- rupture of about a century, the deniers with serrated edges make a new appearance tion in Rome around the year 104 BC. BC, and from this time, the custom of serrating the sides of the denier persisted until the end of the Republic, concurrently with the use rounded and regular edges. It has been generally believed until now 3 that the oldest serrated coins were those of Carthage, which Roman funds would only have imitated. The rectified dates that we indicated earlier rather allow us to believe that this fashion originated in Rome with anonymous coins at the wheel. If he is thus, we must now admit that it is to imitate these funds that Carthage, the kings of Syria and the Macedonians struck some serrated coins. We have long searched for the cause which could have led to this strange practice being adopted. and inconvenient. It was not to prevent altering or cutting currencies, because the means would have been ineffective, and moreover the serrated bronzes of the Seleucids are without intrinsic value. Should we simply put this oddity down to the mode which, in all things, is born and dies spontaneously and without official decree? When we see that the first who invented it was an unknown money maker whose wheel is the symbol, is it not permissible to suspect that the serration given to the portion of his funds also alluded to his name, and that this magistrate was a Denter or a Dentatus, nicknames so frequent in the annals of the Republic Roman? | Beveled edges and center point. A certain number of the coins of the kings of Syria present particularities typing that is useful to point out. There are some that have sharp-edged edges and not 1. Tacitus, Germania, $: E, Babelon, Deser, hist, et chron. coins of the Roman Republic, t. I Introd., p. zur. 2. E. Babelon, op. cit, t. I, p. 48. Cf. Baron d’Ailly, Research on Roman currency, t. IL, pp. 29, 556 et seq., 3. L. Muller, Numism. of ancient Africa, t, II, p. 142, note 4; Fr, Lenormant, The currency in antiquity, t. I, p. 265 to 268; E. Babelon, op. cit,, Introd., p. Lr. ?

CXC INTRODUCTION rounded, a manufacturing process which dates back to the time of the Achaemenids, because we see it on the darics and the satrapal coins. In the Seleucid series, we have pointed this out many times for coins minted in Bactria. Others workshops give, on the contrary, particularly rounded edges to their products, or even quarter-round edges, to use an architectural term: this latest fashion, used in particular for the bronzes of Molon, is probably special to Babylonia. The kings of Syria also had many bronze coins whose edge is cut in a bevel, which results in giving one of the faces a larger surface than the other. Fr. Lenormant says when speaking of this slice beveled common among the Lagides: “The large bronze pieces of the Lagides have their edges of exceptional regularity but cut in a bevel. Nature and the sharpness of the section shows that instead of preparing the sides, as in Usually, by molding, we operated as for our modern currencies, that is to say that we cut the blank with a cookie cutter from a thick blade of metal i. » This system was naturally put into practice preferably for parts of a very large module and considerable thickness: the bevel cut made cutting the pieces easier. It is a fact of experience so simple and so natural that it was used not only among the Lagids and the Seleucids, but in many other countries, notably in Lacedaemon for large bronzes type of the Dioscuri. In the Seleucid series, there are bevel-cut pieces from the time of Seleucus I Nicator, but this fashion became frequent especially in from the expedition of Antiochus IV Epiphanes to Egypt. Another particularity that we often encounter in the coins of the kings of Syria and which we noted in our Catalog, it is the presence of a central hole tral on the right and reverse of a very large number of bronze coins. This little cavity made in the middle of the blank, on both sides of the part, was produced by a conical point projecting into the matrix of the medal. His goal was to prevent the metal blank from slipping under the blow of the hammer; we avoided that way the chances of coinage, and it is for the same purpose that at the beginning of Greek coinage we provided, on the reverse of the coins, a hollow square with an irregular surface. This central point appears, in the Seleucid series, from the reigns of Seleucus IT and Seleucus IIT; we also see it on some Tyrian coins of Antiochus IT, then it becomes very common. In Egypt, it has existed since the first Lagides; we find it in other countries, for example, in Pontus, in Thrace, in Epirus, in part of Asia Minor and Syria under the Roman Empire. 1. Fr. Lenormant, Money in Antiquity, t. 1, p. 264-165.

KINGS OF ARMENIA CXCI THE KINGS FROM ARMENIA After the death of Alexander and the division of his empire, Armenia passed successively vely in the hands of various satraps who governed it in the name of the kings of Syria. We know of a certain number of these satraps whose power did not extend, moreover, theirs, only over a more or less extensive portion of the Armenian region. From the time of Alexander we we find ourselves at the head of little Armenia, Mithrenès: to which Otto Blau tried to attribute coins2. These are the magnificent anepigraph didrachms which have, in the right, the type of PAthéëna Par- thenos of Phidias, facing, with a tree trunk supporting the hand which holds the Victory, and on the reverse, Anaïtis seated between two squatting sphinxes, and holding right hand a flower which she carries to her face. Nothing authorizes the attribution of these didrachms at Mithrenés; it only seems possible to us that they were minted in Comana in Catonia, since they reproduce a type in which one can see the famous goddess Ma or Enyo worshiped in this city. After death of Alexander, Mithrenes was replaced by Neoptolemus. We quote after this one, Ardoates, contemporary of Seleucus Nicator and to whom Diodorus gives the title of king. This comes from the fact that Armenia was only linked in name to the empire. of the Seleucids, and his satraps only had to follow the movement of insurrection which led to the creation of the kingdom of Bactria and the Parthian empire Arsacids. An unnamed king of Armenia or one of the mountainous districts of that region, is mentioned as early as 260 BC. BC, that is to say from the time of death of Antiochus I Soters. Compressed several times, these franking movements were constantly reborn; they resulted in the great revolt of Armenia against Antiochus III the Great. Two governors, Zariadrés and Artaxias proclaimed themselves independent kings; other satraps followed this example, and Antiochus III was powerless to restore order: Armenia escaped definitively and forever to the Seleucids; Thanks to the unrest, several states were formed in this region. 1. Arrian, Exped. Alex. III, 16, $; Q. Curt. V, t, 44. 2. Otto Blau, in Numism. Zeitschrift of Vienna, t. IX (1877) p. 100. Mr. Imhoof-Blumer class these coins to Cilicia and inclines to believe that they were minted in Tarsus or Nagidus. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek coins, p. 372, n° 75 et pl. G, No. 15; B. Head, Hist. numerum, p. 609, 3. However, a statue of the goddess of Comana is described as Nicephorus in an inscription, See above, our Infrod. p. cxxvrr. 4. Visconti, Iconogr. Greek, t. II, p. 244, footnote 1. Cf, Diod. Sic., Excerpta, XXXI, 19, $: all BastAéws tv "Apuevlwy ’Apdodrou. s. Memnon, in Fragm. hist. graec. by Didot, t, II, p. 537, $XXII; cf. Droysen, Hist, of Hellenism, t. III, p. 80 et seq.

CXCII INTRODUCTION whose geographical limits varied, and whose existence was more or less ephemeral motheret. The history of these small kingdoms is shrouded in darkness, and we do not know only a few scattered names of the princes who reigned there and who benefited more or less completely of the independence ensured by their distance or harshness mountains that protected them. In the eastern and northern cantons, there were princes who are more or less related to the Iberian kings; the Georgian chronicles Giennes place in these regions, even from the time of Antiochus I Soter, a king of the name of Pharnabaze or Pharnavaz, to which Bartholomei believed he could attribute currencies2. The kings of the eastern and southeastern regions, that is to say the Sophene, from Little Armenia, from Commagene are, on the contrary, attached directly ment to the kings of Cappadocia, the Arsacid Parthians and the Seleucids, or by their relationship, or by the types of their currencies. CHARASPÉS, UNKNOWN KING It is to the Armenian region that we hypothetically connect a King Cha- raspès of which we have a remarkable bronze coin, unique until now. King Charaspès is unknown in history. The ending -usrns indicates for this name a Persian origin; it is found in particular in the names of men, Hystas- pès, Ariaspès, Choaspès, and in the river names Choaspès and Hydaspès. The city of Bactres was identified with that which is mentioned in Ptolemy in the form Xauplonax Where Zucluona5. Ptolemy also cites a people to whom he gives the name 'Aptaorat4. | The medal is certainly later than Alexander. Its style, the shape of letters, the trimming of the blank which is cut in a bevel, the types finally, bring it closer to the bronze coinage of the Seleucids and Armenia, more than the coinage of the kings of Bactria. In the time of Molon and Achaeus, rebellious satraps at the beginning of the reign of Antiochus III the Great, the bronze coins of Syria are of a manufactured identical to that of our part; perhaps Charaspès was also a rebellious satrap whose name historians have forgotten or disfigured, and whose empire ephemeral seems rather to have existed on the coast of the Armenian regions than on the of Babylonia and Characene. 1. Polybius, XXVI, 6; Appian, Syriaca, 45 to 66; Strabo, p. 456, x and pass. (ed. Didot). 2. Brosset, Hist. of Georgia, t. TI, p. 36; Langlois, Numism. of Armenia in Antiquity, p. 198; Bartholomei, Numismatic Letters, p. 70; O. Blau, in the Numismatische Zeitschrift of Vienna, vol. IX, p. 103. 3 POI NOTICE TT 07. 4. Ptolem VI TO 10 25510:

ARSAMES CXCIII ARSAMES Around the year 82 Sel. (230 BC) In the contemporary era of the struggles of Seleucus II with his brother Antiochus Hierax, Polyen: cites an Armenian prince named Arsamès or Arsabès who showed himself tra favorable to Hierax whose friend he is even declared: œihos .’Apoiéns. The word Arsames is transcribed among Armenian writers in the form of Arscham, and the Greek historians commonly give this fairly common name the form 'Azc46nç. Polyen, the only author who mentions Antiochus' friend Hierax, does not tell us over which canton of Armenia this Arsames reigned. Victor Langlois? think with Pellerin 3 that his residence was Arsamosate; this assertion is only a conjecture which nevertheless seems probable to us because it is based on the relationship of the name of Arsames with that of Arsamosate 4. It is very probably to this Arsames that we must attribute the coins on the which we read BAZIAEQZ APZAMOY. Mr. Sibilian published, in 1870, an example please from his collection, on which he read: BAZIAEQZ QIZAMOY, from which he made a king Oisames currently recorded in the best textbooks, Mr. Sibilian even coming to talk about the piece from the Cabinet of France which he has not seen, recalls that Pellerin, who was the first to make this medal known, read AIZAMOY or AIZAMOY‘. He concludes from this uncertainty that no one has good read, neither Pellerin, nor Visconti, nor Mionnet, nor Langlois, and that the true royal name is QIZAMOY. I will not be imprudent in asserting that on the piece of the Sibilian collection, you have to read an À where this author wants to see an (À, but what I can affirm without fear of being contradicted by anyone who examines the copy of the Cabinet of France, is that the legend of this piece is indeed BAZIAENZ APZAMOY; there can be no uncertainty about the letter A; when to second letter, it affects, in truth, the form of an Î rather than that of a P, but those who are accustomed to the monetary legends of the Seleucids and Arsacids above all, know numerous examples where the letter P can be confused with a |, as the loop of this letter is small or unsuitable to hit it. The rider who appears on the reverse of the Arsamés coins has many similarities with that of contemporary bronzes, of Ariaramne king of Cappadocia (280 to 230). 1. Polyen, IV, 17. 2. Numism. of Armenia in Antiquity, p. 11. 3. Pellerin, Peoples and cities, t, II, p. 80. 4. Droysen, Hist, of Hellenism, t. III, p. 81 (trans. Bouché- Tr) AS s. Sibilian, in the Numismatische Létetii of Vienna, t. IL, p. 340; Imhoof-Blumer, Portrætkæpfe p. 42; B. Head, Hist. numerum, p. 636. 6. Pellerin, Peoples and cities, II, p. 80. 7. Cf. Visconti, Iconogr. Greek, t, II, p. 246. BABELON, — Kings of Syria, XIII

CXCIV INTRODUCTION ABDISSARES Around the year 112 Sel. (200 BC) This king, unknown to historians, is revealed to us by the coins which bear his name. Its royal bust bears the greatest resemblance to that which appears on the coins of Xerxes. This analogy allows us to conclude that Abdissares reigned in the same country, that is to say in Arsamosate; he was probably the father rather than the son of Xerxes, as we will see later. Xerxes was king around the year 170 before our era; the reign of Abdissares would therefore be placed around the year 200 BC, so that this prince could chronologically be the son of Arsames, the founder of Arsamosate. The eagle of the coins of Abdissarès (Catal. n° 3 and 4) appears in the series of Seleucids from the reign of Achaeus in 98 (214 BC). About the type of horse's head, let us recall a passage from Strabo: which relates that the satraps of Armenia offered as annual tribute to the king of Persia, twenty thousand foals. We will see later that following a treaty that he concluded with Antiochus IV, Xerxes, king of Arsamosates, presented the king of Syria with a thousand horses and a thousand mules?. The type of horse's head appears on Arsacid coins from the reign of Mithridates the Great (174 to 146 BC)3. XERXES Around the year 154 Sel. (170 BC) _The Armenian king Xerxes is mentioned in the following passage from Polybius “Antiochus being on the point of laying siege to Arsamosates, a city located “between the Euphrates and the Tigris, in a place called /a beautiful plain, Kerxes who reigned there first fled; but then reflecting that, if the enemy took possession of the capital of his states, he would easily submit the rest, he resolved to send ambassadors to the king of Syria and to ask him for an interview. Antio's Favorites They advised him to ascertain the person of Xerxes, and to bring his own family the principality of Arsamosates, giving it to Mithridates, natural son rel of his sister. Far from following this advice, Antiochus preferred to conclude a treaty of peace with Xerxes; he called him into his presence, gave him the greater part of the tributes that the father of this young prince had refused to pay, imposed on him a contribution bution of three hundred talents, a thousand horses, a thousand mules with their harnesses, and he 1. Strabo, p. 454 (ed., Didot). 2. Polybius, Excerpta, VIII, 25. 3. P. Gardner, The Parthian Coinage, pl. I, n°* 22 and 24.

