← Back to work · All provisional translations
The Achaemenid Persians, the Satraps and the Tributary Dynasts — 1893
The original page is shown on the left as scanned. The provisional English translation sits on the right; coin inscriptions, catalogue numbers, references, and plate labels are kept as close to the source text as the OCR allows. 674 of 698 pages translated. Showing pages 81-160.
Translation and OCR are research aids, not authoritative editions. Verify quotations, names, legends, numerals, tables, and plate references against the original page image. Some pages, especially title pages, contents, and front matter, may retain visible OCR or translation artifacts.
DEMARATIDES LXXI in front, the monogram j^. ^ 10 mill. — i gr. 60 (Imhoof-Blumer collection) “. This bronze coin don't differs from the piece money that by the addition of monogram. Mr. Six assigns these currencies to Trials II, the son-in-law of Aristotle, under the pretext that the head of dynast is hairless and that the use of carrying the long beard ceased only with the fall of the Persian Empire. We can cite, even in numismatics, examples contrary to this assertion : for example, the darique attributed to Cyrus the Young and the states of Cyzicus who wear portraits of beardless men. Else leaves, Trials II, Aristotle's son-in-law, is only mentioned after Alexander, in 322, and he is not likely that this late era, he could have enjoy right of beat currency. The city itself of Teuthrania was, in this time, absorbed by Pergamon its close neighbor, or less well fallen of the import tance that she had had 80 years old previously. Finally, the style of parts do not oppose not that they can be traced back to the beginning of the 4th century. This is why we we attribute them to Procles I , reported in 399 ; they are thus contemporary with those of Gorgon in Gambrium, and of those who were hit in Pergamon in the same circumstances. To confirm the attribution to Eurysthenes of the coins which bear the name of Pergamum {Calai. no. 373 and 374) 2 , we must remember that we have established elsewhere 5 that at time of the retirement of Ten Thousand, Pergamon belonged to Demaratides and no to Gongylides. In effect, speaking of the harmoste laced- monien Thibron, when he came in Asia Minor take the command of Lacedaemonian forces who were struggling against the Persians, in 399, Xenophon said (Helleil. III. I, 6): Kocc ttôXsiç; nspyxaov av kxwhereaxv 7rp07aXa.es, xat TsuOpxvîxv xxi 'AXi'ixpvxv , w.v. Eùp'j<ïl)EV'/]ç xx.'. npoxXvjç rçp/ov, ot onro ÀajjiapxTou xoO AxxsSxiuovi'ou. If we take this sentence in isolation, — the only text where Eurysthenes either men- tioned, — we will be tempted, perhaps, to hesitate to recognize that it means that Per- game belonged to the Demaratids ; we can believe that she reports simply the occupation of Pergamum by Thibron, at the same time time as that of Teuthrania and of Halisarna. But all equivocal disappears if we bring closer the sentence aforementioned other passages from Xenophon. Everywhere else where it is spoken of Procles, this per- sonnage is always designated as possessing, in itself, the two cities of Teu- thrania and Halisarna : Xenophon recounting that, a few weeks before the arrival 1. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, pp. 258-259; Six, Nuni. chron., 1890, p. 188, no. 2. 2. The electrum hectium has been assigned sometimes, to wrongly, to Pharnabazes (Six, in the Zeitschrift fur Ninuis- matik, t. VI, 1879, p. 97-98). Mr. Six add under his no. 5 (No. chron., 1890, p. 192), a piece of money which, instead of the head of the dynast, has the type of back one head of calf. This currency does not belong, in my opinion, to the same series. 3. E. Babelon, Numismatic mixtures, 2' series, p. 201 and following. MM. Thraemer and Six argued that Pergamum was in the Gongylides. To~
LXXII INTRODUCTION de Thibron, Proclèsse came to his aid, expresses himself thus :
ORONTES LXXIII not to return in favor 1 , and in 362, he was satrap of Mysie, or rather of Dascylion 2 . Orontes was the instigator of the big one revolt of satraps against Artaxerxes Mnemon 362, and he minted coin as head of this insurrec- tion : against the currencies of others satraps, those of Orontes therefore have a insurrectional character. The famous gold stater from the Hunter Museum (fig. 32) is the most remarkable specimen of this coinage, of which autonomy and independence screw to screw of great king are, in something so, accused by this metal itself, reserved for the strike of the darique throughout the extent of the Achaemenid Empire3. We successively attributed this stater to Artaxerxes II Mnemon, at Tissapheme, at Pharnabazus. Mr. Sallet proposed from there recognize the effigy of satrap Orontes, and Mr. Six confirmed the opinion of the German scholar. In placing, he said, this stater in its chronological order, among the other sta- tons of gold from Lampsacus, we see that it moves towards the year 360. Mr. Wroth recently also adopted the attribution in Orontes, pointing out that the ranking of this piece in Pharnabaze, proposed by Mr. Head 4, is all the more unacceptable as the effigy has no relationship with that which we see on the silver stater struck Cyzicus with the legend
LXXIV INTRODUCTION on the parts of our catalog, our 376 to 379, and on preserved currencies in others collections 1 (Fig. 33, at British Museum). Mr. Imhoof-Blumer believes that the workshop of these parts money and bronze is Adramytium or rather Iolla, in Mysia. If the rare coins of Iolla have, effective- Fis- 33- ment, for type of backhand the Pegasus 2 protome , it's also the guy ordinary of Lampsaque, and like the gold coin has was hit in this last city, I don't see this who would oppose what we equal attribute lies to this workshop the silver and bronze pieces which are directly related to the gold coin by types and style 4. Orontes, moreover, must have struck coins in different workshops, following the events that happened his career agitated. Mr. Six proposed to recognize the effigy of this satrap on a hected of his collection which appears to have been hit in the workshop of Phocaea' 2 . It was probably at Clazomène that was issued on silver coin that follows : Greek hoplite kneeling, protecting himself with his shield and holding his javelin in his right hand. In the field, the letter T- fy-- OPONTA- Protome of a winged boar, leaping to right. JR.. 2 gr. 78. British Museum and Berlin Museum?. — Mr. Waddington points out that the kneeling warrior appears remind the change of tactical imagined by the Athenian Chabrias : “ He had taught his soldiers, when the enemy was about to charge, to put one knee on earth and to hold their spears in stop, covering yourself with the mouth clier leaning against the other knee 6 . » I don't really know if he must also attribute in Orontes the following coin, struck at ^v*^ Cisthenes in Mysia : Bearded head of a satrap, wearing the Persian tiara, to right. P/,. KIZ0A- Rider at gallop, to left. M 12. Museum of Munich. He is possible that the effigy either that of a other satrap or maybe even that of a local despot unknown in history. F'g- 34- F'g- 3> 1. Waddington, in the Numismatic Review from 1863, ft. IX, 4, and Mixtures, t. II (1867), p. 19; A. von Sallet, in Numismatism Zeitschrift, from Vienna, t. III, p. 421 ; cf. t. VIII, p. 233; Imhoof- Blunier, Greek coins, p. 246 and 247, n° 95 ; B.Head, Ionia, p. 326. 2. W. Wroth, Mysia, p. 77 and pi. XVIII, 2. 3. See Imhoof-Blumer, Greek coins, pp. 245-246, note; b. Head, Hist. number, p. 246; Six, in Numism. Cbronicle, 1888, p. 110 to 114. 4. Si-x.,Numism. cbronicle, 1888, p. 114; cf. Zeitscbrift fur Numismatik, t. VI (1879), P- 9 8' P 1 - m > 42. 5. Koehne, Memoirs of the Soc. of archeology of Saint Petersburg, 1848, ft. XII, 30; Waddington, Mixtures, t. II (1867), ft. nor, 5 ; A. von Sallet, in the Numismatiscbe Zeitscbrift of Vienna, t. III, p. 423 ; B. Head, History number, p. 613 (misclassified as Tarsus); cf. B.Head, Ionia, p. 326 and ft. XXXI, 10. 6. Waddington, Mixtures, t. II, 1867, p. 19-23 ; cf. Diod. Yes, XV, 32; Polyen, II, 1, 2; Corn. Nepos, Chabrias, I. 7. Imhoof-Blumer, Griecbisehe Mûnsfen, p. 89 and pi. VI, 27.
ORONTES LXXV Anyway, from the above, the currencies of Orontes are distributed between miscellaneous workshops : Lampsack, Clazomene and maybe Cisthenes. We does not have so far reported none currency that Orontes have knocked into Cilicia, at the time where this satrap was charged by the great King of direct war against Evagoras of Salamis. For a long time historians have wondered whether the satrap Orontes should not not be split into two characters : the first, son-in-law of king Artaxerxes Mnemon and satrap of Armenia ; the second, satrap of Mysia, following the title that him gives Diodorus of Sicily '. This historical problem is now resolved. In 1886, we discovered, close of Pergamon, a registration who tells that the Bactrian Orontes, son of Artasyras, having insurgent against the king Artaxerxes Mnemon, had deported the inhabitants of Pergamon, then had done his submission to the great King 2 . A other epigraphic text found more recently at Nimroud-Dagh, on the tomb of Antiochus I , king of Commagene, contains the following lines : “A the memory of Aroandés, son of Artasouras, who married Queen Rhodogune, girl of King of kings, the great Artaxerxes known as Mnemon 3." Mr. Th. Reinach, who very commented on this registration, note that the word Aroandès is only one shape of Aryandes, Oroandès, Orontes, of which the transcription Armenian is Erouant. “ He cannot, he adds, there being no doubt about the identity of VOrontès, son of Artasyras, from the Pergamon inscription, and of Yaroandès, son of Artasouras, of the inscription of Nimrud-Dagh. » Aroandès or Orontès marries Rhodogune, girl of Artaxerxes Mnemon, in registration ; it is also the case of the Orontes of Xenophon and Plutarch, who governs Armenia and jealous Tiribaze. He results of there, concludes Mr. Reinach, that he no has only one alone and unique Orontes of which the career spans since 401 until 349. This satrap was the distant ancestor of the dynasty that reigned over Commagene in the century preceding the Christian era : it is for this reason that the stele of Orontes adorned the tomb of Antiochus I. Unfortunately- sow this stele mutilated presents more trace of human figure. He would have summer particularly interesting to compare this traditional image with the portrait authentic that the currencies provide us. According to Plutarch, Orontes resembles blay to Alcmaeon, son of Amphiaraus 4. 1. Trog. Pomp., Prol. x. 2. Th. Reinach, in the Review of Greek Studies, 1890, p. 365. 3. Humann and Puchstein, Reisen in Kleinasien and North Syria (Berlin, Reimer, 1890) ; Reinach, in the Review of Greek studies, 1890, pp. 364-367. 4. Plutarch, A ratus, 3. A statue of Alcmaeon had been consecrated in the oracle of Delphi (Pausanias, X, 10, 2); Reinach, loc. cit.
LXXVI INTRODUCTION v. Spithridates (c. 334 BC). Two Persian leaders named Spithridates are historically known. The first mier was a hyparcus, which revolted against Pharnabazus in 396 BC. AD 1 . The second was satrap of Lydia and Ionia under Darius III Codoman 2 ; he was the brother of Rhœsaces, and he perished, like the latter, at the battle of Granicus, where he ordered- said the Hyrcanian cavalry. It is at satrap from Sardis Spithridates, and no to his namesake, the hyparcus revolted against Pharnabaze, that we must attribute the currencies which bear 2PI0P or ZPÏ, with the effigy of a satrap. They were struck, like the ephemeral staters- of Memnon, on the occasion of the preparations that Darius was making to resist the invasion Alexander's escape. At small bronze of our catalog (no. 380), he must add the room money opposite (fig. 36) that sound type of The reverse perhaps allows Lampsaque to be classified as 4. Mr. Droysen disputes that Spithridates minted coin in this city, because that she was outside the limits of the satrapy of Spithridates >. But many examples we have already proven that the satraps strike currency, no not by virtue of their satrapal authority, but as army leaders, in the countries where the carries the chance of operations military. In what concerns Spi- thridate particular, the question is not know if Lampsaque is found included in the government of this satrap, but only if this army leader had, at one point, its headquarters in this city. Nor can I, in virtue of the same principle, subscribe to the opinion of Mr. Six when he says that the mon- The silver coin of Spithridates must have been struck “at Adramytium or at Iolla, of which Spi- thridate aura been a dynast at the same time that he was satrap, or before that he became satrap of Ionia or Lydia, in 334 th . » It must be recognized that the presence of the Pegasus or the horse on the currencies of Spithridates is barely sufficient argument to assert that the satrap Spithridates had these military pieces beaten at Lampsacus and at Cyme7, because he is obvious that we 1. Xenoph., Anab., VI, 3, 7 ; Hellen., III, 4, 10 ; W. Judeich, op. cit., p. 70. 2. Arrien, Anab., I, 12.8; Diod. Sic, XVII, 19, 20, where Spithridates is named H-iQûoCâtr,?. 3. B. Head hesitates between the two Spithridates (Hist. numor, p. 512-513), but ultimately it stops at satrap (Ionia, p. 327). Mr. Wroth had wrong of classify the currency of British Museum to the hyparcus revolted against Pharnabazus (Numism. Chronicle, 1888, p. 17.) 4. A. de Rauch, in the Berliners Blattcr, 1869, t. V, p. 29. 5. Droysen, in the Zeitschrift fur \Numismatik, t. II (1875), p. 313 ; cf. Hist. of Hellenism (trans. Bouché-Leclercq), t. I, p. 185, note. 6. Six, in Numism. Chronicle, 1888, p. 114, note 56. 7. A. de Sallet, in the Numismatische Zeitschrift of Vienna, t. 111, p. 424-425.
SPITHRIDATE MEMNON LXXVII was able to imitate or copy in other workshops the monetary types of these two cities. We do not know in sufficient detail the military operations which chaired Spithridates before the Battle of Granicus, to determine with pre- decision in which of the cities from Ionia or Mysia he has hit the currencies soldiers who bear his name. Let us bring together the currencies of Spithridate and Orontes the little one silver coin opposite (fig. 37) who has, at straight, a hairless head of satrap, and at reverse the OATA registration, around a che protome val. It is not possible to consider this legend incomplete as part of the word OPONTA ; we can even less, I think, subscribe to the hypothesis which proposes to recognize here the name of the satrap Autophradate (OATA cppaSax^ç?) 1 . i-'g- he- Fig. 38. VI. Memnon the Rbodian, in Ephesus (in 334 BC). The coins in our catalog (our 381 at 385) are anepigraphs , but he exists of the same types, at the British Museum and the Berlin Museum, which bring right, around the figure royal, the name TYeArOPHI 2 (fig- 38). We a long time searched what could be this Pythagoras, of which the name se bed to a place where we would expect to encounter a name of king or of satrap. Charles Lenormant thought to Pythagoras or Pnytagoras, the competitor of Evagoras II to the throne of Salamis 3. M. W. Vaux thought of a certain Pythagoras cited in a Greek inscription found in Susa, who the qualifies ccD read.
