The Kings of Syria, Armenia and Commagene — 1890

TE re ST RESORT NEAR laugh PE A, al 7 FETOUMIA ms re Ve ar ETC r TEE 7 ER pe AND hace ee " POP on DRE rare A THE a Fm der DER LR hostage aunt SR moor ad rage c £ re ae me

THE RONSMDESSNEUTE FROM ARMENIA AND COMMAGENE

that | MACON, PROTAT FRERES, PRINTERS : 3% SNA we ©

CUENCOGUE OF COINS GRECOUES FROM THE NATIONAL LIBRARY BLACKS RTE AND COMMAGENE Mr. Ernest BABELON ASSISTANT CURATOR IN THE DEPARTMENT OF MEDALS AND ANTIQUES FROM THE NATIONAL LIBRARY PARIS CHPASCRROLIINSS#EEUARDENT 4, rue de Louvois, 4 Same House, 19, Bloomsbury Street, London 1890

INTRODUCTION SELEUCUS I NICATOR Era of the Sels. 6 to 31 (306 to 281 av. AD) I. — Seleucus, satrap of Babylon from year 321 to year 306 BC. AD After the death of Alexander the Great in 323, the Macedonian Empire continued in his-interest for twelve more years, under the nominal authority of a child posthumous, Alexandre, son of Roxane, and his uncle Philippe Arrhidée who was idiot. The generals recognized these two ghosts of kings who, for each of these soldiers eager for supreme power, were only an obstacle erected in front of competitors. In all the monetary workshops of the empire, they continued, as in the past, to coin money in the name and types of Alexander the Great: the legend BAZIAEQZ AAE=ANAPOY which can, moreover, also designate the young son of Roxane as the conqueror who had just taken his place among the gods. We At the same time, coins with the legend BAZIAENZ were also minted. HIAITITIOY; which relates to Philippe Arrhidée: they are the same types as the pieces of Alexander from which they are distinguished only by this legend. Philip Arrhidaea perished in the year 317, and coins in his name naturally ceased. to be issued, except in the provinces administered by Lysimachus, where during for some time yet, they were the product of the routine striking of a few workshops. On the contrary, the death of young Alexander, assassinated by Cassander in 311, does not slow down the issue of coins with the legend BAZIAEQZ AAE=ANAPOY. As there was no longer a king, the name of Alexander was perpetuated without difficulty on the cash that continued to be minted; no authority could do it obstacle. Add to this that Alexander's coins were universally popular, because of their excellent title and the convenience of their divisions for commercial operations; the deification of the hero and the cult from which we begin to honor him, also contributed to prolonging the use of coining in his name and with its traditional types. These are, briefly indicated, the main

IT INTRODUCTION causes of the diffusion and continuation of the coinage of Alexander for a long time after his death. The creation, in 306, of new kingdoms resulting from the dismemberment of the empire, decreased, but did not stop this posthumous coinage which is perpetuated in a crowd of workshops, and more or less long, depending on political circumstances or economic. This is how we have serious reasons to believe that it continued in the cities of Macedonia proper until the year 294, the time when Demetrius Poliorcetes became master of the country. Thracian workshops minted tetra- drachmas in the name of Alexander at a time, certainly after the death of Lysimachus in 281°. In Asia Minor, there are pieces of this species that their style denounced as contemporary with the kings of Pergamum. In Phenicia, the mon- gold and silver coins in the name of Alexander struck at Tyre, Ace, Aradus, Marathus, carry dates which bring the issue down sometimes to more a century after Alexander, that is to say in full Seleucid or Lagid domination. The production of Alexander's tetradrachms was made to last until the arrival of Sulla. in the island of Chios3. As during the hero's lifetime, the cities which minted this royal coin con- used to place in the field of the reverse, next to the main type, the monogram or rather the symbol which was specific to them and which, constituting in somehow the trademark, made it possible to recognize the place of origin of these coins with uniform types and legends. But, in addition to these mint marks and the monograms of monetary magistrates, we often encounter, on these species, symbols "of a particular character, which designate the governor or the king in the province or kingdom in which the coins were issued. This is how we have coins in the name of Alexander and even Philip Arrhidea, which have, as an accessory sign, the eagle of Ptolemy son of Lagus+, the half-lion of Lysimachus’, Pancre or the horned horse of Seleucus. We can only interpret a very limited number of these interesting symbols: those only which belong to generals who became kings after 306, and this is easily explained. j Indeed, once they had girded their foreheads with the diadem, these generals or these provincial governors placed the party emblems on their royal coins. culiers that we previously found engraved on coins in the name of Alexander, struck in their government or under their satrapal authority: we have thus a sure way to recognize who these emblems belong to. But for 1. L. Muller, Alexander Numismatics, p. 73. 2. L. Muller, op. cif., p. 73 to 75. 3. Barclay V. Head, Historia numorum, p. 514. 4 4. An eagle, it was said, had nourished in his childhood Ptolemy, son of Lagus (Suidas, v. Aüyos); and it is for this reason that the eagle became the symbol of the Lagides dynasty. s. Lysimachus killed a lion which was going to devour him; hence, the symbol of the half-lion that this prince adopted for emblem. Justin, XV, 3. E éetb to

SELEUCUS I NICATOR III the coins which bear the symbols of satraps which never became kings, we cannot know what their individual marks were since the story don't we the said point. These satraps are numerous, and we know the names of a a number of those who were invested with a province, either during the first division of the satrapies, in Pété de Pan 323, or in the treaty of Triparadisus, in the autumn of 321. It is to these provincial governors, according to us, much rather than in workshops, that it is necessary to bring back a large number of symbols of Alexander's coins which cannot be classified easily to cities. If Ptolemy satraps Egypt, if Lysimachus satraps of Thrace, if Seleucus satrap of Babylonia have their particular symbol, we can legitimately assume that the other satraps, like Laomedon, satrap of Syria and Phoenicia; Philotas and Philoxenos, satraps of Cilicia; Archelaus and Amphimachos, satraps of Mesopotamia; Pithon, satrap of Media; Peucestas, satrap of Persia, and other even more important governors, Antipater, Antigone, Eumenes, also have their monetary emblems which, until now at least, we have not yet been able to identify it. The future founder of the Syrian monarchy has, as we have said, a double sym- bole: the anchor and the horse's head equipped with two bull horns, to which it The helmet adorned with the same horns must be attached. The anchor, which was not only the personal mark of Seleucus, but that of his entire race until the last king of Commagene, is found on a certain number of Alexander's coins including here is the designation, referring to the classic work of L. Muller:: 1. Golden Staters (Muller, n°5 1491, 1494 and 1509). 2. Tetradrachms (Muller, n° 1355, 1492, 1495, 1496, 1498, 1499, 1500, 1502 to 1506, 1510 to 1513). 3. Drachma (Muller, no. 1507). 4. Trioboles (Muller, n°5 1493, 1497, 1501). s. Bronze (Muller, n° 1514). The horned horse's head is found on tetradrachms nos. 1485, 1486 and 1487; and the horned helmet, on n° 1488, 1489 and 1490. In addition to these emblems, most of the above coins bear, in the field on the reverse, monograms or symbols which designate monastic magistrates rooms or workshops. The tetradrachm to the anchor that we give opposite like specimen of these coins (fig. 1)*, was surely struck in Larissa of Syria, because of the half-horse drink, which we see at the feet of Zeus. L. Muller proposed (p. 315) the attribution r. Ludwig Muller, Numismatics of Alexander the Great, p. 311 et seq. 2. According to a copy of the Cabinet of France.

IV INTRODUCTION tion to various workshops, of a certain number of these anchor pieces, which mounted than a simple letter for different monetary; according to him, E — Eleusa; TL = Zephyrium; M = Mallus; To = Laodicea; | = Gabala; PF = Paltos; K = Meat; To — Azotus; the monogram. No. 122, composed of the letters HPA, would designate Heraclea from Syria; finally others could represent the cities of Aegae or Anthedon, of Gaza, of Nephelis (Cilicia), of Rhosus, of Diospolis (Lydda), of Demetrias, of Réphanée, Apamée, etc. It is hardly necessary to say to what degree these assumptions are poorly justified; but it will not be superfluous, on the other hand, to insist on one point: namely that, if the issue of these coins of Alexander, with the symbols of Seleucus, must have begun around the year 321, it certainly prolonged throughout the reign of this prince and even after him, concurrently with the issuance of royal Seleucid coins. It was at Triparadisus, in 321, that Seleucus, who fulfilled the functions of com- senior commander of the cavalry, was invested with the important satrapy of Babylon. Driven from his capital in 316 by Antigone, he took refuge with Ptolemy, and their combined efforts, both on land and sea, were crowned with success in battle of Gaza in 312. This victory, which reopened to Seleucus the path to his ancient satrapy, is the starting point of the Seleucid era which begins on October 1 312 BC (Olymp. 117, 1). However, Seleucus did not yet take the title of king. In the years that followed, he had to fight vigorously against Demetrius Poliorcetes, then he undertook, in the eastern provinces, a great campaign which extended his dominion as far as the Oxus and the Indus, and allowed him to conclude a matrimonial alliance with the Indian king Sandracottus who gave him 500 elephants of war. The satrap of Babylon, master of Persia and Bactria, renewed the exploits of Alexander; he was hailed king by the barbarians, and it was said: that from this moment he got into the habit of girding his forehead with the diadem, without however daring still adorn himself with the title of fBasreës which he was not to decide to take until 306. During this very eventful period of fifteen years during which he was, in fact, the absolute sovereign of all upper Asia, Seleucus was careful not to abdicate the right of coinage that Alexander [himself had recognized to the satrap Mazaios, his predecessor. The workshops of the satrapy of Babylon operated under the authority of Seleucus and issued for him satrapal coins which, by their style, their weight, their general appearance, their very types, resemble those of Mazaios to which they follow each other chronologically. What sets them apart is that they. carry always, as a symbol or as a type, the anchor or the head of a horned horse, or even these two associated emblems. 1. At the death of Alexander, the satrapy of Babylon was given successively to Archelaus son of Theodoros, then to Archon son of Clinias. 2. Plutarch, Demetrius, 18. d gtD m f tee

SELEUCUS I NICATOR V The first of these coins (fig. 2): is a double gold stater, without legend, known only in a few copies. He bears, on the right, the head of Alexander wearing the remains of an elephant, trunk raised, and, on the reverse, the ordinary type of gold staters of Alexander, Nike holding a crown and lar- mature of a trophy. The head of a horned horse, emblem of Seleucus, is in front of Victory:. Alongside this remarkable gold coin, we will propose to classify currencies of silver, also anepigraphs, which have, on the right, half-naked Baaltars, seated on a throne, leaning on his scepter, and upon re- towards, a lion walking on the left (fig. 3) 3. M. Imhoof-Blumer+ noted all the varieties known about these currencies on which we always finds the anchor above the lion of reverse, and sometimes, on the right, the horse's head horned, before Zeus. The bronze coinage, in this series, is represented by two coins which have both, on the right, the head of Alexander wearing the skin elephant, and Fig. 4. reverse, the legend AAËEZANAPOY; the first (fig. 4)5 is the Nike type standing, with an anchor as a symbol; the second (fig. 5)7 has for all types the anchor herself. It is now important to demonstrate that this group of satrapal currencies, which we have generally classified as uncertain, following the darics to which they belong. seem; or which have been hypothetically attributed to Tarsus, are very real- ment of the satrapy of Babylon. This emerges, first of all, from the comparison of these coins with those that Mazaios had minted in Babylon, a city which still remained 1. According to the copy of the Cabinet of France. 2. E. Babelon, in the Revue numismatique, 1883, p. 133; Percy Gardner, Types of Greek coins, pl. XIV, 3; Friedlaender, in the Zeitschrift für Numismatik,.t. XII, p: 3; Barclay V. Head, Hist. number, p. 711; J.-P. Six, in the Numismatic chronicle, 1884, p. 133-134. 3. According to a copy of the Cabinet de France (coll. de Luynes). . Imhoof Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 378. . According to the copy published by Friedlaender, in Numism. Zeitschrift, t. IT, pl. VIIL, fig. 4. . Friedlaender, in the Numismatiche Zeitschrift of Vienna, vol. III, p. 76. . From the British Museum copy. . Numismatic chronicle, 1861, p. 137 to 139; Six, op. cif., p. 134. OI What

VI INTRODUCTION the largest in the entire Orient. Mr. J.-P. Six recounted, from the numis- matic, the story of this character who was successively the servant of Darius and of Alexander, Satrap of the King of Persia, he minted money, in this capacity, during nearly thirty years in Cilicia, then for more than fifteen years in Syria and Meso- potamia. After the battle of Arbeles, he opened the gates of Babylon to Alexander that he was responsible for defending, and as a reward for this betrayal, Alexander gave the satrapy of Babylon and left it its right of coinage: Mazaios occupied this office until 328, the date of his death. We know the currencies that issued in Cilicia, and those which he struck when to Cilicia he joined the Transeuphratic to his government; the most typical door in Aramaic legend: Maxaios, satrap of Abarnabra (Transeuphratic) and Cilicia; we finally know those whom he sent to Babylon as satrap of Alexander. The latter which carry its name, 112, like the preceding ones, are of the type of the lion walking on the left, and of the Baal of Tarsus who is thus transplanted to Babylon and follows the wanderings of the governor who adopted it as a monetary type. Now, these types of the lion and Baaltars are the same silver coins of Seleucus. These, struck seven years later, in the same workshops, differ from the previous ones only in the substitution of the anchor, emblem of Seleucus, in the name of Mazaios. However, as it has hitherto been believed that the coins of Seleucus had been minted at Tarsus, we will invoke other arguments to justify their attribution to the satrapy of Babylon. Tarsus was not in the government of Seleucus who, consequently, was unable to mint money there. Secondly, it is not not from Cilicia, from Asia Minor, nor even from Syria that the coins of the type of Baaltars and the lion. Whenever we can control their origin, we see that they are found in Persia, in India, the Bactria and adjacent countries. The horned horse's head, which appears on several of these coins, is a symbol particular to the coins minted in the most eastern regions of the Empire of the Seleucids, as we will see later: it never appears in Syria, in Phenicia, Cilicia or Asia Minor. The Al monogram, on the double sta- tere, is also, as we will see, special to coins of these regions. set back. The weight of this gold coin (16 gr. 60 to 16 gr. 08) is foreign to the Attic system, the only one in use in Western Asia from Alexander onwards. We will also add that the head is worn with elephant skin instead of elephant skin. lion, is an emblem which remained popular in Bactria, because the Bactrian king Deme- trius has this same type on its coins. The elephant skin is also given to the head of Alexander, on the first mon- nays struck by Ptolemy in his satrapy of Egypt; we will recognize in this parity of attribute, as well as in the similarity of physiognomy that we notice between the head of the double stater of Seleucus and that of the first coins of Pto- 1. See Six, loc. cit, and Imhoof Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 376.

SELEUCUS I NICATOR VII lémé, a pledge of the political alliance of the two satraps who, on several occasions before the year 306, joined forces against their common enemies, Antigone and Demetrius Poliorcetes. So, to summarize the above, the emblems of Seleucus meet on two categories of coins minted before he was king: those which perpetuate the coinage of Alexander of Attic weight, and those that Seleucus had struck as satrap of Babylon and which are linked to the coins of the Achaemenid empire by their style, types and weight. We will try, later, to determine the reasons which led to the adoption by Seleucus the head of a horned horse for emblem; as for the anchor, its presence is explained by an anecdote to which Appian alludes, and which Justin relates thus: Seleuci quoque virtus clara et origo admirabilis fut: siquidem mater ejus Laudice, cum nupta esset Anthocho, claro inter Philippi duces viro, visa sibi est per quielem ex concubitu Apollinis concepisse, gravidamque faclam munus concubitus à deo anulum accepisse, in cujus gemmä anchora sculpla esset, jussaque donum filio quem peperisset dare. Admirable fecir bunc visum et anulus, qui posterà die ejusdem sculpturae in lecto inventus est, el figura anchorae, quae in femore Seleuci nala cum ipso parvulo fut. Quamobrem Laudice anulum Seleuco eunti cum Alexandro magno ad Persicam militiam, edocto of origin suû, dedit. Ubi postmortem Alexandri occupato regno Orientis urbem condidit, ibi quoque geminæ originis memoriam consecravit. Nam et urbem ex Antiochi patris nomine Antiochiam vocavit et campos vicinos urbi Apollini dicavit. Originis ejuice argumentum ebiam in posteris mansit: siquidem filit nepolesque ejus anchoram in femore veluti nolam generis naturalem habuere*. The poet Ausonius later wrote verses on this pleasant fable; he said while speaking from the city of Antioch : Illa Seleucum Nuncupat, ingenuum-cujus futit ancora signum, Qualis inusta solet, generis nota certa; per omnem Nam sobolis seria nativa concurrit imago?. Eckhel;, who cites these testimonies, recalls that similar tales circulated on other famous characters from antiquity. In Boeotia, all those who came from blood of the Spartans had, it was said, the mark of a spearhead on their shoulder. The essential fact that we must remember is that Seleucus claimed to be a son of Apollo, as Alexander was the son of Zeus Ammon, and it is to attest this divine origin which it takes as its symbol, on its coins and on its seal, the anchor whose mark he had on his leg. But isn’t this a fable imagined after suddenly, when Seleucus was already king, and to give his usurpation a sort of divine vesture? What would lead us to believe it is that the type of Apollo is not exceptional on the coins of Seleucus who only used it at the end of his 1. Justin, XV, 4. Cf. Appian, Syriaca, 56. 2. Auson. Opusc., p. 145, ed. Peiper (Teubner). 3. Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p. 212.

VIII INTRODUCTION reigns, while this type becomes entirely predominant from Antiochus I Soter. On the other hand, the anchor, as we have seen, appears on the coins of Seleucus, from the time when he was still only a satrap, and one can doubt that from At that time, Seleucus would have dared to claim to be the son of Apollo. So if we welcome the legend that Justin echoed, it is only as a result of impotence where we are to substitute a truly scientific explanation. The anchor is the particular monetary type of the city of Astacos in Bithynia:, but no evidence historical knowledge does not allow us to suppose that Seleucus had the slightest relationship particular with this city, or won some naval victory in its vicinity. We are very poorly informed about the maritime operations of Seleucus, when, around the year 315, Ptolemy placed him at the head of a considerable fleet which successively visited sively the coasts of Ionia, Cyprus and Phoenicia. This campaign is the only known circumstance in the life of Seleucus where the future king of Syria played a role in things of the sea of which the anchor is one of the essential symbols. IT. — Coins of Seleucus I Nicator with types imitated from those of the coins of Alexander. In the year 306, Seleucus, satrap of Babylon, following the example of Antigone and Ptolemy assumed the title of king. It appears, as we said above, that already before, he placed the royal diadem on his forehead, when he gave audience to the ambassadors of barbarian peoples. It was also said that, during the return from Alexander to Babylon, after the Indian campaign, while the royal barque was sailing on the Pallacopas, a gust of wind carried the diadem and the causia of Alexander: Seleucus swims, manages to reach the precious emblems, and to swim more freely, he ties the royal diadem around the head; the spectators applaud and predict his great future destinies. Another tradition claimed that Seleucus was hailed as king by Apollo of Miletus, from the time of Alexander. It is from the year 306 that we must classify the currencies which bear the name of Seleucus:. Most of these pieces give him the title of king: BAZIAENZ ZEAEYKOY ; some simply have ZEAEYKOY, without the royal title#; ! 1. On the attribution of anchor currencies to Astacos and not to Abydos, see Imhoof Blumer, Mon- Greek nais, p. 232. 2. Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, trans. Bouché-Leclercq, t. I, p. 725, note 1, and volume II, p. 350. An adventure of the same kind, reported by Justin (XV, 3), also foreshadowed the royal crown to Lysi- maque: accidentally wounded in the head by the head of Alexander's spear, Lysimachus lost all his blood that Alexander was obliged to stanch with the help of the royal diadem that he tied around the forehead of the future king of Thrace: quod auspicium primum regalis majestatis Lysimacho fled, adds Justin. 3. Waddington, Mixtures of numismatics, 2nd series, 1867, p. 40. 4. See our Catalogue, n°% x, 4 and $. There is no reason to believe, as one might suppose, that a priori, that the word BAZIAEQZ was placed outside the blank, as a result of clumsiness or an negligence in the minting of these coins, Lee year ds At G has mm has r

SELEUCUS I NICATOR IX but we should not conclude that they were struck before Seleucus was king. Indeed, the coins of Alexander themselves rarely bear BAZIAEQZ AAEZ=ANAPOY ; they have the only word much more often AAE=ANAPOY. Philippe, the father of Alexandre, never takes on his coins the title of king: we only find OIAITITTOY there. Among the contemporaries of Seleucus, like him successors of Alexander, the royal title is often omitted on their species. Cassandra, in Macedonia, done register on his pieces, sometimes KAZZANAPOY, sometimes BAZIAEQZ KAZZANAPOY. The coins of Philippe Arrhidae carry DIAITITOY or BAZIAENZ IAITITIOY; likewise, some pieces of Ptolemy, have only TTOAEMAIOY, without the royal qualification. There is therefore no reason to date back before the year 306 the currencies on the which is simply the inscription ZEAEYKOY. It is only necessary to point out here the latest examples of an inveterate habit, according to which the kings of Macedonia and Thrace, prior to Alexander, did not place their royal title on their species, in fear of displeasing the king of Persia who claimed to have the sole right to be called Basrleis'. It is also important to note that the currencies of Seleucus who does not have the royal title are from the beginning of his reign. The word BAZIAEQZ is soon no longer omitted, and he no longer disappears, neither in the series of Seleucids nor in that of the other Diadochi. The coins of Seleucus never bear the legend that ZEAEYKOY or BAZIAENZ ZEAEYKOY: the nickname Nicafor which was awarded to him after his victory tory of Ipsus on Antigone, in 301 *, or that of Zebs Nixérwp which gives him an description of Seleucia on POrontei, never appear on the medals. Let's notice once and for all that, just as the kings of Egypt and other kings of anti- ity, the Seleucids almost all had popular nicknames which are applied either by later writers, or even by contemporaries as derisory or familiar. These nicknames, which had nothing official, never appeared on coins, no more, for example, than those of Caligula, Caracalla or Ela- gabale, which have the same origin. The layout of the legend varies arbitrarily; the examples grouped in the table below, and which we noted for Seleucus Nicator alone- ment, prove it abundantly: we have arranged them in relation to the type. Sometimes, the respective place of the words forces one to read ZEAEYKOY BAZIAEQZ instead of BAZIAEQNZ ZEAEYKOY (e.g. no. 2 and 11 in the table below); but these are exceptional cases, due perhaps to engraver negligence, if although, when the caption is arranged so that one can read ZEAEYKOY BAZIAEQZ as well as BAZIAEQZ ZEAEYKOY, we have always preferred this last formula as being more in conformity with the use of which almost no 1. Fr. Lenormant, Money in Antiquity, t. II, p. 4, note 2. 2. Appian, Syriaca, 57; Suidas, vo Xéhevzxos; Amm. Marcel., XIV, 8; XXII, 6. 3. Boeckh, C. I. Gr. III, 4458.