XERXES CXCV gave his sister Antiochis in marriage, after having settled the affairs of this kingdom. The truly royal greatness of soul and generosity that Antiochus showed in This opportunity won him the love and confidence of the people of these cantons. » It results from this account that Xerxes was king of the part of Sophene whose capital was Arsamosate. Abdissarès that the medals lead us to look at his father or his son, was rather his father, and it was he, undoubtedly, who had refused to pay the tax that the young king, his son and successor, was forced to pay. Xerxes is in fact obliged to rely on the generosity of the king of Syria who, all by imposing a heavy tribute on him, gives him his own sister Antiochis in marriage, already mother of a child called Mithridates. But at what time did these events take place, and from which Antiochus of Syria is it spoken of in Polybius? Historical question of the greatest importance for the classification of the currencies of Armenia and Commagene, and it is important to solve it first. Some believe that it is Antiochus III the Great, and Otto Blau devoted ingenious dissertations to support this opinion?. Others think it is Antiochus IV Epiphanes 5. Blau cites a passage from Stephen of Byzantium (v° 'Avrieyeux) which, according to him, gives Antiochus III the Great had a sister named Antiochis; but he is wrong materially 4, and ancient texts only mention one Antiochis, who was both the sister and concubine of Antiochus IV Epiphanes: it is the latter which is discussed in Polybius. I find proof of this in a passage of the 2nd book of Maccabees neglected by Blau. It is told there 5 that, around the year 171 BC. BC, the people of Tarsus and Mallus revolted because Antiochus IV had them given to his concubine Antiochis. The expression evils where Bashtws used by the book of Maccabees to designate Antiochis, compared to the qualification of natural thread given by Polybius to Mithridates, son of Antiochis, sister of the king (Mupudarns Ôc nv vds TS adeho À AÜTOÙ XATX oûÛctv), allows us to conclude that the two aforementioned passages refer to the same Antiochis, who was both the sister and concubine of Antiochus IV Epiphanes. The king, adds the book of Maccha- speechless, hastened to go to war against the Cilician rebels, entrusting the leadership 1. Polybius, Excerpta, VIII, 25; John of Antioch, fr. 53; cf. O. Blau, in the Zeitschrift für Numisma= tik, t. VII (1880), p. 33. 2. Numism. Zeitschrift of Vienna, t. IX, p. 103 and Zeitschrift für Numismatik, t. VII, p°35: 3. Visconti, Iconogr. Greek, t. He, pp. 249; V. Langlois, Num. of Armenia in Antiquity, p. 13; Imhoof-Blumer, Portrætkæpfe, p. 41. 4. Here is the very text of Stephen which concerns an Antiochus who is not designated otherwise than as the son of a Seleucus: 'Avtloye yap t® ZeXsüxou tpeïs yuvatxes Énéornoav Ovap, xtloat rdv èv Kapla Exdotn Aëyousa® 0 DE brolaGwy thv pnréoa aa th yuvatxa xat thv adelohv xrlVer Tes mÜÂets" 470 pèv ts Adelos Aaod!xnc Aaodlretav, axd dE ts yuvarxds None Nüoav, ro DE ris untpos “Avruoyiôos Avridyetav. Avtuoyis ouy Ovoua nat Ts untoôs za vxôv Tis row ai ouXÿs Üvoua. (Cf. Eustathius, Commentary on Dionysius the Periegetes, p. 281, ed. Bernardhy). With a without singular embarrassment, Blau (Zeit, f. Num., t. VIII, p. 34) makes Laodice the wife of Antiochus III, of Nysa his mother, and Antiochis his sister. See our genealogical table of the Seleucids. $S. II Macch., IV, 3o and 3r.

CXCVI INTRODUCTION business to one of his favorites Andronic. It seems obvious to us that this revolt of Tarsus and Mallus has a direct connection with the campaign against Xerxes, in little Armenia, a country which bordered on Cilicia. In fact, the king wants to give a government, an income for his concubine Antiochis which he ends up imposing on the King of Armenia Xerxes with his son Mithridates. The expedition of Antiochus IV Epi- phane in Armenia is still recounted in a passage from Diodorus who says that the king of Syria subjugated another king of Armenia, Artaxias r. This sequence of facts is so logical and so rigorous that it would exempt us from of any comment, if we did not note in the history of the kings of Cappadocia a fact which appears to contradict what precedes and which we cannot explain. Diodorus? relates that Ariarathes IV Eusebius, king of Cappadocia (220-163) married, in 192, Antiochis, daughter of Antiochus III the Great, that is to say sister of Antio- chus IV; he adds that Antiochis having remained childless for a long time, had him adopted by the king two alleged sons, called Ariarathes and Orophernes, then, having become mother, later, of a son named Mithridates and two daughters, she used all his influence to secure the throne for Mithridates, to the detriment of his supposed sons. Antiochis succeeded in his intrigue, and his son Mithridates took the throne the name of Ariarathe: it was Ariarathe V Eusebius Philopator who reigned in Cappa- doce from 163 to 130. Unless we admit that Antiochus IV had two sisters named of Antiochis who both had a son named Mithridates, which gives us seems completely implausible, it is necessary to correct and modify the witnesses. contradictory findings that we have just reported. In all of this, if we admitted with Blau that Xerxes married Antio's sister- chus IIT, we would be forced to recognize the existence of three women named of Antiochis: the first, sister of Antiochus III and mother of a Mithridates; the second, sister of Antiochus IV and mother of another Mithridates (Ariarathes V); finally the third Antiochis would be the concubine of Antiochus IV of which the Maccha- gaped. This hypothesis, which would perhaps have the advantage of respecting the texts, is completely implausible. It is better to admit that there is only one Antiochis, both sister and concubine of Antiochus IV; as to the exact role that this principle played ceases and his son Mithridates in the affairs of Armenia and Cappadocia, we will see note 21 of the genealogical table of the Seleucids, the hypothesis that we propose to untangle it. As we have presented it, the arrangement of the facts places the reign of Xerxes around 170 BCE. Strabo put, 20 years earlier, in 190, after the defeat of Antiochus III at Magnesia, the revolt of Zariadres, the satrap of Sophene. Modern critics who place the reign of Xerxes around the year 200 are forced to admit that Zariadres, shortly after this date, succeeded Xerxes, no no longer with the title of king, but only with that of satrap. Let us compare the coins of Abdissares and Xerxes with those of Zariadrés and Morphilig, we t. Diod. Sic., Excerpla, in Fragm. hist. graec, de Muller, t. IL, p. X, Ç 9. 2. Diode. Sic. XXXI, 19, 7.

ZARIADRES CXCVII will notice, at first glance, that these are absolutely foreign currencies to each other, and belonging neither to the same dynasty nor to the same country. He there is no need to hesitate: while Xerxes, or rather his father, is king of Arsamosates, the satrap Zariadres proclaimed himself king of the rest of Sophene and little Armenia: the Cappadocian character of its coins bears witness to this. Note that in the famous text of Polybius, Xerxes is not said to be king of Sophene, but only of Arsamo- sate, that is to say of the Sophenian region of which Arsamosate was the capital, because there had two Sophenes, the big one and the little one. There is therefore no obstacle to leave Xerxes king of Arsamosates while Zariadres is king of the Great Sophene and a part of Little Armenia. Besides, it is probably based on Zaria- as soon as Abdissarés and Xerxës had refused to pay tribute to the king of Syria: hence the expedition of Antiochus IV, who attacked only Xerxes and Artaxias and did not dare worry Zariadres whose revolt had been, Strabo tells us, favored by the Romans. After the departure of Antiochus IV, Zariadrés overthrew Xerxes who had become the tributary of the king of Syria and had married his sister Antiochis. (See note 21 of our genealogical table.) There is nothing to say about the monetary types of Xerxes: Victory crowning the royal name is a common setback among the Seleucids, Arsacids and dynasties of Asia Minor. In addition to the monograms composed of the letters NK and 'HA which we see on the reverse of our coins, Victor Langlois? indicates on other copies the letters Zet H, and he supposes, following Visconti 3, that these letters represent respectively the years of reign 6 and 8. Nothing authorizes such a conjecture, especially since the so-called letter H is most likely our monogram No. 98, composed of the letters HA. - ZARIADRES Era of the Sels. 134 (190 BC) As we saw above, Strabo teaches us that thanks to defeat of Antiochus III in Magnesia, in the year 190 BC. BC the two most powerful satraps of Armenia, Zariadrés and Artaxes or Artaxias revolted, took the title of kings and proclaimed themselves independent of the kings of Syria. One of them, Artaxias, constituted the kingdom of Greater Armenia and founded the city of Artaxata which he made its capital; We do not have any coins from him although he reigned for around twenty years. He was Defeated and taken prisoner by Antiochus IV Epiphanes. The other, Zariadrés, pro- claimed king in Sophenes, and Strabo, who affirms that his rebellion was favored by the Romans, takes pleasure in enumerating the provinces of which the I. See V. Langlois, in Frag. hist. graec. by Didot, t, V, 2nd part, p. 50, note » 2. V. Langlois, op. cit., p. 14-15. 3. Visconti, Iconogr. Greek, t. II, p. 252.

CXCVII INTRODUCTION new kingdom: these were, in addition to Sophene, particularly Akisene, POdo- Mantid, and part of Little Armenia and Catonia. We don't know anything anymore on the account of Zariadrès; Strabo only informs us that much later, a descendant of Zariadres, Artanes the Sophoenian (6 Zopnvès 'Aptdvns) was defeated and submitted by Tigranes the Great. This seems to lead to the conclusion that the dynasty of which Zariadres is the leader, reigned over Sophene, from the year 190 to around the year 90. ron, that is to say for a century. The Armenian name of Zariadres must be compared to that of Sariaster carried by a son of King Tigranes the Great, and the name Zspÿrw given, according to Hesychius, to Persian Artemis. A small bronze coin from the Berlin Museum was attri-- steamed by Blau: to King Zariadrès; by making it known a little beforehand, J. Fried- laender had considered it to belong to an unknown satrap of some country of Armenia or Georgia *. Here is the image (fig. 40) and description of this interesting piece: Hairless head, wearing the Cappadocian tiara, right. RL. Anaïtis standing, facing, holding a flower with raised right hand; at his feet, two crouching and leaning sphinxes. Around it, we read: AZAPI and ANIZA AQ (Berlin Museum). Otto Blau brings the type of backhand closer to this small bronze of the magnificent anepigraph silver coin which we spoke about above, and which he would like attributed to the satrap Mithrenés. It is indeed possible that the bronze piece of Zariadrès also bears the type of the great goddess of Comana, and even that she was struck in this city. This is how we would explain why she has no relation, neither from the point of view of style, nor from the point of view of type, with the Armenian coins such as those of Xerxes, Abdissares and the Tigranes; so also, we understand why the king's head wears the same tiara as certain kings of Cappadocia, a kingdom whose borders touched Comana when they did not include this city. Blau very ingeniously completed the name AZAPI with Asaptadp — the Zariadris or Zariadrès of Strabo: the Armenian Dz being rendered indifferently in Greek by AZ or by Z. The second name which appears on the medal appears, to Blau, to be the genitive named after the father of King Zariadres; he reads this name 'Awoddng, and he mentions many names Thraco-Scythians who have the final -caone, for example the king [laiproidnc. From the coin of Zariadrés we must compare the following one (fig. 41) which we attributed steamed to a dynast named Ariaos: Head wearing the Cappadocian tiara, right. Bz. Galloping rider, right, throwing a javelin; in front, a palm tree; at above, APIAO; below, AZ. Bronze from the Berlin Museum. 1. Otto Blau, in Numism. Zeitschrift of Vienna, t. IX, p. 104. 2. J. Friedlaender, in the Zeitschrift für Numismatik, t, IV (1877), p. 266 to 268. 3. Friedlaender, in the Zeitschrift für Numismatik, vol. VII, pl. IV, 8; Th. Reinach, Three Kingdoms from Asia Minor, p. 32.