LXXVIII INTRODUCTION perhaps this dynast or tyrant called Pythagoras, and in which cities Ionian he was able reign 1 . The discovery made in India, there has a ten years, of a stater on which the syllable AH is substituted for the word nYSATOPHZ, was unhappy- lost the English scholar who wonders, in desperation, if the group monetary of which he it doesn't belong not to Syria or to Phoenicia, rather than Asia Minor 2 . On the contrary, this syllable AH was, for M. Six, the clue revealed- tor of the true homeland of these curious pieces. The eminent Amsterdam scholar kindly confided to me that he considered them to have been struck at Ephesus, and that the names FTYGArOPHZ and AH---? far from designating dynasts, were only names of magistrates premises. This hypothesis appears fully justified. In effect, in the list of eponymous prytanes who signed the coins of Ephesus time of Darius Codoman and of Alexander, we find the names following : nYGArOPHI 3 , AHMArOPHI* and AHMOKAHI 5 - The identity of these names with those which appear on our satrapal coins struck Mr. Six. This coincidence could be attributed to chance, if we observe that the silver staters to the types Ephesians of the bee or the protome of deer, signed with the name of these prytanes, have exactly the same weight that the parts satrapales including we are looking for the homeland. Y did he therefore, in the story from Ephesus a historical circumstance who explains how the eponymous prytanes, Pythagoras and Demagorès (or Democles) could have been led to issue coins of the type of the king of Persia? We know that the Ephesians always showed themselves the enemies of the Persians; it's at their instigation that Philip of Macedon launched an advanced army on Ionia of 10 a thousand men. A this news, Darius charged sound best general, Memnon the Rhodian, to oppose to the invasion : this one beat the Macedonians in Magnesia on the Meander, then captured Ephesus where the Persian party who had it called plundered the sanctuary of Artemis and overthrew the statue of Philip erected in the temple 6 . Memnon installed a strong garrison in the city and an oli- government Garchic at the head of which were placed Syrphax and his son Pelagonv. We were in i. Cf. Imhoof-Blumer, Portràtkœpfi, p. 22. 2. b. Head, Ionia, p. 323, note. The stater to the legend is AH entered at British Museum; he has first summer published by Cunningham in the Journal Asian, Society of Bengal, 1881, p. 70, no. and ft. XVII, 2. 3. Mionnet, Suppl., t. VI, no. 206; Hunter Museum, n" 5 ; b. Head, Coinage of Ephesus, p. 56 (Extract of Numism. Chronicle, 1880). 4. British Museum. B. Head, op. cit., p. 34. 5. Mionnet, Suppl., t. VI, no. 189; Mus. Hederwar, 9; Calai. Subbi Pasha, no. 796; B.Head, op. cit., p. ?4 • E. Babelon, Numismatic mixtures!, 2' series, p. 142. 6. According to Arrian (I, 17, 11) : ...all; ta Mé|J.vova S7tayaYo'[j.svouç xat Tù; 16 tspov aiAr^avia; T7JS 'Apts'ijLiôoç xat Tùç Trjv Etxova toS
MEMNON — ABROCOMAS LXXIX 35th. Immediately afterwards, Memnon rose from new troops, bringing together continue- people of all countries, to resist the great invading army which did not take long to bring Alexander. After the Battle of Granicus, in the spring of 334, Memnon had to retreat to Ionia, heading straight for Ephesus where the news of the defeat of the Persians had caused a strong emotion. Having tried in vain to organize resistance at Ephesus, Memnon, pursued by Alexander, descended into Caria and thrown into Halicarnassus where it was besieged in the autumn of 334. The sequence of political events that we have just reported clearly explains- lies the show of our currencies. Presumably the prytanes eponyms of Ephesus, in 335 and 334, were Ir^xX^ç (or A-f^ayc/piç) and IloOryô^c; ; they hit paid change to urban types when Memnon took the city and installed Syrphax there. Memnon, needing money for the pay of his army and the recruitment of his troops, their had it issued, concurrently with the currencies of the city, the staters to the type of the king of Persia as a melophoric archer, who bear their names. The broadcast of these pieces, begun in 336, were able to continue during the campaign which resulted in the battle of Granicus, and even during the retreat of Memnon on Ephesus, then on Hali- carnasse. It is, in fact, very probable that the monetary workshop of Memnon moved and followed him in his flight : parts of the same type and weight as the previous ones teeth, but anepigraphs, must have been struck elsewhere than in Ephesus , for example in Miletus and Halicarnassus, where Memnon stayed. What that he in itself of this point secondary, the coinage that we let's come to study represents the cash that knocked, of 336 to 334, Memnon the Rhodian at the head of the Persian army which was victorious at Magnesia, took Ephesus, then was defeated at Granique and pursued by Alexander. The guy royal is that of Darius III Codoman : the facial features, the whole pose particular of the monarch Achaemenid are found identical on the famous darique d'or which has the reverse a ship's bow, with the Carian letter Q 1 . This daric has summer struck in Caria, in the same circumstances as the Memnonian silver staters 2 . VII. Abrocomas, to Siuope (around 360 BC. AD). The coins that the satrap Datame fit hit to Sinope, with the legend that Droysen and other historians have poorly established the sequence of these events, believing, in particular, that Syrphax was installed in Ephesus in 337, by the satrap Autophradates. The wars of Autophradates in Ionia relate to an earlier era. 1. See above, Introduction, p. xvn. For the value of the carian letter 6 , see Sayce, The Karian language and inscriptions, in the Transactions of Soc. of. Bibl. Archcol., t. IX, part. I, 1887. 2. The bronzes who se report to the same series monetary have, at reverse, a guy that Mr. Head would like consider as the plan of a atesh-gah or altar of fire (Cat. n" 385). b. Head, Ionia, p. 324, footnote ; G. Perrot and Chipiez, Hist. art in antiquity , t. V, p. 645.
LXXX INTRODUCTION AATAMA, around the year 368, and which we explained above 1 , don't are not the only ones which attest to the political and military role of the Persian governors of Cappa- doce. Chronologically they are followed by currencies, of the same types sino- pagans, who carry, in letters Aramaic, the names of Abrocomas satraps and Ariarathe. On the Abrocomas drachma (Catal. no. 386), the Duke of Luynes read : 13d 11V (Abd-Sinob) 2 ; Mr. Waddington proposed with hesitation the name of a dynast Abdemon. “ He must read, according to all probability, he said, piay, with the fifth dubious letter. The name may be Abdemon or some similar name. In all the case, this character can only have been a Paphlagonian dynast, who reigned in the surroundings of Sinope, or which maybe been a master of the city towards the same period as Ariarathe, and the medal cannot be separated from those of Ariarathe with which it has the greatest resemblance 5. » Although it was proposed with this prudent reserve, the Abdemon reading was generally accepted 4. I could hardly cite anything other than the divergent opinion of Fr. Lenormant, who reads UQIMf, seeking to find, in 13131—, the final element of Aria-ramnes*. These various hypotheses were only based on the caption of the copy of Luynes, whose last two letters, trimmed, were of a restitution little conjectural. The copy of the collection of Mr. Waddington, published by Mr. Th. Reinach6 , as well as several others that I recently saw in commerce, allow fix reading of the end of word in a way unmistakable; these are the letters m, which seems, at first glance, to confirm the reading by Mr. Waddington. But we have demonstrated elsewhere? that we must read 1QD12Î?, Abrocomou, and recognize here the name of the satrap Abrocomas. In effect, for us, like everything the world, the first two letters are certain : that's good 1*d. The third letter is rather a resch than a daleth ; his tail is too long for one Daleth, and it's this who recognized Fr. Lenormant who has read as we always. Let's leave side, for the moment, the fourth letter, and let's move on to last two which are very TO like Mr. Reinach established it. We therefore have a word in.l^y, to which only one letter is missing. This letter, we thought it was a mem ; we propose to recognize a capb there, although the median serration of this 1. See above, Introd., p. xl. and Catal. No. 200. 2. The Duke of Luynes cited, as being “barbarian factory », another copy of the Cabinet des Medals, which is just a modern forgery made of copper. Duke of Luynes, Nutnism. Satrapies, p. 65 ; Six, in Nutnism. Chronicle, 1885, p. 27, 11° 45. 5. Waddington, Mixtures, t. I (1861), p. 85; cf. Rev. uiiiin., 1861, p. 4, and ft. I, 5 ; cf. Brandis, Das Mûn^wesen in Vorderasian, p. 427. 4. J.-P. Six, in Numism. Chronicle, 1885, p. 28; Th. Reinach, in the Revue numism., 1891, p. 362. 5. Fr. Lenormant, Money in antiquity, t. He, p. 14, footnote 1. 6. Th. Reinach, in the Numismatic Review, 1891, p. 362 at 365. 7. Numismatic magazine, 1892, p. 175 and following. and Numismatic Mixtures, 2nd series, pp. 36 to 44.
ABROCOMAS LXXXI enigmatic character seems, on certain copies, to agree to a mem. But we will notice that, in the inscription of Teima 1 , the caph is done exactly as here, that is to say with a median denticle. Let us remember, moreover, that the classic form of Phoenician caph has two arms, ^-J ; the Aramaic form that we see at Teima and Sinope is perhaps a remi- niscence, a derivation of the latter. But this is not all ; a drachma recently joined the Cabinet of Medals, bears a legend including I reproduce here the exact facsimile : ^^^^ (.133133?) 2 . Notice the resch of which the tail, extremely long, would not be suitable for a Daleth ; the fourth letter finally finds itself conformed to it like a regular Aramaic caph, and no longer affects the lesser resemblance with the mem who the follows'. On a exemplary who is in the trade, I have pu read clearly l*{tj*|$
LXXXII INTRODUCTION conjecture that Abrocomas fulfills a similar role in the regions from the north of Asia Minor, on the side of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia. The name of the satrap Abrocomas se bed on the aryballos of Xenophantos, at the Saint Petersburg Museum, found in Kertsch in Crimea, and representing a hunting scene borrowed from the Scythian legend of the Arimaspes ' . This confirms what we learn currencies, to know that Abrocomas had to play a role important military in Cappadocia and on the banks of Pontus Euxine. The currencies of Datame are earlier than those of Abrocomas : their weight and their style prove it; on the drachmas of Datame, as well as on the parts oldest of Sinope, there is no apluster in front of the head of the nymph, while that this emblem appears on the coins of Abrocomas and Ariarathe and those of the city of Sinope, which are contemporary with them. Finally, if the currencies of Abrocomas are, in all obviously, posterior to those of Datame, they are, with no less certainty, prior to those of Ariarathe with which they have, except for the legend, the greatest resemblance. Datame's death is fixed by M. Judeich in the year 362*; Abrocomas was probably the successor of this satrap, and we would believe willingly that he was the main instrument of which se served Artaxerxes to get rid of Datame and crush his rebellion. VIII. Ariarathe and the currencies to legends barbarians. Ariarathe had to succeed immediately and without intermediate in Abrocomas. The identity of style, types and manufactures coins of these two characters argues in favor of this hypothesis. Ariarathe, born in 404 or 405, satrap around 353, reigned until 322, when he was put to death'. He ruled everything the riparian country from Pontus Euxinus to Trapczus. The story of this character is very confusing 4 ; that he us just remember that Ariarathe took advantage "from the upheaval caused by Alexander's expedition to establish himself as an independent satrap of Cappadocia, at the place of Persia Sabictas, established satrap by the Macedonian conqueror in 3335 ". Mr. Six place the coins of Ariarathe between 351 and 331 th . They share in two groups, having been struck, some in Sinope, the others in Gaziura. 1. Stephani, Antiquities of the Cimmerian Bosphorus, t. II, p. 5 (wrongly read Acpoxrv[jia;) : S. Reinach, Ant. of Bosphorus Cimmerian {Library of Figured Monuments, t. III), p. 97 and 100; cf. O. Rayet, Studies archeology and of art (collected and published by Mr. Salomon Reinach), p. 217. 2. Judeich, Kleinasiatische Studien, pp. 194 and 330. 3. Waddington, Numismatic mixtures, 1861, p. 83-84 ; Reinach, Three Kingdoms, p. 13 and 27 ; E. Babelon, Numerical mixtures., 2' series, p. 44. 4. Six, Maxaios, p. 14 and 15, p. 24 to 27, and Sinope in Numism. Chronicle, 1885, p. 29. 5. Th. Reinach, Three kingdoms of Asia Minor, p. 13. 6. Droysen wrongly attributes currencies to son of the contemporary of Darius and Alexander, the one we usually calls Ariarathe II and who reigned of 301 at 280 approx. Droysen, in the Zeilschrift fur Numismatik, t. II, p. 315-316.
ARIARATHE LXXXIll Coins minted in Sinope (Catal. No. 387) se distinguish from those of Datame and Abrocomas only by the weight, which is a little lower, and by the legend Aramaic 1 . The letters yo we bed in dotted on a certain number of examples please, are unexplained ; is that the word D2T, people ? is this a date ? The currencies types of Baalgazur represent this god in the attitude of Baaltars on Cilician coins ; imitation is so blatant that Mr. Six thinks that the parts of Ariarathe have been hit in the very workshop of Tarsus 2 . The name of the divinity, after being read "fiagbjD (Baal-Phegor) s and I ijnsbya (Baal- Pharnouk)4 has received his true interpretation of Mr. Waddington?. Mr. Six has listed all the copies known of parts at type of Baalgazur 6 , and he notices? that on several, the caption of the right is Tïjbyi instead of "ntaSyA '• the form Badlga^ir is close to the Greek name given to the city of Ta^'oupa, that Strabo 8 denotes as having been an old residence royal, rxÇi'oupa, raXaièv |3y.
LXXXIV INTRODUCTION The name of Asasos or Asyses would be on a Sino-style drachma barbarian, which, for the guys, is obviously a clumsy imitation of the drachmas of Datame. 11 is obvious to us that the legend itself is only an alteration of the Aramaic name of Datame, such that we the present the currencies cilicians. Mr. Six iJfin bed ; but both letters which he takes for ïï, are thus made \J [J , possible forms, but nevertheless abnormal for the tsadé, and in which he doesn't must see, according to us, that the letters T"l, returned, of the word *] 4d *-f *j \*, ICTin. This does not will not be doubtful for anyone who has examined, for example, a large number of Mazaios coins : he in is enough good style, on which we nevertheless finds letters returned in the same way as these. It results of there that this so-called governor of Cappadocia, Asasis, Asyses or other, does not exist period. The governor who would wear the name of Orontobates, like the last of hereditary satraps of Caries, is he, in turn, a reality historical? Its existence tension only rests on the legend of a Sinopean drachma from the Bern Museum linen, of a style “ a little barbaric », recognizes Mr. Six himself who, moreover, only deciphers the letters nsrUJ... However, here again, This is an imitation bar- bare. The head is the copy of that of the currencies of Datame ; registration is not that a distortion of the name Abrocomas; we still recognize, despite the incorrect tion of characters, the first letters ~)2y. Maybe even there Does he have a suit? awkward birth of the beginning of the name of Abrocomas, with the end of name of Ariarathe : mi— "neither?. On a exemplary communicated to me by a Tue- chand, we reads in large letters the barbaric signs ^HA*, in which I do not hesitate not to recognize, at place of a new satrap, the letters medians of the name of Ariarathe, [riN] m[IN]. These alterations unconscious in the Aramaic legends coins of Sinope do not have place to surprise us ; the autonomous coinage of Sinope, to Greek legends, also counts, for the period before Alexander, of name- breous drachmas of style more or less barbarian, in which the name itself of Sinope sometimes becomes quite illegible fact 1 . IX. Tymnes, despot of Terméra (around 479 to 450). Mr. Waddington 2 has published the next drachma : TYMNO- Heracles half- 1. Cf. E. Babelon, Numismatic mixtures, 2 nd series, pp. 46-47 and 183. 2. Waddington, Mixture> of numism., t. I (1861), p. 7 to 14.
TYMNES — CARIE SATRAPES LXXXV kneeling, holding a bow, and brandishing a club. 3^- TEPMEPIKON- Head of lion, in a square hollow. Jf{. 16 thousand, 4 gr. 63. — British Museum 1 . This currency, found in the island of cos by Mr. Newton, is of a style which places it towards the middle of the fifth century. The ethnic Tep^sptxôv designates the Carian city from Terméra, located on a promontory between Halicarnassus and Mindus. As for the dynast Tymnes, if he is not known historically, we had to less a few information on his ancestors. His grandfather had the same name as him, and his father, whose name was Histiaeus, tyrant of Termera, served in the fleet of Xerxes, in 480. But if the father of this Histiaeus was called Tymnes 2 , the word TYMNO don't could designate this character who is too old to the type of the medal. “ He is very likely that, depending on use so widespread in antiquity, Histiaeus' son wore the same name as his ancestor : it's at him whom we attribute the medal of Ter- mera. » Mr. Waddington adds that he rejects the hypothesis of a monetary alliance between the two Carian cities of Tymnos and Termera. The town of Terméra was destroyed by Mausolus, around 370. x. The satraps of Caries. A the peace of Antalcidas in 387, Caria definitively fell under the yoke of the Persians that she had shaken for a while, but place of being attached in Ionia as in the time of Tissaphernes, it now had its own satraps 5. The first was Hecatomnus, who is called Kapc'oe; Suvxut^ç in 391 4; his charge passed to his descendants, and here, according to the most recent research 5, the chronological sequence history of the satraps of Caria : Hecatomnus, 395 to 377 ; — Mausole, 377 to 351 ; — Artemisia, 351 at 350; — Idrieus, 350 to 343 ; — Adah, 343 to 340; — Pixodarus, 339 to 334 ; — Rhoontopates, 334 ; — Ada, restored, 334. In outside evidence historical which demonstrate that the satraps of Caria were subject to king of Persian, we can quote their registrations in which the regnal year of the king of Persia is mentioned first place 6 . The authors designate by the epithets following : (7XTpobt7]ç, èut'uTaOao; , u7rap/_o;, 8uvx<7"nr);, 1. Barclay Head, Synopsis of the contents of the British Museum, p. 23, no. 37, and Hist. numor. p. 532. 2. Herod., V, 37. 3. P. Krumbholz, De Satrapis, p. 78 and following. ; W. Judeich, Small Asian Studies, p. 226. 4. Diod. Sic, XIV, 98. 5. G. Schmidt, Geschichte der Karischen Fursten, Gottingen, 1861 ; P. Krumbholz. From Satrapis per- sicis, p. 83 ; Pohla, From dynasty Caricis; Jiirgens, From rebus Halicamassenium, p. 56-58 ; Bergk, in the Rheiniscbes Museum, 1882, p. 364 and s. ; and especially, W. Judeich, Small Asian Studien, p. 226. 6. c. /. Gr, n° 2691, c-e ; and 2919.