X INTRODUCTION never separated either the kings of Syria in general, nor those of the other dynasties of the anti- Hellenic equity. There is no need to give, as has sometimes been done, a any importance to the place occupied by the title of king. Do not: Nc 2 No. 3 | No. 4 M œ > œ œ M m >- O©O >> > m > M = M M > MIS 2 words > HIS IVDORLE Type to m Type N M M has BAJIAEQZ SEAEYKOY No 5 No. 6 No. 7 No. 8 th : M W W > G | Kind. m C th © = Type This ul ul {i = K.W. J.P. BASIAEQZ < Type £ £ AND AT SEAEYKOY ÉÉRELRO £ A ä N No. 9 No. 10 No. 71 No. 12 : > BASIAEOZ E mm & : = Di SAME yes = Type > Type-<-pe

SELEUCUS I NICATOR XI in Ace, in Phoenicia, as can be established by comparing these pieces with the staters of Alexander which bear the name of this city with dates from the era of Seleucids, which go from year 5 (— 308 BC) to year 46 (— 267 BC). AD). These coins of Alexander are therefore contemporary with those which have the name of Seleucus. However, the latter present us with the same face, right down to the smallest details: not only is the helmet the same style, but the hair of the goddess falls in bouffant and wavy locks which are identical. The Nike is also the same; the trophy pole is fitted with the same short crossbar, diagonally. Finally, one of these staters in the name of Alexander bears, on the reverse, the anchor, emblem of Seleucus. Silver coins are divided into two groups, depending on whether the Zeus on the reverse is aetophorous (Catal. n°5 4 to 22) or nicephore (Calal. n°s 23 to 32). If Hey's head raclès appears in law because Alexander regarded this god as one of the ancestors of the kings of Macedonia, Zeus aetophorus, on the reverse, is likewise a Macedonian souvenir nien: this is the image of the main statue of the famous temple of Pella, sanchissimum Jovis tempblum veterrimæ Macedonum religionis, known as Justin’. Pella, the capital of Phi- lippe, was located in the region of Boltiaei, and hence the Zeus of Pella is generally called Zeus Bottiaeos. Alexander, who had for this old divinity national a special cult, and which made it the ordinary type of its silver coins, him built in Syria, at the foot of Mount Silpion, on the Orontes, a sanctuary called Bot- tiacon*. It is around this sanctuary that Seleucus Nicator later founded Antioch, in honor of his father Antiochus, and the new city always had in the vicinity of the temple of Zeus, a district called Bottiaea 3. That's it, more there are enough reasons to explain the presence of Zeus aetophorus or Bottiaeos on the coins of the founder of the Seleucid dynasty. Zeus Nicephorus is the type of the Olympian Zeus of Phidias; the little Nike he carries on his right hand, holds the crown made with the laurel of Delphi, which was custom of awarding to the winners of the Olympic games and whose use persisted to Rome. King Archelaus had established the cult of Zeus in Dium, his capital. Olympian as well as public games in his honor. We know to what extent Philippe wanted to take part in the Olympia games; he gave a great development lies to those of Dium. Alexander solemnly sacrificed to Olympian Zeus and celebrated bra of the Olympic games in Aegae, before starting the war against the Persians. Any- However, Olympian Zeus never appears on Alexander's coins. Seleucus Nicator and his successor Antiochus Soter (Cafal. n° 105) sometimes substitute Zeus Nicene- 1. Justin, XXIV, 2. 2. Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. I, p. 664; cf. Malala, Chronogr., p. 200, which attributes to Seleucus founding the temple of Zeus Bottiacos. 3. Malala, p. 200; Libanius, t. I.p. 297 (ed. Reiske). 4. Pliny, Hist, nat., XV, 127. s. Arrian, I, 11; Diod. Sic., XVII, 16; L. Muller, Numism. by Alexander, p. 10-11. 6. Plutarch, Alexander, 4; Justin, XII, 16.

XII INTRODUCTION phore to Zeus attophore on their coins imitated from those of Alexander, then this type of Zeus Nicephorus disappears from the series of Seleucid coins, only to make its reappearance only under Antiochus IV Epiphanes. The type of Zeus nicephorus is distinguished from the type of Zeus aetophorous only by the substitution of Nike for the eagle; this modification, which in no way affects the general aspect ral of the monetary type to which we have been accustomed since Alexander, finds its explanation- tion in a historical circumstance that we must report. Different testimonies from antiquity tell us that a statue of Zeus Nicene- phorus, copy of Zeus of Phidias, was consecrated by a king of Syria in the sanctuary from Daphne near Antioch; but these testimonies do not tell us the name of this king of Syria. Ammianus Marcellinus (XXII, 13, 1) mentions this statue of Zeus. Olympian to Daphne; Justin (XXXIX, 2, 5) also points it out and tells us that the little Victory that Zeus held on his hand was gold: solidum ex auro signum Victoriae. Jean Malala attributes to Diocletian the founding of the sanctuary of Zeus at Daphne; if there is no need to take into account this assertion of the Byzantine chronicler, Should we add greater faith to Ammienus Marcellin who honors this function? dation to Antiochus IV Epiphanes? Currencies allow us to decide the question in the negative sense, since Zeus Nicephorus appears on the coins of the kings of Syria from the time of Seleucus I Nicator. It was therefore this prince who erected the statue to Daphne of Zeus Nicephorus, copy of the masterpiece of Phidias, and it is perhaps because of this fact that the Seleucia inscription gives the nickname Zeus Nicator to Seleucus. If we now observe that the type of Zeus Nicephorus is lacking on the coins of the kings of Syria after Antiochus I Soter until Antiochus IV Epiphanes, we will easily conclude that Ammienus Marcellin wanted to speak simply of a restoration of the statue of Olympian Zeus in Daphne. This restoration was without significant doubt, and could have been taken, later, for a true inauguration, because, at from Antiochus IV Epiphanes, the type of Olympian Zeus persists and replaces itself almost completely, on the coins, to the ordinary type of Apollo on the omphalos. We will come back later on this interesting type and on the modifications which he subsequently suffered. Whether Zeus is aetophorus or nicephorus, he offers on the coins of Seleucus I Nicator, as on those of Alexander, particularities whose details vary. He is seated on a throne which is sometimes without a back, and whose feet are sculpted with more or less elegance and research, depending on the workshops. His head is girded of a crown, undoubtedly the crown of the wild olive tree, xeruvos, which Phidias had given to his statue at Olympia; it is the same head, enlarged, which forms the type of law of currencies described under Nos. 64 to 77, and it is similar to that of tetra- drachmas of Philip, father of Alexander. The god has a completely bare torso, and his chlamyde is wrapped around its kidneys and legs. The eagle looks at Zeus; 1. Malala, Chronogr., p. 307., ed. from Bonn.

SELEUCUS I NICATOR XIII Nike presents him with a crown, while, on the coins of Elide of the type Zeus of Phidias, Nike, turning his back on the divinity, hands a crown to the vain- queer of the games. The god's scepter is topped with a blooming lotus flower. By- times, as on the coins of Alexander, Zeus has his feet on a scabellum (Catal. Nos. 6 and 7); sometimes, he has the right foot placed in front of the left foot, or it is the opposite, and the right foot is brought back. These differences, which can be used vir to characterize workshops, attest in our eyes that the type of the statue was inter- loaned and not slavishly copied by the engravers of monetary coins. The bronze pieces of Seleucus Nicator, which we have placed in the group coins whose types recall those of Alexander, offer this singularity that they are more closely related to Alexander's gold coins than to his bronze coinage. The bronzes of Alexander have varied types: head of Hera- keys, of Athena, of Apollo, of Poseidon, Macedonian shield, to the right; horse, Nike, bow, bow and club, on the reverse. No wonder these guys were not adopted by Seleucus. Indeed, the bronzes of Alexander were struck in Macedonia; they did not, like all bronze coins in general, only restricted and local circulation. The strike of the autonomous chalques continued, after the Macedonian conquest, even in cities where silver coinage self- name was replaced by tetradrachms and drachmas in the name of Alexander. He there is no bronze coinage that Alexander imposed on his entire empire: local bronze species remain everywhere. This is why the bronze coins of Alexander are purely Macedonian and, not having circulated in the East, they were not copied or imitated by either the Seleucids or the Lagids. However, it is enough to compare the golden staters of Alexander or those of Seleucus to the same types (Cafal. n°5 1, 2 and 3), with the bronzes that we classify here (Catal. nes 33 to 41), to realize that these chalques belong to the same period and to the same currency group. The only differences that can be noted are only secondary modifications, introduced with the aim of distinguishing the corners of gold from those of bronze. So, instead of a trophy pole, Nike is holding a palm, or she places her hand on her shield resting on the ground next to her; sometimes also, Victory crowns the very name of Seleucus inscribed in front her, a curious peculiarity that we will often encounter later, and that we have also reported in other monetary series, notably those of the kings of Cappadocia and Bithynia. IT. — The conography of Seleucus T Nicator. Among the coins of Seleucus, there are a certain number which, wrongly or reason, can be said to represent the features of the king himself. These are the following:

XIV INTRODUCTION To. — Double gold stater, with a hairless head topped with the skin of an elephant (see above, Introd. p. v, fig. 2). B. — Tetradrachm and small divisions in silver, with a hairless capped head of the horned helmet (Catal. n°5 42 to 45). C. — Golden stater, with a diademed head decorated with large bull horns reau (Catal. no. 54). D. — Bronze coins with a facing bust, diademed, the forehead decorated with large bull horns (Catal. no. 63 *). | E. — Tetradrachm in the name of Antiochus I Soter, with a decorated old man's head of bull's horns folded forward. F. — Drachma in the name of Antiochus I Soter, with an old man's head decorated with large bull horns 5. G. — Tetradrachm and drachma, in the name of Antioehus I Soter, with a head of old man, without the bull's horns (Cafal. n°$ 100 and 107). H. — Tetradrachm of Philetarius, the founder of the dynasty of the kings of Pergamum +. From an iconographic point of view, these currencies are divided into several groups who do not appear, at first glance, to have a very close connection between them. This is due, on the one hand, to the fact that Seleucus lived to a very old age: at the death of Alexander he was barely thirty-three years old, and he died at 75; this also comes from the fact that, among these monetary effhgies, some represent the real traits of Seleucus, different periods of his long career, while the others give a portrait idealized and deified, or even the effigy of Alexander, On the double gold stater (A) the hairless head to which Mr. Six conjectured turally the name of Seleucuse, could only be the head of Alexander deified. Indeed, the coinage was minted before Seleucus was king, and it is unlikely that the satrap of Babylon had dared to do what Alexander himself had not done, place his portrait on coins; secondly, the bronze pieces which have the same head and which we cited above (p. v, fig. 4 and 5) prove, by their legend AAEZANAPOY, that we are indeed in the presence of one of the many idealized portraits by which Alexander was represented. Finally, there is, like us have already said, a very characteristic analogy between the facial features of this cfiigy and those which are given in the effigy of the first coins of Ptolemy Soter, king of Egypt, and if we easily understand that the latter adopted the type idealized of Alexander, it would not be possible to explain why he would have placed on his coins the iconic type of his neighbor, friend or rival, Seleucus. 1. See also Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, pl. XXVIIL, 1 (British Museum catal.), 2. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 423 et pl. H, 10; Numismatic Chronicle, 1883, pl. IV, 1, and 1886, pl. XI, 17. 3. Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greeks, p. 424 et pl. H, 17. 4. Imhoof-Blumer, Die Münxen der Dynastie von Pergamon, pl. I, 3. s. Clinton, Fasli hellenici, t. II, p. 300. 6. J. P. Six, The satrap Maxaios, in the Numismatic chronicle, 1884, p. 133.

SELEUCUS I NICATOR XV On the other hand, it is indeed the idealized portrait of Seleucus and not that of Alexander, which must be recognized on the stater designated under the letter C. The bronze coins D appear to us to represent the same head, only it is in profile on the stater, and face on bronze coins. In the British Museum Catalogue, this frontal head is called horned Dionysus, by Mr. Percy Gardner who recognizes yet clearly the features of Seleucus on the gold coin. It seems certain to us, of on the other hand, that, on the bronzes, the head is surrounded by a diadem as on the stater, and not a wreath of ivy as Mr. Gardner would have it; secondly, on the bronzes as on the stater, the head is decorated with bull's horns, straight, long and slender, while, when Dionysus is represented horned in the mythology figure, which is quite rare, its horns are stocky, short, emerging barely any hair, like the horns of the young satyrs his companions. We will add that, although Seleucus had, like Dionysus, conquered of India, none of its monetary types appears to relate to Dionysus ?. Finally, as far as we can judge, given the defective state of the copies hitherto known from the bronze coins in question, the facial features are the same as those of the golden stater effigy. If the pieces we have just examined bear the head of Seleucus, how admit that those which are designated under the letter B give the portrait of the same king? The features are younger and differ quite noticeably; we clearly see, in truth, a certain relationship between this effigy and the previous ones, in the forehead, the eyebrows, eyes, but the dissimilarity mainly concerns the lower part of the face. He would be unsatisfactory to attribute it to a difference in age or workshops, and we We will propose another simpler and more logical explanation. Compare this head with that of Heracles on the coins of Seleucus imitated from Alexander, and you will recognize that there are the greatest analogies between them, so that the head wearing the horned helmet can be said to represent the features of Seleucus approaching intentionally removed from the head which appears on the coins that we were accustomed to to see in circulation. We can here touch with our finger, so to speak, this emerged from a compromise between idealized monetary efligies and representing two different characters. The bull's horns given to Seleucus' helmet are the same as those which emerge from the temples of the king on the pieces of which we have spoken earlier. It is therefore the young and idealized head of Seleucus that we let's see here, and not that of Alexander which, when horned, is decorated with horns 1. See in particular L. Heuzey, Mission of Macedonia. p. 79-80; Fr. Lenormant in the Review archaeol, N. S. t. XXVIII (1874), p. 300 et seq., and art. Bacchus in the Dickionn. antiques gr. and Romans of Daremberg and Saglio, p. 631; Roscher, Ausfürl. Lexicon d. griech. Mythology, art, Dionysus. 2. However, see note r on page xxxr below. 3. According to Visconti (Greek Conogr., t. IT, p. 282, note), it is indeed the portrait of Seleucus seen from the front, which appears on the bronzes in question.

XVI INTRODUCTION of ram of Zeus Ammon whose son the Macedonian conqueror had proclaimed himself:. Seleucus' helmet is covered with the spotted skin of a panther, and it is also a panther skin that the king of Syria wears tied around his neck, at the place of the lion's skin of Heracles. The speckles of this skin as well as the claws of the animal leave no doubt on this point=. On rare tetradrachms (E) in the name of Antiochus I Soter and type of Apollo sitting on the omphalos, we see (fig. 6); a diademed old man's head, the forehead decorated with bull's horns brought back front and no longer straight as on the currencies we talked about more top : they run along the diadem and could appear strands of hair on of copies bad preserved. Although the pieces bear the legend BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY, one cannot fail to recognize the head of Seleucus in this horned effigy. Never Antiochus I Soter was only depicted with horns; In addition, facial features are significantly closer to those given to Seleucus on the stater gold of the horned type (C). We must therefore admit, with MM. Bunbury and Imhoof- Blumer, that Antiochus I Soter placed, on these tetradrachms, the deified head of JANINE his father Seleucus, just as Lysimachus adopted on his own mon- raise the head of Alexander with the horns of Ammon. It is obvious, moreover, as we will demonstrate later 4, that these {coins were issued during the lifetime of Seleucus, by his son Antiochus invested, from the year 293 BC. AD, from the govern- creation of the eastern provinces and the title of kings. The drachma F, which Mr. Imhoof-Blumer 6 made known, also gives the portrait of Seleucus, although struck in the name of Antiochus; here (fig. 7)7, the bull's horns are no longer folded forward, along the tiara, but straight and noted as on stater C. The comparison previous pieces with those of group G, leads us to conclude that these last, also hit under authority of Antiochus, like king 1. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 424-425. 2. Friedlaender and A. von Sallet wrongly say that the helmeted head of Seleucus is covered with a ox skin: claws can clearly be seen under Seleucus' neck. Das Koenigl. Munxkabinet, P. 123, no. 401. ; 3. According to Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, pl. II, fig. 10. 4. See below, in the reign of Antiochus I Soter, Introd., p. xxIx. s. Bunbury, in Numism. chronicle, 3rd ser. t. III (1883), p. 67 to 72, et pl. IV, fig. 1; cf. Imhoof- Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 423-424. 6. Greek coins, p. 424. 7. According to Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, pl. II, fig. 11.

SELEUCUS I NICATOR XVII associated with the throne, bear the effigy of Seleucus. The features of this head do not have moreover, no connection with the monetary effigy of Antiochus, so that ours attribution is indisputable despite the absence of horns. This portrait of aged Seleucus has a character of striking realism: it is perhaps the only true effigy and unaltered by deification, of the founder of the Syrian monarchy. To confirm this iconographic attribution, it will not be superfluous to observe that all the coins struck in the name of Antiochus, with the effigy, retorted or not, of Seleucus, bear mint marks, or have particular stylistic characters, which indicate that they were issued in Bactria or in the eastern regions that Seleucus had entrusted to his son. Finally, Mr. Imhoof-Blumer recognized the portrait of Seleucus on The Tetradrachms of Philetarius, the first king of Pergamum:. The monetary effigy of these medals is, in fact, the exact copy, except for the horns which are not reproduced, of the tetradrachm to the horned type of our group E?. There is nothing surprising that Philetarius struck coins with the deified effigy of Seleucus Nicator which he considered the xrisrs of his dynasty. According to Appian 3, the body of Seleucus dead was piously redeemed by Philetarius and burned in Pergamum with the greatest honors, and the ashes were sent by Philetarius to Antiochus who raised temples in memory of his divine father: the title of @eéç is given to Seleucus in an inscription published by M. Hirschfeld 4. The preceding observations can serve as a basis for criticism of monuments, foreign to numismatics, which various authors have considered as reproducing the features of Seleucus Nicator. Here is the list: | J. — Cameo from the Cabinet of Medals (Luynes collection). K. — Bronze statuette from the Naples Museum. L. — Bronze bust from the Villa Ercolanese. M. — Statue in Athens (monument of Antiochus Philopappos, from Commagene). N. — Marble head from the Munich Glyptothek. Literary testimonies inform us that many artists had reproduces the features of Seleucus Nicator. Lysippes, Bryaxes and Aristodemus 7 him had erected statues. Pausanias Ÿ points out a statue of Seleucus in Athens: he is perhaps the one that decorated the monument of Philopappos; according to the same author, the founder of the Syrian monarchy had an equestrian statue in Olympia”; 1. Imhoof-Blumer, Die Miünxen der Dynastie von Pergamon, p. 22; Greek coins, p. 423. 2. Prokesch-Osten had already noted this resemblance and made the connection, but he attributed the tetradrachm of Antiochus in the horned type, to Attalus I, king of Pergamum. See in the Archæol, Zeitung, 1867, p. 17. . Appian, Syriaca, 63. . Archæologische Zeilung, 1875, p. 26. . Loewy, Inc. Gr. Brit., n° 487. . Pliny, Hist. nat. XXXIV, 73; cf. Max. Eoger, in the Review of Greek Studies, 1889, p. 102. . Pliny, Hist, nat. XXXIV, 86. . Pausanias, l, 16,11! 9. Pausan., VI, 11, 1. BABELON, — Kings of Syria. He ON or To

XVIII INTRODUCTION another, in gold, is mentioned at Sigeium in Troad, in an inscription in the honor of his son Antiochus'. Still at the beginning of the Middle Ages, we could admire statues of Seleucus Nicator in Antioch * and even in Constanti- noples. Mr. Chabouillet has, not long ago, done justice to the attribution of the cameo of the Luynes collection and demonstrated that it did not rest on any solid foundation 4. There is also no longer any need to worry about the attribution previously proposed for the bronze statuette from the Naples Museum 5. The statue of Seleucus Nicator which adorned the famous monument of C. Julius C. f. Antiochus Philopappos, descendant of kings of Commagene, in Athens, is today destroyed. As for the bronze bust discovered at Herculaneum, and in which M. P. Wolters proposed to recognize | Seleucus Nicator, comparing it to the coins that we have designated under The letters E and H, this identification, without being devoid of plausibility, does not does not seem absolutely certain. Finally, the same scholar gave the name Antiochus I Soter to the marble head of the Munich Glyptothek, but this attribution does not seem to us to be possible maintained 7. If this marble head is a royal head, which nothing indicates, its features are rather closer to those of the aged Seleucus Nicator, as would tend to be demonstrate its comparison with the effigy of the currencies that we have designated under the letter G. IV. — The horned guys. We already know that, on quite a large number of Seleucus' coins, the Bull horns are given as an attribute, either to the royal effigy itself, either to his helmet, or finally to the horses or the elephants. What is the meaning and what are the origins of this emblem whose adaptation to Seleucus became so popular that the era of the Seleucids was called, in antiquity itself, the era of the horned? 1. In this decree it is decided to erect in the temple of Athena in Sigeium a golden equestrian statue Seleucus: ...etx0va ypuoñv ep” Irrou êv t@ ep@ tic “Aünväs. Boeckh. C. I. Gr. n° 3595, line 35. 2. Libanius, t. I, p. 307, ed. Reiske; Malala, Chronogr., p. 276 of the ed. from Bonn. This statue represents felt Seleucus with bull's horns on his temples. 3. Codinus, [lxpex6o)af, p. 27 of the ed. from Bonn; cf. P. Wolters, Beitræge zur griech. Ikonography, in the Bullettino dell Instituto archeol. Sexione romana, t. IV, p. 39 (1889). 4. Chabouillet, Study, on some cameos from the Cabinet of Medals, in the Archaeological Gazette, 1886, p. I4 et seq. s. Visconti, Greek Iconography, t. II, p. 280, note 3 and pl..40, n° 3 and 4. Clarac, Mus. of sculpt. t. V, pl. 840, no. 2113; Müller and Wieseler, Denkmeæler der alten Kunst, vol. I, pl. $0, #221 a; P. Wolters, op. cit. p. 35-37. 6. Th. Mommsen, in the Mittheilungen des deut, arch. Institutes of Afben, t. 1, p. 31. 7. P. Wolters, in the Archaeologische Zeitung, 1884, p. 157 to 162 et pl. XII. 8. Bernoulli (Ræmische Ikonographie, vol. I, p. 85) suggested recognizing a portrait of Marius there,