In a —— MORPHILIG CXCIX Instead of an unknown dynast named Ariaos, one might believe that it was the name of Zariadrés, a little distorted on this barbaric piece. Could we not, in indeed, read AZ APIA? But another hypothesis da is preferable, There are small bronzes of Aria- ramne, king of Cappadocia, which are identical, except for the legend, to the piece of the so-called Ariaos. It is the same effigy on the right, the same rider on the Fiovrare reverse'; the legends are arranged in the same way way; way; however, if we compare them with each other, we find many elements common: APIAPAMNOY In the presence of this similarity, is there not real reason to conjecture that the bronze of the alleged dynast Ariaos is perhaps only a coin of the king from Cappadocia Ariaramne, of barbarian manufacture? A piece from the Amo collection rel, cited by M. Reinach, seems to confirm this hypothesis, because, while being similar to that of Ariaos, it also bears the word TYANA, name of a town cap- Padocian of which Ariaramne was king. MORPHILIG Era of the Sels. 174 to 176 (150 to 148 BC) If we do not know the successors of Xerxes, we are not much better informed about the dynasty of Zariadres. However, the silence of Greek historians is repaired, for a short period, by the account of Armenian sources. When Mithridates I Arsaces VI sent his brother Valarsaces to rule Armenia in 150-148 av. BC, the national party of this country rose up, and the history of its resistance is narrated by Mar Abas Catina?. Valarsace or Bacases, as Justin calls him, does not came only with the greatest efforts to tame the country; the fate of Armenia was decided definitively in a battle fought in the year 148 BC. AD in Colonia, in the Little Armenia, and Valarsace remained victorious. The armed independence hero- nienne, who was killed in the battle, bears a Semitic name, Morphilig, in Syriac RSS (Morphlego), name to which we can compare the biblical name Phaleg (255), the syllable Mor or Mar, meaning lord. Otto Blau conjectures, according to Strabo, that this Morphilig could be a son of Zariadres; the chronology lends itself to this hypothesis which also supports the 1. Compare the figures $ and $ iron of La pl. I of the Memoir of Mr. Th. Reinach. 2. In the chronicle of Moses of Khorene, trans. The Valiant of Florival, t. I, p. 147.

CC INTRODUCTION numismatics. J. Friedlaender published the small bronze coin reproduced opposite (fig. 42), according to the unique copy in the Berlin Museum: Hairless head, wearing the Cappadocian tiara, on the right. Bz. ZAPI (right), MOPI (below), H (left). Anaïtis turrée, front view, holding the right hand a flower. As can easily be seen, the types of this piece are derived from those of the Zariadrès coinage shown above (fig. 40); the king has the same tiara, and for the reverse, there is no difference to report except the disappearance of the two sphinx at the feet of the goddess. This piece, which was part of the Allier cabinet of Hauteroche, was formerly attributed to the Cappadocian city of Saricha, because of the legend ZAPI; the letters MOPI were thought to represent the name of the province of Morimene:, O. Blau interprets this same legend in the following way MOPIlatuyos) ZAPI (deptos), Morphilig son of Sariadrès. I haven't seen the original, but noticing, in the image, that the first letter of the word ZAPI is very close from the edge, I am inclined to suppose that the initial letter À is trimmed; we would then have AXAPI, as on the coinage of Zariadrès himself. We do not know the continuation of the Sophene dynasts after Morphilig. Valarsace, master of all Armenia, seems to have installed satraps there. Mar Abas Catina quotes several of these Arsacid governors, then he adds: “Scharaschan (a Xerxes?) of the family of Sanassar, was great toparque and governor of the south-western part of the country and regions of Assyria on the banks of the Tigris. He received the canton of Artzen, the country and the mountain of Taurus, as well as the district of Sim and the whole Syria. » Between Scharaschan and the reunion of Sophene with the empire of Tigranes, under Arta- nès (74 to 70 BC), there is room for at least two generations of kings. From this period of time we know nothing, except that a Sophenian bought for a hundred talents the Cappadocian fortress of Tomisa on the Euphrates, according to Strabo. We wanted without reason to assume that this passage was about a king named Sophenos: it was perhaps Samés, the founder of Samosate. After having stripped the last representatives of the Zariadrés dynasty, Tigranes gave the Sophene to a satrap named Arsace. However, there are currencies which bear this name and which cannot be classified in the series of Parthian coins Arsacids?, These pieces have the type of the standing Cappadocian Artemis, armed with javelin and shield; the legend is BAZIAE[QZ] APZAKO[Y]. Blau suggests to attribute these coins to the satrap of Sophene. Pompey reunites Sophene with the kingdom of Ariobarzanes of Cappadocia:. Fig. 42. 1. Friedlaender, in the Zeifschrift für Numismatik, vol. IV (1877), p. 266-268. 2. To. de Sallet, in the Zeitschrift für Numismatik, vol. I, p. 312, note, and Numism. Zeitschrift, t. I. Dish 3. Appian, Mithridale, 105.

TIGRANA I THE GREAT CCI TIGRANA I THE GREAT Era of the Sels. 215 to 256 (97 to 56 BC) Arsaces VI Mithridates I the Great, king of Parthia from 174 to 136 BC. AD sent in the year 150, his brother Valarsace to reign in Armenia as viceroy: such was the origin of the Arsacid dynasty of the kings of Armenia. The son of Valarsace was Arsaces I, independent king of Armenia, around the year 127 BC. AD; he had for succes- successor his son Artaxias, around the year 114, and the latter was the father of Tigranes I the Great2. Unless we attribute to Arsace, son of Valarsace, the coinage with BAXIAE[QX] APZAKO([Y] which we spoke about earlier, we do not know of coinage struck by the princes of this dynasty before Tigranes that Appian made ascended the throne in the year 97 BC. 5. Tigranes appears to have begun his reign with the conquest of Sophene on Arta- born, descendant of Zariadrès. It then expanded at the expense of the Parthians, and after having got his hands on Little Armenia, he resolved to conquer Syria, thanks to troubles which devastated this country. Antiochus X Eusebius barely manifested some hint of resistance: in the year 83 BC. B.C., Tigranes found himself master of the entire Syrian monarchy, from the course of the Euphrates to the sea. He founded in Armenia Tigranocertes, which he made his capital, then he helped his father-in-law Mithridates Eupator, king of Pontus, to resist the Romans. The struggle of Tigranes and Mithridates against Lucullus and Pompey lasted for many years, and Tigranes saw himself stripped of the most of its states. Reduced to the possession of a small portion of the Ar- menia, he considered himself lucky that in the year 66 Pompey was willing to leave him the title of king. He appears to have lived as king of this canton of Armenia until around the year 56. All the coins struck by Tigranes were struck when this prince was in position. Syria session; they even appear to have come from the Antioch workshop. Also, are we used to classifying them among the coins of the Seleucids? On the right, figure always the head of the king, beardless, wearing a special tiara. We distinguished, in our description of the coins, two species of Armenian tiaras, different one and the other of that which we see in Zariadres and his dynasty: this is the Cappadocian tiara remarkable for the kind of leather petase which forms the top of it. met. One of the two Armenian tiaras, the one we see on the head of Abdissares and Xerxes, is a sort of conical cap open on the sides, and surrounded by the dia- royal deme whose ends fall on the king's neck: it resembles the miter bishops, except that it is devoid of dewlaps. The other tiara, on the contrary, which we notice on the heads of the Armenian princes of the Arsacid dynasty, and 1. See on this subject the Armenian traditions grouped in the memoir of Mr. Edw. Thomas, Early Armenian coins, in Numism. chronicle, N.S. t. VII (1867), p. 141 et seq. 2. Appian (Syriaca, 48) mistakenly gives Tigranes the Great a father with the same name as him. 3. Appian, Syriaca, 15.

CCIT INTRODUCTION which we can particularly well observe on the tetradrachms of Tigranes the Large, is a round cap, in the shape of a truncated cone, such as those still worn by Armenians and Persians today. She is surrounded by the royal diadem and equipped with double-sided baleen, which hides the neck and even the ears of the king. What is remarkable especially in the closed tiara, these are the embroideries with which it is decorated, and which represent a star with eight rays between two eagles posed in opposite directions; the crowning this high cap, undoubtedly sprinkled with precious stones, is a row denticles like those of a saw, or sometimes similar to a gallery of small pinnacles. The type of reverse of tetradrachms and most bronze coins of Tigranes the Great is famous. It is the Fortune of Antioch, Tüyn 'Avrioyelas, in gilded bronze, executed for Antioch, by Eutychides of Sicyone, student of Lysippus. Seleucus I Nicator had it placed on the banks of the Orontes. An apocryphal tradition claimed that this statue was the image of the virgin Aemathe who would have been immo- lied, following the usual rite of city foundations, at the moment when Seleucus threw the foundations of its new capital r. The work of Eutychides represented a woman dressed in the chiton talaire, veiled and her head surmounted by a crown of towers; she was seated on a rock, image of Mount Silpion; with her left hand she leaned on the rock, while in her right hand she held ears of wheat, emblem of the agricultural fertility of Syria; the medals give him, instead of ears, a horn of abundance or a palm. At his feet, a young man seen half-length and stretching arms, seemed to swim in the waters of a river: it was the genius of the Orontes. He appears, according to Malala 2, that the statues of kings Seleucus Nicator and Antiochus Soter were grouped with those of the Tyche which was placed ëv teroaxtoviw that is to say under a four-column aedicula open on all sides. The coins of Tigranes fairly faithfully represent the work of Eutychides, but without the royal statues and even without the aedicula. The Tyche of Antioch appears still on the coins of this city minted under the Roman Empire. In the statuary, there are few famous works of which as many replicas have been made as Ja Tyche of Antioch. The most famous of these copies is a marble statue in the museum of the Vatican, and whose execution surely dates back to the Roman imperial era3. Without even leaving the Cabinet of Medals, we will indicate as a replica of the work of Eutychidès, a bronze statuette from the collection of Janzé, and two intaglios of the Luynes collection: on one of these engraved stones, the Tyche appears escorted of two figures which are perhaps a memory of the statues of Seleucus and An- tiochus 4. The palm, attribute of the Tyche, alone forms the type of some small bronzes 1. Malala, Chronogr., p. 199-207 (Bonn ed.). 2. Malala, p. 276. 3. Muller and Wieseler, Denkmaæler der alten Kunst, t, I, pl. XLIX. 4. E. Babelon, The Cabinet of Antiques at the National Library, pl. LVTI, No. 12:

TIGRANA THE I BIG CCI (Catal. No. 21), following the usage already observed, according to which small module parts have as their type only the attribute of the deities who appear full-length on the large medals. We must probably recognize an alteration of the type of Tyche of Antioch on the bad style pieces (Catal. n° 17 to 20), which represent it holding a cornucopia; yet Eckhel believes that these coins were minted in Damascus and that they represent the Tyche of this city. Finally, the little bronze No. 22 appears to have been struck in Tripolis, if we refer to its type from Tyche leaning on the bar or the handle of a rudder?. Monogram No. 305, engraved on the rock which serves as the seat of Tyche, is certain The abbreviated name of Tigrane is simply the abbreviated name of Tigrane, and it is easily decomposed into TIFP{avov). About the title Bacthsds BasiAswv that Tigrane takes on some pieces (Catal. n° 23 and 24), Eckhel3 recalls what Plutarch4 says of this prince, namely that numerous kings were among his clientele and served him, and that four of them accompanied him like satellites and helped him ride his horse. It seems that Tigranes himself was offended that, in a letter, Lucullus had called him alone- ly king and not king of kings. Tigranes taking the title of Busrebs Basthéwv, as a certain number of Parthian kings, restored a title, of Achaemenid origin and even assyrienhe, which aimed to underline the effective dependence of a certain number of Asian dynasts vis-à-vis the king of kings. Besides the legend, we find, in the field of coins of Tigrane, mono- grams, dates, letters or groups of letters which appear to represent names of magistrates. On Chalques Nos. 19 and 20, we very distinctly the OSEO group, which is undoubtedly the beginning of the name @eéoos. Mon- The births of earlier Syrian kings have provided us with similar groups. The only dates we have on the coins of Tigranes are the Seleu years. cidians AMZ (— year 241) and FMZ (— year 243); the British Museum all year round BME (—year 242): they affect neither the beginning nor the end of the reign and there is no has nothing to say about it. The =K group, at the exergue of tetradrachm No. 23, is very clear eton cannot read ZK, which would give us the year 220. The meaning of these letters 2K tells us escapes, just as well as that of the letters HA which we see in the field of the same room. The following bronze from the British Museum is missing from our catalogue: Head of Tigranes wearing a closed Armenian tiara, right. B. BAZIAEQZ BAZXIAEQN TIFPANOY. Heracles standing, leaning with his right hand on his club, and holding from the left the skin of lions. . Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet, t. III, p. 248. . See above, Introd. p, cLxuxr. . Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p. 247. . Plutarch, Lucullus, xxx, 6, p. 603 of the ed. Didot. . Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, pl. XXVIL, 11. A ER W D H

CCIV INTRODUCTION ARTAVASDE I Era of the Sels. 256 to 282 (56 to 30 BC) Artavasde or Artabaze was son of Tigranes the Great; we must avoid con- melt with a prince of the same name, his contemporary, who was king of Media Atropatene. He had to make war in turn against Mithridates III and Orode I#, kings of the Parthians, to Crassus and to Marc Antony: the latter, whom he had betrayed, had him thrown in irons and gave little Armenia to the king of Pontus Polemon I. Artavasde was beheaded after the Battle of Actium, on the orders of Cleopatra. On currency alone that we have of him (Cafal. n° 25), Artavasde takes, like his father, the title of BAZIAEYZ BAZIAEQN: it was perhaps to protest against the pretension of the Parthian kings, Mithridates IIT and Orode Ir, who claimed the same title and claimed had suzerainty rights over Armenia. It is to the same prince that the following drachma belongs (fig. 43), published for the first time by Bartholomei: and which we reproduce according to V. Langlois? : Bust of Artavasde wearing a closed Armenian tiara, right. BL. BAZIAEQNZ BAZIAEQN APTAVAZAOY. King Artavasde in a galloping quadriga left; he is wearing a closed Armenian tiara and holds a small Victoire on his right hand. In the field, two indistinct monograms. Drachma. Artavasde's son, Artaxias II, was placed on the throne by the Armenians as soon as his father was taken prisoner- denied by Mark Antony in 34 BC. 3. First beaten by the Romans, he was forced to take refuge with the Parthians. But with the help of To \eamiAens 2 to P FAVALNE, Fig. 43. these, he was able to regain his crown. In the year 20, the Armenians complained to Augustus about Artaxias II, asking him to give them Tigranes, his brother, as king. Augustus sent Tiberius with the order to depose Artaxias and place Tigranes in his place. But Artaxias was put to death by his parents even before Tiberius had reached the East, and Tigranes II was pro- proclaimed king without opposition. We do not have coins from Artaxias II. 1. Memoirs of the Society. archaeol. of St. Petersburg, t. TI, p. 179-187. 2. Numismatics of Armenia in antiquity, pl. II, 1. V. Langlois gives the description (not the drawing) of a bronze piece of which he does not indicate the provenance and which is supposed to represent, at right, the conjoined heads of Tigranes and Arvastade, and on the reverse, Fortune seated on a rudder (sic). I don't think there is any need to take this part into account. Langlois, op. cit. p. 33-34. 3. Th. Mommsen, Res gestae divi Augusti, p. 110.

TIGRANA III CCV TIGRANA II Being of the Sel. 292 to 300 (20 to 12 BC) Tigranes II, brother of Artaxias, should not be confused with another prince of the same name, son of Tigranes I the Great, who conspired against his father, and to whom Romans, as a reward for his betrayal, carved out a small kingdom in Sophene and Gordyene. Tigranes, brother of Artaxias and son of Artavasde I, lived in exile in Rome, when Tiberius was charged with installing him as king in place of his brother, Tiberius placed the crown of Armenia on the head of Titanium IDén the year 202v. AD: Onnesait not until what date he retained the throne, but we can conjecturally admit that his reign did not exceed the year 300 of the Sel. C0) We have a coin from this prince. The type on the reverse is very obscure because the poor condition of the room. The head of Tigranes II, represented with a long beard, cannot be confused with that of Tigranes I the Great or that of Tigranes III who are both beardless: this is why Mr. Mommsen was wrong to give Tigranes II coins with the hairless head and the legend Gaotioxs meydAou Teypsvou oué] nvos: these coins are from Tigranes III (Catal. no. 28). TIGRANA II Era of the Sels. 300 to 306 (12 to 6 BC) Tigranes III, king of Armenia, appears to have been the son of Tigranes II and to have succeeded him. ceded to the throne for a very short time, thanks to the support of the Parthians 2, The revolutionaries lutions of Armenia during this period are still very little known, despite Mr. Mommsen's research. We have three coins of Tigranes III, and one of this prince associated with his sister Erato. The effigy of Tigranes III is still hairless, while that of his father is bearded. On the coins where he appears alone, Tigranes takes the Parthian titles of Bacthews 1eydou or Bariléwe ueydou Teypdyou 1) )invoc. On chalk no. 28, the word DIAEAAHNOC is altered to DIAEAHNOÏC]. The type of this piece of bronze appears to represent the king himself with the attributes of Zeus. The legend of small bronze n° 29 is crude and very difficult to decipher leg meets early on the currencies s A fashionable guy among the Parthians, ; the horse guy raising his head eleucids, but it is above all 1, Testament of Augustus, Bœckh, C,. I. Gr. no. gestae divi Augusti, p. 112. 2. Tacitus, Annals, 2, 3, 4040, col. IV, line 2 and 7; Mommsen, Res

CCVI INTRODUCTION To On the coin (Catal. no. 30) where Tigranes III is associated with his sister Erato, the king takes the title of Bassasbe Basiéwv. Queen Erato is known historically; she retained the throne for some time after Tigranes III was killed in a fight against the barbarians. Erato abdicated during Caius Caesar's expedition, in year 1 BCE. Against Tigranes III and Erato the Roman faction had opposed Artavasde II, probably brother of Artaxias II and Tigranes II. He died in 1 BCE. It was while Augustus commissioned Caius Caesar to go with an army to settle the affairs of Ar- Ménieï, Caius Caesar gave the throne of Armenia to Ariobarzanes IL, king of Media Atropatene and son of an Artavasde who had also been king in Media, and who should not be confused with the Armenian princes of the same name. Ariobarzane died around the year 2 CE, and his son Artavasde III succeeded him as king of Armenia and Media. It is to this Artavasde, of Median origin, that we must attribute the following denarius of the Bri- tish Museum: BAZIAEQNL METAAOY APTAVAZAOY. Diademed head of Arta- vase, right. Rz. CJEOY KAIZAPOZ EYEP- FETOY. Laureate head of Augustus, right. Money ? (fig. 44). This interesting medal testifies to the dependence dance of the Armenian kings against the Romans, Ar- tavasde was killed in the year 10 AD, and Augustus replaced him, as king of Armenia, with a prince named Tigranes, who can be called 1st Tigranes IV. The new king was son of Alexander and grandson of Herod the Great, king of the Jews; through his mother Glaphyra, he was linked both to the kings of Cappadocia and to the ancient kings of Armenia. Tigranes IV was expelled, in the year 26 AD, by the Parthian tion; his wife was called Erato, like the wife of Tigranes III. Armenia was at this time the main issue in the struggle between the Parthians and the Fig. 44. Romans and its history is extremely confused and tangled. In the year 17 of our era, Zeno, younger son of Polemon I, king of Pontus, and of Pythodoris, was installed king of Greater Armenia by Germanicus; he left his name to take that of Artaxias. A well-known Roman denarius depicts the coronation of the young king Artaxias by Germanicus s. A Tigranes V, nephew of Tigranes IV, was still king of Ar- menia in the year 60 of our era4. 1. Percy Gardner, in the Numismatic chronicle, N. S., t. XII (1872) p: 9 to 1 et pl. I, 7. 2. See Revue numismatique, 1838, p. 338; V. Langlois, Numism. of Armenia in Antiquity, p. 43. 3. Th. Mommsen, op. cit., p. 117. 3. Mommsen, Res gestae divi Augusti, p. 114.

GENEALOGICAL TABLE CCVII GENEALOGICAL TABLE I. Arsacid Dynashe. VALARSACE 162 Sel. (150 BC) approximately. ARSACE 185 Sel. (127 BC) approx. ARTAXxIAS I 198 Sel. (114 BC) approximately. TIGRANA I THE GREAT 215 to 256 Sel. (97 to 56 BC) | QT | SARIASTER ARTAVASDE I TIGRAN 256 to 282 Sel. (56 to 30 BC) | ARTAxIAS II TIGRANA II ARTAVASDE II 278 to 292 Sel. (34 to 20 BC AD) 292 to 300 Sel. (20 to 12 BC) frs BC) TT —— TIGRANA III ERaATo 300 to 306 Sel. (12 to 6 BC) IT. Median dynasty. ARIOBARZANE I king of Media Atropatene. ARTAVASDE king of Media, + 292 Sel, (20 BC) ARIOBARZANE II king of Media around the year 292 Sel. (20 BC) king of Armenia from 311 to 314 Sel. (1 BC to 2 AD) ARTAVASDE III king of Media and Armenia 314 at 322 Sel. (2 to 10 AD) UT. Jewish dynasty. HEROD THE GREAT——MARrAMNE king of the Jews king of Cappadocia from Armenia, ALEXANDER GLAPHYRA ST LR LE na ALEXANDER TIGRANA IV king of Armenia TIGRANA V 722 to 748 Sel. (ro to 26 AD) king of Armenia in the year 372 Sel. (60 AD) | ALEXANDER prince of Elaeusa under Vespasian ep. Jotapé, daughter of Antiochus IV of Commagene, ARCHELAUS—— A daughter of a king

CCVIIT INTRODUCTION THE KINGS OF COMMAGENE SAME Around the year 172 Sel. (140 BC) Commagene, whose capital was Samosata on the Euphrates, was a district of Syria, bounded to the east by the Euphrates, to the north by Armenia and the Amanus, to the west by Cilicia, a province which was attached to it at a certain time. Engulfed in the Seleucid empire after the death of Alexander, Commagene tried with Armenia to conquer its independence, or rather, its fate was closely linked to that of Little Armenia of which it seems, at least from time to time, to have been dependent. Diodorus of Sicily relates that the satrap of Commagene, Ptole- mee, declared himself independent and even tried to take Melitene from the king of Cappadocia. These events must have happened around the time of Antiochus V Eupator: Demetrius I Soter brought Commagene into obedience. If we take into account the similarity of the names, the city of Samosata seems to have was founded by an independent king, named Samès, who made it his capital, and whose we have currencies. Perhaps Sames is this Sophoenian who, according to Strabo, buys the town of Tomisa located on the Euphrates a fairly short distance above of Samosata? V. Langlois places the reign of Sames around the year 130 BC. AD: it was already the opinion of Abbot Belley who was the first to comment on a coin of this prince? Belley's conjecture was adopted by Eckhel, Mionnet and Visconti 3. No historical text mentions King Sames who is only known by two coins which give it the titles of 6co5e6ñs and dixuos. One, in the Cabinet of France, has a Victory as its type, and the second, in the Vienna Museum (fig. 45), has for type the thyrsus of Dionysus between two entwined cornucopias. This latter Dr. II Zébina; Victory is a subject more banal, whose presence tells us nothing. But we notice that the title of dfxauos is first worn among the Parthians by Fig. 45. Mithridates I Arsaces VI (174 to 136 BC). . Diod., Sic. frag. lib. XXXI, 19°, ed. Dindorf (Teubner). . See Memoirs of the Academy of Inscriptions, t. XXVNI, p. 355 and 380. . Eckhel, Catal, mus, Vindob. p. 252; Mionnet, Descr. t. IV, p. 454; Visconti, Jconogr. gr. t. He, 47. D D nn deny reverse appears on bronzes by Alexan-