LXXXVI INTRODUCTION ap"/wv, TÛpawoç, jSacr'.Xeûç ; inscriptions call them satraps ". We are therefore wrong, in general, to give to the hereditary satraps of Caria the name of king. The word SocsiXeuç is exceptionally applied to them and only by authors from the low times 2 . Hecatomnus (395 at 377). — The residence of this satrap was Mylasa. In 390, having been charged by Artaxerxes II Driving Mnemon the war against Evagoras of Salamis, sound role was, in this circumstance, more that equivocal 3. Heca- tomnus is mentioned in several Lycian inscriptions4; he died in 377 >. The coins of Hecatomnus are divided into two groups. The first is formed of those who have the types of autonomous states of Miletus, the head of lion and the star; the second includes a heavy currency Rhodian, with types of Zeus Labrandeus, found under all the following reigns 6 . Our catalog only contains drachmas, to the Milesian types, and of Attic weight, with the legend EKA (Catal. nos. 391 to 395). Their attraction bution to the satrap of Caria is made positive by the next statere (fig. 41) : Zeus of The- branda, walking to right, the bipenne on the shoulder, and holding a long scepter the hand left, RL. EKATOM- Lion on the right. JR.. 15 gr. 17. —Berlin Museum?. I have to say, however, that Mr. Waddington prefer recognize on these parts Milesian types, a local magistrate named after Hecatomnus rather than the dynast Carian himself. But this hypothesis is contradicted by the existence of other currencies with the same types, which, instead of EKA? have the legend MA, letters in which we can hardly ignore the initials of Mausole, the successor immediate of Hecatomnus. This is, moreover, the opinion of Mr. Six who, moreover, tried to demonstrate that the Milesian type coins of the dynasts of Caria were struck in Mylasa's workshop itself ; so that it would not be necessary, to explain- query these coins, to suppose that Hecatomnus and Mausole have extended their dominion nation on Miletus ; “ the weight attic, said Mr. Six, best suited to dynast of Mylasa, than to the Ionian city 8 . » Already, previously to Hecatomnus, we meet against on the coins of Mylasa, the star and the head of lion who, thus, are not point exclusively Milesian types 9. 1. Droysen in the Zeit. fur Numism., t. II (1875), p. 311, note. 2. Droysen, in the Zeit fur Numism., t. II (1875), p. 311, note. 3. Diod. Sic. XIV, 98, 3; Isocr., Paneg., IV, 162. 4. J. Imbert, in Bai)»/, and. east. Record. May 1891, p. 110. 5. Diod. Sic. XVI, 36; cf. P. Krumbholz, op. laughs., p. 80. 6. Waddington, Mixtures, t. I (1861), pp. 14 at 16; Six, in Numism. Cbronirle, 1890, p. 229 7. Waddington, loc. cit., Friedlaeder and A. de Sallet, Das Ketnigl. Mun^kabinet (1877), n° 227. 8. Six, in Numism. Chronicle, 1890, p. 228; cf. p. 231. 9. Six, in Numism. Chronicle, 1890, p. 224 to 228.
THE CARIES SATRAPES LXXXVII Mausolus (577 to 353).— During his reign, Mausolus transferred his residence from Mylasa to Halicarnassus which became the capital of Caria 1 . The first of the mon- naies of this prince which appears in our catalog (n° 396), is a stater with types Milesians of the lion's head and the star, like the coins of Hecatomnus ; we already know that these parts probably have been hit in Mylasa 2 . The efforts that made by Mausolus to seize Miletus were, it is said, unsuccessful î. By settling at Halicarnassus, Mausole inaugurated a new currency which persists in numismatics Carian satraps until the destruction of the city by Alexander. On the right, figure the head of Apollo facing, type already previously used- lies about some rare pieces from Halicarnassus 4, and directly imitated from the head of Helios, coins of Rhodes. The weight itself of the new pieces is rho- dien ; and, about this, he will not be not without interest to point out that Mausole occupied the citadel of Rhodes for quite a long time s. The beautiful marble provided by the neighboring Mylasa mountains had been used to edify the temple famous for Labranda 6 , where Zeus was honored under the name of Stû'It'.oç, Kapioç, 'Oaoyc'jç, Zr]vo7ro<7£iowv, AxêpauvSeuç, thus corresponding to the time to Zeus, to Poseidon and to Hades Greeks. The bipinne, Xiêpuç, that it concerns shoulder 7, spear, the horse, the trident, the crab, the modius were the main emblems of this Zeus to triple meaning. Zeus Labranda strategies is, at from Mausole, the type of reverse of all the currencies of satraps of Caria. Its emblems and its temple can still be seen on Carian coins from the period roman 8 . Idrieus (353 to 344). — Mausole having died without children, Artémise who was at the same time his sister and his wife, succeeded him, and we know by what sumptuous monument she knew immortalize memory of his husband. We does not have point of coins in his name. Idrieus who replaced her as satrap of Caria was another of his brothers. In 351, the king of Persia charged him with pursuing the war against Cyprus rebellious 9 ; more late, the satrap protested as so many others : he was taken prisoner and thrown in the irons. A his satrapy of Caria, Idrieus joined the possession of islands of Rhodes, from Coset de Chios. 1. Vitruvius, II, 8,n; Diod. Sic. XVII, 23. 2. Six, in Num. Chron., 1890, p. 230. Under nos. 24, 25 and 26, Mr. Six gives Mausole small currencies which could not belong to him. 3. Newton, Recent discovcries at Halicarnassus, p. 45; cf. Polyen, VII, 8; Lucian, Dial. death., XXIV. 4. Numism. Chronictus, t. IX, p. 152; B. Head, Hist. number, p. 526. 5. Demosth. XV, 27; XXIV, 12; V, 25. 6. Herod. v. 119. 7. Auooi XoéSpuv tov nélzv.w ôvo^aÇousc. Rather. Qitest. Greeks, § 45. 8. About the sanctuary of Labranda, the statue of Zeus Stratios which was there, and of labrys, see Overbeck, Kunstmythologie, II, p. 268; Newton, Recent discoveries at Halicarnassos, 1862, pp. 14, 15, 33, and 611-619; Zeitschrift fur Numism., t. II, p. 112; G. Perrot and Ch. Chipiez, Hist. of art, in the anti- fairness, t. V, p. 312. 9. Diod. Sic. XVI, 42,
LXXXVIII INTRODUCTION We have from Idrieus tetradrachms and drachmas similar to those from Mausole; the following sum is missing from our catalog : Head of Apollo, Laughed. | API, between the rays of a star. /R.. Obol, o gr. 75 '. Pixodarus (340 to 354). — Ada, sister and wife of Idrians, succeeded him; she was, after a few years, dethroned by his other brother Pixodarus. There is no coins in the name of Queen Ada. We has parts golden and money of Pixodarus. The coins golden are of drachmas, dioboles, obols and hemi-oboles of gold; the drachma ~- missing to our catalog. The silver coins are didrachmas, drachmas and obols the same to those of previous kings. But we find in the name royal the end OY birth instead of O which we had only encountered so far. Orontopalès or Rboontopatès (334 3333). — This satrap was Pixo's son-in-law darus. We knows, by the story of Arrian, with what courage he defended Halicarnassus against Alexander 5. The name of this proud satrap, that Arrien calls 'OpovToêàxr,?, a suffered among the modern authors of singular alterations. Brandis, Krumbholz, Droysen, B. Head 4 call him Othontobates. A new copy entered, there is few years, in the collection by Lucien of Hirsch is came dissipate little by little close all the doubts. We read on the currency of our catalog (no. 424), 090NT0PAT0 5 and 00ONTOPATO 6 ; on the new copy of its collection tion, L. de Hirsch has read POONTOPAT[0] 7 and it's the form that we must recognize also be born on our stater. The word POONTOPATO is singularly close to the 'OpovroêxTY)ç. of Arrian; but, to bring the monetary legend into complete agreement with the text of the history nothing, we must ask ourselves, with Lucien de Hirsch, whether we should not read [OjPOONTO- PATO- This conjecture cannot be based on any of the copies currently known ; it is, however, based on the analogy of the name 'OpoovSxT^? given to a satrap from Egypt 8 . H y has also other names who begin by OPO : 'Opôvrï|ç, 'Opo6aTYiç,'Opo
CHAPTER FOUR THE DYNASTS OF LYCIA Herodotus says that the Lycians are originating of the Crete : the son of Europe, Minos and Sarpedon, having competed for royalty in the island, Minos won and chased away his brother Sarpedon, who took refuge in Asia, in the country which was later to be called Lycia '. Lycian coins agree with this tradition, because he is (Catal., n°435) which represent the head of the Minotaur in the center of the Cre-labyrinth you. The name of the Lycians, Auxio'., seems derived from the root Xux, and mean “ the men of light 2 » ; in indeed, Apollo appears on many currencies from the cities of Lycia; his oracle of Patara, one of the oldest in Asia Minor, was still famous under the Roman Empire. The wild boar, an animal specially devoted created to Apollo, is the type the most common currencies of dynasts Lycians (Calai., nos. 425 to 467) ; the turtle (Calai. nos. 440 to 446) and the griffin (Calai. n 0s 478 to 481) are also animals of the cult of Lycian Apollo, and their presence is explained naturally on the coins of the people of the god of light î The exploits of Bellerophon in Homer have their theater in Lycia 4 ; there you go why we find, on Lycian coins, Pegasus, Bellé’s mount rophon (Calai. our 465, 466, 546 and 547) ; a of demes of Tlos was called SeÀÀspocpôvTeioç ', and in the ruins of this city, as well as elsewhere, we found 1. Herod. I, 173 ; cf. Oskar Treuber, Gescbichte der Lykier, p. 27 (Stuttgart, 1887, in-8°). 2. O. Treuber, op. cit. p. 28; E. Curtius, Hist. Greek, transl. Bouché-Leclercq, t. I, p. 95. He there is not to take into account from the opinion of those who derive the name of Lycians of Aiixos, wolf. The fable of the Athenian Lycus, son of Pandion, told by Herodotus, is just a tradition enough bass born of memory of the Greek colonization of the Xanthos valley. 3. On the animals that form the type of currencies Lycian women, see Preller, Grlecbiscbe Mythology, t. I, P- 195. The wild boar who scratches the snout (Catal, nos. 443, 444 and 448) is same on the currencies archaic of Methymna. The leaping wild boar or the wild boar protome done maybe hint to the shape ships Lycians : of less, this explanation is positive for the coins of Samos (A. Cartault, The Athenian trireme, p. 22). Let us say in passing that on one of the bas-reliefs (north face) of the famous tomb of the Harpies, in Xanthos, it's a wild boar that we must recognize under the throne, and not a dog, as is generally said (O. Rayet, Monuments of ancient art, I, pi. XVI ; Mr. Collignon, Hist. of Greek sculpture, t. I, p. 264). The hunt for the Calydonian boar is represented on one of the bas-reliefs from the mausoleum of Trysa, today at the Vienna Museum (S. Reinach, in the Galette des Beaux Arts, October, 1892, p. 301). 4. Treuber, op. cit., p. 57. 5. c. 7. Gr., n° 4}25b2 ; Waddington, Voyage arcbcol. by Le Bas, n° 1224.
XC INTRODUCTION bas-reliefs representing the various exploits of Bellerophon mounted on Pegasus '. Near Telmessus, there was the fortress of Bellerophon, and in the neighborhood of Xanthos, we showed the tomb of this divine hero 2 . The Chimera, the Harpies against which Bellerophon fought are therefore justified, as well as Pegasus, on the Lycian coins and monuments. It is also likely that a certain number still unexplained types, which we encounter on the coins of the Lycian dynasts, relate to Sarpedon and Glaucus, the mythical heroes that the Lycians have, from at all times, honored with a particular cult. The guy the most common on Lycian coins is the diquitre, the triquêtre or the eaglet. It is not in our thoughts to seek, here, the origins of this symbol which is perhaps linked to the Trojans, including the Lycians, according to Homer, were the faithful allies. It is generally recognized as a derivation of the siuastika Indian >. In relation to the meaning of the triquêtre on the Lycian coins in part particular, the most diverse opinions were formulated. For the Duke of Luynes, it is the emblem of the triad Heracles, Apollo and Perseus, honored with a special cult in Cilicia and in Pamphylia 4. Others thought of Zeus Triopas which, according to one design of Lycian origin, governs the world in three forms s. Because of the conquest of Lycia by the Persian general Harpagos, we even wanted to recon" to be born in the triquetrum Lycian coins, at p^xy-ri, fang or fish hook, doing allusion in the name of Harpagos 6 ! Fr. Lenormant has proposed, at the continued of Fellows, to see the emblem of the Lycian League in these “ three croissants arranged in triquetra and attaching by one of their ends to a ring which forms common center ; this symbol reminds the Caunians, Trojans, Tremiles, the three peoples of the confederation 7 ". Most of these hypotheses disappear by this simple consideration that the symbol in question has sometimes two arm (Catal. nos. 467, 517, 524, 544, 545) or four arms (Cotai. nos. 468 to 475 and 500); it becomes a diqueter or a tetraquestrian place of a triquêtre. He must so find an explanation which also works well for all these modifications. 1. Fellows, Discoveries in Lycia, pp. 136, 181, 252; Treuber, op. cit., p. 58 ; see Bellerophon com- beating the Chimera, on a bas-relief from the mausoleum of Trysa. S. Reinach, in the Galette des Beaux Arts, October 1892, p. 297. 2. Treuber, op. cit., p. 58. 3.V. between other work on this subject, Ludwig Muller, The cross gamified, Copenhagen, 1877, and E.Thomas, The Indian Swastika and its western Counterparts, in Numism. Cbronicle, N. S. t. XX (1880), pp. 18 to 48, and Percy Gardner, Ares as a Sun-god, in Numism. Cbronicle, N. S., t. XX (1880), pp. 49 to 61. 4. Luynes, Numism. of the Satrapies, p. 13-14. 5.V. Archaeological Zeitung, t. XIII (1855), P-I0 > c^- Curtius, Hist. Greek, transl. Bouché-Leclercq, t. I, p. 97. 6. See Treuber, op. cit., p. 94. 7. Fr. Lenormant, Money in Antiquity, t. II, p. 73-74; cf. Fellows, Coins of Lycia, p. 5.
DYNASTS OF LYCIIA XCI But this is not all. The triquôtre sometimes offers peculiarities singular : the ends of its three branches, all curved in the same direction, end by human feet (Catal. no. 548), by swan heads (Catal. nos. 476 and 532) or by rooster heads (Catal. nos. 450 to 452). This last form of triquêtre has served as an argument to Mr. Six l . to claim that the ordinary symbol, with branches smooth, was “formed of two, three or four entwined serpents, of which the heads or tails radiate from the center formed by their coiled bodies ". This hypothesis seems confirmed by the shape of the golden tripod, product of the tithe of the loot removed to the Persians after the battle of Plate and consecrated by the Greeks in the temple of Delphi. “Three bronze serpents coiled and standing on their tails supported of their heads arranged in a triquetre the Apollo 2 tripod . Such a symbol was appropriate wonderfully to the Lycians including Apollo was one of the most revered gods 5. » I would be very surprised that, despite this ingenious connection, the opinion of Mr. Six garnered many votes. The hypothesis that appeals to us more is that of Ludwig Muller, who considered derated the triquêtre as the emblem of perpetual circular motion 4. M. Curtius in further clarified the sense, recognizing the hieroglyph of speed and of the race 5. This scholar cites an epigram from Dioscorides 6 in which he is spoken of a man who wears a ornate shield of the triquêtre thus defined : Totffffoîç riv xx/uv ivopa izoalv. The author wanted designate the triquetre with legs winged, as on coins of Phlius and Syracuse 7. Finally, Mr. Edw. Thomas, who grouped and brought together the spinning emblems that we meeting in figurative archeology, managed to demonstrate that they are symbols of the sun 8 . The Lycian triquetre se would therefore quite naturally report to the god of sun, Apollon Auxtoç. But why two, three or four branches? and what do they mean these rooster heads, these swan heads? Among the others types of coins of the Lycian dynasts, it is necessary to notice the lion's muzzle (Catal. nos. 526 to 536) borrowed from the coins of Samos after 394, and the winged lion (Catal. nos. 490, 491, 493) which has its explanation in the Lycian myth 1. J. P. Six, Lycian coins, p. 9 ; cf. Numismatic Review, 1886, p. 109. 2. Friederichet Wolters, Bausteine %ur Geschichte der griech. Plastik, 1885, p. no, no. 227. 3. Six, op. cit., p. 9-10. 4. L. Muller, Det saakaldate Hagekors's Anvendelse og Betydning, Copenhagen, 1877 ; B. Head, Histor. numerum, p. 571. See also on the triquêtre, the Nachtràge for the history of the Lycians, by Treuber, p. 45-46 (Tubingen, 1888). 5. “Den Begriff der Gescbwindigkeit. » E. Curtius, Die Knieenden Figuren, p. 10. 6. Antol. Palat., VI, 126. 7. Duke of Luynes, Essay on the cult of Hecate, p. 83 ; Numismatic Chronicle, 1888, p. 97 et seq. 8. Numism. Chronicle, 1880, loc. cit. ; v. also Mûnch, Der phanik. Handel in den griech. Gewâssern, t. He, p. 9.