SELEUCUS I NICATOR XIX We know that among ancient oriental peoples, the horn was the emblem of strength material. There is no need to insist at length on this point: often, in biblical books, the word horn is used metaphorically to designate a king conqueror, the power of a nation, the muscular strength of a man; in the Assyrian sculptures, kings, warriors, genies which symbolize strength brutal, are wearing tiaras decorated with bull's horns, and certain deities Egyptians also have their heads armed with the same appendage. The Phoenician Astarte, according to Philo of Byblos, places bull's horns on his own head, like badge of royalty’, and the horns are given to a Phoenician deity on a currency of Rhosus?. In the pictorial language of the Orientals, the rays of the sun are sometimes called the horns of the sun, to indicate that they penetrate with force as the horn of an impetuous bull. Finally, let us recall the visions of the prophet Daniel, in which a two-horned ram represents the Medo-Persian empire (Dan. VIII, 20), the goat with a single horn is Alexander the Great (Dan. VIII, 21, 22), and the four horns that grow on the head of the goat, after its first and only horn was broken, are the four kings who succeed Alexander: Seleucus, Cas- zander, Lysimachus and Ptolemy. Among the Greeks, before Alexander, horns are exclusively a divine attribute: it is only to deities, never to living people, that horns are given of ram, of goat, of aegagre, of bull. Zeus Ammon, Dionysus, Apollo, lo, Hypnos, the Minotaur, Pan and the satyrs, the genies of the rivers, such as Achelous, the Strymon, the Gelas and most of the rivers of Sicily, these are the main deities which we find, in figurative mythology, represented with a human head, the forehead decorated with horns. | It was only after the death of Alexander, that is to say only after the invasion of Hellenism in Asia and when the reflex action of the Orient took place on the Greek mind, that we see horns given to human characters, and yet they are heroism. The first is Alexander, but the Macedonian conqueror was already dead and entered the divine world, because they are coins minted by Ptolemy Soter and by Lysimachus who give the idealized head of Alexander the ram's horns of Zeus Ammon. The figure of Alexander in this form became so popular that the The Koran still calls him Iskander dhoul carnain “Alexander with the two horns:”. It was at the same time that bull horns appeared as an attribute of monetary types of Seleucus Nicator, and it is manifest that this prince took the horns of bull to imitate Ptolemy and Lysimachus who had included on their coins the head of Alexander with the horns of a ram. The head of Seleucus, naked and diademed, is armed with long, straight and tapered horns which originate at the below the tiara (Catal. nos. $4 and 63). On coins struck in the name of An- 1. Fr. Lenormant, The Origins of History according to the Bible, t. I, p. 546. 2. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 440; Choice of monn. Greeks, pl. VIT, no. 223. 3. To. by Longpérier, Works, published by G. Schlumberger, t. He, p. 80, note.

XX INTRODUCTION tiochus I Soter, but with the effigy of Seleucus, his father, the horns given to the head naked and diademed of the latter, instead of being long and straight like the previous ones. teeth, are shorter, larger, directed forward and folded down on the dia- deme (see above, fig. 6).'. The same horns are given to the effigy of Demetrius Poliorcetes. On the medals where the head of Seleucus is helmeted, the horns straight and pointed no longer able to be attached to the temples, simply become an ornament of the royal helmet. These two bull horns, welded on each side of the helmet, have, from the point of view of form, no relation with the unique goat's horn which rises on the frontal of the Macedonian helmet, an ornament that we will see adopted by the kings of Syria Antiochus VI and Tryphon. There is more connection, under this point of view, between the helmet of Seleucus and that of Eucratides, king of Bactria, or the tiara of the first Arsacids; but the horns which adorn the helmet of Eucratides and the tiara These Parthian princes are very small. Furthermore, under the horns of Seleu- cus, we see bull's ears, which, on poorly preserved examples, we can- might be tempted to take them for small wings. Bull horns are not only given to the royal effigy and its helmet. The head of a horse with the same appendage is noticeable, either as a type main, or as an accessory symbol, on gold, silver and gold coins. bronze of Seleucus Nicator, and on a few rare pieces of his successors until Antiochus III the Great. It seems that on the golden stater of Andragoras, king of Bac- triane, the horses of the quadriga on the reverse are all equipped with bull's horns, and it The same is true of the horse ridden by Seleucus on the bronze in our Catalog No. 63. Much stranger still, the coins of Seleucus and Antiochus I Soter sometimes show us elephants adorned with bull's horns, distinct appendages- accused above the heads of the pachyderms, and it is impossible to take for any panache, or to confuse it with their trunk or their tusks. Under Seleucus Nicator, there are sometimes two, sometimes four horned elephants harnessed to the chariot of Athena Alkis. Elephants on the coins of kings after Antiochus I cease to be horned; finally, even on the pieces of the first two Seleucids, the Elephants do not always have horns. There must be a direct correlation between these various monetary types which carry the same decorative emblem, but it is difficult to demonstrate it clearly. Taking a general point of view, we can first admit that Seleucus I Nicator and Demetrius I Poliorcetes, both conquerors of Asia, wanted to conform to a previous oriental usage, taking as an emblem the horns of the tau- 1. Cf. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, pl. H, No. 10. 2. We said above that the horse's head with bull's horns appears as an emblem of Seleucus on coins in the name of Alexander (L. Muller. Numism. of Alexander, p. 31). But it’s sim- ply by monetary imitation that the same head of a horned horse appears on a Parthian coin attributed by Longpérier to Phraate I*', A, de Longpérier, Mémoire sur la chron. of the Arsacids, pl. U, 26. 3. Percy Gardner, in Num. Chronicle, N.S., t. XIX, p. 1 to 4.

SELEUCUS I NICATOR XXI water, symbol of strength, of conquering power. There is a passage in the Bible very curious relating to this use and this symbolism of the horns. It is said there that the King Zedekiah made himself iron horns to go and fight the king of Syria; I quote the translation of the Vulgate: Fecif sibi Sedecias filius Chanaana cornua ferrea et ai: Hæc says Dominus: his ventilabis Syriam*. It therefore seems that Seleucus and Demetrius, like Zedekiah, wanted to take the oriental emblem of material force. They were also keen, no doubt, not to let themselves be left behind by Lysimachus and Pto- Iémea who then inaugurated, on their coins, the type of the head of Alexander with the horn of Ammon. It was also at the same time that the cornucopia appears, for the first time in numismatics, on the coins of Ptolemy. In this vein, Seleucus will have placed the same bull's horns, as ornament, on the head of his horse and his elephants: his strength and his power relying mainly on its cavalry and war elephants. Is there a need for remember that he commanded Alexander's cavalry in chief and that his elephants enforced the title of elephantarch? These horns placed on his head, on his helmet, on his horse, on his elephants, would be in somehow, the insignia of his dignity and his command, at the same time as the emblems of his power. I don't think there is any point in thinking about the famous Indian bull of which these horns would be the emblem, because, although the Nandi bull plays an important role in the mythology of India, and we see it on the mon- Indo-Scythian nages contemporary with the beginning of our era, this bull never appears on Bactrian coins prior to this date, so that it is difficult to view these horns as a symbol of Bactria and India. We will also only mention in passing the opinion of the Byzantine rhetorician Libanius who claims that Seleucus would have adopted the bull's horns in memory of Io that the Argives had gone to look for in Asia, in Antioch itself:. An anecdote told by Pausanias and relating to Attalus, king of Pergamum, merits to be pointed out with more insistence, because it seems likely to contribute to explain the singular monetary symbol with which we are concerned here: Attalus is called son of a bull by the oracle of Delphi predicting the defeat of the Gauls: Taporuw Giorocpéos pÜhoy uidy.……. Iluidx DE eîme raioou toy év [leoyduw Basihebsavra Azrahov® Tôov dE adrov Tobrov xal Taupdxepwv mposelonxe td yonoTprovs. So curious whether this anedocte is compared to the effigy of Seleucus ruvodxeowv, it does not give us does not allow us to conclude that the king of Syria could believe himself, like Attalus, son of bull. For Attalus himself, the oracle is very obscure, because what was this bull whose is proclaimed the son? Could this be a roundabout way of designating Apollo, because of its famous altar, xepérivos Bouds, made from the horns of sacrificed bulls and goats at the sanctuary of Delos? Could it be, on the contrary, the mountain range which THREE XXII Tr. 2. Libanius, t. [. p. 307, ed. Reiïske. 3. Pausanias, X, 15, 3.

XXII INTRODUCTION travels through Asia Minor, Taurus, deified in the form of a bull because of his name? Libanius tells us, in fact, that the mountain of Taurus was represented in the form of a bronze bull: fouto yakxoüy rudoov xeyetpwmévos, nlodvros rù Coou Tù ouwvumou 0606". Other explanations have been proposed, even in antiquity, for the horns of Seleucus. Appian and Suidas after him, relate that one day Alexander was preparing to sacrifice a bull, when the animal escaped just as the victim was going slit his throat. Seleucus, who was present, rushed at the furious animal, seized it by the horns, and such was his muscular strength that he succeeded in defeating him. It is for this reason, add these two authors, that Seleucus has, in his statues, his forehead decorated with horns#, It is obvious that such an explanation was concocted after the fact, perhaps by Appian, to satisfy his curiosity, and it cannot have any real historical value. ric. Indeed, while it is possible that Seleucus included on some of his coins (Cafal. nes 86 to 96) the leaping and furious bull that he managed to tame, we cannot admit that, to celebrate this exploit worthy of Theseus, he saw fit to place the bull's horns on his own head, on those of his horse and his elephants. It was also said that Seleucus adorned himself with bull's horns to sit miler to Dionysus, in whose footsteps he had followed by conquering India. Alexander himself was compared to Dionysus when he subdued Bac- Triana and the Indus Valley, and we know that several of the Seleucid kings and lagides, as well as Antigone and her son Demetrius Poliorcetes, celebrated, at various times, great Dionysian pomp in which they liked to appear with the costume and attributes of Dionysus. It would therefore be like conqueror of the Bactria and India that Seleucus had himself represented as a horned Dionysus; and what seemed to corroborate this opinion, it was that we thought we recognized the bust itself of Dionysus, decorated with the same bull's horns, on bronzes of Seleucus. If this finding was positive, in fact, the question would be very close to being resolved, because it would necessarily be necessary to admit that Seleucus, by giving himself the same attribute, would have wanted to be assimilated to Dionysus. But, as we have seen, this so-called head retort of Dionysus is, despite its youthful character, only the idealized portrait of Seleucus himself, seen from the front instead of in profile as on the other medals where we recognize him. This is already, moreover, what Visconti thought. There is therefore no reason to rely on these medals to say that the horns assimilate the first of the Seleucids to Dionysus. To what we have already said to this In this regard, we will add that on the coins of the later kings of Syria, when Dionysus is the type, he never has the horns, any more than on the coins of 1. Libanius, t. I, p. 311. 2. Appian, Syriaca, 56. 3. Suidas, v° DéÀeuxoc. 4. Cf. Libanius, t. I, p. 307. 5 6. . Percy Gardner, Types of Greek coins, p. 196, pl. XIV, no. 11. Visconti, Jconogr. Greek, t. IT, p. 282, note.

SELEUCUS I NICATOR XXIII Bactria. Finally, why would bull's horns be given to horses? valleys and elephants? and how could it be that outside of these horns no no other Dionysian attribute was found on the coins of Seleucus, either than on the coins of Demetrius Poliorcetes? The question that concerns us changes its aspect if, leaving aside the effigy of Seleucus and the elephants, we consider exclusively the horned horse. Two opinions are present: some want to recognize in this horned horse, the famous horse of Alexander, Bucephalus, whose name etymologically means head of bull: Haym *? appears to have been the promoter of this ingenious conjecture, accepted by the Duke of Luynes:, Charles Lenormant and others 4. Some people think, on the contrary, that the horned horse is the horse of Seleucus. himself, and there is precisely, in the life of Seleucus, a circumstance which would explain the monetary honors given to this horse. When, in 316, Seleucus satrap was fleeing from Antigone, the latter almost surprised him in Babylon, his capital; the future king of Syria owed his salvation only to the speed of his mount, and later, Seleucus immortalized this horse by having him breed, in Antioch, a statue that we still saw, according to Malala, in the time of Justinian. This statue consisted only of a horse's head and a golden helmet, yalux xeprXñc Imrou xal xuoolda xepoucomévny rhnsiov, with an inscription attesting to the service reported delivered to Seleucus by the intrepid couriers; an engraved stone published by Th. Cadès, reproduces this helmet and this horse's head 6. It is therefore possible that it is the very image of this statue which forms the type of coins. This opinion, defended by Visconti, Ottfried Muller, Ludwig Muller and others 7, seems to confirm highlighted by the bronze piece (Catal. no. 63) where we see Seleucus fighting on a horse armed with bull's horns 8. 1. We will point out here two coins which could perhaps belong to Seleucus I, but which are attributed to Seleucus IT by Percy Gardner (The Seleucid kings of Syria, p. 109, no. 27 a) and by Imhoof- Blumer (Greek Monn., p. 428 n° 45 and 46): these bronze pieces have, on the right, the head of Dionysus facing forward, and on the reverse, an elephant. The head of Dionysus is not horned. 2. Haym, Thesauro Britannico, t. IT, p. 20 (1772 ed.). 3. Luynes, in the Annali dell Instituto arch. di Roma, 1837, t. XIII (1841), p. 165 to 169. 4. Ch. Lenormant, in the Treasure of Numismatics, Greek Kings, p. 84. See also Imhoof-Blumer and FE Thier und Effenxen Bilder, p. 12. . Exo!noe dt 6 aûros Déheuxos xp0 tic roheue Tépav Tù T0TaL0 &\ ko &yakua meal | (Hole rot xxa0tda OR E rhnslov, éntypdhas êv aütroïs” ’Eo’ 0 quywv 6 Hékeuxos toy ’Avttyovov dueswôn" at brootpébas Éxetlev avetkey toy. Malala, p. 202 (Bonn ed.). 6. Bullettino dell’Instituto arch. di Roma, 1831, p. 111 (Impronte gemmarie, cent. IT, n° 73). 7. Visconti, Iconogr. Greek, t. II, p. 283; O. Muller, Antig. Antioch. p. 41-42, note 1; L. [Muller, Alexander's Numismatics, p. 311, note; O. Muller and Wieseler, Denkmeler, t. 1, pl. XLIX, m; Fr. Lenormant, Money in Antiquity, t. III, p. 88-80. 8. This type must be compared to another very curious bronze piece, published by Mr. Imhoof-Blumer, and here is the description : Head of one of the Dioscuri, wearing a conical laureate cap, right. Behind, the mongr. No. 28 RL. BAZIAEQNZ ZEAEYKOY. Horse seen half-length and leaping right; he is bridled and has bull's horns. In front, the mongr. No. 20. This bronze is part of the Kremer collection, in Vienna (Imhoof-Blumer, in the Numism. Zeitschrift, t. XVI, 1884, p. 292, No. 145). Another poorly preserved copy had already been published previously by Mr. Imhoof in his Greek coins, p. 471, no. 77, and Choice, pl. VIII, 247.

XXIV INTRODUCTION Those who claim to recognize Alexander's famous horse on coins of Seleucus, support their opinion with arguments that deserve to be taken into consideration. First of all, the name Bucephalus means bull festival, which could allude to a horse whose head is decorated with horns. Ancient authors do not agree to explain the origin of this name to us. singular given to Alexander's horse, Some say that his name was Bucephalus because of the width of his forehead: Exaleïro dE Bouxepdhus amd Tù rAdrous Tù merorou, said Strabo:. This testimony is perhaps not as vain as one might think. first of all, because, even today, the Arabs consider the best for racing and war those horses whose forehead is broad like that of the bull: they have horns, say the Arabs when speaking of their best steeds 5. Is there not a curious connection to be made between this Arabic saying and the legend on Bucephalus which Strabo echoed? Arrien claims, on the other hand, that the name Bucephalus was given to the horse of Alexander because this horse, with black hair, had a spot in the middle of its forehead white which took the shape of a bull's head. The Great Etymological (w° Bouxépalos) in turn relates another equally probable tradition. He says, according to Aristophanes (Nub., I, 1), that certain Thessalian horses are called Bouxépalor, and his testimony is illuminated by that of Pliny who tells us that Bucé- phale was so named either because of its fierce appearance, or because it was washed marked with the imprint of a bull's head on the shoulder {ab insigni taurini capitis armo impressi) +. He adds that Bucephalus was purchased, at the price of thirteen talents, from the stud farm by Philonicus of Pharsalus. We actually know that in the stud farms of the Anti- equity as in those of today, a mark was printed on the horses particular, either their name, or a letter, or any symbol; for example, horses marked with an X were called cauapdou, those with a K were named xomruriai; finally those who had the description of an ox's head were called Bouxéoælo. We could therefore believe that this is the true explanation from the name given to Alexander's horse : it seems confirmed by the currencies Macedonian paintings from the Roman era, which represent Alexander taming Buce- phale, because the horse, on these coins, is never depicted with horns. Bucephalus is also devoid of this emblematic ornament on the famous medallions of the tré- out of Tarsus, on the Pompeian mosaic which represents Alexander and Darius at the battle of Issus, finally in the equestrian statue of Alexander in the Naples museum. However, the Great Etymologist also says that Alexander decorated with golden horns the head of his horse; one could, because of the preceding observations, disdain 1. Etymolog. Magnum. p. 207, ed. Gaisford. 2. Strabo, XV, 1, 20. 3. Piétrement, Horses in prehistoric and historical times, p. 458; General Daumas, The horses of the Sahara, p. 52 to 55, 66 to 68, 170 and 273. (3rd ed.) 4. Pliny, Hist, nat, VIII, 64, 42.

SELEUCUS I NICATOR XXIV ignore this new assertion from a lexicographer of the low times, and consider it as invented after the fact, if the representations of Bucephalus that we have just cited were not all taken from monuments of Macedonia or the West, while that coins which have the horned horse as a type or as a symbol access evening, are struck exclusively, not in the western provinces of the empire of Seleucus, not even in Antioch where the famous statue was located described by Malala, but in the eastern provinces, in Babylonia, Bactria and in India, that is to say, if not in the city of Bucephalia itself, at least in the region where this city was founded by Alexander in honor of his horse killed by Porus, and where, therefore, Bucephalus' fame was most popular. Legend, in these remote and barbarous countries, perhaps gave this horse bull's horns, because of the etymology of its name. Finally, doesn’t the type of this war horse have its reason for being on currencies? of Seleucus, who, during the lifetime of Alexander, distinguished himself at the head of the cavalry in the battles which took place in Bactria and India? Notice that the head horned horse is found not only on the coins of Seleucus Nicator, but also on those of Antiochus I Soter, of Antiochus IT Theos, of Antiochus III the Large and even those of some later Seleucid kings. No other horse that Bucephalus gave rise, in antiquity, to a fairly popular and fairly persistent so that its image continued on the currencies for several generations. Lysippus had made the bronze statue of Bucephalus, as we know takes Stace: : Alexander's horse had therefore been immortalized by art just as that of Seleucus. When we finally recall that, according to Pliny, there existed among the Ethiopians, a species of winged horses armed with horns, we will have grouped almost all the testimonies of antiquity that can be invoked to explain the singular emblem of Seleucus, his horse and his elephants. But, as we saw it, these testimonies are in disagreement, and it would seem imprudent to me to take gone for one to the detriment of the others. It is only for memory and without searching to establish a connection which escapes us, that we will cite the currencies of Elagabalus on which this Syrian emperor is represented with his forehead equipped with horns 5, finally, the Roman coins of Gordian the Pious and Valerian struck in Syria, with the inscription: CORNV PHENICES#. 1. Stace, Sylu., I, 1, 84 et seq. According to this passage, the statue of Bucephalus appears to have been transported in Rome, 2. Pliny, Hist. nat., VIII, 21. 3. H. Cohen, Descr. coins minted under the Roman Empire, t. IV, p. 329 (2nd ed.). 4. Numismatic Chronicle, N.S., t. VII (1872), p. 69 at 7x and p. 221.