MITHRIDATE I CALLINICUS CCIX On the other hand, it is obvious that the radiated head, to the right of the room of the Cabinet of France, is a direct copy of the coins of Antiochus VI Dionysus, king of Syria, who reigned from 145 to 142 BC. Finally, the style, the shape of the letters, the types, everything helps to confirm the date of approximately 140 or 130, assigned by the ancients numismatists during the reign of Samés. As for Langlois' opinion, know, that this prince reigned for a long time, under pre- text that there is a difference in style, physiognomy and age between the heads which appear on the two pieces by Samés, I cannot agree with them. Only one of these medals give the effigy of Samés, it is that of Vienna, on which the king is represented worn with a high tiara reminiscent of that of Arsamés; the type of the part Cabinet de France is not a real portrait, since it is a copy of the head of Antiochus VI Dionysus, written off like Helios. Mr. Mommsen: points out with good reason that the titulature of Sames is in Parthian fashion; but he looks at them letters FA which we read in the exergue of our piece, as representing the year 33 of reign of Sames: this hypothesis is unlikely. After considering Sames as the probable founder of Samosata, it is impossible not to be struck by the connection between the name of Samés and that of of Arsamés, and I am inclined to conclude that Samés was a prince of armed origin nienne. We could even consider him the son of Mithridates, son of Antio- chis, the concubine of Antiochus IV, married to the Armenian king Xerxes. It's not there, no doubt, only a hypothesis, but the chronology allows it. She leaves us also suppose that Samés only came to found Samosate when he had been expelled from the Armenian regions by the invasion of Valarsace. MITHRIDATE I CALLINICUS Era of the Sels. 216 to 242 approximately (96 to 7o BC) We are not informed in any way about the links which attached Samés to its successors. cessors, kings of Commagene. Hypothetically, we will consider Samès as the father of Mithridates Callinicus of whom we have medals and whose history is a little better known. This Mithridates, which bears on the coins and in the inscriptions, the nickname of Callinicus, like Antiochus VIII Grypus and several other of the later kings of Syria, married Laodice Thea Philadelphus, daughter of Antiochus VIII Grypus. This matrimonial alliance was demonstrated by Mr. Mommsen in a special dissertation cially dedicated to the royal dynasty of Commagene and which is based on texts epigraphic discoveries in recent years?2, The German scholar corrects on 1. In the Ar beilumeen der deut. Institutes. Athenische Abtheilung, t. 1 (1876), p. 30. 2. Th. Mommsen, Die Dynastie von Kommagene, in the Mitiheilungen der deut. archaeol. Institutes in Athen, t, I (1876) p. 27 to 39. BABELON, — Kings of Syria. XIV .

ÊCX INTRODUCTION essential points the opinion of Mr. Waddington who, before the discovery of these texts new, had thought that the father of Laodice, called in an inscription from Ephesus Antiochus Epiphanes Philometor Callinicus, was the last Seleucid, Antiochus XIII Asiaticus r. On the contrary, it is Antiochus VIII Grypus. In fact, an ins- The Delian scripture mentions a king as follows: “Antiochus Epiphanes Philometor Callinicus, son of King Demetrius and Cleopatra. » He is out of doubt that this is Antiochus VIII Grypus, son of Demetrius Il Nicator and by Cleopatra Théa. We see that Antiochus VIII has the nickname Cullinicus which, in the succession of the kings of Syria, had previously only been worn by his ancestor Seleucus II. This point being acquired, the Ephesus inscription tells us the following: Antiochus VIII Grypus (Epiphanes Philometor Callinicus) had a daughter named Laodice Thea Philadelphus who became queen by marrying a king called Mithridates Callinicus. Mithridates Callinicus and Laodice in turn had a son who is called King Antiochus Theos Dicaios Epiphanes, friend of the Romans and philhellene ‘it’s in honor of the latter that the inscription was written, and there is no doubt that it is the king of Commagene who reigned from 69 to 34 BC. J.-C., of which we speak We'll soon. As for his father, Mithridates Callinicus, son-in-law of Antiochus VIII Grypus, he is logical and natural to attribute to it the coins which bear the legend BAZIAEQZ MI@PAAATOY KAAAINIKOY, consistent with the official title of this prince in the registrations. The reign of Mithridates Callinicus, the beginning of which can be placed in year 96 BC. BC, at the time of the death of his father-in-law Antiochus VIT, must have continued until around year 83, the date of the invasion of Tigranes the Great in Syria. 2 However, the attribution of the currencies that we have just cited was not accepted by everyone. Otto Blau, in particular, particularly fought against it. He believes that these coins belong to Mithridates, son of Antiochis, of whom it was discussed higher and whom he considers to be a natural son of Antiochus III the Great4. We we already know that this prince was a natural son of Antiochus IV and his sister Antiochis; we will add here that no text tells us that it bore the name of Callinicus, while this title, which appears on coins, is formally given by the inscriptions to the son-in-law of Antiochus VIII Grypus. Blau relies on the authority of Friedlaender to say that the style of coins predates the time of Mithridates Callinicus, king of Commagene around 96 BC. tr. The Bottom and Waddington. Archaeological journey. Inscriptions, No. 136; cf, C. 1. At. C’OOASPE 2. Baoukéa ’Avrloyou “Ertoavf Diaourropa KaXkivixoy rôv y Bactkéws Anprptou xt Baot= Moons KAcordtous O iepebc Hrdvaë ’Acxknrtodwpou Alnvaïos Oeoïs. S. Reinach, in Bull. corr. hell., 1883 (t. VIID), p. 346; Th. Homolle, in the Bull. corr. hell., t. VIII (1884), p. 105. 3. ‘O duos Bastkéa ’Avrtoyoy Oedv dlratov “Eripavi Puopparoy xat PéAAnva, Tod Ëy Basthëws Mupaddrou KaAkvixou za BasiMloons Auodlans Peu Dixddelgov, tis y fPasuhëws "Avloyou Eripdvous Diouropos KaA vou LT NS 4. Cf, above, Iutrod, p. CXCV and CxCvI.

MITHRIDATE I CALLINICUS CCXI The king's tiara on one of the bronzes is similar to that of Zariadres (190 to 150 av. BC), of Morphilig (150 to 148 BC), of Ariaramne, king of Cappadocia (280 to 230 BC. BC), of Arsace I (249 to 247 BC). There is in fact, I confess, certain relationships between these various hairstyles, but there are also dissimilarities which did not escape Mr. Th. Reinach:'. The same Cappadocian tiara or miter is found on the head of an uncertain king of Cappadocia who is very probably Ariobarzanes II Philopator, king from 63 to 52 BC. 2. It is also found on autonomous currencies minted under the influence of the kings of Pontus, in the cities of Cius, of Teuthrania, of Amastris, etc., most at the beginning of the last century BC, that is to say at a time contemporary with our Mithridates Callinicus. The differences in detail that can be noticed in these various representations of the miter which we describe as Cappadocian, are only varieties, unimportant from the point of view we place ourselves here. : Isn’t Athena, a reverse type of the same chalk, the most ordinary type? coins of the kings of Syria, from Alexander Bala onwards? It is especially necessary to compare it to that which appears on bronzes of Alexander II Zebina and Antiochus IX Cyzicene. Lysanias, tetrarch of Chalcidena in the year 40 BC. BC, places the same Athena on its currencies 3. The types of other bronzes in the name of Mithridates Callinicus are even less conclusive in favor of an attribution to a Mithridates contemporary of Antiochus III or Antiochus IV. Indeed, the eagle with a palm on its wing appears, in truth, to the first time, in the Seleucid series, on the coins of Achaeus; but it is not not a reason to place the Armenian or Commagenean king at a very recent time. close to Achaeus, since the same type persists on the coins of the Seleucids until the reign of Antiochus IX Cyzicene. Is the caduceus not imitated from the bronzes of Demetrius II Nicator, and have we not not a Hermes holding the caduceus on coins of Demetrius II Eucaerus? Good moreover, the winged caduceus is, later, the type of coins of Samosata, and Amyntas, king of Galatia (36 to 25 BC) reproduces the same caduceus on the reverse of some of his bronzes; this will even constitute an important argument in the question if Von is keen to observe that the same Galatian king also copies the lion of coins of Antiochus Theos Dicaios, the son of Mithridates Callinicus. Finally, we will draw from the study of monetary legends a more decisive argument again. The letter sigma is thus made E, in the word Basthéwe, on the three pieces from our catalog; however, the square sigma is only beginning to appear in the numismatics only in the last century BC. You never find it the contemporary era of Antiochus III or Antiochus IV. We also have noted the first appearance of lunar shapes for the letters E and Z under the t, Th, Reinach, Three kingdoms of Asia Minor, p. 34: 2. Th. Reinach, Three Kingdoms, p. 72 et pl. III, fig. 27. 3. Numismatic Treasure, Greek Kings, pl. LVI, 15.

COST INTRODUCTION reign of Alexander I Bala. The square shape is itself posterior to the shape lunar, and we hardly find it in use before Augustus. In the numismatic series of the Arsacids, the square sigma only appears with Tiridates IT who reigned around the year 33 av. AD:. The question seems to me to be exhausted, and it is obvious that the coins with the legend BAZIAENZ MISPAAATOY KAAAINIKOY belong to the king that they inscribe tions call Mithridates Callinicus. There is a bronze piece in the Berlin Museum, known for a long time, which bears, on the right, a beardless head wearing the Cappadocian tiara, and on the reverse, a club, with the legend corrected by Blau : BAZIAEQNZ MISPIAATOY HIAOTTATOPOZ 5. This piece does not seem to be related to those of Mithridates Callinicus; it probably belongs to a Cappadocian prince: the one, undoubtedly, of whom Polybius speaks?, as satrap of Little Armenia around the year 170 BC. BC, and who was the ally of Pharnaces I, king of Pontus, against Eumenes IT of Pergamum, Ariarathes IV Eusebius of Cappadocia, and Prusias II of Bithynia. A coin bearing the legend BAZIAEQZ APIAPAOOY 2 a head wearing a similar tiara4. Some authors have also tried, but in vain, to connect Commagene or to Armenia small bronzes which bear on the right a crab (not a scorpion) and on the reverse, the following inscription, arranged as follows: BA*ME MTOY M We wanted to interpret this legend by BAlcews) ME(yadov) M{iboudarou) TOY Mipudarou) 5. This reading is unlikely, and the true interpretation tion of this curious legend is yet to be found. ANTIOCHUS I THEOS you before 243, + in 278 Sel. (69 to 34 BC) The son of Mithridates Callinicus was named, according to the inscriptions, 'Avtloyos eds Atxaos "Eripdvns. He succeeded him around the year 69 BCE, that is to say during the defeat of Tigranes by the Romans with whom he was allied. His story is quite well told. naked and Mr. Waddington summarized it as follows: Antiochus goes to Lucullus after the capture of Tigranocertes in 69€. We 1. B. Head, Hist. numerum, p. 694; P. Gardner, The Parthian coinage, pl. IV, 19. 2. Langlois, Numism. of Armenia in antiquity, pl. I, fig. 11; O. Blau, in the Zeitschrift für Numismatik, t. VII (1880), p. 37. 3. Polybius, XXVI, 6, tr. 4. Time. für Numismatik, t. IV (1877), p. 271. s. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 416; and Portraetkæpfe, p. 42. 6. Dio Cassius, XXXV, 2.