XCII INTRODUCTION of Perseus r ; the fable had symbolized this hero, created after the Apollonian type, under the shape of a winged lion, and it is sometimes called ûizÔiztzçoç àécov 2 . In 545, the Lycians who had escaped the domination of the Lydians under Croesus, were conquered by the Persians. Herodotus recounts the invasion of Lycia by Harpagos, lieutenant of the great King, the resistance and destruction of Xanthos 3. Around 515, when Darius divided his empire into satrapies, the Lycians and the Milyans, with the Pam- Phylians, Carians, Ionians, Magnetes and the yEolians formed the first satrapy who paid a annual tribute of 400 talents of silver 4. The Lycians, who had retained a certain political independence, responsible for paying the tribute and of provide their contingent to the army of Persian satrap, took leaves to the big one shipping of Xerxes against the Greece s. The study of types monetary allows to affirm that he existed, from the Persian period, if not a league Lycian and an organization federative system like the one we see functioning after Alexander, at least a sort of amphictyony around the sanctuary of Apollo, in the city of Xanthos which thus enjoyed a religious preponderance. The triquetre, emblem of Apollo Lycian, was perhaps the symbol of the league and at the same time represented the three people who were part ; when there were only two peoples associates, the Cragos district and that of Masicytos, the emblem of the league only had two branches; when there were four peoples finally, the emblem became the tetraquestra. Whatever we think of this hypothesis, maybe a little subtle, the idea of a association populations of the Lycia still seems confirmed by the expression A'Jx-.oi xxl ffuvTeXsïç, used in an inscription from Athens from the year 446 BC. AD, to designate as a whole the Lycians and their clients , while each of the cities of Caria and other provinces included in the Athenian symmachia is nomi- natively specified. All these monetary and historical indices therefore bring us to conclude that most of the important towns of Lycia, — Telmessos, Pinara, Tlos, Patara, in the Cragos district; Limyra, Phellos, Antiphellos, Trebenna, Arycanda, in the district of Masicytos, — had local dynasts who struck currency and recognized the suzerainty of dynast of Xanthos. For some, moreover, were able to reign with complete independence over a group of cities federated, over an entire district, for example that of Cragos or that of Masicytos 7, 1. E. Curtius, Hist. Greek, transl. Bouché-Leclercq, t. I, p. 115. 2. Prologue to the Dauaé attributed to Euripides, in Nauck, Tragic. graec. fragmented. 3. Treuber, op. cit., p. 91 and following. ; E. Curtius, Hist. Greek, t. II, p. 159. 4. See above, Inlrod., p. xxn. 5. Herod., VII, 92. 6. c. I. Att., No. 234 ; cf. Treuber, op. cit., p. 99. 7. Lycian coins issued after the year 168, until reign of Claudius, carry the some the name of the district of Cragos, the others the name of district of Masicytos. A similar division may have existed since the time of Persian domination.
LYCIAN DYNASTS XIII while, to other eras, the dynast of Xanthos appears have imposed sound direct authority over all Lycians. In short, the dynast of Xanthos must be considered like the king of all the Lycians under the hegemony of the Persians, except the strong period short, where, from approximately 466 to 440, the Lycians threw themselves into the Athenian alliance '. After the breakup of the Attico-Délian league, they placed themselves under suzerainty of king of Persia. The first coins hit by the Lycian dynasts go back to the time of Darius I . Those that their style designates as the oldest can be pushed back until around the year 530 ; one could believe that the strike was inaugurated immediately to the continuation of the conquest of the country by the Persians. These are first anepigraph pieces that, only their style and the varieties of their types allow to give to dynasts different. Soon appear of letters, mono- grams, symbols ; on the oldest series, the letters are borrowed to the Greek alphabet and not yet to the Lycian alphabet. These coins are cut following before the weakened Lydian system. We cannot know what is the dynast whose name begins with the syllable PV (Catal. No. 428) or the letter T (Cotai. n° 430). But it would be difficult to ignore in the syllable KVB (Catal. nos. 431 and 432) the name of Lycian leader which, following Herodotus, commanded the fifty ships Lycians of Xerxes' fleet 2 . We transcribe, in the editions of Herodotus, this name like he follows: KuÇspvt'ixo; Iôca, Kubemiskos son of Sikas. But according to an engineer denier correction of Mr. Six, what did I done know Mr. Imbert, it is better read : KuSepvtç Koaalxci, Kubernis son from Kossihas. In effect, on the big one stele of Xanthos it is spoken of a woman (?) by the name of 4, TIEXA, Kheijga, a name which appears well-being the Lycian form of Greek Kossicas >. Else leaves, Kuêspviç is the same word that the Lycian Kuperlis (KOPPAÀE) that we bed on the same stele and on coins from a later period, which we will talk about shortly. A certain Kuëepvtç finally, appears as a monetary magistrate on Eritrean coins from Ionia +. We therefore consider little by little almost like obvious the correction proposed by M. Six at the editions of the text of Herodotus. He is likely that the reign of Kubernis, son of Queen Kossikas, ceased in 480, date of the ruin of Xerxes' expedition ; he probably reigned in Xanthos as dynast of all the Lycians. The mention of the female genealogy of Kubernis reveals, among the Lycians, a usage similar to that of the Carians. Herodotus s said, moreover, that respect for women among 1. Diod. Sic, XI, 60 ; c. I. AU., No. 254 ; Treuber, op. cit., p. 98-101. 2. Six, Lycian Coins, pp. 13 and 85. Mr. Six cites a copy from the British Museum which bears KJfB 5 Which proves that this time moved back se served to the times of characters Greek and of characters Lycians. 3. We know of a Thracian leader named K.Q
XCIV INTRODUCTION the Lycians was particular and that they were used to also, of designate the descent through the mother. Following Kubernis, currencies with types take their place apollonians of wild boar, but slightly less old style, on which we bed 02 (= Os. ?) {Catal. Nos. 433 and 434) ! : we have already pointed out that these same letters are found in countermark on the Persian centuries of Artaxerxes I Long-Hand who began to reign in 465 (Catal. no. 58): this particularity fixed the date of our coins around the year 460 approximately. At that time, the Lycians were part of the league Attico-Délienne, since it's before the battle of Eurymedon, won by Cimon in 466, that the Lycians broke away from the Persians to ally themselves with the Athenians to which they were still paying tribute in 446 2 . From a monetary point of view, the entry of the Lycian dynasts into this league did not have no influence : weight and types remain the same. It is in this period obscure history of Lycia, that is to say in the middle and the second half of the 5th century, which are placed many coins which have, very likely, were struck simultaneously in different cities (Catal. nos. 435 to 466). We will indicate on these parts : the Cretan Minotaur, the wild boar no longer in protome, but represented everything whole and sometimes se scratching the snout, like on the coins of Methymna, the double protome of wild boars walking in opposite direction (fig. 42), the sea turtle whose the shell served to make Apollo's lyre, the head of Ares, the pro- lion's tome, the triquêtre. These parts are unfortunately ably anepigraphs, except the following : the no. Fi 42 438 who wears the + sign, maybe the letter /; of the Lycian alphabet ; No. 447 with a monogram composed of the letters &Y, which Mr. Six recently tried to interpret by the name of the Carian city of Physcos, which is unlikely > ; on number 452, next to the triquêtre to rooster heads, we see the Lycian sign v^ (y, kh) probable initial of a dynast name. No. 6 453 door the letters OM {Mu ?) under which is hidden also a dynast who is perhaps not of the same city 4. The hollow square does not exist more about nos 460 and 461, this which allows us to affirm that these parts do not are not prior to the year 400 ; their types nevertheless attach them directly to the pre- cedents. 1. OiaûSaç? See other examples cited by M. Six, Coins Lytians, p. 15, No. "24, 25 and 26. 2. c. I. AU., n' 234. In 430, the Lycians defeated the Athenian fleet who, under the orders of Mélé- zander, had come to claim from them the tribute they formerly paid to symmachia. Thucyd. II, 69. 3. J.-P. Six, in the Numismatic Chronicle, 1890, pp. 249 3253. 4. However I relieving also, in the registrations Lycian girls the following names : MOP^NTAE (Murënedi, from Myra). Savelsberg, Beitràge ^iir Enttifferung der lykischen Sprachdenhnàler, t. II, 214 ; cf. II, 175; MOAtSÎ+ (Muleseh), Savelsberg, II, 46.
EKUVEMIS — MUTLEI XCV Ekuvemis (around 450 av. AD). We read the name of this dynast on three coins, with the following spelling : ^KOF.^ME (Ekuvëmî) 1 . The types are, at right, the wild boar (fig. 43, at British Museum) or the horned bull ; at reverse, the triquetre. On a tomb of Limyra, Schmidt and Savelsberg have read OF^f/ME (JJvëmï) 2 , name that Mr. Six proposes of complete [^KjOF^ME- But this restitution does not doesn't seem certain ; the word begins the second line of the inscription and it seems complete. If, however, we adopt Mr. Six's hypothesis, Ekuvemis would have been a dynast by Limyra K Compare the Greek name 'Extpr^itoç. Mutlëis (around 450 av. AD). Griffon proto, right; on the wing of the animal a triquetre. R£. 3-^ATOM (MutUt). Triquetre. Hollow square, 7 gr. 17. (British Museum) 4. Mr. Six proposes to make Mutlëis reign in the district of Masicytos, perhaps in Limyra k In the epitaph of a tomb of Rhodiapolis, he is makes mention of Xendias, son of Endlapas, of the deme of Mutlis 6 ; this last name has a lot of ana- logic with that which appears on the medal. Let us also recall the stater of our Cata- logue (n° 453) on which we reads the letters OM which could be the initials of Mutlci. Compare the Greek name Mut&t)ç. Dynast uncertain (around 440 av. AD). Protome of bull on left. Laughed. Triquetre accompanied by the legend circular A^Oid/- Square hollow. Stater, 8 gr. 71. British Museum 7. The dynast whose the name shown on this stater is not not known otherwise. Mr. Six has read Okuka, “Qyuyoç (d/iOiA) ; Fellows proposed OîjfAT; and M. B. Head, OîAt (Oele). Of all these readings, that of Mr. Six Fig. 44. 1. Six, Mann, lyc, p. 28, nos. 86 to 88. 2. M. Schmidt, The Lycian Inscriptions, ft. I, L, n. n, fig. 2; cf. Savelsberg, Beitrage, t. II, p. 68. 3. Six, Monn. lyc, p. 93. 4. Six, Lycian coins, p. 28, No. 85; B. Head, Hist. num., p. 572. 5. Six, op. cit., p. 94. 6. Imbert, in the M"seon of Louvain, April 1891 (t. no. 2), p. 267. Cf. E. Petersen and F. von Luschan, Reisen in Lykien, t. II, n. 172, p. 137 (Vienna, 1889). 7. Six, Coins Lycian women, p. 29, n" 89; Fellows, Corners of ancient Lycia, ft. XIV, 7; Head, Hist. number, p. 572.
XCXVI INTRODUCTION seems to me the most admissible ' ; but is she sure? The letter A taken for an a could be an r ; the letter j/ is doubtful and difficult to read. Furthermore, the legend being circular, we can hesitate about the true beginning of the word. Tenegures (around 440 av. AD) A group of six staters is assigned by Mr. Six to one dynast of the name He T^NTVOPT, Tënéguré 2 , which is not represented in our Catalogue. Types of these pieces are, by right, a winged and horned lion (fig. 45, coll. Six), similar to those of bas-reliefs of Persepolis ; at reverse, the tri- quester in a hollow square, sometimes alongside a cross year affecting this shape tf.. One of copies described by Mr. Six received overprint the types of the wild boar and the turtle (Catal. nos 440 at 446), which necessarily places the latter pieces from a period after the reign of Tënéguré. Moriz Schmidt identified this Lycian name with the Greek name 'AQr|vaydpa; J ; Mr. Imbert, remarking that the name Athenagoras would have been written in Lycian (A)Td^NAVOPt (Atonagué), proposes to contrary Xênagoras*. A Carian, SeivaydpTjç, son of Praxilaos, was governor of the Cilicia under Xerxes c. Orus (c. 420 av. AD). Lion's head left, one paw forward. P£. OPd/ (Uro or Ont.?) Triquêtre. Hollow square, 1 gr. 26. (Brit. Mus.) The three letters of this legend is not true- similar to the initials of a dynast's name 6. Dynast uncertain (around 420 BC). The currency of our Catal. No. 465, bears the inscription UA (i-n-a). On the example please from the Vienna Museum, Mr. Six wanted to read VU, (Kin..~)i But the letter A (<*) is certain. In general, the character I, in Lycian inscriptions, is not found that in front d, /, 11, and it has the value of i, in, ind 8 . On the medal, we cannot read, 1. Mr. Imbert admits the lesson 0/_u'/_a, “Qyûyo; ; cf. Stephen of Byzantium, v. 'Qyuyîa. Babyl. and east. Record, May 1891, p. nor. 2. Six, Monn. lyc, p. 31, nos. 98 to 102 bis; cf. Head, Hist. number, p. 572, which reads Tonêchorê. 3. M. Schmidt, Commentatio de inscriptionihus lyciis, p. 17 (Leipzig, 1876). 4. J. Imbert, Babylon. and Oriental Record, May 1891, p. 113. 5. See above, Introd., p. xxiv. 6. Six, p. 49-50, n 1" 173 to 175. See Fellows, Lycian corners, pi. VIII, 4. It doesn't seem like we can read OPt (Ure) for OPt BEAAA+A (Urebillaha). Savelsberg Beitràge, iur Entyft. der lyh. Spracb' denkmàler, t. II, p. 44. 7. Six, Coins Lycian women, p. 59; cf. Fellows, ft. XV, 7. 8. See for example the words Darius (fTAPEItO$T+t), Intlmme (ITAXMÎ) 5 Kin-
UTEVES — TETHIVEIBIS XCVII it seems that |-N~A : Greek names beginning with these letters are numerous. Reading A-I-ND--- seems less likely. Uteves (around 420 av. AD). This dynast is not known than by the stater, unpublished until now, which bears his name (Cat. no. 467). There was in Lycia a city of Utenna, the first part of which name reminiscent of that of the dynast. Spintayt (c. 410 av. AD). The name of this dynast is compared to the Greek form E(pev8aTY)ç or S«pevSa8dcT7iç by Mr. Imbert '. Spintaza is mentioned at both on coins (Calai. no. 468 at 470) and in the inscription of his tomb son, in Telmessos ; this text carries : Tevineiëïs son of Spintayi 2 . He It is therefore probable that these two dynasts reigned in Telmessos. No coins in the name of Tevinezéis have yet been found. On those of Spintaza, the S initial of name often been unrecognized or placed at the end of word. This is how Mr. Head still reads nPI^ (Ppis) in place of ^PPI (Sppfi), on small parts that only carry the abbreviated name 3. The cow suckling her calf (Catal. no. 468) is one of the secondary motifs of one bas-reliefs from the Tomb of the Harpies 4. Tethiveibis (c. 410 av. AD). The coins of Tethiveibis have, at reverse, a tetraquester and the name of the satrap : TÎXXEFÎEBE- At right, types vary : Boar Protome ; round shield decorated with two facing roosters, a pro- volume of bull or of a lion winged (fig. 46, coll. Waddington) ; griffin crouching (fig. 47, British Museum) ; head of Silenus ; head of Aphrodite (Catal. our 471 at 475)5. Tethiveibis is mentioned on the large stele of Xanthos whose story ends in 410 . This dynast, it seems, reigned in Telmessos, since several of its monetary types, the head of Aphrodite and the tetraquetra in particular, are identical to those tenubeh (vHTTNOBt+), etc. Savelsberg, Beitrage x_. Ent^. d. lyk. Spr., t. I, p. 8 ; t. II, p. 10, II, 187, 211, 219. 1. J. Imbert, in the Babyl. and Oriental Record, 1891, p. 113. 2. Six, Monn. Lycian women, p. 37-38 and p. 92 ; Mr. Schmidt, The Lycian inscriptions, ft. v. Telm. No. 3. 3. B. Head, Hist. number, p. 574; Six, Monn. Lycian women, p. dd. 4. O. Rayet, Monuments of ancient art; M. Collignon, History of Greek sculpture, t. I, p. 262. 5. See Six, Coins Lycian women, p. 38-39. 6. M. Schmidt, The Lycian inscriptions, pi. VII, 3, East face, line 60-61. Babelon — The Persians AclxminiAes VII tig.