XXVI INTRODUCTION V. — Athena Alkis. When Alexander was proclaimed, by the confederated Greeks, leader of the expedition against the Persians, he adopted on his coins, as a guarantee of success, the type of the statue of Athena Promachos of Phidias, whose erection on the acropolis of Athens had took place at the expense of the whole of Greece, in memory of the victory of Marathon. It's the head of this bronze colossus which is reproduced on the right of gold coins of Alexander r: we find, consequently, this same head of the Athëna Proma- echoes of Athens on the gold and bronze coins of Seleucus I Nicator and An- tiochus I Soter minted at limitation of Alexander's gold coins. But, in addition to this head of Athena Promachos, the coins of Seleucus give us show two other types of Athena: Athena striking down from the top of a chariot war led by four or two horned elephants (Cafal. n°s 64 to 77) and Athena thundering, standing (Catal. nes 78 to 85)2. Athena thundering from the top of a biga or a quadriga of elephants does not meet against that on the coins of Seleucus I Nicator, whose conquests it recalls in India, but Athena standing, and not in a chariot, is a type which is not rare in numismatics. The first time we see it appear is on tetra- Ptolemy drachmas Soter struck before year 306, again with the legend AAEZANAPOY or AAE=ZANAPEION TITOAEMAIOY. We find this guy on the coins of the Seleucids long after Seleucus I, on the Macedo- niennes of Antigone Gonatas and Philip V, then on the coins of Pyrrhus, the Thessalian league, of Syracuse in the time of Pyrrhus5. We can still note on pieces from Corinth, Troezene, Delphi, Elatea, Athens. Everywhere, the archaic style of this figure, its posture marked with stiffness, its himation passed over his shoulders and falling on each side in straight folds which widen lie at the end, clearly indicate that we are in the presence of the reproduction of an ancient work of sculpture: it is the image of a venerated deity already existed for centuries in the time of Ptolemy and Seleucus. There was in Pella, capital of Macedonia and birthplace of Alexander the Grand and Seleucus’, a venerated sanctuary of warrior Athena, protector of Per- Seea and Heracles, the ancestors of the royal race; this is the reproduction of the statue 1. Ch. Lenormant, in the Annali dell’Instituto arch. di Roma, t. XIX (1847), p. 359-363; on the head of the Athena Promachos, see especially K. Lange, in the Archæol. Zeitung, 1881, p. 196 et seq.; Max. Collignon, Phidias, p. 14 to 17. 2. In Mionnet and many other authors, this Athena is described, wrongly, as brandishing the spear and not lightning. 3. B. Head, Coinage of Syracuse, in Numism. Chronicle, N.S. t. XIV, p. 56-58. 4. See P. Gardner and Imhoof-Blumer, Numism. Commentary on Pausanias, passim. 5. Malala, p. 203.

SELEUCUS I NICATOR XXVII archaic of the temple of Pella which seems to have as a type the coins that we have just listed. This type of the Macedonian Athena was adopted by a certain number of kings succeeding Alexander, as a national tradition to which they liked to attach themselves, as the symbol of sovereignty over Macedonia, country which was always the object of the desires of those of these princes who aspired to the universal domination that Alexander had. This explains the presence of this same type on currencies so diverse and belonging to such varied countries. As for the very sanctuary of Pella and the deity who was worshiped there as the protective goddess of Macedonia, we know very little about them. The name of this warrior goddess has only been preserved for us by Livy. (XLII, 51) who, recounting the fight of Perseus against the Romans, says in speaking of this prince: “Ipse centum hostiis sacrificio regaliter Minervae quam vocant Alcidem, confecto, cum purpuratorum et satellitum manu profectus Citium est. » This name of Axis, derived from 'xx, fight, is undoubtedly the same as 'xxluayn, which fights valiantly, an epithet given to Athena by the poets. Axis is therefore a nickname synonymous with roduuyos, under which the Athena of Athens was designated. The same divinity receives the name of Alalkomenia in the Boeotian city of the same name, those from Sfenias to Troezène and from Crania to Thebes?. Lightning is the characteristic attribute of Athena Alkiss, and it distinguishes her from PAthena Promachos of Athens who fights with the spear. Malalat mentions to Antioch a bronze statue of Athena Do6equoi, the terrible: it is undoubtedly the sur- name that Athena Alkis received in Antioch. This statue was, with that of Zeus Cerau- nios, transported from Antioch in Rome, in the time of Pompeies. VIS — Elephants. On a number of silver and bronze coins of Seleucus I Nicator we see: an elephant's head, a single elephant, a quadriga or a big elephant horned phants dragging Athena's war chariot. The elephant also appears on the coins of other Seleucids, and this animal became the emblem of this dynasty. tie, almost in the same way as the anchor or Apollo on the omphalos. We cannot hesitate to recognize, with Eckhel®, in these monetary types, a memory of the conquests of Seleucus in India, an allusion to the troops of elephants Indians that he had in his army and who, more than once, decided the victory in 1. B. Head, Coinage of Syracuse, in Numism. Chronicle, N.S., t. XIV, p. 56-58. 2. Gerhard, Griechische Mythologie, $255; Roscher, Ausf. Lexicon d. Mythology, w° Athena. 3. C£. Æschyle, Ewmenides, 817; Euripides, Troades, 80: epot (to Athena) GE Ouiser onot (Les) rdo LEPAUVLOV. 4. Malala, p. 201. 5. O. Muller, Antig. Anhoch., p. 41, note. 6. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p. 212.

XXVIII INTRODUCTION his favor. Seleucus only triumphed at Ipsus (in 301 BC), thanks to his elephants, and a little later, it was also these animals which gave Antiochus Soter victory over the Galatians. The kings of India defeated by Seleucus had armies whose main force resided in elephants, and we know the custom of the Indians of going to war or of advancing in triumphant pomp phale mounted on these animals. Justin (XV, 4) relates that Sandracottus, at the time where he was preparing to resist Seleucus, saw a gigantic elephant coming towards him and fierce who, by a miracle, suddenly became very gentle and offered himself to carry the king and lead him into battle. We will not go so far as to conjecture that it is the Elephant extraordinary of Sandracottus, elephantus ferus infinite magnitudinis, following the expression sion of Justin, which is reproduced on the coins of Seleucus Nicator, but we will recall the treaty to which we have already alluded, and by which Seleucus married the daughter of Sandracottus who at the same time gave him a herd of five hundred elephants. Seleucus never ceased to have a corps of elephants in his armies, if although, in the Diet of Corinth in 303 BC. B.C., Demetrius Poliorcetes awarded him by irony the title of elephantarch (EXngavraoynv)?. It was, moreover, the conquests of Alexander in India which had revealed to the Greeks took all the advantage they could get from the elephant in war, and the historians of Alexander report various anecdotes which attest to how much the imagination of Greeks had been struck by the sight of these large pachyderms on which the features had no grip. After defeating and taking Porus prisoner, Alexander devoted Crad to the Sun the Elephant who served as a mount for the unfortunate Indian king. He him imposed the name of Ajax, covered it with sumptuous ornaments and garnished its defenses golden rings on which this inscription was engraved: Alexander, son of Zeus, offers at Solal this elephants. In Alexander's procession returning to Babylon, there were several hundred elephants, and the conqueror gloried in possessing these animals. evils which he employed to make his court more imposing. We even believe that he made his entry into Babylon on a chariot pulled by elephants. In any case, these were elephants which appeared in his funeral procession and which brought back his body in Egypt. Conqueror of India, Seleucus undoubtedly had to, in imitation of Alexander, return in Babylon surrounded by triumphal pomp, and mounted on a chariot drawn by the most beautiful Sandracottus elephants. There was in Antioch the portico of elephants, rerpämuloy tüv elepdvrwvs, so called, doubtless, because it was decorated bas-reliefs or statues representing these animals. In war, to give the elephants a more terrible appearance, they appear gold. . Strabo, XV, p. 724: . Plutarch, Demetrius, 25 . . Armandi, History of Elephants, p. 4x. . Armandi, op. cit. p. 44-45; Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, trans. Bouché-Leclercq, t. He, p. 103. S. Malala, p. 328, attributes the construction of this portico to Diocletian; but this is an assertion erroneous as there are so many in the compilation of the Byzantine chronograph. ER & D H

SELEUCUS I NICATOR XXIX vivid and bizarre developments; their foreheads and legs were painted in various colors. ears; plumes were attached to them, and on Roman coins we see sometimes elephants with a bell in their hearts. Often they were also covered with metal plates, what we see on the coins of Caesar struck in commemoration moration of the battle of Thapsus. Steel points were adapted to their defenses, said Arrian; pikes were attached to their chests and trunks; don't we let us therefore not be surprised to see bull's horns attached to their heads, the emblem of material strength. The historian of war elephants, Mr. Armandi, after highlighting the par- essential particularities which distinguish the Asian elephant (elephas indicus) from the elephant African (elephas capensis) from a naturalistic point of view, notes that the latter appears almost exclusively on Roman coins, and we recognize this by the scale of its ears and the prominence of its forehead, while it is the Asian elephant, used in the wars of Alexander and his successors in the East, which is seen on Seleucid coins: he has a flatter forehead and shorter ears than the African elephant. VII. — Victory. The type of Victory appears several times on the coins of Seleucus Nicator; Nike sometimes crowns a trophy whose support is an olive trunk (Catal. n°5 42 to 47 and 98 bis), sometimes Seleucus himself (Cafal. n° $3), sometimes the word ZEAEYKOY of the legend (Cafal. n°$ 33 et seq.); elsewhere, she holds the shield of Seleucus marked with an anchor (Cafal. n° 41); once, finally, she is depicted without wings, perhaps by negligence of the monetary engraver (Cafal. n° 98 bis), From the point of view plastic, there is an interesting relationship to point out between the Nike crowning a tro- phée of pieces n° 42 et seq., and the Nike finishing erecting a trophy which we see on the tetradrachms of Agathocles, king of Syracuse, struck at the same time: let us remember on this occasion, that Agathocles began in 306, to limit the Diadoques, to inscribe his name on his coins, which he had not dared to do until then3. For a long time we have noticed the relationship of certain Sicilian monetary types with those of Ptolemy Soter, king of Egypt+: the same connection can be established between Sicilian coins and certain types adopted by Seleucus or his predecessors. my successors. What is the military success alluded to by these Nike types crowning a trophy, the king, or even just the word ZEAEYKOY? Seleucus won 1. E. Babelon, Coins of the Roman Republic, t. T, pp. 263 273 and 274. 2. Armandi, History of Elephants, p. 169-170. 3. Barclay Head, Coinage of Syracuse, p. 46 et seq. ; cf. Percy Gardner, Types of Greek coins, pl. XI, A21ctipls XIV re 4. Duke of Luynes, in the Annali dell’Instituto arch. di Roma, t. XIII, 1841, p. 299.

XXX INTRODUCTION so many brilliant victories that we can only make conjectures on this point; moreover, the different types that we are considering probably do not relate not to the same triumph of the king of Syria. The famous battle of Gaza, in 312, which determines the starting point of the Seleucid era, must be remembered by coins of the type of Nike, because it was on his occasion that Seleucus was saluted with the title of Nicator, and Justin says that the king of Syria was in this circumstance victor viclo- rum:. Seleucus again triumphed with particular brilliance in 307, at the battle of Ipsus which had enormous consequences for him, because it gave him the greatest part of Asia Minor and rid him of Antigone. It is said that Demetrius Poliorcetes, the son of Antigone, who was defeated with his father that day, had, before the battle, a vision in which Alexander appeared to him. The shadow of the hero having asked for the watchword of his army: “Zeus and Nike,” replied Demetrius, and there- above, Alexander declared that he was going to pass among the enemies whom these divinities favored. were laughing?. Ÿ could there be any connection between this legend and the types of Zeus and Nike on the coins of Seleucus? On certain pieces (Cafal. n° 46 and 47), we see, at the foot of the trophy, a head of wild boar. This symbol could, at first glance, appear to recall either the jaw of the boar of Calydon which appears on the coins of Antiochus I Soter and on those of the kings of Macedonia, or the legend of Adonis killed by a wild boar in Phenicia, near of Byblos. This is not the case: this boar's head seems to us to receive its explanation. tion of a legend told by Malalas. The Byzantine chronograph reports that when Seleucus Nicator wanted to found Laodicea on the sea, he questioned the gods and offered a sacrifice to know the location of the future city. An eagle swooped suddenly from the air on the altar, seizes a scrap of the victim's flesh, then flew away. Seleucus, having set out in pursuit of the predatory bird, encountered a huge boar which he had to fight vigorously and which he killed with a spear. The blood of the boar marked the center of the new city. It is undoubtedly the head of this animal which appears, at the foot of the trophy, on the coins which, if we admit this explanation, must have been struck at Laodicea. VIII. — The Dioscuri. * The head of the Cabiri or Dioscuri on the coins of the Seleucids, and in particular particularly, on those of Seleucus Nicator, is difficult to explain. However, we can in a general way, to account for it by the extraordinary extension that had taken the cult of the Cabires in the century of Alexander. Philip of Macedonia is initiated 1. Justin, XVII, 2; Amm,. Marcellin, XXII, 16. 2. Cf. Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. II, p. 500. 3. Malala, p. 202-203.

SELEUCUS I NICATOR XXXI to the mysteries of the gods of Samothrace:; Lysimachus takes their temple under his pro- special protection: ; all kings send gifts to this famous sanctuary, asylum inviolable; Arsinoë Philadelphus, Ptolemy Philometor and Perseus, the last king of Macedonia, come in turn to seek asylum from political misfortune, and numerous inscriptions attest to us that pilgrims coming from Syria and Asia Minor, as well as from Greece, flocked to Samothrace. However, we should be careful not to believe that the coins of Seleucus with the head Dioscuri or Cabiri were struck at Samothrace or Lemnos, when Seleucus, towards the end of his career, had the desire to seize the throne of Mace- doine. These are coins issued, for the most part, in Syria, as much as possible. judge by their style; it is therefore appropriate to recognize there, not precisely the gods of Samothrace, but the Phoenician Kabirim, associated, moreover, from the time of Alexander, to the Cabiris of Samothrace and Lemnos, and symbolized, like them, in the zodiacal constellation Gemini. The Phoenician Cabiris, originally eight in number, but reduced to two in the cult of the Greco-Roman era, passed, like the Dioscuri with whom they were assimilated, to protect the ships buckets on seas. Also, these Savior gods form the type of coins of Bery- tus and Tripolis. A tetradrachm without a city name, attributed by Eckhel to Tripo- lily, shows the two Cabires-Dioscuri, standing facing each other, their heads surmounted by a star, and accompanied by the very significant legend KABEIPON ZYPION+. It is the head of these Syrian Cabiris that we see on the coins of Seleucus Nicator, and which we will often encounter in the rest of our catalog. Polybius; informs us that in the time of Antiochus III the Great, there was, on the Orontes, near Seleucia, a temple of the Dioscuri (Atosxoÿpov): this sanctuary had probably was probably founded, like the city itself, by Seleucus Nicator. The kings of Syria helped to propagate the cult of the Syrian Cabiris until in the most remote provinces of their empire; hence why the Cabires appear on the coins of Bactria from the reign of Eucratides, and they are also seen on bronzes attributed by Longpérier to Phraates Ieré, On these coins Bactrian and Parthian, as also on a bronze of Seleucus, they appear mounted on their horses Xanthus and Cillarus, and galloping, spear in hand; this is how They also show us the funds of the Roman Republic. They appear to us will still ride on horseback, lance at rest, on the beautiful tetradrachms of Antiochus VI Dionysus?. t. Plutarch, Alexander, 2, 2. {nscription published in the Monatsberichte of the Academy of Berlin, 1855, p. 623. 3. Fr. Lenormant, The Origins of History, t. 1, p. 15953 cf. art. Cabiri in the Dict. ants. gr. and rom. from Datemberg and Saglio; Teohari Antonescu, Cultul Cabirilor in Dacia, p.132 (8vo, Bucharest, 1889). 4. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet. t. III, p. 374. s- Polybius, V, 60, 4. 6. A. de Longpérier, Memoir on the chronology of the Arsacid Parthian kings, pl. IF, n° 24 and 25. 7. To the coins which appear in our Catalogue, it is appropriate to add mainly the two following bronzes: Adjoining busts of the Dioscuri, left. BL. BAZIAEQZ ZEAEYKOY. Head

XXXII INTRODUCTION IX. — The zebu (bos indicus). The horned bull, which is often, in numismatics, the personification rivers, forms the type of some bronze coins of Seleucus, where it represents sente, according to Eckhel”, the bull tamed by the future king of Syria, during the sacrifice of Alexander. We should perhaps stick to Eckhel's opinion, based on the anecdote narrated by Appian, Aelian and other Byzantine authors?, and to which we have alluded to above. However, this story of Seleucus slaying the tau- water that was going to be immolated and that had escaped by breaking its bonds, is it really authentic, and is it not one of those apocryphal tales imagined after the fact, by flattery? In this hypothesis, we could see in this zebu (the bos indicus naturalists) a new memory of the conquests of Seleucus in India: it would be the image of the famous Nandi bull, personification of India like the elephants. Other conjectures more likely can also be proposed. By example, we know from Libanius 3, that the city of Antioch was decorated with a statue bronze representing the king taming a bull: we saw above, this monument ment was raised, according to the Byzantine rhetorician, in honor of Mount Taurus expurgated from the thieves by Seleucus. It is undoubtedly the proximity of this statue which gave the Tauriana name was attached to one of the city gates in Roman times. Is he therefore paradoxical to suppose that the bull of the coins of Seleucus could be the emblem of the deified Mount Taurus? The same humped ox also forms, either at rest, or horned and leaping, the type of a large number of coins of the cities in Asia Minor where it could often have the same meaning. Isn't this also an opportunity to recall here the important place occupied by the cow? lo in the traditions and worship of Antioch? According to a legend preserved by Malala, lo, having fled from Egypt where reigned Hermes who had outraged her, took refuge in Syria near Mount Silpion, the same place where, later, Seleucus Nicator was to found the great Antioch. This is where Io died. The Argives having started to his search landed in Syria; They were wandering on the mountain when they heard elephant, right. Æ18 mill. (Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings, pl. II, 10). — Adjoining heads of the Dios= cures, right. R£. Same leg. The Dioscuri on horseback galloping, right. In the field, To. Æ 15.mill. 2 gr. 60 (Imhoof-Blumer, in the Numism. Zeitschrift, vol. XVI, p. 292, n° 147). Mr. Imhoof pro- poses to attribute this last medal to Seleucus IT. Moreover, our dichalcum n° so is also classified by Mr. Percy Gardner in Seleucus IT (The Seleucid Kings, pl. VI, 11). 1. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vel., t. III, p. 213. 2. Appian, Syr. 57; Ael., V. H. XII, 16; Libanius, t. I, p. 301 (ed. Reïske); Codinus, ITapex6ohat, p. 27. 3. Libanius, t. I, p. 311. 4. O. Muller, Antiquil. Antioch., p. 62. s. Malala, p. 28, (Bonn ed.): Devyer éxetdey ént thv Euplav elç T0 DArov Ôpos,

SELEUCUS I NICATOR XXXIII a heifer who cried with a human voice: It is I who am Jo, etux &yd à ‘lé. The lo's tomb was on the Silpion; there the Argives built a temple and a city which they called lopolis: the inhabitants of this district of Antioch, said Malala, are still called “lovirar today. If we report this fable, it is especially because the cow or ox head which appears on the reverse of one of our bronzes (Catal. n° $2) have the greatest analogy with the type of coins of the island of Euboea and Gortyn of Crete, on which we cannot refuse, because of the local traditions, to recognize the head of the cow lo. X. — The head of Medusa. This type (Cafal. n° 87 to 96) was once taken, by Eckhelr, for the winged head of Seleucus; Mionnet and others after him fell into the same error, although Visconti would however have noted and refuted it*, by giving an explanation of this gorgonium. tion which, although disdained by everyone, seems very rational to us. The head of Medusa is, according to him, an allusion to the very foundation of Antioch: “A _ hill, he said, included within the walls of this capital, and which was called the mount Silpius, carried an ancient altar said to have been raised by Perseus in honor of Jupiter. ter his father, when this hero returned from his expedition against the Gorgons. Seleucus founded a temple of Jupiter Botticen, venerated by the Macedonians, in the same place where once Perseus, this demigod of Greece, had left a monument of his passage and built a temple. So I think that these medals (to the type of the head of Medusa) relate to the tradition that I have just reported, and that they have were struck at Antioch. » The fable of Perseus and Andromeda also takes place on the coast of Syria: it is Joppa that Perseus frees Andromeda by killing the sea monster that was going to devour her. Perseus and Medusa play a role in the legendary origins of Antioch and cities of Lycaonia, Isauria, Cilicia, notably Iconium and Tarsus. Persia itself received its name from Perseus who, it is said, invented the cult of fire, and whose the descendants, following a tradition reported by Malala4, reigned for a long time in Babylon. Thus, few myths were as popular in Syria and Cilicia as that of Perseus and the head of Medusa, and this is enough to explain the presence of the Gorgonian mask on the coins of Seleucus Nicator. From an artistic point of view, we can notice with M. J. Six', that the head of Medusa of the coins of Seleucus is linked to an ideal which is distinguished by its elegant style, correction and regularity of the face of the Medusa, succeeding the . Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. III, p. 213. . Visconti, Iconogr. Greek, t. II, pp. 281 and 282. . Malala, Chronogr., p. 199 of the ed. from Bonn. . Malala, Chronogr., p. 39. . Janus Six, From Gorgon, pp. 72 and 88. BABELON. — Kings of Syria. III A R WW D H

XXXIV INTRODUCTION grimacing and monstrous figures from the time before Alexander. The big one marble head from the Munich Museum, known as Medusa Rondanini, appears to be the most important replica of the unknown work which created this new type calf in ancient art. The type of the Chalci Medusa of Seleucus Nicator is reproduced on the funds of the Roman Republic minted by L. Cossutius Sabula; we also often find the type on engraved stones. XI. — The head of Apollo. Seleucus Nicator inaugurated the cult of Apollo in Syria; we already know the reasons of divine paternity which justify the presence of the emblems of this division nity on the coins of the founder of the Syrian monarchy. Let's limit ourselves to rap- note here that in year 13 of the Seleucids (300 BC), Seleucus consecrated the wood sacred of Daphne, near Antioch, to Apollo and Artemis, and which he had executed by Bryaxis a colossal statue of Pythian Apollo or Musagetes. The Apollo of coins Seleucidian is rurpüos, apynyérns, that is to say the first ancestor of the race royal. The cult with which Seleucus honored him in this capacity only developed under his successors, and this zeal for Apollo is manifested not only in Daphne, but in all the famous sanctuaries of the god. Seleucus and Queen Stratonice make rich present at Delos; the crown that adorned the forehead of Apollo Délien was offered by Stratonice and it was decorated with a precious stone (èu mécwt cépètov Eywv); we have found at Delos the base of a statue of the queen of Syria, executed by an artist from name of Teletimos, undoubtedly on the occasion of the offerings made by Seleucus and Stra- tonice, during their marriage in the year 300:. If we compare the head of Apollo from the coins of Seleucus with that which appears on the staters of Philip of Macedonia, father of Alexander, we will see between them a certain relationship: the Macedonian type seems to have served as a model for the type Syrian. However, on Philippe's pieces, the hair is always cut short on the nape of the neck, while the coins of Seleucus show us the hair arranged in wavy braids falling over the shoulders. Mr. Percy Gardner; believes that, when the head of Apollo, on the bronzes of the first Seleucids, has hair raised and rolled up on the back of the neck, these coins do not predate the reign of Seleucus IT. This theory is too absolute; in fact, from the reign of Antiochus I Soter at least, appears the figure of Apollo seated on the omphalos, and despite the smallness of the monetary type, it is easy to see that the hair of the god is always there rolled up into a bun at the nape of the neck. The Apollo Musagète of Bryaxis also has the hairs A want to be noted in the same way (Catal. no. 547). It is therefore necessary to resort to a 1. See E, Babelon, Le Cabinet des Antiques à la Bibliothèque Nationale, p. 103. 2. Th. Homolle, in Bull. of corr. bell., t. VI (1882), pp. 127 and 158; t. XII (1888), p. 421. 3. The Seleucid Kings of Syria (Catal. of the British Museum, Introd., p, xvinr).