ANTIOCHUS I THEOS CCXIII then finds him waging war against Pompey, then forced to submit. Pom- Pée leaves him his kingdom of Commagtne; he even adds Seleucia on the Eu- phrate and part of Mesopotamia (in 64 BC}r. Cicero, proconsul of Cilicia, regards Antiochus as a suspicious ally, although Antiochus pre- came from the crossing of the Euphrates by the Parthians2. In the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, the king of Commagtne provides Pompey with two hundred horsemen who make the Macedonian campaign in year 493. Antiochus then gives his daughter in marriage to Orode, king of the Parthians; he protects the defeated Parthians, when Ventidius lieutenant of Marc Antony, invades Commagene. Antoine himself comes to lay siege before Samosata, but soon obliged to return to Italy, he 'withdrew after having content to impose a war contribution on Antiochus (38 BC)4. Antio- chus hardly survives the departure of Marc Antony, because in the year 31, We find a Mithridates, king of Commagene 5. Appian, Dio Cassius, Plutarch and other authors who speak of Antiochus Theos Dicaios Epiphanes, only ever refer to him under the name of 'Ayrtoyos b Komuaynvds. The coins bear the legend BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY. Attrition but the purpose of these pieces is not doubtful; we have already said that the king of Galatia Amyntas (36 to 25 BC), who began to reign in the last years of Antiochus of Commagene, took as the type of his coins the lion of An- tiochus; the same setback is also perpetuated on the autonomous currencies of Samosata. The interval which separates the reign of Mithridates Callinicus from that of his son explains how is it that the coins of the two Commagene princes did not enter they have no relation, as types and as style. Historical events at the same time make us understand why, while Mithridates Callinicus has the Cappadocian tiara, Antiochus Theos has, on the contrary, the closed Armenian tiara: the latter succeeded Tigranes the Great in Commagene and Mesopotamia, and he takes the same tiara as the direct descendants of this prince in Armenia itself. Antiochus I's successor Theos was his eldest son Mithridates II; this one, in the year 31 BC. BC fought at Actium, in the ranks of Mark's army Antoineé. After the latter's defeat, he appears to have been deposed by the Occupy party. tave, and replaced on the Commagenean throne by his brother Antiochus II. It followed a violent competition from which the Romans skillfully took advantage. Dio Cassius 7 relates that Antiochus II was condemned to death by the Senate, in the year 29 BC. BC, for having had an ambassador sent to Rome by his brother. Mithridates II continued to reign for some time after his brother was executed in Rome, 1. Appian, Mitbrid. 106, 114. 2. Cicero, ad. Family., XV, a, 3; 4. 3. Caesar, Bell. civil., IIL, s ; Appian, Bell. Civ., IL, 49. 4. Plutarch, Ant., 33; Dion Cass., XLIX, 20 to 23. $+ The Bas and Waddington, Archaeological Journey. (Ionia), t. III, p. 67. 6. Plutarch, Ane., 61. 7- Dio Cassius, LI, 43.

CCXIV INTRODUCTION but the events of this period are most obscure. From the year 29 until year 20 BCE, there is something of a gap in the annals of the Comma- gene. In AD 20 we find mention of an anonymous king (perhaps Mithri- date IT) which was overturned in the following circumstances. “Auguste,” said Dion Cas- sius *, entrusted (in the year 20 BC) the Commagene to a certain Mithridates, although that he was still only a child, because the king of this country had killed his father. » It is impossible to explain this passage without a hypothetical comment. We would happily believe that things happened as follows: the king of Commagene innomimé is undoubtedly Mithridates IT, whose reign continued until that in the year 20. Having displeased Augustus, he was deposed under the pretext that he had competed prior to the death of his brother, King Antiochus II, and it was then the son of the latter, who, although still a child in the year 20, ascended the throne under the name of Mithridates III. No information is provided to us on the reign of this young prince, who was long. Mr. Mommsen notices that the Puisinger table, mentions 22 miles north of Antioch, reonum Metridatis, that is to say the kingdom of Commagene, which proves that around the time of Agrippa's death (12 BC), date of writing of the map, Mithridates IIT reigned in Commagene. His son and successor was Antiochus IIT. Nothing is known about the reign of this king. A inscription found in Athens, near the Propylaea of the Acropolis, could con- to identify, unless, however, it designates Antiochus I 2, We have spoken more top of the Ephesus inscription which relates to Antiochus I and which Mr. Wadding- tone attributed to Antiochus III. Tacitus 3 tells us that Antiochus III died under the reign of Tiberius in AD 17. ANTTOCHUSSINNEPIEAANE Era of the Sels. 350 to 384 (38 to 72 AD). After the death of Antiochus III, Tiberius reduced Commagene to a province Roman and had it administered by praetors. But Caligula, at his accession, restored the kingdom of Commagene. In the year 38, he established on the throne of this country a king Antiochus, son of Antiochus IIT4; he added maritime Cilicia to his possessions time and Lycaonia, and this king played an important role in the affairs of the East. He had married a princess named Jotapé, whose origin is unknown, but whose name and the effigy appear on the coins. Under Nero, Antiochus IV made 1. Dio Cassius, LIV, 9; Le Bas and Waddington, Voyage archéol., t. II, p. 61-62; Clinton, Fasti hel=« lenici, t. II, p. 344. 2: Here is the text, otherwise insignificant: ‘O dfuos Baothéa ’Avrloyov, Basthéws Mibprddrou rdv apetis Évexa. C. I. Aft.,t. III, no. 554. sr alacite 471. 11042 4. Dio Cassius, 1ix, 8; Suet. Caligula, 16. n

ANTIOCHUS IV EPIPHANES CCXV the war against the Parthians with Corbulon, and Nero rewarded his services by adding part of Armenia to his kingdom. In 7o, he contributed to the elevation of Vespasian to the empire; but two years later, accused of intrigues with the Parthians, he was deposed by Vespasian himself, and Commagene once again became a Roman province. Historians refer to Antiochus IV simply as Basrheds. "Avrloyos; but its coins call it Baoueds LEyOs ’Avrtloyoç "Eripdvns. Gone- cularity which has not yet been encountered until now on commemorative currencies. niennes, but which we will find later, the monetary legends give the royal name in the nominative case. This very rare custom is observed on coins of Eucratides king of Bactria, of the Parthians Vononés and Goterzes, of Tigranes the Great, of the kings of Osrhoëne, finally of some kings of the Cimmerian Bosphorus. The legend on the coins of Antiochus IV also includes sinister abbreviations. gulières: the word Méyus is sometimes abbreviated ME or MET: the word 'Eripivns is abbreviated ETTI; we have only completed it once (Catal. No. 30). The letters AN, in the field of some parts, obviously means 'Avrlogoc. k The coins of Antiochus IV are, from the point of view of style and type, complete foreign to the coins of previous kings, which can be explained by the interruption tion of the royal coinage for a period of almost 70 years. It’s probably clearly in this interval that the autonomous currencies of Samo- sate, in the type of the lion, like the coins of Antiochus I, The coins of Antiochus IV and Jotapé are on the reverse of Scorpio and Capricorn, types particular to the Commagene. A large number of the cities of these regions of Syria and Meso- Potamia also have as emblems on their currencies various signs of the Zodiac. The coins in our catalog in the name of Antiochus IV, or Queen Jotapé, have were struck in Commagene, in Lacanatide, canton of Maritime Cilicia, or in the small island of Sébasté, on the coast of the same province. But Eckhel reported, according to Pellerin, a coin with the legend AYKAONOQN?. For his part, Mion- net recorded, as being in the cabinet of Cousinéry, a coin from Antio- chus IV to the type of the scorpion, with the same legend AYKAONQN:. Finally, among the acquisitions of the British Museum in 1889, published by Mr. Wroth, I note a similar medal, with the same legend4. This triple authority does not allow no doubt about the AYKAONON legend, which one might be tempted to sub- establish AAKANAT ON, because of the geographical remoteness of Lycaonia. The The coins that we have just mentioned are therefore to be compared to a Cabinet coin. of France which also bears the legend AYKAONON, with the busts of Epiphanes and Callinicus (Cafal. n° 46.) These coins are very precious because they reveal that the authority of the kings of Commagene extended to this region. 1. Josephus, Bell. Jud. V, 11, 3; Tacitus, Hist., IL, 8r. 2. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p: 256; cf. Pellerin, Rois, pl. XIV and PART 3. Mionnet, Descr, t. III, p. 532, Lycaonia, 7. 4. Wroth, in Numism. chronicle, 1889, p. 19.

CCXVI INTRODUCTION Ancient authors seem to say, on the contrary, that Antiochus IV would not have received Caligula that maritime Cilicia, ru rapañahdooix ris Kulixias, said Dio Cassius. Two coins of Célenderis that Mionnet records, one after the cabinet of Cousinéry, the other after that of Tôchon, carry, to the right, the head and name of Antiochus IV, and on the reverse, the legend KEAENAEPITON, with Apollo standing on a cippos, or standing leaning on a cippos, types similar to those coins of Antiochus XII of Syria t. Another medal is also awarded by Mionnet to Antiochus IV; it's a coin minted in Alexandria, near Issus. Without a legend on the right, she wears simple- lies an anonymous, diademed head. R. AAEZANAPEON'ET:IP (= year 110). Dionysus standing, holding in his right hand the cantharus, and in his left a thyrsus; at his feet, a panther2. This medal is given after Eckhel; the Cabinet de France has a copy, classified in Alexandria near Issus. There is no there would therefore be no reason to doubt it if the name of the king was inscribed there. But these pieces are anepigraph in law, and the effigy hardly resembles that of Antiochus IV of Commagene; as for the year 110, if the coins were from Antiochus IV, it would be a date from the Pompeian era which begins in the year 63 BC, and it corresponds to would lay eggs in the year 47 of our era. I must admit that, despite Eckhel's authority, I retains some doubt on the attribution of these pieces to Antiochus IV of Commagene. I was informed of a coin from Mr. Waddington's collection, to the guy at scorpion, which bears, on the right, the name and effigy of Antiochus IV, and on the reverse the name of Cetide thus spelled: KIHT ON; it was a district of Cilicia Trachea, neighbor of Lacanatide. Finally, it seems that coins of Antiochus IV bear the name of Anemurium, one of the main cities of Cetide 3. The coins of Queen Jotapé that we record in our Catalog, have all were struck in Commagene and Lacanatide. But we must add to them the two following, struck at Selinus like chalque no. 38 of Epiphanes and Callinicus: IQ TATTH BACIAICCA. Bust of Jotapé on the right. RL. CEAINOYCION. Artemis huntress standing, holding her bow in one hand, and taking an arrow from his quiver placed on his shoulder; in front of her, a deer. Bronze, from the coll. by M. Lœbbeke (fig. 46)4. The second piece is reproduced here (fig. 47), only according to Viscontis. We recognize in law the altered name of IQ TATTH. with the bust of the queen; on the reverse, around a bust which appears to be that of Antiochus IV, it seems that we find some elements of the name Selinus. 1. Mionnet, Descr. t. IIL, p. 570, nos. 163 and 164. 2. Mionnet, Descr. t. III, p. 540, no. 61; Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p. 40-41 and p. 255. 3. Barclay Head, His. numerum, p. 652. The currency given in the Treasury. of numism. Greek kings, p. 115, n° 8 (n° 6 of the pl.) as being from Antiochus IV of Commagene, is in reality a chalque of Timarchus, and it appears under number 705 bis of our Catalog of coins of the Kings of Syria. 4. Zeitschrift für Numismatik, t. XVII, p. 17 et pl. I, 8. 5. Visconti, Iconogr. Greek, t, III, p. 310 et pl. 57, Fe 13. P A

EPIPHANUS AND CALLINICUS CCXVII EPIPHANESEI"CALIEINIGUS around the year 384 Sel. (AD 72) Antiochus IV Epiphanes left two sons who minted coins together. One is called C. Julius Antiochus Epiphanes Philopappos, and the other is only known as the name of Callinicus. Josephus mentions the eldest by calling him "Avtioyos "Eripdvist, and lacite designates it under the name of rex Epiphanes?. He was already of a certain age in year 38 of our era, date of the accession to the throne of his father, since from this that same year he was engaged to the daughter of the Jewish king Agrippa, who died in the year 443. Epi- phane took part in the Jewish war and 4 the fight between Otho and Vitellius in the year 69, He had occupied the Commagene throne for three years, when he revolted against the Romans and was forced to take refuge with the Parthians. He then made his submission and came to end his days in Rome with Callinicus, his brother and his companion in misfortune. The coins of these two princes prove that their authority extended, as that of their father, on Commagëne, maritime Cilicia and Lycaonia; they indeed bear the names of Commagene, Lacanatide, Lycaonia and Selinus' workshop. . The Armenian tiara, the two kings on horseback like the Dioscuri, are types interesting; the royal busts placed above two cornucopias in sauce toir, recall the type of many contemporary Roman coins. To sign- ler also, in addition to the title of Basiasds uéyas taken by the two kings, undoubtedly moment of their insurrection, the legend BasiAtws viot. King C: Julius Antiochus Epiphanes Philopappos had a son who was consul to Rome in 100 AD. The father and son were mentioned on a monument, now destroyed, which existed in Athens, on the hill of the Muses, and had been erected between the years 100 and 90 AD. These were three juxtaposed cellæ seated and containing three busts accompanied by the following inscriptions, the first first in Latin, the others in Greek: To. — C. Julius C. filius Antiochus Philopappus, consul, frater Arvalis, allectus inter praelorios ab Imperatore Caesare Nerva Trajano Optumo Augusto Germanico Dacico. B. — Bacuhedc "Avrloyos Piidranrtos BaotÂsws ’Eripavous To ’Avridyou. C. — Basreds "Avrty0s Buoikéws ’Avridyou. D. — Drldrannos 'Emipdvous Bnoueus. E. — Basil Deleuxos? Avrid or Nixirwos. The entire monument was dedicated to the character that inscription D concerns, 1. Josephus, Bell. Jud., V, 11, 3. Den lacite Elisha, 2, 25. 3. Josephus, Ant. Jud., XIX, 9, 1. . Josephus, Bell. Jud., VII, 7, 2 et seq. s. C. I, At, t, TL, n° 557; cf. Mommsen, Loc. quote, HR