XCVIII INTRODUCTION coins of Spintaza Fig. 4 8. But he it is also possible that these contemporary dynasts and associates are mutually borrowed their monetary types. The same tetraquestress also forms the type of reverse of the stater opposite (fig. 48, in the British Museum) which door the name of an uncertain dynast, perhaps pre- decessor of Spintaza and Tethiveibis 2 . Kuperlis (c. 410 av. AD). The coins of this dynast have types so varied and so numerous that we could the believe hit successively by two princes homonyms >. Their style is in favor of this hypothesis ; it authorizes, in any case, to admit that the mon- swimming has to continue for a long time. Whatever either, the name is written KOrPAAE (Kuprlli) or, abbreviated as KO, KOP, KOPP, KOPPAA ; sometimes, under these various shapes, he is retrograde. The triquetre, rotating at right or to left, is always and without exception the type of the reverse ; but for the law, we list the following varieties : Walking wild boar {Calai. No. 476). Protome of wild boar {Calai. No. 477). Griffon sitting, raising one paw {Calai. No. 478). Head or protome of a griffin {Calai. nos. 479 to 481). Taurus or bull protome winged to head human, perhaps the genius of Xanthos {Calai. No. 482 ; Six, nos. 143 to 145). Bull walking or cornupet {Calai. our bones 483 to 485). Two protomes of bull-backed (fig. 49, Hunter Museum. Six, No. 165)+. Taurus floored by a lion (fig. 50, British Museum. Six, no. 148, 149 and 168). Bull's head (Six, no. 158). Cow breastfeeding her calf {Calai. No. 486), type already reported on a stater of Spintaza. Mule (rather than horse) scratching {Calai. No. 487 ; cf. Six, No. 150). 1. Six, Lytian Coins, p. 92. 2. Six, op. cit., p. 38, no. 123 ; Fellows, op. cit., pi. I, 4. 3. Six, Lycian Coins, p. 40 to 47, no. s 133 to 171 ; B.Head, Hist. number, p. 573. 4. One other piece appears wear rather : a protome of lion leaning against to a protome of horse. See B.Head. Hist. numer., p. 573 ; Six, op. cit., no. 167. Fig.. ,**\t
KUPERLIS xcix Fig. ;2. Head of Zeus Ammon (Catal. no os 488 and 489), type copied to the coins contemporaries of Cyrenaica 1 . Leo winged and horned (fig. 51, British Museum. Six, No. 142); or winged and horned lion protome, the symbol of Perseus (Catal. nos. 490 and 491). Two leaning lion protomes (Six, n° 135); or a single lion protome (Catal. no. 492). Shield decorated with a lying ibex (Six, no. 169), or of a lion winged (Catal. no. 493), or of a head of Ares (fig. 52. Six, nos. 170 and 171). Walking Lion (Six, No. 153). Lion's head facing (Six, n° 13 e). Slaughtered deer (Catal. no. 494). Ibex (Six, nos. 140 and 141). Horse and triquetre with rooster heads (Six, no. 151). Dauphin (Six, no. io). 2 Heracles fighting (Calai. nos. 495 and 496). Heracles carrying on his shoulders the Calydonî wild boar. On a piece from the old Ivanoff collection, described by Fellows* , we bed in right, to on top of a bull, the letters API, initials of A PIN A (Arnnd), name Lycian of Xanthos. Kuperlis therefore reigned in this city, but it is likely that he had, moreover, authority over most of Lycia. A few of its monetary types appear to have come from the workshops of Telmessos and Limyras. Mention is made of Kuperlis, to several times, on the obelisk of Xanthos, under the shapes varied Kuprlleh, Kuprlli, Kuprini. Mr Imbert é has very ingenious- This name is closely related to that of head of the fleet Lycian under Xerxes, Kuêepviç Kodffi'xoc. It's the same name, but it cannot be the same character, because none of the coins of Kuperlis can go back to the time when lived the chef mentioned by Herodotus. If we do not admit two Kuperlis having struck currency, we will be of less forced of recognize that the dynast unique to which they belong all guard long time the power. In effect, some have a style still imbued with archaism, while that, notice Mr. Six, “ on the broadcasts the more recent, the guy, a shield round, is borrowed from staters of Elis, that Mr. Gardner rightly assigns to the last 1. Compare a Barcé coin in L. Muller, Numism. of the anc. Africa, t. I, p. 75, no. 292. 2. Percy Gardner, in Numism. Chronicle, 1886, pi. XI, fig. 16. 3. B. Head, Hist. number, p. 573. 4. Fellows, Coins of ancient Lycia, ft. XII, no. 7 (no figurative). 5. Six, Monn. lyc, pp. 92 and 95. 6. J. Imbert, in Babylonian and oriental Record, t. V (May, 1891), p. neither.
INTRODUCTION years of the 5th century '. » Thus, the reign of Kuperlis does not end before the year 400, and it must have begun at least as early as 430 BC. AD Kheriga, Kapfoocç (around 410 av. AD). According to Mr. Six, Kheriga would have been Kuperlis' wife 2 . But Kheriga is a name of a man, and it is, according to us, a dynast who minted money at Xanthos and to Antiphellos (Calai. nos 497 to 500). To the parts of our Catalog, we must join this one, of museum Hunter : Leo winged and horned, to g. fy,. iAPEYA (Kharigà). Triquêtre. Hollow square 3 (fig. 53). More generally the name of the dynast is ortho- spelled ^tPEXA (Kheriga') ; but we don't would know doubt that it is the same character 4. Sometimes the name of Kheriga se found accompanied by the ethnic of Xanthos or Anti- phellos : M'PEyA APINA+Î (Kheriga Arnnahe) Catal. No. 499. ^tPEYA FÎ+ITTIE (Kheriga Vehnteii) Catal. No. 500. Whether Vehnteii is an ethnic, the analogy with Arnnahe is already proof. In Besides, a registration bilingual of Antiphellos door: FÎAPE : FT+ITtIE, vedri Vehnteii >, and we knows that the word vedri is the term which means “ city ". Else leaves, the currencies of dynast Thap... carry, to the following the name of this prince, the word FA+ITtI* (Valmteif) b . These two Vehnteii forms and Vahnte are the same word ; coming to the continuation of “ city ", and names of different men, it can only be an ethnic 7, and as the vedri Vehnteii inscription was found to Antiphellos, we conclude that Vehntezi corresponds to 'AvTltpsXÀtTviç 8 . 1. Percy Gardner, in Num. Cbromcle, N. S., t. XIX, p. 242-254, pi. XIII, 13 a, b. 2. Six, Monn. lyc, p. 47 at 49. 3. Fellows, Coins of ancient Lycia, ft. XIV, 5. 4. It is wrong that Mr. B. Head (Hist. numor., p. 574) proposes to recognize in Kareua a name of city: Karya or Krya (And. of Byzantium). 5. Savelsberg, Beitràge %ur Enty. der lyk. Sprachdenhnàlcr, t. II, p. 150. 6. See below, Introduction, p. 7. Savelsberg translates this word as benefactor (IVobltbâter) and M. Six, as princess (avaria). 8. I had thought about bringing together Vehnteii not from AvctcpsXMnr)? but of $>Ù.Ï.{ti\ç- the assonance seemed to justify this interpretation. But one of the masters of Lycian epigraphy, my friend M. Imbert, that I have consulted to this subject, answers me this who follows: “My reviews is that the word JfclTTH-A^ is the ethnic at neutral of Antiphellos : read [currency] of Antiphellos, like currency Patarean PTTAPPJ-^ The bilingual epitaph leaves no doubt about the attribution of this name. How the would the violator or usurper of the tomb have been required to pay, not to the city itself where was located the monument, but to the neighboring city of Phellos? The thing would only have been possible if, at the time of Iktas, the cited had moved more to is, don't leaving more almost a memory off. Only Hecataeus
KHREIS IC Kheriga is mentioned to several repeats on the big one stele of Xanthos, and this circumstance places his reign towards the end of the 5th century : the types of its currencies, many of whom are from the same area as some parts of Kuperlis, confirm this date '. The Greek epigram engraved in the middle of the Lycian text on the stele (facing north) mentions the race of another Kheriga (Kxpt'xoc y^voç), to which Khrcis belonged. This founder of the dynasty (Kheriga, Kbariga) was undoubtedly the ancestor of the one who minted coins at Xanthos and Antiphellos around the year 410 BC. AD, and the latter was the close relative, perhaps the brother of Khreis. Khreis (c. 410 av. AD). The name of this dynast is most often spelled, on coins, ItP^E (Kherëî), and sometimes 4,AP ^E (Kharët) 2 ; even a piece (Catal. no. 501) gives the genitive -J,ÎP C£rft (Kherëhë). On the famous stele of Xanthos which celebrates the warrior exploits of Khreis, we a VAPd/E (Garoï), itP^+t (Kherehe, genitive), and even TtPi^CE (Terèî), a form which seems special to a local dialect s. In the epi- Greek gram interspersed on the north face of the stele, the name of Khreis is found unfortunately mutilated ; we decipher [KJP.QIZ- The Lydian name of Croesus, Kpoïcoç, obviously belongs to the same root. The following types are missing from our Catalog : Round shield decorated with two facing roosters, fy,. J^AP^E (Kharët). Eagle standing left ; behind, the sign û . Hollow square. JR^. 2 gr. 36. Brit. Museum 4. Head of Athena. fy,. APINA+Î 1TP*E (Arnnahe Kherëî). Head of Khreis, wearing the Persian tiara. Hollow square. ^R.. 8 gr. 47. Brit. Museum >. Head of Athena. fy,. J,tP XE (Kherëî). Athena seated on a dolphin, her shield in front her, holding her spear and an owl. Mr. 8 gr. 50th . The stater which bears the Lycian name of Xanthos (Arnnahe, gen.) proves that this city was one workshops of Khreis who must have been the sovereign, otherwise all the Lycia, at least of the whole district of Cragos". When Mr. Imbert and his emulators speaks of Phellos where does it start the Pamphylia. We would be obliged to admit two hypotheses : i° that Phellos succeeded Antiphellos ; 2° that the epitaph of Iktas dates from an era bass, maybe some time of the Romans. It's better to escape to these hypotheses by placing the city of Vehïïte to Antiphellos and translate : “ Let him pay... and to the city (yedri) of Antiphelloî (vehnte-i). » i. Six, Monn. Lycian women, p. 85. 2. This last form is noted on a coin from the British Museum. Six, Monn. lyc, p. 51, 11° 178. 3. J. Imbert, in Babyl. and Orient. record, 1891, p. 112. 4. Fellows, Coins of ancient Lycia, pi. XIV, 6 ; Six, Monn. lyc, p. 51, no. 178. 5. Imhoof-Blumer, jr'ortràtkœpfe, ft. III, 6; Six, Monn. Lycian women, p. 52, no. 181. 6. Fellows, op. cit., pi. XVIII, 7; Six, op. cit., p. 53, no. 183. According to Fellows, this piece would have appeared held in 1855 to the Duke of Luynes ; However, she never is part of the collection donated by the Duke to Cabinet of France in 186.. 7. Arkwright, in The Babyl. and orient Record, t. IV, 1890, p. 176 et seq.
Eyelash INTRODUCTION will have managed to completely decipher the big one stele which rose on the place public of Xanthos, we will know all the story of this king which seems to have summer the hero National Lycians. The most recent work teaches us that Khreis was son of Harpagos (the Greek epigram bears : Kp[co]iç o Se 'ApTtdéyo uio ;) ; that he was a incomparable warrior, the liegeman of Tissaphernes (Kinaprnna); that he killed his hand seven Arcadian hoplites in one alone day ; that he participated in the repression of the revolt of Amorgès {Humrqqo~)\ that he negotiated an alliance with Pharnabazus, Hieramenes and Tissaphernes in 41 1 » . In his exploits, Khreis is guided by Athena, the warrior : TtoÀXà; oe àxpoTcoXeç aùv 'AGrjviiai Tt-roÀntôpOioi Trépaaç, “ he removed many acropolises with Athena, taker of cities.” We quote this passage from the Greek epigram of the stele because that he explains the presence of the head of Athena and the owl on most Khreis coins. The portrait of Khreis, reverse of a fairly large number of these coins, is of a style quite remarkable ; it seems that we must recognize the Khreis traits to the character who appears seated in the center of the bas-reliefs of the Tomb of the Harpies. Erbina (circa 410 av. AD). Diobolus from our Catalog no. 514, you must attach the following documents : Head of Athena, to right ; in front, ^. fy,. TtAfB[T+E] tPBBENA (Telebehi Erbbina, Erbina the Telephier). Bearded head of Heracles wearing a lion skin, right. J&. Stater, 8 gr. 29. Hunter Museum 2 (fig. 54). A variety of this stater door for caption at reverse, TTAtBT+E+T (Telebehihe). British Museum 3. Head of Athena, on the left, fy,. ÎPBBENA {Erbbina). Heracles fighter, to left, with his bow and club. AT. Sta- ter, 8 gr. 09. Hunter Museum 4 (fig. 55). Another copy, in the Munich Museum, door in the field of reverse, the letters carians (J — q (£,-. initials of Erbina s). Mr. Six makes Telebeïs a dynast of Tre- benna, and of Erbbina, the name Lycian of F,g. ss. 1. J. Imbert, in The Babyl. and orient. record, t. IV (1890), p. 153 ; t. V (1891), p. 109; and in the Museon of Louvain, April 1891. Allusion is made to the events recounted on the stele in Thucydides (VIII, 5, 6 and 28); cf. Deecke, in Berliner philol. IVochenschrift, 1888, p. 827. 2. Fellows, Coins of ancient Lycia, ft. VII, i ; Six, Monn. lyc, p. 64, n* 227. 3. Fellows, op. cit., ft. VII, 2 ; Six, op. cit., p. 64, n" 225. In 1855, The Duke of Luynes owned, according to Fellows (pi. VII, 8), a stater which appears to correspond to the same description. 4. Fellows, Ft. VII, No. 6 ; Six, p. 65, no. 228. 5. Fellows, ft. VII, No. 7; Six, p. 65, no. 229.
ARYOTES cm F!g . ;6. this same town (TpeêévBat?). But I believe in contrary, that in the legend complete Erbbina Telebehi, the man's name is Erbbina, and the ethnic Telebebi. A dynast of the name of Erbbina, that of currencies, without doubt, is mentioned two times on the stele of Xanthos, in the forms tPBBENA+t (Erlbinahe, genitive) «, tPBBENtlES (ErbbineTJs) 2 . From more, an obscure character, namesake of dynast, had his tomb in Sidyma >. Erbbina ('Apêiwxç) is therefore indeed a name of man : Telebehi, Telebehihe is, consequently, the ethnic of the deme of Téléphos4. Aruvotiyesis, 'ApuwTTjç (towards 410 to 390 av. AD). This dynast is missing from our Catalogue. Head of Athena. 1^,. APOFd/TElîSE (Aruvo- tiyesï). Lion on the left. Hollow square. JR. Stater, 8 gr. 55. Museum from Munich > (fig. 56). Other example, 8 gr. 11. Berlin Museum 6 . Lion's face, from the front. fy,. APOF3/TEItSE (Aruvotiyesx). Triquêtre and the letter T in the field. JR.. 8 gr. 62. Coll. of Mr. Six7. Aruvotiyesis is mentioned threesome repeated on the Xanthos stele (face East, lines i8,2i,4i) 8;once again, he seems qualified as a strategist : APOF3/TEITSE :STTPAT- [A]TA, Aruvotiyesi stratakhav. The name Aruvotivesi corresponds to the Greek 'ApuwTYjç, perhaps Orontes 10 . Among monetary types, the head of Athena is, it seems, from the same corner as that of the coins of Erbina, which proves that these dynasts were contemporaries or se are immediately succeeded. However, let's notice that the same head of Athena appears on pieces by Denevelès, Artembarès, and that this type goes back to Khreis and Kheriga. Another monetary type of Aryotes is linked to a series very numerous : it is the lion's muzzle from the front, which the Lycian dynasts borrowed to the coins of Samos. If, on the one hand, the account of the stele of Xanthos, where finds mention of Aryotes, stops in 410, on the other hand, the lion's muzzle cannot be before 394, when this type appeared in Samos 11 . Were there two Aryotes having reigned in different cities ? 1. Xanthos stele, south face, line 20. 2. Id., West face, line 53! 3. J. Imbert, in Babyl. and Orient. Record, 1891, p. 110. 4. O. Treuber, Geschicbte der Lykier, p. 67. 5. Fellows, op. cit., pi. VII, 7. 6. Six, op. cit., p. 67, no. 231. 7. Six, op. cit., p. 67, no. 232. 8. Imbert, in Babyl. and Orient. Record, 1891, p. 109. 9. Savelsberg, Beitrage xiir Ent^ifferung der lykischen Sprachdenhnàler, t. II, p. 216. 10. B. Headj Hist. nuinor., p. 575. 11. Six, Monn. Lycian women, p. 90; Percy Gardner, Samos and samian Corners , pp. 253-258.
CIV INTRODUCTION Dynasle uncertain, to Patara (around 400 BC). AD). The currencies of which it's about here do not bear the name of a dynast (Calai. n os 515 and 516), but only the ethnic of the city of Patara, PTTAPAI$0 (Pttaraië), sometimes abbreviated PT 1 - The name of Patara, writes PTTAPA (Ptiara) is located on the big one stele of Xanthos ; of so that Ptta.ra.7J is the ethnic corresponding to Patarense (naxapYJiov x6\*.
HARUMA — DENEVELES CV singing to the left brandishing his club and taking so much the tripod of Apollo, Ri. Ftl23îPT- Triquêtre. Hollow square. JR.. Statere (fig. 58, British Museum and Berlin Museum) '. Variety, with the diquêtre in the field of reverse 2 . Head hairless, hairstyle of a pilos laureate, to right. Laughed. t^tSSif ^- Triquêtre. Hollow square. JR.. Statere. British Museum i. Head of Pallas, wearing the Corinthian helmet, right, Laughed. FT^- Triquêtre. Square hollow. JR. 1 gr. 16+. Haruma (towards 390 av. AD). A statere of the British Museum has guys like Vexérés : head of Pallas and head of Hermes, with a legend that Mr. Six hesitates to read +ÎPOMA (Heruma, 'Epûixocç) or +XPPOMA (Haihpruma), name to be compared to +XPPJ/MA (Hampromci) that we bed two times on of epitaphs of Xanthos 5. Mr. Imbert compares Hamproma with 'Epi.6poji.oc 6 . Let us also remember the name of the Lycian city 'Epu[i,go. Denevélés (towards 390 av. AD). To the coins described in our Catalog (nos 521 to 523), add the types following : Head of Denevélés, wearing the Persian tiara. Laughed. Large \k in a hollow square. J.R.,. 8 gr. 29. Berlin Museum 7. Head of Athena ; in front, ^. Laughed. Bearded head of Heracles wearing lion skin. In front, AAt[NîFÎA]t (Ddenevele) ; behind, J,. JR.. 8 gr 20. British Museum 8 . Head of Denevélés wearing a Persian tiara, to the right. Laughed. Protome of Pegasus, Dr. JR.. o gr. 66. Former coll. Whittall 9. Denevélés, whose currencies give a portrait if remarkable, is histori- how unknown. Like it is not mentioned on the stele of Xanthos, he is likely that he lived at a later time to the erection of this monument. 1. Fellows, ft. XV, 1 ; Six, Monn. lyc, p. $6, No. 192. 2. Fellows, ft. XV, 2 ; Six, Monn. lyc, p. 56, no. 195. 5. Six, Monn. lyc, p. 56, 11° 195. 4. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 331.11" 39; Six, Monn. lyc, p. 56, no. 194. 5. Six, Monn. lyc, p. 57. 6. J. Imbert, in Babyl. and oriental Record, May 1891, p. 110. 7. Fellows, Coins of ancient Lycia, pi. XVII, 1 ; Six, Monn. lyc, p. 60, no. 210. 8. Fellows, op. cit., ft. VII, fig. 4; b. Head, Guide to the coins of tbe ancients, ft. XX, fig. 39; Six, op. cit., n" 220. 9. Six, op. cit., p. 60, no. 209.