SELEUCUS I NICATOR XXXIV another criterion to distribute among the various kings who bore the name of Seleucus, bronze coins that their legend or type do not allow to be classified strictly to this or that of these princes. It is also important to note that the type of Apollo seated on the omphalos appears to have been inaugurated, on the coins of the kings of Syria, from the reign of Seleucus Nicator. Mr. Percy Gardner: actually attributes to this prince a small bronze which has this type on the reverse, while the right bears the hairless head of Heracles topped with the lion skin. Although the piece in question was born from the legend BAZIAEQZ ZEAEYKOY, it seems to be classified as Seleucus Nicator rather than a another of the first three Seleucus. Furthermore, one of the coins of Antiochus, like viceroy of the eastern provinces, also has the reverse Apollo on the omphalos (above, p. XVI, fig. 6), and this coin must have been struck before the death of Seleucus of which it bears the horned effigy. Despite these examples, we will soon see that the type of Apollo seated on the omphalos begins to become truly popular and national only under the reign of Antiochus I Soter. XII. — The monetary workshops of Seleucus Nicator. The empire of Seleucus, which was originally limited to the satrapy of Babylon and to the provinces of Upper Asia conquered by Alexander, expanded after the battle of Ipsus, in 301, of all Syria, Cilicia and part of Phenicia including some cities, however, continued to be contested by Ptolemy. This empire soon became the greatest of all those which had formed from the dislocation bred from that of Alexander; it extended from Bactria and Sogdiana to than on the coast of Phoenicia, and from the Paropamisus chain to the central plains trales of Phrygia where it bordered on the kingdom of Lysimachus. It was divided into seventy-two satrapies all of which, undoubtedly, had one or more workshops monetary. After Seleucus installed his son as viceroy of the eastern provinces, he found a way to expand further in the West. When he had taken Sardis and he had defeated Lysimachus, at the battle of Corupedion, in 282, the king of Syria found himself master of all Asia Minor, and dreaming of conquering Thrace and Macedonia. Therefore, he went to Europe where, moreover, he soon died. Seleucus Nicator was therefore king for a quarter of a century, and his authority extended, at the end of his reign, from the banks of the Indus to the Hellespont which he crossed even, and from the desert of Arabia and the gates of Egypt to the mouth by PHalys. The immensity of this empire, the diversity of peoples subject to the same yoke, the more or less advanced degree of intellectual or artistic culture of each of them, explain as much as the long duration of the reign, the diversity of style in the coins of Seleucus and, with the multiplicity of workshops, the difficulty of assigning to 1. The Seleucid Kings of Syria, pl. IT, fig. S.

XXXVI INTRODUCTION each one has its own products. This difficulty, which we will encounter approximately at same degree for most of the reigns of the Syrian monarchy, makes it highly conjectural tural the attribution to homonymous princes, of a few silver coins and a large number of bronze pieces of more banal types, of a more relaxed style and, therefore, less easy to specify chronologically and geographically. Seleucus founded a large number of new cities to which he granted, at less for some, monetary rights; he built sixteen Antiochs, five Laodicea, nine Seleucias, three Apameas, one Stratonicea and twenty other colonies Greeks. The cities which previously minted royal coins in the name of Alexander, had no reason, in general, to see their monetary hotel closed under the rule of Seleucus. There are therefore a considerable number of places of issue, and these workshops necessarily placed their special, mono- gram, letter or symbol, on their products. The magistrates responsible for minting species also had to sign the parts manufactured during the duration of their functions. tions. The successive emissions were, no doubt, differentiated by a sign whatever. b Dr. : : k 0 conch. Finally, other particularities could still appear on the pieces, dates of year or month, monogram or initial of the satrap governor. We understand thus the multiplicity of letters, monograms or symbols which appear on the species, the ease with which they can often allow themselves to be explained in a any way, at the same time as the difficulty, not to say the impossibility lity, to prove an even plausible interpretation. However, we can arrive at the demonstration of certain facts and attributions. positive tions. For example, the gold coins of Seleucus Nicator (Catal. nos x, 2 and 3) were surely struck at Ace (Ptolemais), as we have already done come out. The staters of the same types from the British Museum also appear to come from the same pharmacy, so that it is possible to believe that Acé was, if not the workshop unique, at least the main workshop where the gold coins of Seleucus were minted to the types of Alexander. A number of the silver coins of Seleucus Nicator bear the same monetary marks as coins in the name of Alexander. So it is, for example, of those (Cafal. n° 6, 7 and 8) which have the protome of a drinking horse and the anchor, in symbol*. It is recognized that the entire horse is the symbol of the workshop from Alexandria Troas; the half-horse, on the contrary, is the mark of Larissa of Syria, city which had immense stud farms and whose autonomous currencies are of the type a horse lowering its head to drink. If we say that this horse is represented felt drinking, in Alexandria Troas and Larissa, while most of the authors Paissant say, it is to conform to an opinion first formulated by the 1. Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. II, p. 702. 2. L. Muller, Numism. by Alexander, p. 290, n°% 1350 and 1355. aa ot cin L t cr RE E btt

SELEUCUS I NICATOR XXXVII Duke of Luynes:, then, more explicitly by Duchalais who demonstrated that it is, in this representation, of Pegasus without wings drinking from the Peirène fountain, at the foot of Acrocorinth, at the moment when Bellerophon comes to surprise him and tame?. The grazing horse would have no mythological significance, while The flightless Pegasus trained by Bellerophon is a suitable emblem for the beggar steeds from the stud farms of Troad or Syria. The bull's head seen from the front (Catal. No. 9) represents a workshop that we do not miss. Let's determine. On the coins of Alexander, we find the same symbol, but without bandages and with a lowered horn; he then designates Assos in Mysia, or the Phocis, or Nisyros on the island of Rhodes5. The bull's head from the front and decorated with strips, forms the type of the autonomous currencies of Phocis and the island of Euboea, country where the tetradrachm of Seleucus could have been struck, its style appearing European. The radiated head of the Sun (Catal. No. 10), which we find identical on coins of Philip II of Macedonia +, of Alexander and of Philip Arrhidef, designates a uncertain workshop, but probably located in a region that Phi already owned Lippe of Macedonia. Muller hesitantly suggests southern Thrace, or even Lycia, but in the latter case, it would be necessary to distract the coins of Philip. Tetradrachms No. 11 and 12 certainly came from the Sidé workshop in Pamphylia, characterized by the symbol of the head of Athena. The beautiful coins silver from this city have the type of an identical head, which is still found in symbol on tetradrachms of Philetarius, king of Pergamum, also struck in Side. The symbol of the dolphin (Cafal. nos. 13 to 16) is obviously that of a city maritime, and the style of the pieces seems to designate Thrace; the same brand is on coins of Alexander classified as uncertain from Thrace, Macedonia and Thessaly. The bee, on tetradrachm no. 74, seems to designate the at- link of Ephesus. We can, with no less certainty, affirm that No. 17 is made in Syria : his monogram (n° 21) can be seen on pieces of Alexander minted in Sidon?. Monogram No. 22, composed of the letters Al more or less close together and confused, as well as the mongr. n° 59 and 156, are very common on coins of the kings of Syria, but they do not have the same meaning everywhere. We find them particularly rement on coins minted in the eastern provinces where they can recall either the workshop of Dionysopolis at the foot of Paropamisus, or that of Nyssa (Nisha- . Numismatic studies on some types relating to the culle of Hécale, p. 70. . Duchalais, in the Revue numismatique 1849, p. 183-186: . L. Muller, Numismatics of Alexander, n° 750, 1168 and 1169. . L. Muller, op. cit., no. 265. . L. Muller, op. cit., n° 1541 to 1543. . L. Muller, op. cit., n°5 116 and 117. . Imhoof Blumer, Die Münxen der Dynastie von Pergamon, p. 16. . L. Muller, op. eyelashes, p. 190. . L. Muller, op. cit., no. 1412. © OI At & w D H

XXXVIIT INTRODUCTION for) in Khorasan*. They perhaps designate Diospolis, on coins with the name of Alexander and on the coins of the kings of Syria which could not be struck in the Upper Asia?. In no case can we think of the initials of the month Dios, under pretext that this month was the first of the year in the Seleucid era: fashion Parthia to place the names of the months on the coins was never taken by the kings from Syria. The letters Al are still found, but with a completely different meaning without no doubt, on coins of the kings of Egypt and Macedonia. As long as the letters ZI are positively the initials of the workshop of Sidon on the coins of Alexander, the letters PA on our tetradrachm No. 19, made in Syria, could represent the town of Raphia or that of Raphanea. The monograph. No. 25 which we find on a tetradrachm (Cafal. No. 20), is seen in Mesembria on coins of Alexander 5, and the monogr. No. 30 meets against with the name of Alexander in Coœla+. Finally we will point out, in passing, on our tetradrachm No. 215, the two countermarks from the Callatia workshop; we found identical on a tetradrachm of Alexander kept in the Cabinet of France. The type of Zeus Nicephorus (Cafal. n°5 23 to 22) does not appear to have been used in outside Syria, because all the coins which bear it are of Syrian manufacture. No. 5 23 to 25 were struck in Laodicea on the sea; the coins of Alexander from of this workshop sometimes bear the No mark that we find on the parts of Seleucus. The symbol of Laodicea is the Stephanephoric Victory: it is engraved in the reverse field on Alexander's coins, but it changes place on the coins of Seleucus, and it is placed on the hand of Zeus, We do not know how to explain the numerous isolated letters, nor even the BEA groups (Cafal. n° 26); KP (Cat. No. 30); APX°, AB’, AZŸ, which we note on certain coins from Seleucus to Alexandrian types; but we cannot know certainly, admit with Mr. Percy Gardner, that the isolated letter K designates the year 20 (293 BC): no date appears on the coins of the kings of Syria before the end of the reign of Antiochus III. We will also return later to the interpretation of a certain number of monograms, and we will find that some, at least, are clearly dence of city names. And since this is so, how is it that, on the 1. Percy Gardner, in Numism. chronicle, N.S, t. XIX, p. 12; H. Howorth, in Numism. chron- Nice, 1888, p. 293-299. See below, p. XXXIX. 2. L. Muller, op. cit., no. 1486; Madden, Coinage of the Jews (2nd ed.), p. 51. 3. L. Muller, op. cif., no. 472. 4. L. Muller, op. cil., n° 374. S. See also a drachma of Seleucus with the same countermarks: Wiczay, Mus. Hedervar, t.I, n° $557, and Friedlaender, in the Zeit. für Numism., t. IV, p. 340. 6. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings, p. 2, no. 16. The letters APX were once taken for a monetary artist name. Mr. A. von Sallet noted this error (Die Kunstlerinschriften, p. 14.) 7. Percy Gardner, loc. cit., no. 20. 8. Percy Gardner, loc, cit., n° 21. The letters AZ perhaps designate Ascalon.

ANTIOCHUS I SOTER XXXIX coins of Seleucus and his first successors, we do not succeed in recognizing born the monograms of important cities like Antioch, Babylon, Tarsus and so many others who, certainly, had monetary workshops? There is a riddle there which we may never succeed in explaining. ANTIOCHUS I SOTER Being of the Sel. 31 to 51 (281 to 261 BC) I. — Antiochus associated with the throne by his father. For twelve years, from 293 to 281 BC. BC, Antiochus I Soter, associated with throne by his father, reigned in this capacity over the eastern provinces of the Syrian monarchy where he minted currency, both in his name and in the name of Seleucus. Blood ties also linked Antiochus to the regions of the Upper Asia. His mother was Apama, daughter of the Sogdian leader Spitamenes, whom Seleucus had married during the festivals celebrated by Alexander, at Susa, in the spring of 324 BC. Antiochus having fallen in love with his mother-in-law, Stratonice, daughter of Demc- trius Poliorcetes, Seleucus voluntarily ceded his wife to his son, with the government ment of Iranian Asia and the title of king. The young prince was around 31 years old when he began to reign over a country whose separatist tendencies should not not delay in bringing about the dismemberment of the Seleucid empire. The coins minted by Antiochus in his government of Upper Asia, are distinguished by their dry style, their edge with sharp and non-rounded edges, their flat blank: they therefore resemble, from this point of view, the coins of Seleucus as satrap of Babylon. For types, they are closely related to coins of Seleucus king. We find there, in fact, the head of Zeus, such as we We encountered it on the coins of the founder of the dynasty, Athena fighting from the top of his bigus or his quadriga of horned elephants, the head of Seleucus himself even, the horse's head bridled and decorated with bull's horns; there are also pieces with the head of Heracles and Zeus actophorus or nicephorus, types which are to us already familiar. A certain number of these currencies bear, as different, the letter A or one of the monograms n®% 22, 59 and 156, all of which include the letter A or the letters Al. Mr. Percy Gardner proposed to recognize the initials or the monogram of the city of Dionysopolis or Nysa, located in the chain of 1. Arrian, VII 4; she was not the daughter of Artabaze, as Strabo says. See Droysen, His. of Hellenism, trans. Bouché-Leclercq, t. I, p. 577, note.

XL INTRODUCTION Paropamisus, near Caboul:. But Mr. Howorth has, more recently, attempted to demonstrate that it is, on the contrary, Dionysopolis or Nyssa, the main city of Khorasan, of which Antiochus would have made his capital and which, under the name of Nisha- for, remained very important until the Muslim conquest’. A serious objection that we can make to one or the other of these attributions is that the mono- grams in question are no longer found on the coins of the kings of Bactria, independent from the reign of Antiochus II, although the two cities of Dionysopolis of which we are told, would have counted among the most considerable of the new kingdom, and would incontestably have continued to have a monetary workshop. The medals of Seleucus and associated Antiochus present certain difficulties from the point of view of legends and from the iconographic point of view. The legends form the following three categories: 1. BAZIAENZ ZEAEYKOY ANTIOXOY (Cafal. No. 99):. 2. BAZIAEQNZ ANTIOXOY ZEAEYKOY. 3. BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY (Cufal. n° 100 and 101). The first legend meets not only on our tetradrachm No. 99, but on a drachma (fig. 8) published by Mr. Percy Gardner4. The second is read on a tetradrachm which bears, on the right, the head of Heracles wearing a lion's skin, and on the reverse, Zeus aetophorus (fig. 9)5. A > As we can see, the first groups with the coins of Se- leucus Nicator. Also, there is no place to think of interpreting the first legend by coin of king Seleucus son Fig. 9. of Antiochus, and to give, in conse- quence, these pieces to Seleucus IT. Despite the singularity, it is undoubtedly necessary translate: currency of kings Seleucus and Antiochus. This interpretation is, moreover, theirs, accepted by Mr. Percy Gardner who abandoned the first hypothesis, after to have it admitted for a moment; the barbarity of the minting of these coins explains the irregularity grammaticality of the legend. Coins that only have BAZIAEQNZ ANTIOXOY present difficulties . Percy Gardner, in Numism. chronicle, N. S. (1879) t. XIX, p. 12. H. Howorth, in Numism. chronicle, 3rd series (1888), p. 293-299. See above, p. XXXVIT. See Numism. chronicle, N. S. t. XIX (1879), p. 10, pl. I, fig. 4. Num. chronicle, N. S. t. XX, (1880) p. 189-190 et pl. K, fig. 3. . Num. chronicle, N.S. t. XX, p. 189 et pl. X, fig. 2. . Num, chronicle, N. S. t. XX, p. 189-190. or EE w D H types directly relate these two df to î Lie Er he AAdv

ANTIOCHUS I SOTER XLII cults of another order. In addition to the two pieces which appear in our catalog (nos 100 and 101), the following currencies take their place in this group: 1. Tetradrachm bearing, on the right, the head of Seleucus decorated with the horns of a bull reels folded forward, and on the reverse, Apollo seated on the omphalos, holding his bow with the right hand (see above, p. xvi, fig. 6). 2. Drachma having, on the right, the head of Seleucus decorated with the horns of a bull, long and raised, and on the reverse, the head of a horned horse. (See above, p. xvr, fig. 7.) 3. Dichalcum having, on the right, the bust of a horned horse and, on the reverse, an anchor. In the field, the monogram no. 48. Æ 27 mill., 16 gr. 407. It will be noted that this bronze piece, which does not have the royal effigy, is of the same types as the dichalcum in the name of Seleucus, described under No. $9 of our catalog?. As we saw above, the effigy of medals nos. r and 2 is that of Seleucus Elderly Nicator; the presence of bull's horns proves it, despite the legend BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY. However, the same portrait appears on the pieces of our catalog. log nos. 100 and 101; the only difference consists in the absence of the horns. We thus accounts for the reasons which led us to give the royal effigy the name of Seleucus, and to consider these coins as struck in Bactria, by Antiochus associated with the throne during his father's lifetime. We hesitated for a long time to classify Antiochus II Theos of the coins which we will see later (see p. LvrI1) and which were minted in Bactria like the previous ones. The monetary effigy alone guided us in this attribution: it indeed gives the impression of the physiognomy of most of the medals of Antiochus IT. This is the solution we have thought we had to stop, while recognizing that it would perhaps not be prohibited to recognize, on these pieces, the portrait of Antiochus I, still young as he con- comes to the viceroy of the Eastern provinces. The time has come to report the coins of Bactria, in the name of the king Agathocles, who bear the head of Antiochus I Soter with the singular legend ANTIOXOY NIKATOPOZ. Agathocles and Antimachus, whose reigns can be placed, with plausibility, in the time of Antiochus IT and Antiochus IT, had them struck, on a certain number of their coins, commemorative types, recalling the name and the features of princes who had reigned before them over Bactria. So, on these curious pieces, we have, on the reverse, the legend BAZIAEYONTOZ ANTIMAXOY @EOY, or else BAZIAEYONTOZ ATAOSOKAEOYZ AIKAIOY, and the right is one of the following: 1. Imhoof Blumer, in Numism. Zeitschrift of Vienna, t. XVI, p. 292. 2. I even encountered on a copy in the name of Seleucus which belongs to M. Feuardent, the same monogr. (n° 48) than on the Antiochus coin. It is therefore obvious that these coins were struck in the same workshop; and this workshop was certainly in Bactria, because the mongr. No. 48 is very common on the coins of the Bactrian kings from Euthydemus I.