CCXVIIT INTRODUCTION that is to say Philopappos Epiphanes Besaieus, citizen of Athens, but of origin Syrian: Pausanias calls it avôot Ebow. Another inscription: designates him with all its official names: Tésos Toudtos ’Avridyos Eripuvis Dildrarnos Bnoueus, and tells us that he fulfilled the functions of eponymous archon in Athens. The big- father of Philopappos Besaieus, King Antiochus IV Epiphanes, had his bust and its dedication in the neighboring cella, and on the other side was the bust and the niche of Seleucus I Nicator, king of Syria, considered the ancestor of the race. This circumstance provides us with the opportunity to point out the Seleucid anchor which appears on the coins of the Commagenean kings from Antiochus IV until the end of the dynasty. 1. C, I. Att., t. III, no. 78. He is also spoken of in Plutarch, Quaest, Symp. I, 10, 1. GENEALOGICAL TABLE MirHRIDATE I CALLINICUS king around 216 Sel. (96 BC) ep. Laodice Thea Philadelphus, daughter of Antiochus VIII Grypus. Axriocaus I Theos Dicaros EPIPHANE | king before 243, in 278 Sel. (69 to 34 BC) | em" | MITHRIDATE II ANTIOCHUS II A girl king, dethroned in 281 king in 281; + 283 Sel. wife Orode + in 292 Sel. (31 to 20 BC) (31 to 29 BC) king of Parthia. MITHRIDATE III | king in 292 Sel. (20 BC) | ANTIocHus III king, { in 329 Sel. (AD 17) ANTIOCHUS IV EPIPHANES king from 350 to 384 Sel. (AD 38 to 72) ep. Jotapé. "oO C. Juzrus ANTIocHus EPIPHANE PHILoPAPPos CALLINICUS JoTAPÉ king around 384 Sel. (AD 72) king around 384 Sel. ep. Alexander marries a daughter of the Jewish king Agripppa. (AD 72) prince of Elaeusa under Vespasian. C. Juzrus C. F, AnrrocHus PHLriopArpos consul in Rome in the year 100.

NOTES OF TABLE GENEALOGICAL OF SELEUCIDS 1. Droysen, Hist. from Hellen., t. II, p. 136, note 2. It is only hypothetically that we can make of this Seleucus the father of Antiochus; all we know about this character is that his son was Ptole- mée, the bodyguard killed at Issus in 333 (Arrien, Exped. Alex., 1, 24, 1; II, 10, 7). 2. The existence of this princess and that of her two sons are only based on the testimony of Malala who affirms (p. 198, Bonn ed.), that Seleucus briefly entrusted the government of Asia to his two nephews, Nicomedes and Nicanor, son of his sister Didymaea (cf, Droysen, t. II, p. 35, note r). 3. According to Arrian, VII, 4; cf. above our Introd., p. xxx1x, and Droysen, t. IL, p. 577. 4. According to Appian, Syriaca, ss, and Strabo, XV, 724; cf. Droysen, t. II, p. 492. 5. On Phila, see the inscription of Delos, published by M. Th. Homolle, in the Bull. of corr. bellén., (IV-ND2rr. 6. Droysen gives conjecturally (t. III, p. 650) to Antiochus Ie Soter, Nysa for first women. The existence of this woman probably rests, it seems to me, on an assertion by Etienne de Byzantium reproduced by Eustathius in his commentary on Dionysius the Periegetes (p. 281, ed. Bernardhy). Stephen claims (see Avridyeux) that an Antiochus, son of Seleucus, whom he does not designate other than by his name, founded three cities, following a dream, and he called the first Laodicea, after the name of his sister Laodice, the second Nysa, named after his wife Nysa, and the third Antioch, named after his mother Antio- chis. But the testimony of Stephen of Byzantium is certainly erroneous. Indeed, the Antiochus of whom he is spoken of being the son of a Seleucus, it can only be a question of Antiochus I°* or Antiochus III. OF, The mother of Antiochus I°* was not called Antiochis; we know definitely that it was Apama. He is not not probable, as we will see shortly, that he had a sister named Laodice (see below). under note 9); it is therefore also very rash to give him Nysa as his wife, relying on the aforementioned passage from Stephen of Byzantium. It is true to say that the testimony of Stephen does not apply no better to Antiochus III, whatever Otto Blau said (see above our Introd. p'ACxOv) Re Byzantine geographer obviously echoed an apocryphal and unfounded fable. 7. Pliny (XXIX, 3, r) and Trogus Pompey (Prol. lib. XXVTI) give this Ptolemy the title of king; according to Trogus Pompey he had a son who was supported by Timarchus, the tyrant of Miletus expelled by Seleucus IT. 8. Droysen, Hist. of Hellen., t. XII, p. 650. 9. Malala (p. 198) attributes to Seleucus I°* Nicator two daughters called Apama and Laodice; Mr. Droysen, doubtless relying on this testimony, dubiously gives a daughter named Laodice to Seleu- cus I‘ Nicator. But Malala is certainly wrong. It was Antiochus I Soter who had from his wife Stratonice two daughters, Apama and Laodice. The first married Magas, of Cyrene (Porphyry, p. 707, ed. Didot; Eusebius, Chron., p. 259, ed. Migne); instead of Apama, Justin gives him the name Arsinoe (Justin, XXVI, 3). The second, Laodice, is mentioned in particular in an inscription found at Durdurkar, in Caria: it is an edict of King Antiochus II which grants divine honors to Queen Laodice, her sister and his woman (see what Messrs. P. Paris and Holleaux wrote on this subject, in the Bull. de corr. hell., t. IX (1885), p. 327, notes 2 and 3, and t. XIII (1889), p. 527). The Durdurkar inscription formally says that Antio- chus IT married his sister Laodice, and this fact is confirmed by the testimony of Polyen (VII, 50). It is therefore wrongly for Droysen, relying on the authority of Eusebius, to give Antiochus II another as his wife Laodice, daughter of Achaeus I"; in the text of Eusebius, the sister of Antiochus II is confused with the daughter of Achaeus I** (Th. Reinach, Three Kingdoms of Asia Minor, p. 206). 10. Berenice, the second wife of Antiochus II, bore him a son who was massacred as a child by the order of Laodice (Appian, Syriaca, LXV),

CCR GENEALOGICAL CHART NOTES 11. Droysen makes Seleucus II marry Laodice, daughter of Andromachus (Droysen, IT, 372; cf. Frœlich, p. 31). In reality, this princess, whom we call Laodice IIT, was, as Mr. Reinach demonstrated, sister of Andromachus, and daughter, like him, of Achaeus I®* (see our Infrod., p. LXXXvIx, note 4). 12. The concubine of Seleucus II is called Nôoa or Müota (Polyen, VIIT, 61; Athen. Deipn., XII, $78a; Ptol. Megalop. fr. 4, in C. Muller, Frag. hist. gr. III, 67). Polyen calls her the mother of Antiochus II, and it is this that appears to be in question in the passage from Stephen of Byzantium commented above (note 9) who records a Nysa as having given her name to Nysa of Caria. But we know that the mother of Antiochus III was in reality Laodice (Polybius, IV, 51, 4; VII, 22, 11). 13. Eusebius, ed. Migne, t. I, p. 260 and note 19; cf. our Introd., p. Lxx, note 3, according to Th. Reinach, Three Kingdoms, p. 14. 14. Ariarathes III, king of Cappadocia (230 to 220), eldest son of Ariaramne (Th. Reinach, Three Kingdoms, p.14; cf. Diod. Sic. XXXI, 10, 6). 15. This Mithridates II, king of Pontus (246 to 190), brother-in-law of Seleucus IT Callinicus, himself had two daughters both called Laodice; they married, one, her first cousin Antiochus III, the other, Achaeus, the rebel from Asia Minor, who was defeated by his cousin Antiochus IIT (Polybius, V, 43 and 745 VIII, 22; Justin, XXXV, 2; Reinach, op. cit., p. 164; cf. our Introd., p. Lxxxvn), 16. See above our Jntrod., p. LxxIv. 17. Ardys and Mithridates are mentioned by Livy (KXXIII, 19), and Agatharchides (frag. 11); Antio- chus is also mentioned by Livy (XXV, 13 and 15) and by Appian (Syriaca, IV, 12). All three died before their father; Antiochus, the eldest, had been sent by his father to govern Asia minor, and it is suspected that he was poisoned. Mithridates was charged by his father, around the year 200, with submit Cilicia, Lycia and Caria. 18. Appian, Syriaca, IV; Froelich, Ann. Syr., p. 43. 19. In reality, we do not know the wife of Antiochus IV; the name Laodice is given to her by M. Dittenberger according to an inscription by Dymé of which here is the essential part: Bas ’Avttoyov Bastkéws ’Avr:dyou xat Bastkiosay Aaxodlxav ai Toy viov ’Avtloyov... So, he is a king Antiochus whose wife is called Laodice; he is the son of another king Antiochus, and he himself has for son Antiochus. It is probable, as Mr. Dittenberger thinks (Sylloge, no. 229), that it is rather of Antiochus IV than of Antiochus II. However, this is not certain and cannot be proven (cf. Paris and Holleaux, in the Bull. of corr. hell., t. IX ($188), p. 327, note 1.) 20. Appian, Syriaca, V. 21. We have already had the opportunity to determine the chronological place and the historical role of this Antiochis (fntrod., p. cxcrv et seq.); but it is important to summarize the question here and specify the results of this problem, which [touches on the origins of the Armenian dynasties and even Commageneian. Miscellaneous Modern authors have attributed to Seleucus IT Callinicus, a daughter who, therefore, would be the sister of Seleucus IIT Ceraunus and Antiochus III the Great. Frœlich (Annal. Syr., p.31) does not give it a name, but he makes her the wife of Mithridates IV of Pontus; De Vit, (Onomast. v° Antiochus, p. 335) calls it Stra- tonice and assigns the same Mithridates as her husband. There is no need to take into account these opinions which are based on a confusion with the two daughters of Antiochus IT Theos : we will therefore not insist on it otherwise. Other authors have expressed an apparently better-founded opinion. It is based on the famous passage from Polybius (VIIT, 25, ed. Didot: above Zntrod., p. cxcIv) which says that an Antiochus married his sister Antiochis to the king of Armenia, Xerxes. C. Muller, the editor of Polybius, thought it was An- tiochus III; his opinion was followed by O. Blau, and lastly by M. Th. Reïnach, in his study if remarkable, moreover, on the coins of the kings of Pontus (Three Kingdoms, p. 165). However, it is a hypothesis which, in my opinion at least, is overturned by the following considerations that we have already argued in part: 1° The aforementioned passage from Polybius would be the only testimony to men- mentioning a sister of Antiochus III, and nothing in Polybius' account allows us to believe that it was this prince rather than Antiochus IV; 2° we know, on the contrary, from different authors, that Antiochus IV had a sister named Antiochis; Appian (Syr., V) and Diodorus (XXXI, 19, 7) speak of it and he married, from the time of Antiochus III, whose daughter she was, Ariarathes IV Eusebius, king of Cappadocia (220-163).