CVI INTRODUCTION On a certain number of parts to the names of Denevéles, of Khreis and of some other dynasts, we meet the sign ^- of which the value, if it's a simple letter, is still unknown. Sometimes, on the coins of Denevélès this sign has for pendant, this other Li, whose meaning is also unknown '. Artembarès (c. 380-375). A stater from the British Museum bears, right, the head of Athena, the same to the one pieces of Kheriga, and, on the reverse, the head of a dynast wearing a Persian tiara, with registration : APTTOXPAPA, Arttumpara 2 . The name of this character is known : APTTOXPAPA, Arttumpara, in an inscription from Pinara which gives it as leader of the Telmessians?. He is cited at accused him- tif, APTTOXPAP4* (Artturhpard), in a text of Limyra who the represents as the opponent unhappy of Pericles and by consequently his contemporary 4, Mr. Imbert has kindness of inform me that Mr. Arkwright returns of a trip in Lycia and that he has found , in Tlos , a new registration history in which he is spoken by APTTOXPAPA : MtAîST Arttumpara Medcse , this that Mr. Arkwright translated : “Artembares the Mede. » This qualification given to Artembarès ('ApTe[A,êxpv]ç) is closely related to the form of his name. Maybe was he the last of the Harpagides. Thap... (towards 420 av. AD). Two dolphins swimming in meaning contrary. Des- under, the diquêtre. R/,. XAP (Thap...') Triquêtre. Hollow square. Stater, 6 gr. 48. British Museums. Mr. Head proposes to read Path at place of Thap. A piece in the name of the same character door, at right, the legend retrograde ^ITTI+AT , Fig. 60. 1. We must reject the opinion of Mr. Six {Monn. lyc, p. 62), who looks the X sign as a variant of the letter j, (0), and who see in the sign Ll a shape particular of the letter”. The two signs united would form the word ON, abbreviation of ONI, which means auv (a-jv^or/j/ov vô^ia^a). Mr. Six besides has so little confidence in its singular hypothesis that he almost immediately proposes one other : ^ would be a variant of 4, (A7>), and L, a fl reversed; these two letters would form the initials of Kbssadrapa by^a, “ Persian satrap. » (Six, Monn lyc, p. 96). 2. Fellows, Coins of ancient Lycia, pi. XVII, 7; Six, Monn. lyc, p. 63, no. 221. 3. O. Benndorf and G. Niemann, Reiscn in Lykian united Cariai, I, p. 54, no. 19. Vienna, 1884. 4. Savelsberg, Beitràge \ur Ent-Jfferung der lykischen Sprachdenhnàler, t. II, p. 40 and 44 ; Six, Monn. lyc, p. 63 ; J. Imbert, in Le Museon, April 1891 (t. No. 2), and in Babyl. and orient. Record, 1891, p. 109. 5. Fellows, Coins of ancient Lycia, ft. VIII, fig. 8 ; Six, Coins Lycian women, p. 34; b. Head, Hist. numer., p. 573.
EKHIB.. — ITES CVII Vahnte l : it's like we saw it higher, the ethnic of Antiphellos, so that it is likely that Thap... was a dynast of this city. A stater anepigraph known in several copies a, at reverse, the same dolphins, and at right, a head of Apollo seen from three quarters (fig. 61). A this group se connect, by their types, the well-known anepigraph pieces, which have the type one or two dolphins , with a hollow square lying down, ,g ' the same to the one of the first currencies of Camiros. Mr. Imhoof-Blumer has published two varieties of these parts, with the POZ legend, this who has it authorized to classify the entire group the city of Poseidion, in the island of Carpathos 2 . For Mr. Six, the letters POZ designate a Lycian dynast and not the city of Poseidon. Opinion of Mr. Imhoof-Blumer seems preferable to us, although Kuperlis and a few others dynasts have staters of the same type as dolphins. Ekhib..} (around 410 av. AD). Dolphin, left ; underneath, an eye (?). P^. Î4EB (Ekhib.) Grouse. Square hollow. J&. 1 gr. 54. Berlin Museum 4 (Fig. 62). Fellows greeted this piece EBd/r (Iboe), and Mr. Six accepted this transcription ; Mr. Head suggests Ekhib. ; the exam drawing of the piece carries us to we put away to his notice. For read EBN/^ , he should be assumed that the legend is external, case which does not hardly present on Lycian coins ; more it seems that the letter & (0) must be replaced by a 4, (Kh). We do not know any character whose the name starts with Ekhib... ? Yet compare the names 'E^sëouXoç. and 'ExvjêoÀoç. Fig. 62. Itès (around 410 BC). This dynast has has coins minted which have, at right, a dolphin, and at reverse, the triquêtre. His name is spelled ETt (Jte) or TT3 (retrograde) between the three branches of the triquêtre 5. We find this noun in the genitive case on the large 1. Collection of M. Weber, in London, B. Head, Hist. numer., p. 573. 2. Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greek, p. 317, nos. 93 to 96. 3. Six, Lycian Coins, p. 79 and 92; d. P. Gardner, in Nnm. Cbron., 1886, pi. XI, fig. 16. 4. Fellows, Coins of ancient Lycia, ft. I, 9; B.Head, Hist. numer., p. 573 ; Six, Lycian coins, pp. 37 and 92. 5. There are two copies in the Berlin Museum.
CVIII INTRODUCTION stele of Xanthos : ETT+T (Itehe) 1 . Where reigned Itès ? On a small room of Berlin Museum, Mr. Six offers to read, around the dolphin, the letters TE[A]M? what would be the abbreviation of the name Telmessos. But this conjecture seems to me very risky, although Mr. Six particularly insists on this 2 . Perlis (around 390 BC). Four currencies bear the legend PPA or PPPAE (Taken). The triquêtre figure at reverse of these parts ; at right, the types are : two dolphins swimming in opposite directions ; Telephone such a doe (fig. 63. Brit. Museum) ; a protome winged deer 3 : this last type justifies the attribution of the piece from our Catalogue, no. 524. MM. Six and Head made Prli a dynast, repelling the idea that this name could designate the town of Aperlae ('A-TrÉpÀxt) 4. However, on the great stele of Xanthos, Aperlae is designated under the PEPAE form (Pirlï) s : it's the same name as PPPE, because the omission of the letter E can se justify by many case similar. I yet don't you dare recognize, on currencies, the name of the city of Aperlae, because the type of both dolphins appears belong to Antiphellos, according to one of the legends of the dynast Thap... ? Uncertain dynast (around 390 BC). Round shield decorated with a Pegasus ; below, the monogram. %^ that Mr. Six performs by 1AN = Khan (Canduba?) P^. 4,EN, Khin. Triquêtre. Berlin Museum 6 . The sta- The mother of our Catalog No. 525 belongs to the same dynast. Zëmons (around 410 BC). The name of this dynast, abbreviated I0£M (Zè'm.) on coins (Catal. No. 526) v, appears be the same as the name of IYMO+O {Zùmuhiî) which we bed on coins of Trebenimis. This last prince is therefore probably the son of Zemus; the monetary types of the two characters are the same. 1. Schmidt, The Lycian registrations, ft. VII, 3, 1.25 (east facing). 2. Six, Lycian Coins, pp. 36 and 92. 3. Six, Lycian Coins, p. 35, nos. 112 to 113 bis. 4. Six, Lycian Coins, p. 92. 5. J. Savelsberg, Beitràge %ur Ent^iffernng der lykiscben Sprachdenkmàler, t. II, p. 214, 1. 58. 6. Six, Lycian Coins, p. 59-60 and 95. 7. See Six, Coins Lycian women, p. 69.
TREBENIMIS — VED... CIX Trebenimis, son of Zcmous (around 410 BC). To both parts of our catalog (our 527 and 528) comes to join this one (fig. 64) which appears prove that Zemous was the father of Trebenimis : IYMO+O (Zûmubu) Triquêtre. P/,. TPBB^NEM (Trbbënim.). Triquêtre. J&. 1 gr. 52. Hunter Museum '. Trebenimis is mentioned on the great stele of Xanthos, where it is put in relation tions with Khreis 2 . We found in Limyra the funeral inscription of his son : here we go bed : KPOSTTE : TPBB^rNfMt+Î : TEAÎPE (Krustti Trbbënemehe tideri, Krustis, son of Trebenimis >). In Roman times, a coin from Phaselis bears the name of a monetary magistrate called TpeêTJixt;*; we can report the same root the name of the town of Trebenna. Mithrapata (around 410 BC). On the many varieties of its currencies, the name of this satrap presents itself under the following shapes : MEXPAPATA (Mithrapata), MEXPAP (Mithrap.), MEXPA (Mithra.), MEX (Miih.), ME (Mi.) Calai. our 529 and 530 5. To the parts who have for guys the muzzle lion and the triquetre, it is necessary to add the next : Shell (murex). P^L. MEX (M///;.). Young head of Apollo facing forward. J&. 6 . Mithrapata is mentioned on the great stele of Xanthos (East face, 1. 16) under the MEXPAPATA form; it was probably the same character that the MiTpoêa-nrjç that Pharnabazes sent, in 409, to Alcibiades at Chrysopolis 7. The muzzle of lion coins of Mithrapata, like the one of others coins Lycian to this type, is similar to that which was inaugurated on the coins of Samos in 394 8 - Vei... (around 380 BC). The word FTA-- (Catal. No. 531) ? cannot be considered to be the initi- tials of the word FÎAPE (yedri) who means city 10 . He must assume a name of 1. Fellows, ft. III, 5; Six, Coins lyc, p. 70, no. 250. 2. South face, 1.39; East facing, Lu. 3. Deecke, Lykische Studien in the Beitrages of Bezzenberger, t. XIV fi888), p. 183. 4. Zcitscbrift fur Numismatik, t. III, p. 39; B. Head, Hist. numer., p. 579. 5. See Six, Lycian coins, p. 67 to 69. 6. Percy Gardner, in the Numismatic Chronicle, 1886, ft. XI, fig. 14. 7. Xenophon, Hellcn., I, 3, 12; J. Imbert, in Babyl. and Orient. record, 1891, p. III. 8. Percy Gardner, Samos and samian coins, p. 253-258. 9. Six, p. 72, no. 260. 10. Arkwright, in the Babyl. and Orient. record, t. IV, 1890, p. 176 et seq.
ex Introduction dynast which begins by these three letters and who matches to a name Greek like IIoAi'oxoç, or rather maybe a name like Hydarnes, because, on the big stele of Xanthos, the name of Hydarnes, father of Tissaphernes, is written FEAPINA (Vidrfina) ". Zauas, Zauaç (around 380 BC). He is not certain that both parts of our catalog (our 532 and 533) belong to the same character. One, which has the legend of letters Za... or A^..., has types completely foreign to those of the series we are dealing with. Quanta the legend of the other piece, IAV (Zav... or Zag...), it must be completed- born by a stater to the same types, from the Museum British, which carries IAVA+A (Zagaha) 2 . On the big stele of Xanthos, we has the name IAVABA which does not appear designate the same character. The Lycian name Zavaha or Zagaha may correspond in Greek Zauaç , provided by registration 3. Puresis (around 375 BC). Muzzle of lion, front. P/,. POPtSE (Puresi). Triquêtre. J&. 2 gr. 46. Donkey. coll. Ivanov 4. This dynast is missing from our catalog. An inscription from Antiphellos bears his name spelled POPtSt (Purese); the name of riûpsciç is in an inscription Greek s. Pericles (before 374, until around 360). On the many coins of this dynast, his name is writes PTPEKAf (Perïklé) 6 . Some still have the hollow square, the others do not have it more ; the types ordinary are, for money, the face of a lion's face and the triquetre ; for bronze, the triquêtre on the reverse, and on the right a head of Pan or a goat (Catal., nos. 534 to 539). Pericles is often cited in the registrations of Limyra, city of which he was first dynast before of conquer all the Lycia 1. From a fragment of Theopompus, compared to the text of the Lycian inscriptions, it follows that Pericles became king of all of Lycia after defeating Artembares, dynast of Pinara 8 , and 1. Stele of Xanthos, north face, lig. 11-12 ; J. Imbert, in the Musêon de Louvain, 1891, p. 272. 2. Fellows, Ft. IV, 2; Six, p. 73, no. 262. 3. c. /. Gr., t. III, No. 5247, suppl. 4. Six, Monn. lyc, p. 73, no. 263. 5. CI. Gr.,t. III, No. 4885. 6. Six, Monn. Lycian women, p. 73 at 77; Imhoof-Blumer, Griechische Mun^en aus dem Muséum in Klagenjurl und anderen Sammlungen, n° 109, et pi. V, n" 14 (Extract from Numism. Zeitschrift, from Vienna, t. XIV). 7. J. Imbert, in Babyl. Und Orient Record, 1891, p. nor. 8. Inscript, from Limyra, n Q 16.
TLOS CXI carried away assault the city of Telmessos '. On registration of a tomb, Mr Arkwright read that Urebillaha, then Artembarès, dynast of Telmessos, had for lieutenant one certain Ddarssmma who was beaten by Pericles 2 . Maybe it's in honor of the victory of this prince who were instituted the Proclean games (tôv xyava toIv HpoxÀTjïavEtwv àyEVEt'wv uavxpaxt'ov) '. Proud of this success, Pericles believed the time has come to shake off the yoke of Persians, and he took part in the revolt of the satraps against the great King in 362+. Mausole, satrap of Caries, was charged by Artaxerxes with reducing the rebels : he succeeds and Lycia was the price of his successes. The Lycians remained for some time under the domination of Kondalos (Khntla), lieutenant of Mausole, then of Pixodarus of whom we has a bilingual decree of the year 340, so valuable for deciphering inscriptions Lycian women. In the last days of domination Persian, the Lycians free himself- chirent yoke of the Carians ; under Darius Codoman, they had their contingent in Mentor's army the Rhodian, and at the start of the campaign against Alexander, their fleet was under the command of Memnon s. Tlos, city (around 360 BC). The coins in our Catalogue, Nos. 540 to 543, appear to bear the name of the city of Tlos, without a dynast. The letters TA, on No. 543, may be the initials of this city, interpretation which appears to be confirmed by the next room : Muzzle of lion, of face. P£. TAAFE (Tlavi). Head Laurea of Apollo, facing. J.K. 1 gr. 20. British Museum and Berlin Museum 6 . In the registrations, Tlos' name is spelled TAAFA> and the inhabitants are designated under the name of TAAFASt (Tlavasé)". However, as the form TAAFE is slightly different, Mr. Six is rather willing to admit the existence of a dynast named Tlavis, who would have reigned in Xanthos, because the V sign that we see on its coins, is found on some Khreis coins. I believe rather than the coins in question bear the name of the city of Tlos, and that they were struck while Lycia was under the domination of the Carian satraps. 1. Theopompe, Fragm., III, in Muller (DidotJ, Fragm. hist. Greek, I, p. 295 ; cf. Six, Monn. lyc. p. 76 and 98; Oscar Treuber, Geschichte der Lykier, p. 102. 2. Arkwright, in Babyl. and Orient. record, t. IV, 1890, p. 176-181 ; J. Irabert in Babyl. and East. record, t. V, 1891, p. 110. 3. c. I. Gr., n° 4198.1. 5-6. 4. O. Treuber, Geschichte der Lykier, p. 104. 5. Diod. Sic, XVI, 52, 2, XVII, 23, 6; Arrian, Anab., I, 20, 3. 6. Fellows, Ft. IV, 4; Six, op. cit., p. 78, no. 279, and Zeitschrift fur Numismatik, t. VI ^1879), p. 81. 7. J. Imbert in Babyl. and Oriental Record, 1891, p. 113. Very recently, Mr. O. Benndorf noted on a block which served as base with two statues, an ex voted bilingual, where the ethnics Tlotte (TXwsô;) and Pinarccnne (ex Ilivapûv) are rendered in Lycian by the words tloTina and pillenni (An^eiger of Aca- Imperial Demi of Vienna, July 20 1892, No. XVIII, page 13 of Seperat ahgedruckf). The Xan- stele thieune who mentions on his face East, Tlava and Pinale , also registered the tlonnele and tlahn variants (face
CXII INTRODUCTION Xanthos or Arna (circa 360 BC AD). The name of Xanthos in Lycian was A PIN A (Arfinà)'; Stephen of Byzantium says : “Apva, 7roÀiç Auxi'aç out
DYNASTY UNCERTAIN CXIII between Lycia and Pamphylia. But the proposed reading is entirely uncertain ; he there is also a stater of the same types on which we deciphered the word TMIIM1C, who is remained unexplained. We believe preferable to assign these parts to one satrap or a dynast undetermined who will have them knocked during the first half of the ve century, in some city of Pamphylia neighboring Lycia. These coins are of weight eginetic like the more ancient coins of Célenderis minted before the year 450'. I. B.Head, Hist. number, p. 600. BaBelON — Perses Achimeniàes 'III
CHAPTER FIVE THE COINS OF THE ISLAND OF CYPRUS I. SALAMIN Evelthon (569 to 525 BC). Evelthon, the more old king of Salamis that we knows, is cited by Herodotus 1 , on the occasion of the hospitality that this Cypriot prince granted, around 527, to Pheretime, mother of king of Cyrene, Arcesilaus III. He began to reign during the conquest of Cyprus by the king from Egypt Amasis, that is to say towards 569 2 . Eidèle vassal of Egypt, Evelthon seems to have retained his throne throughout the duration of the reign of Amasis, that is to say until 525, time when Egypt and Cyprus itself even fell to the power of the Persian king Cambyses. These dates given to the reign of Evelthon (569 to 525) authorize us to consider this prince as the representative of Egyptian domination of the island of Cyprus ; they are directly confirmed created by numismatics which allows us to affirm that Evelthon reigned for a long time and that his authority extended over the entire island : this unification of the island under the scepter of the Salaminian dynast is easily explained by the continuation of the Egyptian conquest. The coins of Evelthon, considered from the point of view of their types and their legends, form five groups : 1. E-ù-F£-A£-8w-ve (EùfsAôojv). Aries lying down. Laughed. smooth (Cotai. nos. 555 has 565). 2. E-ù-Fs-Xe-ôcd-to-te (EùFcXÔovto;). Aries lying down. Laughed. smooth. 3. E->j-FÉ-À£-6w-To-ffe (E'jféXOovToç). Aries lying down. Laughed. Cross year (Calai. No. 566). 4. E-ù-Fs-À£-0(o--o-i7£ (EùféAOovto;). Lying ram. Ri. Ansée cross and the sign K-j. or the Ku-Tto-pu legend (KuTtpo'j?) (Calai. nos. 567 to 569). 5. 13oe-<7<. E-ù (jSowiXÉojç EùFeXOovtoç). Aries lying down. Laughed. same as group no. 44. 1. Herod. IV, 162; Polyen, VIII, 47; W. Deecke, Die griechischen Kyprischen Inschriften, in epichoris- Dear Schrift, p. 56, in Hermann Collitz, Sammlung der griecb. Dialeht-Inschriften. 2. Diod. Yes, I, 68; Herod. II, 182; G. Maspero, Hist. ancient of the Orient, pp. 555, note, and 588. Mr. Six begins Evelthon's reign in 560.J. P. Six, From the ranking of Cypriot series, in the Numismatic Review, 1883, p. 264. 3. Six, Series Cypriots, Rev. nutnism., 1883, p. 268. 4. Six, op. cit., p. 271, no. 21.