XLII INTRODUCTION 1. AAEZANAPOY TOY HDIAITITMOY. Head of Heracles wearing the skin of lion, as on the coins of Alexander the Great. 2. ANTIOXOY NIKATOPOZ. Diademed head of Seleucus Nicator, 3. AIOAOTOY ZATHPOZ. Head of Diodotus. 4. EYOYAHMOY GEOY. Head of Euthydemus. The types are, on the right and on the reverse, imitated from the coins of the deceased princes whose memory Agathocles and Antimachus wanted to recall. The currency reproduces picked here (fig. ro): with ANTIOXOY NIKATOPOZ worn, on the reverse, in addition to the caption BAZIAEYONTOZ AFAOOKAEOY2Z AIKAIOY; the type of Zeus standing, thundering, with an eagle at his side feet, a type already adopted by Dio- dowry after Antiochus II Theos. But whose portrait is that @" appears on this piece, and that if- A.O. signifies this singular legend ANTIOXOY NIKATOPOZ? M.Droysen supposes that Antiochus TOMOENTEY IT the Great bore the nickname of Nicator, and that it is this prince who is designated on Bactrian coins. Mr. de Sallet believes that it is rather Antiochus II Theos5. The proposed system by Mr. Droysen would force us to admit that Agathocles recalled in his plays the memory of a prince who not only never reigned over Bactria. but which, on the contrary, must always have been odious to this country, because Antiochus II, in his expeditions to the Orient, never ceased to cherish the hope of reestablishing in his primitive limits the Syrian monarchy; Mr. Droysen#, it is true, supposes, but by a hypothesis which has no basis other than a worthless assertion from Malala, and the medals under discussion themselves, that Agathocles recognized himself as vassal of the king of Syria. It’s a question of principle. Did Alexander, Diodotus and Euthydemus, whose names appear on the coins of Agathocles and Antimachus, in the same way than that of Antiochus, can be considered as overlords with respect to the two Bactrian kings? obviously not. Mr. de Sallet's system would be more rational nel, considering Antiochus II Theos as the first effective king of Bactria. But I cannot admit it, because of the title of Micalor which this 1. Cunningham, in Numism. Chronicle, N.S. t. VIII (1868) pl. X; P. Gardner, in Num. chron. N.S. t. XX, p. 183-185; To. von Sallet, Die Nachfolger Alexanders, p. 15; Zeit. for Numisma- tik, t. VI (1879), p. 177, pl. V, 9; Percy Gardner, The coins of the Greek and Scythic Kings of Bactria (British Museum catalog), Introd. p. xxvinr, et pl. IV, no. "7, 2 and 3, and pl. XXX, n° $ and 6: 2. Unique copy, from the collection of General Cunningham. 3. Time. fur Numism. t. VI, p. 18r et seq.; Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, trans. Bouché-Leclerq, t. IL, p. 357-358. 4. Droysen, Hist. from Hellen., t, TT, p. 440, footnote 2,

ANTIOCHUS I SOTER XLITII prince. On the other hand, let us not forget that it is against this prince that the Bactrians are are revolted : they should not, therefore, cherish later his memory. Finally, he was never proper king of Bactria, this province being simply a portion of his empire. The only Antiochus who was actually king of this country, is Antiochus I Soter who legitimately bore this title during the lifetime of Seleucus I Nicator his father. : Also, we think that the singular legend ANTIOXOY NIKATOPOZ designates Antiochus I Soter who was king of the eastern provinces before Diodotus in proclaimed complete emancipation. As for the title of Nicator given to this prince and which only belongs to his father, we will simply recognize a epigraphic witness to the confusion which, for the Bactrians of the time of Agathocles and Antimachus, must have resulted from the coinage of Antiochus as viceroy, in the name of his father, and who already provides, himself, the unusual legends that we have examined undermined just now. IT. — Apollo seated on the omphalos. Apart from the coins, to the types of Alexander, who have Zeus nicephorus or aetophorer, the constant reverse of the silver coins of Antiochus I Soter is Apollo seated on the omphalos. The god is represented entirely naked, in an attitude familiar to ancient art and which brings to mind another contemporary monetary type: Apollo seated on the bow of a ship, on the reverse of the beautiful tetradrachms of Antigone Gonatas or Antigone Doson:. Like the Hermes at rest in the Naples Museum and like many other statues 3, he brings his left arm behind him, and his right foot is placed behind the left foot. The chlamys of the god is placed on the omphalos; Apollo is seated on it, and one end of the drapery is folded over its right thigh. His left hand rests on his bow, one of the ends of which rests on the ground. His right hand stretched forward, holds an arrow which seems directed towards the earth, and Apollo looks at it in such a way that he seems in some way to study it rectitude and meditate on the accuracy of the shot he could shoot with it. Sometimes, and quite exceptionally, Apollo holds in his hand a bundle of three arrows (Catal. No. 150)4. His head is surrounded by a laurel wreath; her hair, arranged in the archaic manner, are rolled up on the nape of the neck where they form a thick bun; calamistrized locks fall on the shoulders. So here we have a reminiscence 1. See an important supplement of these coins, in Imhoof Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 422- 423, n°% 7 to 12. No. r2 is a drachma in the type of Zeus Nicephorus. 2. These tetradrachms have also been attributed to Antigone, king of Asia. See J. P. Six, in Numism. chronicle, N. S. t. VIII, p. 117, note. 3. We will cite only two marble statues representing Apollo himself seated and holding his lyre. Overbeck, Kunstmythologie. Apollo. Atlas, pl. XXII, fig. 37 and 38. 4. Cf. the catalog of the British Museum, pl. IT, fig. 6.

XLIV INTRODUCTION niscence of the archaic style, and it is indisputable that this monetary type is inspired. of a statue of the old school. The omphalos on which Apollo is seated was an ovoid stone, made of marble. white, covered with a network (rè äypnvev); well minted and good coins conservation shows us the large meshes made of woolen cords. Other representations, foreign to numismatics:, show us that Pompha- los could also be crowned with laurel (fig. 172), or else have its summit garnished with a drapery cut into fringes which shine around the stone like rays; the omphalos is said, in this case, reruvwmmeévos. A vase painting shows us this having entirely in the shape of an egg placed on a pedestal tal provided with an armature which resembles the chalice of a flower. These different clothes respond obviously to symbolic and mystical ideas. Regarding the network of strips of wool, it is the defensive weapon of Zeus, it is a sort of protective aegis trice. In addition, the agrenon, remarks K. Boœætticher in a special study#, was used badge of dignity to the prophets and augurs of Apollo. It was the emblem of their functions; Pollux attests to this when, after having defined it for us, a fabric of reticulated wool, he adds that the soothsayer Teiresias wore it to prophesy : "Aypnvév rè D’ nv mAsyua &Ë éplwv dixruddec mepl nüv T0 ca à T’erpectx me6dAeTo rue AG pavrwG 6, The agrenon was therefore an aegis, an apotropaion, and it is for this we will find, later, the strip of wool (oréuux) surrounding the head of the kings of Syria in place of the traditional garnet: this cord was, in in a way, the summary of the divine aegis protecting the king, son of Apollo. It would be out of place to recall the legends to which lomphalos from the temple of Delphi. We will only point out the tradition reported by the scoliast of Pindar who tells that Zeus, wanting to fix the center of the world, sent an eagle to the east, and another to the west, and the two birds having made an evocation complete solution met at the oracle of Apollo, at Delphi, where they were raised golden statues7. Hence it is that, on an electrum stater of Cyzicus, we see the ompha- 1. See in particular a vase painting, in the Reports of the Soc. arch. from St. Petersburg, 1861, pl. IV; O. Muller and Wieseler, Denkmæler der alt. Kunsk, t. I, pl. XI, 41; XII, 47; t. LL, pl. XII, 135-137; XII, 148; LVIIL, 742, etc.; Baumeister, Denkmæler, p. 1009, fig. 1215 and p. 1118, fig. 1315; Conze, Beitræge zur Geschichte der griech. Plastic, pl. 3 to 7; Ch. Waldstein, in the Journal of bel- Lenic Studies, I, pl. 4, 5. 2. According to a painted vase published in the Comptes-rendus de la Soc. arch. from St. Petersburg, 1861, pl. IV. 3. Annali dell Instit. arch. di Roma, 1868, tab. of age. E. 4. Karl Bœtticher, Der Omphalos des Zeus zu Delphi, Winckelmannsfest zu Berlin, 1859, in-4°. See also on the omphalos a note by J. de Witte in the Annali dell’Instit. arch. di Roma, t. 19th (1850), p. 418, note 2. 6. Pollux, IV, 116. 7. “Evôa rot ppuoéwv Atos ant@v répeôcos. Pind., Pyéb. IV, 4. is And th To

ANTIOCHUS I SOTER XLIV los de Delphi between two eagles. By the will of Zeus, loupalds yñs is the attribute of Apollo who comes to rest there from his fatigue, after his victory over the serpent Python. It is as son of Zeus Moiragetes and executor of his decrees that Apollo Pythian sits on the sacred stone which was considered the navel of the world?. In memory of the mythical traditions to which we have just alluded, a gigantic statue of Apollo on the omphalos was erected in the temple of Delphi. Diodorus of Sicily speaks of a bronze colossus 5, and Pausanias, who gives this colossus the name of Apollo Sitalcas, says that he was thirty-five cubits high, That's all What do literary testimonies tell us about this statue, erected in the year 346? av. BC by the council of the Delphic Amphictyons, on the occasion of the peace between undermined the second sacred war against the Phocians, and in favor of which the oracle of Delphi was restored. But numismatics makes up for the laconicism of the authors. We struck, in the same circumstance, in memory of the inauguration of the statue, a magnificent medal with the legend AMDIKTYONON, which represents Apollo seated on the omphalos, but in a costume and with attributes quite different from those which are given to the type of Syrian coins, The god, crowned with laurel, is dressed in the chiton talaire and leaning with his left arm on his lyre placed on the ground, his hand rows born under his chin; in his right hand he holds a long olive branch, symbolizing bole of the peace that had just been concluded, leaning both on the ground and on his shoulder. This monetary type, which shows us Apollo as described by Elienr, when he represents him arriving at Delphi to take possession of the oracle, is it the reproduction of bronze colossus? We have no reason to doubt it, despite the contrary opinion by Overbeck® and the authors of the Numismatic Commentary of Pausanias?. The cir- The constants in which this medal was struck authorize our conjecture, while say that the contrary opinion has no basis. Mr. Overbeck believes that the type of coins of the kings of Syria is the image of the statue of Delphi, while the play of the Amphictyons would only present to us a free interpretation of the colossus 1. Greenwell, Electr. coinage of Cyxicus, p. 58-59. 2. Toy dë 670 AcloGv xakoÿsevoy ôupaXdv, Nov reroumuévou Aeuxo0, todo eva to êy LéoG vôs réons auvol re Adyouaty of AeApol, Pausan, X, 16, 3. 3. Diode. Sic. XVI, 33: tov xoAottov Tôv yaxody 0v dvéOnxay ev T@ iep@ to ’ArdAkwvos of Apouxrboves. 4. Pausanias, 10, 1, x, 5. See Curtius, Greek History, trans. Bouché-Leclercq, t. V, p. 302. 6. Mionnet, Descr. t. II, p. 96, no. 27; Cavedoni, in the Bullettino dell Instituto di corrisp. archeol., 1853, p. 96; Treasure of numism. Mythological gallery, pl. XXXII, $ ; Imhoof Blumer and Percy Gardner, Numismatic Commentary on Pausanias, pl. V, No. VII; Overbeck, Kunstmythologie. Apollo, Munztaf. III, 35; B. Head, Historia numorum, p. 289; Catalog of the coll. Photiades-Pacha, pl. II, no. 362. 7.Elien, Var. Hist. TIL,7. 8. Overbeck, op. cit., p. 307. 9: Imhoof Blumer and Percy Gardner, Numism. Commentary on Pausanias, p. 122. Coins of the time Roman imperial also sometimes have, at Delphi, the type of seated Apollo, executed in a bar- bare and fanciful; nevertheless this Apollo is dressed and it still presents certain particularities of detail which recall the type created by the Amphictyons and in no way the Seleucid type.

XLVI INTRODUCTION of bronze. The engravers of monetary coins have often, it is true, used the most great freedom in the reproduction of sculptural works, but, in the present case, this freedom would be so strange that it would make the work unrecognizable. compare the Delphian type and the Syrian type, we will see that they have nothing in common, neither in the pose and gestures, neither in the costume, nor in the attributes; lomphalos himself even is different, because on the coinage of Delphi it is reruwvtwmuévos. In short, he is more rational to admit that the Delphian type reproduces the statue of the temple of the Delphic Apollo, and to seek another origin for the Syrian type. Powerless to conquer the European parts of Alexander's empire, and by therefore, to reign over the main sanctuary of Apollo, the ancestor of his race, Antiochus I Soter decided to introduce the cult of Apollo in Antioch itself, its capital, to establish apollinary games there and to install a new omphalos, rival from that of Delphi. Antioch claimed to be at the center of the world, just like Delphi; these are not, moreover, the only two cities of antiquity which had this naive ambition: Phlius, in the center of the Peloponnese, Paphos, Alexandria, Jerusalem lem, and later Constantinople and Nicaea, had their omphalos whose currencies sometimes also retained the memory. According to Malala', Antioch was divided into four districts, separated from each other by two large streets decorated with doors ticks that intersected at right angles, in the very center of the city; at the point of inter- section emerged the omphalos or wmbilicus in stone, imitated from that of Delphi, and on which was a statue of Apollo seated. There can be no doubt that the coins of the kings of Syria reproduce the phalos of Antioch and the statue seated on this mystical seat. A curious legend, special to the city of Antioch, comes, moreover, in support of this assertion. We tell- was that Apollo had pursued for a long time the nymph Daphne who, to escape to the obsessions of the god, was changed into laurel, and this laurel was shown in the temple of Daphne near Antioch. It was there that Apollo had thrown, in despair, all his arrows on the ground, and buried under the ground the gold tip of one of them, that which the god holds in his hand, when he is represented seated on the omphalos. One day, the horse of Seleucus Nicator, scraping the earth with his foot, dug up the arrow on which we read the inscription DOIBOY which attested that the tear was indeed that of the god of light. It is therefore a local myth, special to Antioch, which is expressed our eyes the monetary type that we seek to explain. It is no less true, however, that we must connect the Syrian myth to that of Delphi from which it is inspired, from whose limitation it took birth and was developed. Also, where does the statue of Apollo seated on the omphalos of Antioch come from? does not resemble that of Delphi, and that the Seleucid monetary type seems tra- produce a work of sculpture that is older and of a completely different type than that of Amphictyons? It is a Cypriot currency that will help us solve this problem. 1, Malala, p. 265; Ott. Muller, Antig. Antioch., p. 57. 2. O. Muller, Antig. Antioch., p. 43:

ANTIOCHUS I SOTER XLVII A tetradrachm of King Nicocles (320-310 BC), struck at Paphos, long- time before the reign of Antiochus Soter, has as its type Apollo naked, seated on the phalos, holding an arrow and leaning on his bow: this guy is almost identical to the one who was later to be adopted by the Seleucids'. Mr. Six, the last of the scholars who took care of this rare piece, to the legend NIKOKAEOYZ TA®ION, gives this Apollo the name of Apollo Hylates, and he thinks that Nicocles only had this Attic tetradrachm struck in 310, that is to say the very year of its death:. In any case, this piece is at least thirty years old, predating the advent of ment of Antiochus, and as we know that the city of Paphos where it was struck sword, had his omphalos like Delphess, there is no doubt that the type monetary be the image of the statue of Apollo seated on the navel of the Cypriot city. It now remains for us to seek the reason which led to the adoption of the Paphian type. by the kings of Syria. The Byzantine rhetorician Libanius has preserved for us, in the form of an anecdote, a precious tradition which could perhaps authorize us to believe that it was the very statue from Paphos that was transported to Antiochet. The king of Syria, inspired by Apollo, had resolved to transfer statues of the gods to his capital. Cypriot nities, and to adorn the oracle of the god author of his race. He sent in a city of Cyprus emissaries responsible for the execution of his design, but the thing was not easy, because the Cypriots, although accused of religious lukewarmness, had to naturally seek to defend their property. The envoys of the king of Syria told the Cypriots that their intention was to introduce to Antioch the cult of the deities of the island, and that they requested, therefore, permission to sculpt on the spot divine statues similar to those that the islanders themselves worshiped. The Cypriots acceded to this desire, and the Syrian sculptors introduced into the sanctuary, set to work day and night, under the less vigilant eye of the priests. At the end of a few days, thanks above all to the miraculous intervention of Apollo, they had made statues which they left behind to the inattentive Cypriots, and they surreptitiously embarked on their ships, the ancient and more venerated statues stables which were thus, shortly after, established in Antioch. Without doubt, the Byzantine rhetorician does not expressly tell us of which statues it is, nor in which city of Pile of Cypress the Syrians went to commit their theft. But the archaeological connections that we have indicated more high do they not shed light on the obscure and confused story of the chronicler temporary of Emperor Julian? Was not the fable he transmitted to us imagined after the fact, to explain the relationship of the type of the Apollo of Paphos with the Apollo of Antioch? This is, no doubt, only a hypothesis, but it was interesting. 1. Mionnet, Supplement, t. VIII, p. 310. 2. J.-P. Six, in the Revue numismatique of 1883, p. 365; cf. Overbeck, Kunstmythologie, Apollo, Münztaf., IIT, 40. 3. lis Ouvakôs ñ IIdpos nat AëXopo!, Hésychius, s. v. 4. Libanius, t. I, p. 307 (ed. Reïske).

XLVIII INTRODUCTION difficult to formulate, because it is based on precise facts that we can summarize as follows: A few years after the founding of Antioch, divine statues intended for the oracle Apollo were transported from Cypress to the new city. The statue of Apollo seated on the omphalos, type of the coins of the kings of Syria, is similar to the one which, previously, had formed the type of coins of Nicocles, king of Paphos; it has, from a sculptural point of view, a semi-archaic character which allows to consider it as a copy of a work well before the time of Seleucus Nicator. We can therefore reasonably conjecture : or that it is a copy of the statue of the Apollo of Paphos, or that it is this statue itself even which will have been transported to Antioch. It was the coins of the kings of Syria that made it popular throughout the world ancient the type of Apollo seated on Pomphalos. Different cities imitated it, more or less slavishly, thereafter; we will cite: Sinope, Cyzicus, Calchedon, Chersonesus of Crete, Sicyone, Zacynthus. Sometimes, the whim of monographic artists taries creates variants, even in the Seleucid series, but in small numbers and for coins whose issue appears to have been more limited. This is how, under Antiochus I Soter himself, bronze coins, perhaps struck in Europe, have a type which, contrary to the classical type, seems to be closer to the currency of the Delphic Amphictyons: it is no longer Apollo archer, but Apol- lon zither player, dressed in a long chiton and holding his lyre on his leg, ready to play (Catal. n°5 186 and 187), or leaning on his lyre placed on the ground, next to the shadow phalos (Cafal. nos. 157 to 163); the tripod is sometimes behind him. Under others reigns, we will see Apollo with his bare torso and his legs wrapped in his chlamyde (Catal. no. 295), modifications obviously inspired by the type of Zeus aetophore or nicephore. These variants are only exceptions which cannot refute the preceding remarks. Apollo seated on lomphalos almost disappears completely. from the series of Seleucid coins after the reign of Antiochus IV Epiphanius; he finds himself supplanted, from this moment, by the type of Olympian Zeus. IT. — Bronze coins minted in Europe. We have, earlier, alluded to the claims of Antiochus I Soter to throne of Macedonia and the efforts of this prince to dispute with Antigone Gonatas the country from which Alexander left to conquer the world. We know that Antiochus, from the beginning of his reign, set foot in Europe the head of a army to avenge his murdered father; that he took Cassandrea, in the year 279; that he sent to the Greeks a contingent of troops commanded by Telesarchos to repel the invasion of the Gauls; that he provides subsidies to Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, for his expedition to Italy; that the war lasted a long time between him and Antigone | | | |

ANTIOCHUS I SOTER XLIX who he ends up, however, in desperation, by betrothal to his sister Phila; we know that he maintained friendly relations with Delphi and other cities in Europe; but, despite everything, this information is very vague, and historians do not tell us how far Antiochus advanced, how far he extended his dominion nor how long it lasted. Currencies appear to somewhat compensate for this silence of the authors. Antiochus I Soter has a considerable series of coins of bronze, quite common, which were surely struck in European cities, that is to say in Thrace, in Macedonia, in Thessaly and, it seems, as far as Aetolia:. These coins, witnesses of Antiochus' claims to the Macedonian throne, form three distinct groups which meet the following descriptions: 1. Macedonian shield. 2. Horned elephant (Cafal. nos. 167 to 173). 2. Head of Zeus. BL. Lightning (Catal. n°5 174 to 176). | 3. Head of Apollo. Bz. Tripod (Cafal. n°s 153 to 155). These three groups are made in Europe, and we cannot classify them Antiochus III, because of the style of the coins and the type of the elephant which ceases to be adorned with bull's horns after Antiochus I Soter. They relate to each other others, not only by the make and the weight, but by common designs which are at the same time indications of European provenance. We find, on the pieces of three groups, the club of Heracles and the unexplained monograms n°5 94 and 95 arranged in the same way, above the word BAZIAEQZ. The boar's jaw is also found, both on the pieces of group 1 and group 2, and this It is only in group 3 that it is replaced by the arc of Apollo. The wild boar Calydon and his jaw are essential and very characteristic types of mon- nests of Aetolia where the coins of Antiochus appear to have been minted. A historical circumstance seems, however, at first glance, to oppose what we search even in this region the workshop from which these medals came: it is that the Aetolians, according to the authors' account, were, not the allies of Antiochus, but, on the contrary, those of Antigone. However, as we have said, we we are too poorly informed about the actions of Antiochus in Europe and about the events which marked his struggle with Antigone Gonatas so that we can We can affirm that the Aetolians have never changed their policy. Different cir- Consistencies indicate, on the contrary, that the Aetolian league must have been an ally of Antio- chus, at least for a moment. Indeed, like Antiochus, the Aetolians are the allies of Pyrrhus; like him again, they fight against the Gauls and defend the city from Delphi itself; later finally, these same Aetolians will show themselves to be the ardent supporters of Antiochus II. Whatever it may be, what we can affirm, is that the coins were surely minted in Europe under Antiochus [Soter and that the jaw of the Calydonian boar is an Aetolian symbol. 1. See Percy Gardner, in the Numismatic chronicle, N. S.t. XVIII, p. 92-93. BAaBELON. — Kings of Syria. IV

18 INTRODUCTION The shearing shield which appears on the coins of the first group is, for its part, a completely Macedonian type. It is this shield that the Greeks called äoxis and which, in Macedonia, was decorated with crescents and stars around the edge, the umbo being replaced by a decorative figure which varied. This shield is common in the world swimming of Macedonia. On the magnificent tetradrachms of Antigone Gonatas which give us the most beautiful and largest specimens, the episema is the head retort of Pan, because of the panic terror inspired in the Gauls who had plundered the temple of Delphi; later, the community of Macedonians replaced, on the bud- cle tetradrachms, the head of Pan with that of Artemis Tauropole. The currencies of bronze only have, in the center of the shield, a variable monogram. Under Antigone Gonatas is the monogram of the king's name, composed of the letters ANT (n° 162). Pyrrhus, who became king of Macedonia, in turn placed the monogram of his name there. The cities and the various competitors for the Macedonian throne substitute theirs. On the coins struck in Macedonia, by Antiochus I Soter, the episeme is quite natural actually decorated with the Seleucid anchor:. The elephant armed with bull's horns, on the reverse of the coins of the first group, cannot, as has been believed until now, be explained by the victory that Antiochus I Soter won in Phrygia over the Galatians, thanks to his elephants, towards the middle of his reign?. We know that in this memorable battle which saved Asia from the invasion of barbarians, Antiochus owed his success only to the sixteen elephants that he made advance in line and which threw disorder into the ranks of the enemy cavalry. According to the somewhat suspicious testimony from Lucian 5, Antiochus is said to have exclaimed after his victory: “Let us blush to owe our salvation to these sixteen animals,” and he wanted, subsequently, that a single elephant constitutes the trophy erected in commemoration of his triumph. Pliny still preserved the memory of this elephant, and it would undoubtedly be very tense. so much to recognize it on coins; unfortunately, the elephant parts were struck in Europe, at a time before the great victory of Phrygia, and their type cannot recall that the elephants with which Antiochus made the war on this side of the Bosphorus. The types of currencies in groups 2 and 3 are also European, without any doubt. The head of Zeus and the thunderbolt are the most common that we encounter on the coins of Epirus, Thessaly and even Macedonia f, Finally the head 1. To the pieces in our catalogue, we must add the following small bronze which is in the British Museum !: Macedonian shield decorated with an inverted anchor, R£. BA: AN. Elephant on the right. Æ12 mill. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, pl. 1v, 8. 2. Droysen, Hisé. of Hellenism, t. III, p. 253. 3. Lucian, Zeuxis sive Antiochus, 11. 4. Pliny, Hist. naf., VII, S s. s. It is indeed the trophy of the victory of Antiochus in Phrygia that a statuette in . terracotta, found in the necropolis of Myrina, and which represents a war elephant (without the horns) trampling under foot a Galatian. S. Reinach, in the Bull. of corr. hell. 1885, vol. IX, p. 485 et seq. ; E. Pottier and S. Reinach, The Necropolis of Myrina, pl. x. 6. To the pieces in our catalogue, we must add the following small bronze which is in the British Museum ec