We would therefore not hesitate to recognize that, in Polybius' text, it is Antiochus IV and of his sister Antiochis, if he does not a difficulty presented itself: it is that, according to Polybius, Antiochis is

re OF THE SELEUCIDS CCXxI given in marriage to Xerxes king of Armenia and not to Ariarathes of Cappadocia (see above Introd., p. cxcvi). It may seem, at first glance, quite natural to have Xerxes marry a sister of Antio- chus III, and to place the reign of the king of Armenia around the year 200, that is to say before the revolt of Zariadres, in 190. But to the arguments that we have already provided to combat this hypothesis, we will add the following reasons: 3° The Antiochis of Polybius is sister of an Antiochus and mother of a Mithridates; the year- tiochis of Appian and Diodorus is sister of Antiochus IV and also mother of a Mithridates: this coincidence dence already leads us to believe that it is one and the same person; 4° Blau recognized that Antiochis that he is the sister of Antiochus III must have been, at the same time, the concubine of his brother; his son Mithridates is in fact described as a natural son by Polybius; or, according to book II of the Maccabees (IV, 30-35), Antiochus IV Epiphanes is formally said to have a concubine named Antiochis. This new coincidence con- still contributes to making the existence of the two Antiochis improbable; if the two Antiochis would have found, both, involved in the affairs of Armenia or this region; 6° if we admit a Antiochis sister of Antiochus III, we are forced to give this king two sons named Mithridates; in indeed, the one who is known historically by Livy (above, note 17) was charged around the year 200 with a military expedition to Asia Minor, which implies that he was then at least 2$ years old. At the same time, his mother would marry Xerxes who is described as a young man by Polybius (veav{oxos): this union dis- parate is unacceptable; 7° the presence of King Xerxes in Arsamosate around the year 200, and consolidated on his throne by Antiochus III, would disagree with the testimony of Strabo who recounts (see above TIntrod., p. cxcvr) that Sophene was governed until 190 by the satrap Zariadrés, and that it was at this time that, taking advantage of the defeat of Antiochus III in Magnesia, Zariadres revolted and proclaimed himself king; 8° apart from the text of Polybius which one would like to apply to Antiochus IIL, there is no trace, in the ancient texts, of an expedition of this prince in Armenia, while on the contrary, the campaigns of Antiochus IV in this country against Xerxes and Artaxias, are known from multiple sources; 9° we finally recall the numismatic arguments that we have put forward elsewhere (Zatrod., p. cxcvr and excvur). . Everything therefore combines to demonstrate that there is only one Antiochis: it is the sister and the concubine of Antiochus IV Epiphanes: this is the result we have reached. As for matching the testimonies which make Antiochis the concubine of Antiochus IV, the wife of Xerxes and the wife of Aria- rathe IV Eusebius, we should perhaps give it up. Here is hypothetical how I would propose to arrange the facts: Antiochis, concubine of Antiochus IV, had a son called Mithridates. Antiochus IV makes his expedition of Cilicia and Armenia and yields to Xerxes Antiochis and his son. The growing extension of worst of Zariadres puts an end to that of Xerxes, and Antiochis, undoubtedly widow of the latter, takes refuge in Cappadocia where she married Ariarathes IV. After having succeeded in excluding two children who had rights to the throne, Ariarathes and Orophernes (see Introd., p, cxcvi), she adopted as crown prince her favorite son Mithridates who, upon ascending the throne of Cappadocia, took the title of Ariarathes V Eusebius Philopator; he reigned from 163 to 130. What excuses this little novel in my eyes is that I doubt that we could substitute for it an arrangement of the facts which would take literally all the texts of which we we used, 22; Th. Reïinach, Three Kingdoms, p. 179. 23. This Seleucus who was a prisoner of the Parthians was sometimes confused with Seleucus II Callinicus (see above Introd., p. Lxv). 24. The five children of Antiochus VII Sidetes are listed as follows by Eusebius (Chron., p. 263, Migne edition): “Antiocho quinque liberi nati sunt, tres nempe mares et feminæ duæ. Prior item - altera filia Laodice audiverunt, uno nomine duabus communi, Tertius Antiochus, quem itemque sorores morbus extinct. Quartus Seleucus quem cepit Arsaces. Quintus tandem Antiochus idem as Cyzicenus, » As for Antiochus IX Cyzicene, Malala (p. 208) gives him as wife the daughter of a Parthian king, named Bertrévn. 25. See above, Infrod., p. cxxxrrr. 26. Diodorus teaches us (Frag. lib. XL, 1°, t. V, p. 178, ed.

Dindorf-Teubner) as the Arab prince Azizos crowned young Philip, son of Philip I Philadelphus, king of Syria, who had taken refuge under His protection. On the other hand, Antiochus XIII Asiaticus was supported by another Arab prince, Sampsice- ramos. But Azizos and Sampsiceramos soon agreed to lose both Seleucids that they thrown into prison. The Alexandrians having offered them both the throne of Egypt to which their descendants maternal gave them some rights, Philip and Antiochus were both prevented by their

CCXXII GENEALOGICAL CHART NOTES so-called protectors, to reach Alexandria. Sampsiceramos had Antiochus Asiaticus killed; as for the young Philippe, we do not know how he died (see above, Introd. p. CLxIx and CLXxIv). 27. Malala (pp. 208 and 211) calls this Antiochus, Antiochus Dionicus Leprosus, and he says he is the father of two daughters, Cleopatra and Antiochis. But only mediocre credit should be attached to the testimony of the Byzantine chronograph, which confused and entangled all the events of this obscure era. 28. On this Laodice and her marriage with Mithridates (see above, Jutrod., p. ccrx and cex). 29. Cicero, Verrés, IV, 27; Suetonius, Vespas., XIX, 11; Dion Cassius, XXXIX, 57. Berenice put to death Seleucus soon after married him and attempted to put him on the throne of Egypt.

ER | PTOLEMY Alexander's bodyguard, killed at Issus, in 333. | AT PTOLEMY bodyguard of Philippe Arrhidee in 321. | NICANOR ANTIOCHIS? (21) MITHRIDATE? | ep. To | ODICE V CLEOPATRE SYRA (20) ANTIOCHIS (21) brothers Antiochus and engaged to Ptolemy V Epi- concubine of his brother Antiochus IV, ucus IV (18). phane. ep. Xerxes, king of Armenia; — Ariarathes IV of Cappadocia. A girl betrothed to Eumenes, king of Pergamum. MITHRIDATE (Ariarathe V Eusebius Philopator). | : ALEXANDER II ZEBINA supposed son, king from 128 to 123. | ANTIOCHUS IX CYZICENE (24) king from 116 to 95, ep. Cleopatra Selene, daughter of Ptolemy Physcon and widow of Grypus. ANTIOCHUS X EUSEBIUS king from 94 to 83, ep. Cleopatra Selene, widow of her father and Grypus. SELEUCUS CYBIOSACTS ep. Bérénice, daughter of Plolémée from 69 to 65. Aulete (29).

CCXXII GENEALOGICAL CHART NOTES supposed protectors, to reach Alexandria, Sampsiceramos had Antiochus Asiaticus killed; as for the young Philippe, we do not know how he died (see above, Infrod. p. CLxXIx and CLxxIvV). 27. Malala (pp. 208 and 211) calls this Antiochus, Antiochus Dionicus Leprosus, and he says he is the father of two daughters, Cleopatra and Antiochis. But only mediocre credit should be attached to the testimony of the Byzantine chronograph, which confused and entangled all the events of this obscure era. 28. On this Laodice and her marriage with Mithridates (see above, Introd., p. corx and coex). 29. Cicero, Werrés, IV, 27; Suetonius, Vespas., XIX, 11; Dion Cassius, XXXIX, 57. Berenice put to death Seleucus shortly after marrying him and trying to put him on the throne of Egypt.

MY. PTOLEMY + before 261 (7). A son ; | SELEUCUS III CERAUNUS king from 226 to 222. | ANTIOCHUS (16) king in 222. | | ANTIOCHUS (17) ARDYS (17) ep. Laodice V, his sister. PBABLE. GENEALOGICAL OF SELEUCIDS SELEUCUS (1) | | ANTIOCHUS officer of Philip, father of Alexander, ep. Laodice I. : SELEUCUS I NICATOR Se me from 306 to 281, ep. Apama, daughter of Spitamene (3); — A daughter of Sandracottus (4); — Stratonice I, daughter of Demetrius Poliorcetes. l D se = ANTIOCHUS I SOTER son of Apama, born in 323; king from 281 to 261, ep. Nysa? (6); — Stratonice I, his mother-in-law. sl SELEUCUS 7 before 261 (8). SELEUCUS II CALLINICUS POGON king from 246 to 226, ep. Laodice III daughter of Achaeus I (11) — Mysta or Nysa (?) concubine (12) | | MITHRIDATE (17) | PHILA daughter of Stratonice, ep. Antigone Gonatas (s) | STRATONICE II ep. Demetrius II of ANTIOCHUS II THEOS king from 261 to 246, ep. Laodice II, his sister (9) — Berenice, daughter of Piolemy II Philadelphia (10). Macedonia. STRATONICE III ep. Ariarathes III of Cappa- ; ANTIOCHUS HIERAX king, + in 227, ep. the daughter of Ziælas re | DEMETRIUS I SOTER king from 162 to 150, ep. Laodice VI his sister. Bithynia (13). doce (14). ; | SELEUCUS IV PHILOPATOR king from 187 to 175, ep. Laodice V, his sister, widow of his older brother Antiochus (18) | LAODICE VI ep. Perseus, king of Macedonia; — Demetrius I Soter, his brother. The | DEMEETRIUS II NICATOR king: 1° from 145 to 140.2° from 130 to 12$ ep. Cleopatra Thea, daughter of Ptole- mee Philometor; — Rhodogune, daughter of Mithri- date I Arsaces VI. | 2 SELEUCUS V king in 125. | ANTIOCHUS VIII GRYPUS king from 125 to 96, I ep. Cleopatra Tryphene, daughter of Proline Physcon. : — Cleopatra Selene, sister of Cleopatra Tryphene. | and girl ep. Phraates II (25). ANTIOCHUS Lyrr SIDETES EVERGETE king from 138 to 129, ep. Cleopatra Thea, widow of Demetrius IL. | | LAODICE VIII LAODICE IX | DIDYMEIA (2) [ PTOLEMY Alexander's bodyguard, killed at Issus, in 333. Fe PTOLEMY bodyguard of Philippe Arrhidée in 321. 1st NICOMEDES | LAODICE II (9) APAMA (9) ep. his brother Antiochus II. ep. Cyrene stores, brother of Ptolemy Philadelphus. A son child of Bérénice (10). A girl ep. Mithridates II of Pontus (15). ANTIOCHUS III THE GREAT born in 242, king from 222 to 187, ep. Laodice IV, daughter of Mithri- date II du Pont; — Euboea, daughter of Cleeoptolemus (in 191). l ANTIOCHUS IV EPIPHANES king from $177 to 164, ep. Laodice (19); — Antiochis, concubine (21). | ANTIOCHUS V EUPATOR king from 164 to 162. LAODICE VII (22) ep. Mithridates Philopator Philadelphus (Evergetes), king of Bridge (169 to 121). | ANTIOCHUS VI DIONYSUS king from $145 to 142. | ' ANTIOCHUS SELEUCUS (23) | PHILIPPE I PHILADELPH king from 92 to 83. RS SELEUCUS VI EPIPHANE king of 96 2 95. PHILIP II (26) king before 65. | ANTIOCHUS XI PHILADELPH king in 92. | ANTIOCHUS XII DIONYSOS (27) king from 89 to 84. | DEMETRIUS III EUCAERUS king from 95 to 88. | LAODICE X (28) ep. Mithridates Callinicus, king of Commagene. frost CLEOPATRA | ANTIOCHIS NICANOR ANTIOCHIS? (21) MITHRIDATE? ' Fe RES LAODICE V CLEOPATRE SYRA (20) ANTIOCHIS (21) A girl ep. his two brothers Antiochus and engaged to Ptolemy V Epi- concubine of his brother Antiochus IV, betrothed to Eumenes, Seleucus IV (18). phane. ep. Xerxes, king of Armenia; king of Pergamum. ALEXANDRE I BALA son suppose, roilde 150 to 145, ep. Cleopatra Thea, daughter of Piolemy Philometor. | : ALEXANDER II ZEBINA son suppose, king from 128 to 123. | ANTIOCHUS IX CYZICENE (24) king from 116 to 95, ep. Cleopatra Selene, daughter of Ptolemy Physcon and widow of Grypus. ANTIOCHUS X EUSEBIUS king from 94 to 83, ep. Cleopatra Selene, widow of her | father and Grypus. | | — Ariarathes IV of Cappadocia. MITHRIDATE (Ariarathe V Eusebius Philopator). | (126) ANTIOCHUS XIII ASIATICUS king from 69 to 65. | (1st | | : | SELEUCUS CYBIOSACTS ep. Berenice, daughter of Piolemy Aulete (29).

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