EVELTHON CXIV We see that the name Evelthon appears in different forms, in the nominative and at genitive. Based on this particularity, obviously singular, Mr. Six believes himself authorized to distribute currencies between several different princes. According to this scholar, the coins which bear EùÉXOwy are the only ones from Evelthon : the other apartments would hold to the descendants and successors of this prince, Siromos and Chersis, Gorgos and Onesilos. In Siromos and Chersis, the pieces of the 2nd group with the legend EùéàQovtoç, with smooth reverse; in Gorgos and Onesilos, the pieces of 3 th , 4 th and 5 e groups, at type of the cross on the reverse. Despite the example of the name of Philetary persistent on the coins of his successor kings of Pergamum, we believe that the five groups belong to one one and the same prince. Indeed, despite the variation of the legend, it is always the same type of the lying ram. Furthermore, the anchored cross which appears here, for the first first times, on the coins, is it not an Egyptian import 1 , and not for- we laugh not the consider as the emblem of the authority entrusted by the king of Egypt to his vassal Evelthon on all the island of Cyprus? The difference of style and even of legends monetary can find a explanation sufficient in the unusual duration of Evelthon's reign which lasted for 44 years. Finally, if we must read on certain pieces, the name of the island, Kûnpou, as we go looking for- dear to establish it, it is obvious that the coins on which this name is found, can only belong to Evelthon, since this prince is the only one who seems to have reigned over the entire island, while his successors were simply kings of Salamis. Mr. Six sees in the character Ku inscribed in the crossed cross, “the initial of the name of successor to Gorgos; » he recognizes in the signs that are around the cross year, “ the initials of the names of monetary officers, senior dignitaries, reigning in the name of a absent king, or guardians of a minor king, or finally eponyms. » These assumptions have no solid basis, but we must recognize that the Kuttoou reading that we propose is not absolutely certain. The character Ku alone is certain. The other signs are difficult to decipher; I yet believe that all can be brought back to TO-pu, and that the transcriptions varied of MM. Deecke and Six are the result of poor decryption. The sign read ft is, in the Cypriot alphabet, almost identical to sign pu ; likewise, I suspect strong the so-called sign Xi (= \() of be only a part of sign pu (= J>£ ) of which the branch left is not not remained visible on the parts of treasure of Dalí published by Lang 2 . But we will understand my reservation for the legends that he doesn't have me not given to examine on the parts themselves. As for the Ku-iuo-pu raot, for KÛTTpou or KuTrpc'wv, its shape appears in somewhat abnormal effect , but the name of 1. See Raoul Rochette, From the crossed cross, in the Mèms. of the Acad. Registrations and Belles Lettres, t. XVI, p. 285-382. 2. Lang, in the Numismatic Chronicle, 1871 ; Six, op. cit., pp. 270 to 272 ; W. Deecke, op. cit., p. 57, No. 167 and 168.
CXVI INTRODUCTION Cyprus is not again, so far, met in a registration in writing Cypriot. If we did not dare to admit reading Ku-rco-pu, we could always consi- denote the sign Ku as being, in itself, the beginning of the word Kimpou; in this hypothesis, the signs IIo-pu, would be the initials of a man's name, king associate rather than monetary magistrate. The successors of Evelthon. The immediate descendants of Evelthon are known to us by Herodotus 1 . Here are some the genealogical continuation : EVELTHON (569-525) I SlROMOS I Chersis _J __ Gorgos Onesilos Philaon (500-480) (+ in 499) Nothing is known about Siromos; we don't even know if he enjoys royalty, continuation of the revolution peaceful 2 who substituted, in Cyprus, Persian domination at the Egyptian domination. The name £(pcojj.oç is purely Semitic ; it's one of the Greek transcriptions of the very common Phoenician name, Hiram or Hirom 3. We have seen that we cannot follow Mr. Six which attributes to this prince some of the parts of Evelthon. Nor could we know, by transcribing his name in the form Ecpâuoç, him give the coins who have a name royal beginning by the letter yfc — E 4. On a stater of the same types as those in our catalog nos. 731 and next, we has read g CD (px-uo) s, and Mr. Deecke proposes to complete this name half erased, by [Ilujpiaw or ['H]pâuw (= Elpijjuo) 6 . But this last hypothesis is certainly erroneous; if Siromos has beaten currency, this was at type of ram lying, since this type of coins of his father Evelthon persists under the kings successors of Siromos, until the revolution which established a dynasty in Salamis Tyrian. 1. Herod. V, 104; VIII, 11. 2. Herod. III, 19. 3. Schroeder, Die phcrni^iscbe Sprache, p. 124-125. Herodotus (VII, 98) mentions in Tire a king of name of Siromos, that Movers (Die Phani^ier, t. II, 2, 245) had wrong to consider as identical to Siromos of Salamis. Indeed, Siromos of Tire exercises command over the fleet of Xerxes, while say that the Siromos of Salamis is necessarily confined, from a chronological point of view, in the limits from the reign of Darius I , son of Hystaspes, his grandson Gorgos being himself a contemporary of Darius. 4. Six, op. cit. , pp. 301 and 302 and p. 368. These currencies are of Soli and belong to a king Eunostos. 5. I suspect this reading of being the result of an error; he should probably read the name of Zotimos as on the parts in our catalog n° s 731 to 735. 6. Deecke, p. 58-59, No. 175 ; cf. Six, p. 307-309.
THE SUCCESSORS OF EVELTHON CXVII We also do not know the history of Chersis (Xjp<7'.c, Xépcto;), and there is no of currencies to be allocated to it. Furthermore, Siromos and Chersis reigned for a very short time time, since barely a quarter of a century separates Evelthon from his great-grandsons Gorgos and Onesilos. Of three brothers Gorgos, Onesilos and Philaon, the latter alone was not king. When in 502 the Ionians raised the standard of the revolt against Persian domination, the Cypriots believed the time had come to free themselves in turn '. Gorgos reigned in Salamis; his younger brother Onesilos undertook to take the throne from him, after having vainly urged him to rise up against Darius. Onesilos, supported by the Greeks, succeeded in driving out his brother ; then, he led into rebellion all the island, the exception of Amathous. He was killed in 499, after a year of reigns, and the Persians restored Gorgos. Cypre submissive appears to be resigned to his fate; his fleet took takes part in Darius' expeditions and Xerxes against Greece, and in 480, among the leaders of the Cypriot contingent, figure Gorgos, son of Chersis 2 . We are thus certain that Gorgos, king of Salamis, reigned at least twenty years, of 500 to 480 approximately. If we don't have not the right to be too surprised that we do not have coins of Siromos and from Chersis, as well as of the usurper Onesilos, we cannot, in on the other hand, only to be very surprised not to have any coins in the name of Gorgos. This is not, in indeed, that conjectural title that we propose to recognize some some of the elements of his name in the legend of a stater (Catal. no. 570) '. From 480 to 411, date of the accession of Evagoras I , there has, in the annals of Salamis, a gap of almost 70 years, in which we can only throw away some royal names provided by numismatics. During this period, it's to Cypre what mainly concentrates the struggle between the Persians and the Greeks. In 477, Pausanias, in the name of Sparta, take possession of the island; the Athenians there send thirty ships commanded by Aristide ; in 466, after the battle of the Eurymedon, Cimon appears in Cypriot waters, with a fleet who wants help Inaros raise Egypt 4. Next comes the siege of Citium by Cimon, in 449, death of this great man, and in 445, the deplorable peace known as Cimon, who abandoned Cyprus to the great King. From this moment on, the Persians remained the almighty masters in the island for almost half a century, that is to say until the time of the revolt of Evagoras. In the midst of these wars and all these adventures that we only experience in between 1. Herod. V, 104 et seq. 2. Herod. VII, 98; Scharfe, De Evagora vita, p. vi. 3. Mr. Six (op. cit., p. 273, no. 23) gives this stater to one uncertain king; M.W. Deecke (pp. cit., p. 53, no. 155b) proposes, everything quite wrongly, to attribute it to Evagoras I . 4. Corn. Nepos, Cimon, 4; Thucyd. I, 94 et seq.; Diod. Sic, XI, 44; XII, 3 and 4. Cf. W. Engel, Kupros, t. I, p. 275 et seq.; Scharfe From Evagora, p. vi-viii ; E. Curtius, Hist. Greek, transl. Clogged- Leclercq, t. II, p. 443.
CXVIII INTRODUCTION see, what happened to the kingdom of Salamis? Who are the princes who reigned there, tower to tower, without doubt, supporters Greeks and Persians? The currencies we give some of their names, but do not allow us to reconstruct their story. They are, like the previous ones , to the types of the lying ram and of the cross handle; their flank thick, their slice irregular, their style, everything their constitutes undeniable titles of kinship with those of Evelthon and its successes sisters. Among the names found on these coins, only two are certain : this are Nicodamos and Evanthes, but no historian mentions these princes (Catal. n° s 573 to 576). The name of Nicodamos is accompanied by two others including reading does not leaves not that to embarrass singularly. one of them (Catal. our 573 and 574) can, next the order in which have takes the syllables, be spelled jju-vt-Xa-tre (Menelaus?). On the contrary, M. W. Deecke recognizes the name of Salamis there. : He-Xa-ui- v( (wv) '. But we can do serious objections to this reading which seduced from bonus on board : the form SeXa^-ivtwv instead of SocÀautvhov; the presence of the Ba sign, initial of Bxmleùç (reverse of n° 573) which seems to indicate that he must read a name of king; finally the presence (on our number 575) of another name which we are going to talk about, and in which, logically , you would also have to look for an ethnic. In effect, on this piece (Catal. no. 575), we to them pi-Xa-Sa-xa syllables arranged either around the syllable vt (Nicodamos), or around the syllable Bx (Bxaikté^) 2 . Reading about early plays the name of the Salaminians, M. Deecke is led to also recognize an ethnic in the syllables xa-Xa-p'.-8a, of which he does KXapiTa(tov), justifying this name by the presence, near Soli, of a small river called the KXapio; 3. Such don't would know be obviously the true solution of this little problem who we plot all the more more that the reading material of characters is not not questionable. In grouping otherwise the syllables, we form man's name Aa/apîSaç. Mr. Six suggests recognizing in this character, with a very barbaric name, the father of King Nicodamos. The syllable Ba, initial of paTtAs'jç, which, on a piece of Berlin Museum, accompanies the name Aa/api'oaç 4, like us have already seen it accompany the name of MtviÀaç, authorizes to conclude that enigmatic names of which we let's come to speak are royal names, rather than of magistrates monetary. The successor of Nicodamos seems to have Summer Evanthès : he is only known by medals (Catal. No. 57e) s. Some of his drachmas bear only 1. W. Deecke, op. cit., pp. 59-60; Otto Hoffmann, Die griecbischen Dialekte, t. I, p. 97, no. 225, 2. Six, op. cit., p. 275. 3. Deecke, op. cit., p. 60, no. 178; Otto Hoffmann, Die griecb. Dialekte, t. I, p. 97, no. 226. 4. Six, op. cit., p. 275, no. 30. 5. Voigt, Leipi. Studie, t. I (1878), p. 291 ; Six, op. cit., pp. 277 and 278 ; Deecke, op. cit., p. 55.
THE SUCCESSORS OF EVF.LTHON CXIX. £% (pet. E.), but their attribution cannot be doubtful, because they are of the type of the ram. Evanthès was undoubtedly dethroned in 445, when, by following the peace of Cimon, the Athenians abandoned Cypre. To a king of Salamis from this troubled time perhaps returns the stater on which we Bx bed. Soc-Xoc (Catal. No. 785) I rather than Bx.trx.xx 2 ; the head of Zeus Ammon is copied on the currencies of contemporary Cyrenaica. The preceding kings belonged to the race of Evelthon, which claimed to be descended by Teucer. Of Greek origin, they showed themselves the main agents of influence Hellenic in the island of Cyprus. After the treated from the year 445, had delivered the island of Persians, they only pursued one goal : make the Greek element disappear, tumble ter all small dynasties of Greek origin or tendencies, for the replacements placed by oriental kings entirely devoted to the Achaemenids. In Salamis, Artaxerxes I Long Hand expelled the Teucrides dynasty for replace it with a Phoenician family J. Unfortunately, we do not know the name of the Phoenician prince who, around 445, was enthroned in Salamis. M. Six 4, who places the reversal for no reason of the dynasty of Evelthon around the year 415, believes that he It is about Abdemon, prince orgi- nary of Citium, mentioned by Théopompe and by Diodorus, and who would have placed Salamis under dependence on Citium. Abdemon would then have been overthrown by Evagoras I , the restorer of the Teucrides dynasty. This arrangement of facts does not agree with the testimony of Isocrates, from whom he results, as well as us we demonstrated it elsewhere 6 , that three kings, at least, of Phoenician race, occupied father the throne of Salamis before Evagoras I : the Phoenician usurper, his son or^someone of his race, finally one another prince who was not from the family of two first, and who exiled Evagoras. Isocrates pronounce not the name of these princes devoted to the king of Persia, but Diodorus of Sicily gives the name of the last : it was Abdemon or Audymon 7 ; Theopompus 8 calls him the Citizen Audymon (Aù8û(xova tov Knriea). Citium, Tyrian colony, having a dynasty of Phoenician kings ciens, we can explain why Diodorus gives the epithet of Citien to Abdemon, the last Phoenician king of Salamis. 1. Six, op. cit., p. 303, no. 8; cf. p. 279. 2. Lang, in Numism. Chronicle, 1871, p. 15, no. 32; W. Deecke, Die griech.-kyprisch. Inscription in epichorischer Scbrift, p. 70, no. 204, in Hermann Collitz, Sammlung der griech. Dialekt-Inschriften, p. 51. 3. Isocrates, Evagoras, 8 ; cf. E Babelon, Numismatic mixtures, 2° series, p. 63. 4. Six, Series Cypriots, p. 279, place this event in 430; the date of 415 is given in the der- deny work devoted to this question by the Dutch scholar. Numism. Chronicle, 1890, p. 259. 5. Diode. Sic, XIV, 98; Theop., Frag., 111. 6. E. Babelon, Numismatic mixtures, 2nd series, pp. 64 to 67. 7. Diod. Sic, XIV, 98. 8. Theop., Frag., m ; ed. Didot, Frag. hist. Greek, 1. 1, p. 295.