ANTIOCHUS Ï SOTER LI of Apollo and the tripod of group 3 are also most common in the same countries: the tripod in particular is similar to that of Cassandra's chalques (316-297.) IV. — Face types. These types are reduced to three: the head of Apollo (Catal. n° 177 to 183), that of Athena (Cafal. nes 184 to 187) and that of the Dioscuri". In the Seleucid series, we hardly ever encounter heads facing forward after Antiochus I Soter, while they are relatively quite numerous under this prince and under Seleucus Nicator, his father. The Duke of Luynes made the following remark about the types of faces in general: “There was,” he said, “a time when all the most civilized Greek nations They almost simultaneously adopted the head facing forward; it was the one where lived Alexander, tyrant of Phères (369-357), who himself took part by striking a superb medallion with the head of Diana seen from the front. In the same century, if we judge by the style of the medals, Larisse, Clazomène, Lampsaque, Sigée, Vélia, Cro- tone, Heraclea, Thebes, Syracuse, Catania, Barce and many other cities more obscure people had their tutelary deities represented face-on, on their coins. It was the last effort of monetary art; but the disadvantages were soon recognized. From the time of Alexander, we had returned to profiles whose reliefs softened ensured the coin more durability with less weight reduction fast*. » These judicious reflections are, however, a little too absolute: the heads from the front continue for some time after Alexander. In Rhodes in particular, the head of Helios from the front is found even after the siege of the city by Demetrius Poliorcetes in 303 3. On the coins of the kings of Syria, the heads facing are seen still under Antiochus I Soter, but these few degenerate types must be con- stunned as exceptional and as the last attempts of mone- silences in this genre which most of the time produced masterpieces. The head of Apollo of the coins of Antiochus (Catal. n° 177 to 183) is linked to the type if admirable of the medals of Amphipolis, by his head melancholy inclined and her abundant hair made even fuller by the laurel wreath which the environment. It is also the type of the famous Vatican statue, a replica of the famous work of Scopas, known under the name of Apollo Musagète or Zithered +. We will see further that a statue of Bryaxis, almost similar to Laureate head of Zeus, right. RL. BA*AN. Lightning. Æ12 mill. Percy Gardner. The Seleucid Kings of Syria, pl. IV, 14. ; 1. Bust of the Dioscuri, wearing their conical laureate caps, one in front, the other in profile left. RL. BAZI-ANTI. Elephant head, right; in front, the letter O. Æ 12 mill., 1 gr. 55 (Imhoof Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 425, no. 22, and Choice, pl. vi, no. 204). 2. Duke of Luynes, in the Annali dell Instituto arch. di Roma, t. XIII (1841), p. 158. 3. J. de Witte, in the Revue numismatique, N. S. t. IX, 1864, p. 94. 4. Overbeck, Kunstmythologie. Apollo, Atlas, Taf, XX, 7.

BED INTRODUCTION that of the Parian master, was consecrated in the temple called Aupvaïov that Seleucus Nicator dedicated to Apollo. The head of the Apollo, work of Bryaxis, is likely- what our medals show us face to face; on a bronze of Seleucus (Catal. No. $3) we see the god's lyre on his shoulder. The head of Athena facing (Cafal. nos. 184 to 187), with a triple-crested helmet, is a common type in Greek numismatics. We will highlight it in particular- ment on the coins of Audoleon, king of Paeonia, as well as on coins of Pherae, from Pharsalus, from Heraclea in Lucania, from Side in Pamphylia and on coins uncertainties of Cilicia. The most beautiful specimens with the Tpflowos helmet are surely the heads that we see on a coin of Velia signed by the artist Cleodoros?, and on pieces from Syracuse signed by Eucleidass. But, a circumstance which interests much more, the same head of Athena forms the ordinary type of coins of Sigeium in Troad; now, a decree of the inhabitants of this city, in honor neur of Antiochus I Soter, thanks the king of Syria for having restored prosperity in the country 4. It pleased, says the inscription, the senate and the people of Sigeium to institute prayers to the Athena of Ilium {1% ‘Aënvoï rA ‘Iisèt) for the happiness of the king and his sister the queen; it is decreed to address supplications to Apollo, the author of the race from the Seleucids, to Nike, to Zeus and other deities. The head of Athena of coins of Sigeium is therefore the Athena of Ilium, and it is therefore the head of this divinity which we see on the coins of Antiochus Soter. Let us remember, moreover, of what importance was, at that time, the ancient cult of the Athena of Ilium, who was particularly honored by Alexander before he undertook the conquest of the Persian Empire; his statue resembled the Palladium of Troy, no doubt as this old symbol appears on the coins of the city of Pergamum. V. — Other types of the bronzes of Antiochus IT Soter. In the period between the accession of Antiochus I Soter and the death of An- tiochus IT the Great, there are five kings named Antiochus; they generally do not placed on their coins only the inscription BAZIAEQNZ ANTIOXOY, which can suit equally well to each of these princes. It follows that we are obliged, for fix the allocation medals, to bring together elements of criticism other than the monetary legend, which does not fail to lead to difficulties almost insurmountable for a few bronze coins that each numis- matist ranks differently and always with plausible reasons: it is times a certain number whose classification is assured. 1. Malala, p. 204. 2. Percy Gardner, Types of Greek coins, p. 130 et pl. v, 41. 3. Percy Gardner, op. cit., p. 151 et pl. vi, 40; cf. Duke of Luynes, Numismatic studies on the cult d’Hécale, p. 27-28. 4: Boeckh, C. I. Gr. n° 3595.

ANTIOCHUS I SOTER LIIT Thus, bronzes in the name of Antiochus bear, on the right, the helmeted head of Athena, type imitated from the coins of Alexander (Cafal. n° 106 to 109). These pieces like this, except for the legend, to the similar pieces of Seleucus Nicator, must natural- be given to Antiochus I rather than to Antiochus II or Antiochus III. The bronzes on which the portrait of Antiochus I Soter is certain (Cafal. nos 136 at 150) are easy to classify; but we can sometimes hesitate between the portrait of this prince and that of Antiochus III the Great. This is why I leave to Mr. Gardner the responsibility for its attribution to Antiochus I Soter of certain coins which seem to me rather to belong to Antiochus IILr. The British Museum bronze with the portrait of Antiochus?, which has, on the reverse, Apollo standing holding three arrows in one hand and leaning on his bow with the other, must be compared to the tetradrachm; from the same Museum, which represents Apollo seated also holding three arrows. In fact, both coins have the symbol of the half- horse drinking, mark of the workshop of Larissa of Syria. Our chalque (Catal. No. 150), with Apollo seated holding three arrows, enters the same group. Athena Alkis and the head of Apollo, on bronzes nos. 151 and 152, authorize us to give these coins to Antiochus I, since the same coins are found with the name of Seleucus Nicator. The Victory which erects a trophy, on bronzes n°5 177 to 180, has a whole attitude particular; very arched back, she resembles the satyr who also erects a tro- phée on the bronzes of Antigone Gonatas. This very rapprochement is so characteristic tical that it is reasonable to believe that the two types relate to the same circum- stance stance: this is undoubtedly the defeat of the Gauls in Europe, to which contributed Antigone and Antiochus roared. VI. — Coins with the legend XATHPOZ ANTIOXOY. At the end of the reign we classified the tetradrachms which bear the legend ZATHPOZ ANTIOXOY (Catal. n° 191 and 192). We need to bring one closer bronze piece of which here is the image (fig. 12) and description: Diademed head of An- tiochus, on the right. Bz. Z(QTHPOZ (ädr.) ANTIOXOY (left). Anchor accosted with the caps of the Dioscuri. Æ 16 millt. This was around the year 272 BC. BC that Antiochus won on the Galatians, near Apamea in Phrygia, the great victory which he owed to his elephants and which, according to Appian, 2 4 @ 3 @ < Fig. 12. 1. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria (British Museum catalog), pl. IV, n° r and 2. The type of the reverse of No. 1 (Victory holding a crown) could however justify the attribution of this piece to Antiochus I°* because this type is the same as the one we have already met under Seleucus Niçator, 2. Percy Gardner, op. cit. pl. IV, 6. 3. Percy Gardner, op. cit. pl. II, 6. 4, Gough, Coins of the Seleucidæ, pl. HT, No. 14; Frœlich, Annales Syria, tab. II, fig. 14,

LIV INTRODUCTION would have given him the glorious nickname of Soter: 'Avrioyos.. & xal Zwrnp next 40m, Dada ëx rie Evpdrns sic tiv Actu Eubadvrus &£ehdous. The currencies who give him this nickname therefore seem, at first glance, to confirm the story of Appian and having been struck by Antiochus, in commemoration of this brilliant success- ces. However, nothing is less certain. The battle took place around the middle of the reign of Antiochus, and the effigy which is represented to us by the medals with the legend ZATHPOZ ANTIOXOY, is identical to that of the coins which were struck the end of the reign: this is the oldest type of Antiochus, who died at 64 years old. The dis- unusual position of the legend, the word ZA THPOZ coming in the first place, is also an argument to demonstrate that the parts in question are probably posthumous. We would gladly consider them to have been struck upon the death of the , by Antiochus II, in honor of his deified father. Texts that can be believed written during the lifetime of Antiochus I do not give him the nickname Soter who wap- appears that after his death and when the late king of Syria was already honored with a cult divine. For example, the Branchides had Miletus write, at the time of Seleucus IT, an inscription in which Antiochus I and Stratonice are described as holy gods worms: flights 0eolks Ewrños'; another inscription calls Antiochus I, 'Avrteyou 'Arélovos cwtñoos*, and this name of Apollo Soter given to Antiochus I seems to do, purposely, the counterpart of the name of Zeus Soter with which Seleucus I is honored in a other epigraphic text. Moreover, Appian, let us note, does not say positively that the nickname Soter would have been attributed to Antiochus during his lifetime and immediately after the battle. He limits himself to asserting that this name was given to the king in memory of his victory; but, in this very matter, the testimony of the Greek historian may be subject to deposit. Indeed, in a second battle, in 261 BC. BC, the king of Syria was defeated and killed by the Galatians, and yet, despite this disaster, we have just seen that it is epigraphic texts subsequent to his death which qualify him as Soter and attribute divine honors to him. Also, if the cities of Asia Minor show themselves particularly grateful to Antiochus I" which they cherish the memory, it is less to have delivered them from the Galatians than to have granted them freedoms that recalled their former independence. These feelings of gratitude study are particularly evident in a decree of the Ionian cities which declare, in because of the privileges granted to them, establish an anniversary celebration of the birth of Antiochus, and pay honors to the king as well as his son and the queen divine3. The same sentiments still emerge in other inscriptions which come confirm the testimony of the authors on this point, and we will see later r. Boeckh, C. I. Gr. n° 2852. 2 RBOECKD AC Green 4458. 3. P. Foucart, in Bull. by Corr. hell., t. IX, $188, p. 387. This decree was found at Clazomène; the title of king given to Antiochus I and Antiochus II (toïs BaorheDot ’Avridyut xat ’Avtidywt) do not tell me in no way appears to demonstrate that Antiochus II was associated with the throne by his father: he quite simply proves It is believed that the inscription was written after the advent of Antiochus IT. n To É to n dEd

ANTIOCHUS II THEOS L.V. Antiochus II followed the same liberal policy towards the cities of Asia Minor. The conclusion to be drawn from these observations is that the coins of Antiochus I Soter to the legend ZA THPOZ ANTIOXOY were, most likely, struck only at the death of this prince, in some town in Ionia where his cult, and who thereby testified his gratitude for having recovered, thanks to the generosity ity of the king of Syria, freedoms which she had ceased to enjoy perhaps since the invasion of the Persians:. ANTIOCHUS II THEOS Era of the Sels. 51 to 66 (261 to 246 BC) I. — Ale head of Antiochus IT. Antiochus II was son of Antiochus I Soter and the Macedonian Stratonice; n€ around the year 292 BC. BC, he died in Ephesus, in 246, at the age of 44?. His portraits monetary values agree with these chronological data: they represent to us a man in the prime of life, with regular but accentuated features, beardless, forehead almost as low as his father's, his eyes similarly sunken under the arch eyebrow. Some of these portraits are even so reminiscent of Antiochus I. that they could cause hesitation in the medal rankings. Obliged, from his accession, to continue against Ptolemy IT Philadelphus war which had lasted for several years already and which considerably weakened the Seleucid empire, Antiochus IT passed into Europe, occupied southern Thrace, took Cypsela and laid siege to Byzantines. It is therefore possible that Antiochus IT was minted in Europe, like his father. Furthermore, the claims of this prince to the throne of Macedonia and especially the fact that, through his mother Stratonice, daughter of Demetrius Poliorcetes, he was descended from the Antigonids, clearly explain a curious feature of its monetary effigy: these are the fins that it sometimes has at the temples, like Hermes and Medusa. Antiochus II, wanting to bear witness to his ties of kinship with the race of the Antigonids, imitates the kings of Macedonia who carry 1. Mr. Droysen (Hist. de l’Hellen., vol. III, p. 151, note 3) also cast doubt on the ‘testimony of Appian, but partly with the help of a worthless argument. He bases his opinion mainly on the erroneous hypothesis, according to which bronze coins of the type of the horned elephant (Cafal. n° 167 to 173) would allude to the victory won in Phrygia over the Galatians, and yet, he says, these pieces do not bear the legend that BAZIAENZ ANTIOXOY and never ZQ THPOZ. This reasoning sins at the base since, as we have seen, the bronzes in question were struck in Europe in the early years of the reign of Antiochus; they therefore have no connection with victory won later on the plains of Phrygia. 2. Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. II, p. 579, footnote; cf. Clinton, Fasti hellenici, t. I], p. 310. 3. Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. TIT, p. 306.

LVI INTRODUCTION the same fins on the temples or on their helmet because they come from, all like Heracles, of the hero Perseus, the conqueror of Medusa'. It's for the same reason, as Eckhel has already pointed out*, that Prusias II, king of Bithynia, carries also at the temples these same wings: he wants, in turn, to show that he descends from the old and illustrious dynasty of Macedonia by his mother Apamé, probably sister of Philippe V5. The same motives will still bear, as we will soon see, Antiochus Hierax, son of Antiochus II, to take the Persian symbol. All coins of the winged head type, whether of Antiochus IT Theos or Antiochus Hierax, come from the workshops of llonie. They bear, on the reverse, as symbols, the horse drinking, mark of Patelier of Alexandria Troas, or the bee, symbol of Ephesus. The wings at the temples are therefore a particularity specific to some cities in Asia Minor, neighboring the States of Prusias II of Bithynia; she doesn't did not extend to the other provinces of the Seleucid empire. Moreover, a very large number of the other currencies of Antiochus IT also have, as mintmarks, the emblems of Ionian cities; this is to be compared from what we learn from the history of this prince who frequently had to intervene in the affairs of this part of Asia Minor whose cities celebrate its glory envy and raise statues to him as to his father. Antiochus IT restores their liberties at Clazomene and Smyrna; he delivers Miletus from the tyrant Timarchus; he writes to residents of Eritrea to extend their franchises +; he intervenes in the quarrel of Priene and Samos5. These facts contribute, we will agree, to explaining to us the numerous symbols of Ionian cities on the coins of Antiochus II. We there let us raise the half-length Pegasus of Lampsacus, the antelope head of Aegae of Eolide or of Aegos-Potamos, the horse drinking from Alexandria Troas, the cup at a handle of Cymé, the horse's head of Magnesia on the Meander; as symbols of cities associated, we find the lyre and the tripod (Mitylene and Cnidus), the torch and Pegasus (Cyzicus and Alabanda), the griffin head and the caduceus (Phocaea or Abdera and Mity- lène), the seahorse and the watering horse (Scepsis and Alexandria Troas), the flam- beautiful and the eagle (Cyzicus and Abydos). The Milesians, happy to be rid of Timarchus supported by the Egyptian party well, awarded Antiochus II, in their enthusiasm, the nickname @eds, and it is due to this deification, which a tetradrachm (Cafal. n° 209) gives to the effigy of Antiochus a crown of rays. This is the first time that the crown radiated, emblem of apotheosis, appears on Seleucid coins; we we will see her reappear with Antiochus IV who also received the nickname Theos. The The above circumstances also lead us to believe that the letters MIA . Polybius, V, 10; cf. Visconti, Iconogr. Greek, t. II, p. 296. . Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. II, p. 442. . . Th. Reinach, Three kingdoms of Asia Minor, p. 103-104. . E. Curtius, in the Monalsberichte of the Berlin Academy, 1876, p. 554; Dittenberger, Sylloge, 166. . Ph. Le Bas and Waddington, Inscriptions from Asia Minor, 192-194, 1. 9-14, NE D H

ANTIOCHUS II THEOS | LVII on a bronze piece (Cafal. n° 235) designate the workshop of Miletus, although Island monogram of this city, on its autonomous currencies, or quite another: this hemi- chalque was formerly attributed to Antiochus I Soter. All of the currencies that we have just studied are the living testimony of benefits of Antiochus IL for the cities of Asia Minor to which this prince visited attempted, like his father, to restore their liberties confiscated by Cyrus and by Alexander. This new attitude, inaugurated by the kings of Syria, undoubtedly in the goal of creating solid allies against the king of Egypt, had no less than disastrous results for the integrity of the empire which it helped to disintegrate. We Let us recall, on this occasion, that it is from 259 that Aradus calculates the years after an independent era; to make an ally of this powerful city against Ptolemy II Philadelphus, Antiochus II Theos undoubtedly had to concede to him autonomy, just as he granted it to the Ionian cities. IT. — Athena Nicephorus. The remarkable gold statere described under No. 193, has a very interesting type of reverse. santr. It is an Athena who seems inspired by the Athena Parthenos of Athens; there is no has a difference only for certain attributes. The statue executed by Phidias posed the left hand on her shield placed on the ground next to her, and with the same hand she held his spear : this is how the coins of Athens represent it to us and even, as we will see later, the Seleucid coins which reproduce Pheidias' masterpiece. The money type of Antiochus IT is an Athena who holds in his left hand a palm decorated with strips, while his shield is on the ground leaning against the knee of the goddess. A chalque that we assigned to Antiochus I (Catal. no. 156) is approximately the same type. There was a temple in Antioch decorated with a colossal statue of Athena does, which, according to Malala, was erected by Seleucus Nicator to please the Athenians who came to settle in the new city and to whom it reminded them of the motherland?. But the nickname given to this statue seems to designate Athena Alkis and exclude the idea of type of the work of Phidias, and it was only from the reign of Alexander I Bala that we will find on Seleucid coins the exact type of Athena Parthenos. Moreover, we cannot even affirm that the stater of Antiochus IT was struck in Antioch: the letter d seen on the reverse could designate the workshop of Philomelium, as on the coins of Alexander. 1. Mr. Imhoof-Blumer gave (Greek Coins, p. 425) the description of a gold stater of Antiochus IT, to the type of Apollo seated on the omphalos. As the image of this piece is not reproduced by the scholar author, we cannot judge whether it is not rather a stater of Antiochus I°* or Antiochus III. 2. See above, Zntrod., p. XXVII. 3. L. Muller, Alexander Numismatics, p. 266.

LVTII INTRODUCTION IT, — Head of a horned horse. We will not return to this type which was studied above in detail. We will only recall here that an English traveler in India, Mr. Alexandre Grant collected in the country which was formerly Bactria, two gold staters which have, at right, the diademed head of Antiochus IT, and on the reverse, the head of a horned horse, with this peculiarity that the horse's head is decorated with a plume which emerges between the two ears. One of these staters (fig. 13) bears the letters Al; and the other, the monogram No. $9 which we know specifically ÿ j) cial to the eastern regions of the Syrian monarchy. f Next to these staters, a tetradrachm takes place of al of which there are two varieties corresponding to the description tetradrachm which appears in our catalog under No. 100, skipping for certain particularities that are important to point out. The effigy royal is certainly not the same; besides the legend BAZIAEQNZ ANTIOXOY; we read, on the reverse of one of these. pieces (fig. 14), ABIA, under the horse's neck, of which the horned head is equipped of a plume as on the previous staters?. The other variety which is in the Alex collection. Grant, does not have the letters ABIA, but it bears the same monogram No. 595. There is a curious set of gold and silver coins gent, of Bactrian style and origin, which have must have been hit very shortly before before Diodotus proclaimed the independence of his country. According to the comparison with the coins which are surely of Antiochus IT, it is better, we believe, to attri- drink these coins to this prince, rather than to Antiochus I Soter, whose effigy, even in supposing it to be rejuvenated, would not seem to come close enough clearly to that which show us the medals represented here 4. IV. — Seated Heracles and Zeus Aegiochus. Thanks to the war which broke out between Antiochus II Theos and Ptolemy II Phila- Delphi, three of the main provinces of the Seleucid empire rose up and proclaimed their independence. These are Armenia, Persia and Bactria. These countries, we remember, had already been administratively detached, from the time . Numism. chronicle, 3rd ser. t. I, 1887, pl. II, fig. $ and 6. . Numism. chronicle, N.S., t. XX, 1880, p. 190 et pl. X, fig 4. . Numism. chronicle, 3rd ser. t. I, 1887, pl. II, fig. 7. : See what we said above, Introd., p. XLI.) +R & D H Éa —

ANTIOCHUS II THEOS LIX of Seleucus I Nicator who had given them his son Antiochus as king. The first, Diodotus or Theodotus, satrap of Bactria, declared himself independent king: his mon- naies begin the bacterial series. Shortly after, around the year 250 BC. BC, the satrap Arsaces was able, for his part, to found the Parthian empire. From this point on, Persia and Bactria follow their own destinies, and the monetary workshops of these countries, who until now have minted money in the name of the Seleucid kings, cease to be the object of our research. However, the first monetary types adopted by the rebellious princes, Diodotus and Arsace, interest us directly because they are limitation or even the direct copy of the coins of the Seleucids: to make their cash in commercial transactions, the satraps who became kings had to reproduce determine the monetary types in vogue in their respective countries at the time of their revolt. It follows from this that these types, borrowed by Diodotus and Arsaces from the Seleucids, are very valuable in helping to fix the allocation of certain groups of currencies to Antiochus II Theos rather than any other Seleucid prince of the same name. Diodotus adopted as his monetary type, on his gold and silver coins, Zeus Aegio- chus, and he was followed in this by several of his successors, notably Agathocles, Antimachus and Archebius. This naked Zeus, standing, proudly arched, brandishing the lightning, carrying the aegis on the outstretched left arm, forms, from a plastic point of view, the counterpart of Athena Alkis; Above all, he resembles, in his attitude, the Poseidon of the mountains. born of Demetrius Poliorcetes and Antigone Gonatas or Dozon, who is also seen from behind and hardly differs from Zeus except in attributes”. . Mr. Overbeck: brought together the main monuments of all kinds which represent feel Zeus with the aegis, mythological subject so completely described by Servius in a gloss from the Aeneid: “Aegida, id est pellem Amaltheae caprae, a quà Jupiter nutritus est, in sinistrà Jupiter tenet.… and dextrà fulmina commovet. » This definition tion is the exact commentary on our monetary setback. This type of Zeus Aegiochus appears to have been inaugurated by Diodotus in Bactria before the time when this satrap declared himself independent and took the title of king: that is to say that Diodotus, being still only a satrap, began by striking coins at type of Zeus Aegiochus, with the name and effigy of his overlord Antiochus II Theos. There are, in fact, gold staters (fig. 15), tetradrachms and drachmas with the legend BAZIAENZ ANTIOXOY and Zeus Aegio- chus on the reverse, while the right is occupied by a diademed royal effigy in which one cannot could fail to recognize the features of Antiochus II, despite the Bactrian style of medals (Catal. no. 218). ions 1. On Zeus Aegiochus, see Fr. Lenormant, in the Gazette archaeological, t. TII, 1877, p. 95. 2. Overbeck, Kunstmythologie. Zeus, p. 246, et seq. Mr. Overbeck wrongly says that there are tetra- drachmas of Antiochus I Soter with the type of Zeus Aegiochus: the coins to which he alludes are of Antiochus II Theos. 3. The French Cabinet does not have than the tetradrachm. The golden stater that we reproduce here

LX INTRODUCTION Other pieces (Catal. no. 217), with the same royal head and the type of seated Apollo on the omphalos, are from the same barbarian factory and incontestably have the same origin. Mr. de Sallet: rightly pointed out that Mr. Percy Gardner had was wrong to consider this head as being, despite the legend BAZIAENZ ANTIOXOY; not that of Antiochus IT, but that of Diodotus himself:. The comparison with the other coins of Antiochus II Theos allows us to recognize that these Bactrian pieces bear the effigy of the Seleucid king, which is consistent to the legend on the reverse. However, we must at the same time agree that, on the mon- nais which he then had struck in his name as king of Bactria, Diodotus attributes a royal effigy quite similar to that of Antiochus II. Maybe even related to he linked more or less directly, through blood ties, to the Seleucid race. The King of Bactria Agathocles also took, as a monetary effigy, an almost identical bust. tick to the one who appears on one of the tetradrachms of Antiochus II (Cafal. n° 217)5. The coins of Antiochus II bring us another type which was also particular clearly adopted by the kings of Bactria: it is Heracles seated on a rock, holding his club standing in front of him. This type, introduced into the Bactrian series by the king Eutydemus I, successor of Diodotes, is found on tetradrachms from Antio- chus IT Theos which seem to have been struck exclusively in Ionia, because they bear always as a symbol the cup with a handle of Cyméÿ, and their excellent style appears well suited to the coinage of this region. Among the Seleucids, this type is speci- cial to Antiochus II. Mr. Percy Gardner £ erred in classifying Antiochus I as Soter one of these tetradrachms, and trying to justify this attribution by considerations iconographic derations. It is true that, for Antiochus as for several other Seleucid kings, a certain number of coins preserve the royal effigy of the features similar to the portrait of the predecessor king. It is even this usage, often repeated, which constitutes one of the main difficulties of iconographic classification, when the reverse types and legends are common to several homonymous princes. But, in the present case, various considerations allow us to establish, in complete security, that Mr. Gardner's opinion cannot be adopted. First, from the point of view iconographic, if there is any connection, for the low forehead and the exaggerated recess managed with the eyes, between the effigy of Antiochus I and that of Antiochus IT, any hesitation belongs to Mr. Alexandre Grant (Numism. Chronicle, 3rd ser., t. I, 1887, pl. I, fig. 9. The drachma in same type of Zeus Aegiochus exists in the Berlin Museum (A. von Sallet, in the Zeit. für Numismatik, t. VIII, p. rro). 1. In the Zeitschrift für Numismatik., t. VI, p. 166 and 285; and t. VIII, p. 110. 2. P. Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, Introd., p. xv-xvi. 3. See the coins of Agathocles, in Percy Gardner, Greek and Scythic Kings of Bactria and India in the British Museum, pl. IV, 4. 4. Gardner, Greek and Scythic Kings, etc., pl. I, fig. ro and 11. This same type of seated Heracles was copied, with slight modification, by Hyspaosines, king of Characene. Waddington, Mixtures of numis- matic, 2nd series, 1867, p. 85. S-Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greeks, p. 426, n° 28 and 20. 6. The Seleucid Kings, pl. III, 2 and Introd. p. xIv-xv,

ANTIOCHUS II THEOS LXI ceases when we compare the profile line of the nose, the contour of the mouth and the men- tone of father and son. In this respect alone, we can already argue that Mr. Gardner was wrong to classify Antiochus I Soter not only the tetradrachm of its pl. IT, No. 2, to the type of Heracles, but also the tetradrachm of his pl. II, No. 3, type of Apollo seated on the omphalos, holding two arrows in his hand. It is important, on the other hand, to observe that no historical or mythological circumstance would not allow us to explain the presence of the type of Heracles on the coins of Antiochus I, while precise and formal data make known the origin of this monetary type under Antiochus II Theos. The Macedonian race of the Antigo- nides, from which this prince prided himself on being descended, counted Heracles among the number of his mythical ancestors, and this explains the presence of a temple of Heracles in Antioch *. Antiochus IT, who was a rude drunkard, according to Phylarch?, had left the direction of public affairs to the two brothers Aristos and Themison, probable descendants of a Cypriot royal family. Themison, tells Pyther- mos of Ephesus, called himself the Heracles of King Antiochus; he appeared at parties and in public ceremonies, wearing a lion's skin, club in hand, and we offered him sacrifices as to a god, invoking him under the name of Themison- Heracles:. This character, who seems to have given his name to the town of Thémiso- nium in Phrygia #, assimilated himself to Heracles when Antiochus, who treated him as a brother, had received the nickname Theos and had adorned himself with wings at the temples, that is to say after the capture of Miletus around 252. Coins with the type of the seated Heracles also appear so much more to relate to Themison-Heracles that they were all struck in Asia Minor where this character played his political role. We will go even further with Ott. Muller 5. Some of the tetradrachms which we are concerned with here, show us Heracles no longer seated on a rock and resting from his labors, according to the ordinary data, but Heracles seated on the edge of the large ovoid vat with which he cleaned the Augean Tables (Catal. n°5 209 and 210) 6. This curious feature could be an allusion to the role of Themison in Asia Minor, a role analogous to that of Antiochus II giant Miletus of the tyrant Timarchus. Whatever we think of this last and perhaps too subtle explanation, we con- it will come that the set of facts that we have just reported are amply sufficient to justify the attribution to Antiochus II of the tetradrachms to the type of seated Heracles. There is no reason to follow Mr. Bunbury in his hesitations when he says that the 1. O. Muller, Antiquitales Antiochenar, p. 69. 2. Cf. Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. XII, p. 302. 3. Droysen, Hist. from Hellen., t. III, p. 302. 4. Droysen, Hist. from Hellen., t. II, p. 113. s. Muller and Wieseler, Denkmeeler der alten Kunst, vol. I, no. 236. 6. Heracles is seated on a large vat and not on a rock, as people say wrong Mionnet (Description. t. V, p. 17), the Treasury of Numismatics (Greek Kings, p. 88, no. D} the cs of the British Museum and many other publications.

LXII INTRODUCTION classification of these pieces is very difficult and we cannot say whether they are from An- tiochus I, Antiochus II or even “of his successor”, undoubtedly designating by the latter expression Antiochus Hierax. The fact that the revolt of Eutydemus in Bactria took place during the reign of Antiochus IT does not itself seem an argument very serious to Mr. Bunbury who denies everything besides; he denies that the parts to the types of Heracles seated were struck in Asia Minor and on the Propontis; he finally believes that the pieces of this type present different portraits to the right:! We have refuted in advance similar theories. We have only one more word to add to point out that the type of Hera- seated key, on the coins of Antiochus IT, was copied directly in Lacedemona, on the tetradrachms with the legend À — À, which have long been attributed to Allaria of Crete’. The royal effigy which appears on other tetradrachms of Lacedaemon at the legend À — A and the type of the Apollo of Amycleae, is an imitation of the head of An- tiochus II Théos, rather than the head of Antigone Dozon or that of Cleomenes III as some scholars have argued:. IV. — Apollo seated. This type of Apollo offers, under the reign of Antiochus II Theos, strong variants interesting, alongside the ordinary type which it would be superfluous to recall. 1. Apollo holds in his right hand a bundle of two or three arrows (Cafal. n° 202), setback which we have already encountered under Antiochus I Soter. 2. Apollo holds in his right hand, no longer one or more arrows, but his bow, and he leans with his left hand on Pomphalos (Cafal. n° 204 to 206): this type also dates back to Antiochus I Soter. 3. Apollo holding an arrow and leaning on his bow, following the most accepted usage stant, is seated not on the omphalos, but on a throne with lion's feet (Cafal. n° 203). Apollo tenant a beam of two or three arrows reminds PApollon Vejovis from the coins of the Roman Republic+ where he is sometimes represented throwing a handful of arrows which symbolize, perhaps as here, the rays of the sun; the bundle of arrows in the hand of Apollo is only found under Antiochus I and under Antiochus II. We pointed out this type above on attritional currencies. steam. to Antiochus Ie in an irrefutable manner. But Mr. Percy Gardner has (RE: given to Antiochus I a tetradrachm which no less surely belongs to ï. Bunbury in Numism. chronicle, N.S., t. III, (1883) p. 77-79. 2. Svoronos, in the Numismatic Review, 1889, p. 169 et seq., and Numismatics of Crete ancient, t. I, p. 3 and 4. 3. Ferd. Bompois, Studies on the portraits of Cleomenes III, 1870, in-8°; Fr. Lenormant, The money in Antiquity, t. I, p.27. Cf. Svoronos, in the Revue numism. 1889, p. 171. 4. E. Babelon, Descr. hist. el chronol, coins of the Roman Republic, t. I, p. 28x and passes. s- See our Catal, n° 150, and the tetradr. from the British Museum, in Percy Gardner, pl. IL, fig. 6.

ANTIOCHUS II THEOS Lil Antiochus II Theos 1. This rectification already made, moreover, by Mr. Bunbury: it was important to remember because it is this false attribution, undoubtedly, which trained Mr. Percy Gardner to classify at Antiochus I Soter the tetradrachms to the type of Heracles seated, pieces which, as we have SEEN, all belong to Antiochus II Theos. The type of Apollo holding his bow in his right hand dates back to Antiochus I Soter, as proven by a tetradrachm of this prince, who has this reverse associated with the head retort of Seleucus I Nicator (above P. XVI, fig. 6)5, But this subject was always rare, both under Antiochus I and Antiochus II. On parts of the latter deny, we read the letters AZK which designate the city of Ascalon; it seems that the type of Apollo holding his bow, was struck exclusively in a few workshops of Syria and Babylonia, because it is this type who was chosen by the satrap Arsaces when it proclaimed its independence in the year 250 BC. This is how Apol- lon seated on the omphalos, holding his bow in place of an arrow, became the monied type national silence of the Arsacid Parthians. On the tetradrachms of Antigone Gonatas (277-239) or Antigone Dozon (229-220), Apollo seated on the bow of a ship, similarly holds an inverted bow on his right hand. We know the connections of kinship which linked Antiochus II to the Macedonian dynasty: perhaps were these links not without influence on the adoption of the new monetary type, inspired by the Macedonian corner. Apollo holding an arrow and seated on a throne with lion's feet, appears a reverse from workshops closer to the coasts of Europe. In fact, we find the same type on beautiful didrachms from Acarnania 4, Here and there, the seat of Apollo is such- identically that there is no doubt that the engraver of the Acarnanian piece was born imitated Seleucid coinage. Athena seated on the reverse of the coins of the kings of Per- game has, sometimes also, a similar throne, with feet ending in lion's claws. V. — Bronze coins. Mr. Percy Gardner classified to Antiochus II bronze coins which have, right, the head of Apollo, and on the reverse, the Delphic tripod, and to justify the attribution of this banal type to Antiochus II rather than to another of the first Antiochus, he is based on the style of the head of Apollo whose hair is not wound on the neck’. This criterion is not absolute. ; however the head of Apollo, on the chalques in question, is visibly a copy of that of the bronze coins of Antiochus Î 1. The Seleucid Kings of Syria, pluIIT, fe. 2. Numism. chronicle, IIT° series, t. III (1883) p. 76-77. 3+ Cf. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, pl. II, fig. 10. 4. Reproduced in particular in Overbeck, Kunstmythol. Apollo. Munztaf, II, 34. S. Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings of Syria, pl. V, 8, 9;. Introd. p. xxrv. 6. See what we said above, Zntrod. p. xxxrv.

LXIV INTRODUCTION which were struck in Europe, and it frankly moves away from the head of the bronzes of Antiochus III. There is therefore reason to accept the classification proposed by the scholar English, without however hiding the fragile nature of such a scaffolding. Sometimes the tripod takes on a very particular shape on some of these pieces. lière (Catal. n° 236), attributable to the variety and the distance of the workshops. SELEUCUS II CALTLINICUS Era of the Sels. 66 to 86 (246 to 226 BC) I. —- Gold and silver coins. Seleucus IT, nicknamed by historians Callinicus and Pogon, succeeded his father Antiochus II Theos, and reigned twenty years, from the beginning of the year 246 BC. BC until the middle of Pan 226. Its history is very obscure and the adventures of his fight against his brother Antiochus Hierax are very confused in the stories of the ancient authors. This darkness and confusion creates confusion and uncertainty in the attribution of coins which can return to Antiochus Hierax, but we does not experience the same difficulties for the coins of Seleucus II. Indeed, the medals of this prince, at least those of gold and silver, are distributed clearly match those of Seleucus I and quite easily, in general, those of of Seleucus III. By proceeding by elimination, we will see that none of the mon- coins of gold or silver that we have attributed to Seleucus I Nicator cannot know come to Seleucus II. It therefore remains to be done The departure between the currencies of Seleucus I and Seleucus IIT. Now, Polybius (II, 71) gives Seleucus II the nickname Hwéywv, bearded. The silver and bronze coins which represent the bearded head of a) prince named Seleucus are therefore surely from Seleucus II (Catal. nes 259, 260, HS Their iconic type fixes us regarding the pieces that carry the same head, but hairless, and this classification is still con- firmed by the type on the reverse, — Apollo standing, leaning on a tripod, — which is common to bearded head and head pieces hairless. Fig. 162. As for the reasons which could carry Seleucus II, the first of the Seleucids, to carry all his beard, we 1. Clinton, Fasti hellenici, t. II, p. 312. 2. We give here the reproduction of a magnificent tetradrachm with a bearded type, preserved in the British Museum, This piece is also shown on pl. VI, No. 14, of the Catalog of Mr. Percy Gardner, but it is, by mistake, accompanied by the mention Æ instead of Æ.

SELEUCUS II CALLINICUS LXIV let's ignore them. Eckhel once believed that this long beard was, on the part of this prince, a sign of mourning because of a long captivity that he would have suffered among the Parthians. But this conjecture, although it is still admitted by Mr. Barclay Head°, is unfounded. Seleucus was actually defeated by Arsaces in a great battle which definitively marks, for the Parthians, the era of independence:, but he was not taken prisoner, despite what some say modern historians, like Frœlich + and Clintons. From the Armenian version of Eu- Sebius it appears that the passage from Posidonius reproduced by Atheneef, and invoked by Froelich and Clinton, relates not to Seleucus IT, but to a Seleucus, son of Antiochus VII Sidetes7. If Seleucus IT let his beard grow in Parthian fashion, this was perhaps to assimilate himself to Zeus, as Demetrius II Nicator would later do; no historical evidence, however, supports this conjecture. The only one remark that we can make is that Seleucus II sometimes only has favorites, sometimes a necklace of beards, sometimes finally a very long beard: it is obvious that the transformations of the monetary type have gradually followed those of nature: we will make the same observation with regard to Demetrius II. The characteristic types of coins of Seleucus IT Callinicus are: Apollo naked, standing, holding an arrow and leaning his left arm on a tripod, and Apollo naked, standing, holding an arrow and leaning on his bow. These guys are seen on all gold and silver coins, and on some bronzes, in place of Apollo seated on the omphalos which was perhaps never used under this reign?. Apollo leaning on a tripod, appears in the Seleucid series, for the first first time. On tetradrachms from Magnesia of Ionia, Apollo Pythian is even leaning on his prophetic tripod, but he holds strips instead of the arrow ®. We have already met Apollo standing, leaning on his bow, but this type is not earlier than Antiochus I Soter, so that our coins do not could be attributed to Seleucus I. As for Seleucus III, this setback does not suit him no more, because all the silver coins of this prince whose attribution is some have Apollo seated on the omphalos. 1. Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., t. II, p.210: 2. Barclay V. Head, Hist, numorum, p. 639. 3. Justin, XLI, 4. 4. Annals of Syria, pp. 30 and 31. Cphasephellen., tp: 313: 6: Eusebius, Chron. p. 167, ed. in-f°; cf. in the ed. Migne, t. I, pp. 259 and 263. Athenaeum, Deipnos. t. I, p. 274 of the ed. Meineke (Teubner). 7. Niebuhr, Kkeine Schriften, p. 300; Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. II, p. 382; Bunbury, in the Numism. chron:, III° series, t. III (1883), p. 81-82; Visconti had already demonstrated that Seleucus IT was not not taken prisoner by the Parthians. Visconti, Iconogr. Greek t. II, p: 298-299 (note). 8. Compare pieces from our catalog to this type, the tetradrachm published by Mr. Wroth in the Num. chron., 3° ​​S., t. VI (1886), pl. XI, 18. 9. Mr. Imhoof-Blumer published a tetradrachm which he attributes to Seleucus IT to the type of Apollo seated on the omphalos, with its ordinary attributes (Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 426, no. 31, and Choice, pl. VI, no. 207). This piece may be from Seleucus IT, as the royal head has only slight sideburns. 10. Overbeck, Kunstmythologie, Apollo, Munztaf. IIT, Nos. 46, 47 and 48. BABELON, — Kings of Syria, V

LXVI INTRODUCTION IT. — Bronze coins. Among the bronze coins of Seleucus IT Callinicus, some have the portrait of the king and these suffer no difficulty of attribution, the others have a another type of head, and their attribution to Seleucus IT rather than to Seleucus I or to Seleucus III may give rise to dispute. With the portrait of the king we have the following reverses: 1. Apollo standing, holding an arrow and leaning on his bow or on a tripod, types of gold and silver coins. 2. Elephant?. 3. Horse raising one front leg and surmounted by the two stars of the Dioscuri (Catal. n°5 276 and 277). 4. One of the Dioscuri on horseback, his lance at rest (Cafal. n° 275). 5. Pegasus (Calal. No. 278). 6. Bow and quiver3. The two stars which surmount the free horse of group no. 3, and which sym- bolize the brightest stars of the sign of Gemini, teach us that the horse is indeed one of those of the Dioscuri, Cyllarus, which appears on numerous coins, notably Tyndaris, Syracuse, Arpi, Maronce. This horse does perhaps an allusion to the stud farms that Seleucus Nicator had installed in Apamea, on the Orontes. Anyway, we see him like here, raising one front leg, on the autonomous currencies of Adana, and it is a frequent type in the numismatics of Arsacid kings, from Tiridates I* (247-214 BC)4. Finally, the rising horse a leg forms the ordinary reverse of the beautiful tetradrachms of Cymé struck on the re century before our era. The galloping Pegasus of group 5, is the type of coins silver from Alabanda and Antioch of Caria. As for certain parts of Seleucus I (see above, p. xxIx), several of the types of bronzes of Seleucus IT appear copied directly on coins of the kings of Syracuse. The Pegasus gallop, on our small bronzes with the bearded head of Seleucus, is found identical on pieces of the same module from Hiero II (275-216). The rider, his lance at rest, which we have on bronze no. 275, also appears on large bronzes of Hiero II. Among the chalques which do not have the royal effigy, there are some whose lat- tribution to Seleucus II is nevertheless certain. These are those who have, by right, the helmeted head of Athena (Cafal. n°5 267 to 272) which we saw on the drachmas . Percy Gardner, The Seleucid Kings, pl. VI, 3; Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 427, n° 38 and 30, . Percy Gardner, op. cit., pl. VI, 4. . Percy Gardner, op. cit., pl. VI, 15; Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greek., p. 427, nos. 36 and 37. 4. To. de Longpérier, Memoir on the chronology of the Parthian Arsacid kings, pl. T, n°9 and 11; A. de Mar- koff, The coins of the Arsacid Parthian kings, pl. I, Paris, 1877, in-4°; Percy Gardner, The Parthian Coinage, in-4°, London, 1877. D) ND H