CXX INTRODUCTION As for Abdemon's predecessors, they are unknown. one of them however could be this Aguris(?), devoted to king of Persia, what more late, Evagoras is accused, before the great King, of having put to death.” Do we have currencies of these Phoenician princes of Salamis? We don't We know nothing of Aguris and his predecessor. If these kings minted money, this was probably with Phoenician legends, such as the dynasts of Citium. Mr. Six proposes to allocate to Abdémon two monetary groups which do not have between them no relation of types and manufacture. The first (Catal. nos. 577 to 580) consists of obols that the Dutch scholar formerly classified as Evagoras I'. It is strange that similar obols, with smooth reverses, such as nos. 577 to 579, are meet in Etruria, so much so that one might wonder if the entire group is not Etruscan rather than Cypriot 4. However, our donation n° 580, with the same head of Heracles, wears a letter Phoenician who imposes the ranking in Cyprus, less for this piece 5. But the attribution to Abdémon is all conjectural fact. The second group is made up of thick-flanked obols (Catal. nos. 581 and 582), on some of which Mr. Six read them three letters ^a , initials of the royal name. But this combination of a Greek letter with two Phoenician letters is unacceptable- sible, and on the two copies of our catalog, I can only see the letter <) • In short, these mite must remain uncertain ; it is hardly possible to assert that their style and their type link them to the coinage of the Salaminian kings. Evagoras I (411 at 374 av. AD). Most currencies of Evagoras I don't suffer no difficulty of attraction goal, although we the have formerly confused with the coins of Evagoras IL Evagoras I introduced gold coinage to Cyprus, and we see, in this encroachment ment on the privileges of the great King, a reflection of his revolt against his overlord. The main events of Evagoras' reign are well known to historians 6 : supported by the Athenians, he had succeeded in extending his domination over the greatest part of the island, when 391, the dynasts of Citium, from Soli and Amathous protested against him the intervention of the great King. Autophradate and Hecatomnus 1. Diod. Sic, XIV, 98. There can be no question of Egyptian king Acoris. 2. Six, in Numism. Chronides, 1890, p. 256 to 259. 3. Numismatic Review, 1883, p. 284, nos. 16, 17, 18 and 19. 4. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek coins, p. 380. The reverse smooth se find also on the first coins of Citium, Ceos and also Populonia in Etruria. See F. Bompois, in the Revue archéo- logical, t. II of 1879, p. 78; R. Garrucci, The monete dell'Italia anlica, pi. LXXI and LXXII. 5. It's is wrong that instead of the Phoenician letter tsade, we wanted read the Cypriot character tt (Pa)- Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 380, no. 92; Six, op. cit. p. 282, no. 7. 6. J. Scharfe, De Evagora Salaminiorum reguli vita (Munster, 1866).
NICOCLES CXXI were charged by Artaxerxes with bring in duty the warlike king of Salamis who pushed his audacity to the point of cross the sea and to capture Tire and some others Phoenician cities. In 388, the Athenians sent Chabrias to help Evagoras complete the conquest of Cypre, and the testimonies literary appear to authorize to conclude that at this time not a city of the island, except Citium, escaped the authority of Evagoras 1 . After the peace of Antalcidas, in 387, the Atheists- niens having recalled Chabrias, Artaxerxes charged Tiribazes with Orontes and Gaos to reduce the king of Salamis. We know from Diodorus all the adventures of the struggle. Towards the end of the year 386, the Phoenician fleet defeated that of Evagoras in front of Citium, and the Persian troops landing at Citium, came to put the seat under the walls of Salamis ; peace was concluded at the 6n of 379 or at the beginning of 378 2 . Eva- goras preserved sound throne, but like vassal of the great King, and his possessions were restricted to the city of Salamis. When we consider all the coins of Evagoras I st ', we is struck by their beautiful style which, contrasting with that of previous coins, puts us back in memory the lyrics of Isocrates insistent on the barbarism of Salaminians before that Evagoras took the power4. The Hellenic reaction who personifies in this prince therefore has his direct counter-attack in numismatics. The ordinary type of ibex or aegagre, aXfxypoç, is the speaking emblem of the name of Evagoras. This name, in Cypriot characters, is in the genitive case, Eù^ayôpto ; in Greek characters he does not pre- feels that with its initials EY or EYA s - The word /3xtiàéwç is written in two ways, sometimes with the letter ^ (co) sometimes with the letter ^ (f«) : /3x(7t).£(i>e and f3x
CXXII INTRODUCTION EVAGORAS I gold (411-^74) Protagoras I Pnytagoras (Pythagoras) Nicocles (374-368) Several children Evagoras II (368-351) Nicocles, whose Isocrates wrote the panegyric, was a prince philosopher and voluptuous like his contemporary Straton I , king of Sidon'. Another Nicocles was king of Paphos after Alexander and only has in common the name with the king of Salamis. The coins of Nicocles (Catal. nos éoo to 603) do not have the same types as those of Evagoras ; this are : the head of Aphrodite with a tiara very ornate ; the head of Athena hairstyle of a Corinthian helmet ; a dolphin 2 (fig. 65). Talk to us- let's do more far away of a remarkable stater on which the 6 f- Nicocles' name is associated with that of Timocharis, king from Paphos. Evagoras II (368 to 351 av. AD). This prince succeeded to sound father towards 368. His coins se share in three groups : 1. those that he like king of Salamis, of 368 at 351; — 2. those he issued in quality of satrap of king of Persia, from 351 to 349 ; — 3. those that he was struck as king of Sidon, from 349 to 346. The Salaminian coins almost all bear Greek legends, and the name of the king is abbreviated BA- EYA- There are, it seems, some silver coins with the Cypriot character 4 (j3a), initial of /3x<7i)>£toç3. Among the bronzes awarded by Mr. Six, in 1883, to Evagoras II, there are some that the same scholar reported, in 1890, to the town of Salmacis in Caria4. These parts have, at right, the head of Athena hairstyle of a Athenian helmet, like the currencies money of Evagoras ; at reverse, the legend is IAA, ZA yes, and the guy, a bow of ship, or a protome of bull cornupet. We don't would know, to cause of the legend ZAA, classify these coins in Samos, but are they good of Salamis? This is unlikely, 1. Diod. Sic, XV, 47 ; Athen., Deipnosopb., XII, p. 838"; Isocrates, Nicocles. 2. Six, Ser. Cypr., in the Revue nutnism., 1883, p. 287, n° 23. The piece of bronze that we reproduce duisons is assigned by Deecke (pp. cit., p. 61, no. 181) to Nicocles from Paphos ; we could maybe rather give it to Nicocreon, king of Salamis. 3. Six, Cypriot series, in the Revue numismatique, 1883, p. 292, n° 35. I doubt the reading V C- 1*) on the gold coins described by Mr. Six, under the No. 31. He there is no place to hold account of the currency to the types of Hermes and the lion, on which Mr. Deecke (op. cit., p. 54, n° 160) would like read E'j[f ayopo>] vau[âpyoj] Ta[[j.aaaîo>vJ. 4. Six, Numism. Cbron., 1890, p. 241 and next.
EVAGORAS II CXXIII because the cities from Cyprus not being autonomous were unable mint coin to their name, and the types of these pieces seek their true place on the side of Samos and Caria. Mr. Six proposing Salmacis, we will respect this attribution enough probable. The coinage of Evagoras, who became Persian satrap, then king of Sidon, is like the reflection of the bloody troubles of the end of the career of this prince. He reigned since about seventeen years old when in 351, burst the great revolt of the Phoenicia, of which Tennes, king of Sidon, was the leader. It is on this occasion that the historians speak of Evagoras for the first times. The nine kings of the island of Cyprus made an alliance with the Phoenicians and repudiated the suzerainty of the king of Persia. Evagoras II, who had declared himself for the Persians, was expelled from the throne and replaced by Pnytagoras, his cousin or brother '. In the spring of 350, Artaxerxes III Ochus charged the satrap of Caria, Idrioeus, with the Athenian Phocion and Evagoras II dethroned, to do go under the yoke the island insurgent. Idriasus brings together 40 ships and 8,000 Greek mercenaries he sent in the island under the conduct of Phocion and Evagoras II : these came lay siege to Salamis, where the rebel and usurping king Pnyta took refuge goras. Events in were there in the island, when, on the continent, Sidon succumbed and Tennès was put to death : “ The king of Salamis, Pnytagoras (or Prota- goras), said Diodorus, dared to support the seat. Evagoras demanded the sovereignty of Salamis as the heritage of his ancestors, and he hoped that with the support of the king of Persians he would be restored to the throne. But soon, slandered by Artaxerxes who already leaning towards Pnytagoras, Evagoras gave up hope of recovering Salamis. However, after justified the accusations made against him, he got some king a sovereignty in Asia, more considerable that the one that he had lost. But, having led his government badly, he had to se take refuge again in the island of Cyprus, where he was arrested and sentenced to torture 2 . » We have established elsewhere 3 that the kingdom Asian given by Artaxerxes to Evagoras, in compensation for his lost crown, was that of Sidon, who had become vacant by the torture of Tennès. Evagoras, inducted to Sidon, knocked in this quality of the coins on which his name is represented by 00 (w), initials by NTU5W, Evagoras (Catal. our 1579 to 1582). These two elders are the transcription Phoenician of the two syllables EYA which bear the Greek coins. Before becoming king of Sidon, and while he fought against Cyprus for the king of Persia, Evagoras minted as satrap of the great King (Catal. nos. 620 to 626). On the small parts, we see its effigy wearing the Persian tiara that all the 1. Diod. Sic, XVI, 46, 2; 42.7; cf. W. Judeich, Kleinasiatische Studien, p. 133. 2. Diod. Sic, XVI, 46, 2. 3. E. Babelon, Numismatic mixtures, i" series, pp. 304 to 307.
CXXIV INTRODUCTION satraps. Careful observation allows recognize facial features, the same character in the rider, type of reverse of staters (Calai. no. 620 to 623). However, almost all the examples of these staters have both eldest ones, like the Sidonian coins. In truth, Mionnet ' recorded a stater from the Cabinet of France on which he has read OOOX, and Mr. Six proposed to substitute to reading by Mionnet the letters OOON, initials of the so-called name Othoniopaiès, the last of the dynasts of Caria 2 . We can see the importance that this legend would have, since everything the monetary group would receive, from blow, its attribution definitive. Unfortunately- ingly, on the stater in question {Calai. No. 623), there is neither OOOX nor OOON, but simply 00-H It is therefore, here again, from the Phoenician name of Evagoras 3, and the currencies which bear these letters represent the currency of the dethroned king, become simple satrap loaded, to the head of the army organized by Idriaaus, to make return under the Persian yoke Salamis revolted. Were these satrapal coins of Evagoras minted in Cyprus ? Some clues could make one believe that their emission workshop was in Caries, homeland of Idriaeus. They are of Rhodian weight, a system which was in use in the 4th century until the arrival of Alexander, especially in the western and south-western regions of Asia Minor. In 1823, an important find of staters of Evagoras, made at Calymna, in the island from Rhodes even 4, also included coins from Mausolus, of Idriasus and of Pixodare. Thus, the Rhodian weight, the place of the find, the presence of currencies carians, could be arguments in favor of the attribution of staters from Evagoras to Caria, as place of emission. But it matters to observe that the main argument of Mr. Six to support this thesis is found destroyed : it's the reading erroneous so-called name of Othontopatès on one of the parts. Second place, the Rhodian weight was used in Cyprus as well as in the towns of the coast from Asia Minor, and perhaps his introduction to Cyprus was brought about by this circumstance that the army of Evagoras was recruited in Asia Minor, and had for supreme leader a dynast carian. The shape of letters 00 (yy) is Phoenician, like on all Cypriot coins to Semitic legend ; at contrary, in Asia Minor, Semitic coins have Aramaic legends. The dolphin that we see in symbol on some of our staters is the type of coins of 1. Mionnet, Supplement, t. VIII, p. 428, no. 38. 2. Numismatic Chronicle, 1877, p. 86. We knows, moreover, that the real name of this satrap is Oronto- pasta and not Othontopates. See above, Introd., p. Lxxxvin. 3. All the varieties of these staters have been published in b. Head, The coinage of Lydia and Persia, pp. 46-47 ; Six, in Numism. Chronicle, 1877, p. 82-83 ; E. Babelon, Mixtures numismatics!, 2" series, pp. 129 to 136. 4. Borrell, in Numism. Chronicle, 1847, t. IX, p. 165 ; Six, in Numism. Chronicle, 1877, pp. 81 and following.
CITIUM CXXIV Nicocles. The star ', the lion's head, the dove, the eagle, the head of Heracles, others symbols of the staters of Evagoras II, are types essentials of numismatics Cypriot. Finally, let us add that the style of these pieces is completely different from that of coins of contemporary kings of Caria. Pnytagoras (351 to 332 av. AD). The opponent happy with Evagoras II preserved the throne of Salamis until the conquest of Phoenicia by Alexander, in 332. He submitted to king of Macedonia and took some service on his fleet. The legend of his coins must to interpret PNCuTayopto) BA(ff'^wç). Catal. Nos. 627 to 633 has . Nicocreon (331 to 310 av. AD). After the death of Alexander, Nicocreon, son of Pnytagoras, takes left for Ptolemy against Antigone, and in 315, ally of Seleucus and Menelaus, he works to reduce the hostile Cypriot towns at king of Egypt. In return for these services, Ptolemy gives him Citium, Lapethos, Cerynia, Marium, with the strategist title of all the island. On the currencies are reads BA(^éu>ç) NIK(oxpÉovToç). Catal. nos 634 at 639 ï. Menelaus (310 to 307 av. AD). Son of Ptolemy Lagus and father of Ptolemy Soter, Menelaus first fought in Cypres as an ally of Nicocreon. After this one he received the title of strategist of all the island where he reigned in 30th, when Demetrius Poliorcetes came to besiege Salamis. Menelaus fell to the power of the victor which allowed him to retire to Egypt {Catal. No. 640) 4. //. CITIUM The chronology of the kings of Citium, including the very elements were lacking in time when W. Engel wrote his history of Cyprus s, and if uncertain again to 1. Instead of the star that appears on many currencies money and bronze of Eva- goras II, M. Deecke claimed recognize the Cypriot letter X (A). This opinion is not defen- dable. W. Deecke, Die griech. Kypr. Inscription in epicboriscber Schrift, p. 68, no. 196 to 198 (in H. Collitz, Sammlung der griech. Dialekt-Inscbriften). 2. Waddington, Mixtures of numismatics, 1867, p. 44 ; Imhoof-Blumer, in the Zeitschrift fur Numismatik, t. III (1876), p. 344; J.-P. Six, From the series ranking Cypriots, in the Numisma Review tick, 1883, pp. 294 at 297. 3. Six, Ser. cypr , p. 297 to 300; Deecke, Die griescbischen Kyprischen Inschriften in epicboriscber SckriJI, p. 6i-6i. 4. Six, op. cit., p. 300 ; W. Deecke, op. cit., p. 58, n° 174. For fake gold coins and in money of kings of Salamis, which circulate in collections, see A. von Sallet, in the Zeitschrift fiir Numismatik, t. 11(1875), p 136-137. 5. W. Engel, Kupros, 2 vol. in-8°, Berlin, 1841.
CXXVI INTRODUCTION the time when the Duke of Luynes published sound book on the numismatics and the registrations Cypriots ', is today in lane to be definitely established. After MM. by Vogue 2 , Philippe Berger 3 and Six 4, we delivered ourselves- even for research specials on this subject s, and here is the chronological table that we have raw power dress, with the dates approximate, each reign . A unknown king -f- 480 Baalmelek I, king of Citium 479-449 Interregnum of a few months 449 Azbaal, king of Citium and Idalium 449-425 Baalmelek II, king of Citium and Idalium 425-400 Baalram (king of Citium and Idalium) 400-392 Melekiaton, king of Citium and Idalium (first reign). 362-388 Demonicus (king of Citium) 388-387 Melekiaton, restored 387-361 Pumiaton, king of Citium, Idalium and Tamassus 361-312 The oldest coins of Citium go back to time of Darius (Catal. no. 641 to 643). These are anepigraph pieces, with smooth reverse, and to the type of the lion lying down, forming in some way the counterpart of the Salaminian currencies of King Evelthon which are also with smooth reverses, but of the type of the lying ram. Soon, the Citium workshop mints coins {Catal. nos. 644 to 646) which have, at right, this same lion lying down, and on the other side, a lion sitting in front of a cross year, type adopted by Baalmelek, the first to inscribe his name on the city's coins. This is why the anepigraph coins of which we have just spoken must logi- only be attributed to the unknown dynast, predecessor of Baalmelek I. Baalmelek I, Aibaal, Baalmelek IL The genealogy of these three princes, today certain, rest on the text from an inscription from Idalium (Dali) interpreted by M. Ph. Shepherd. We bed : “In the year III of the reign of Baal[-melek, king of Ci-]tium and Idalium, son of King Azbaal, king of Citium and Idalium, son of king Baalmelek, king of Citium. » The first Baalmelek is simply king of Citium, while his son Azbaal and his grandson Baalmelek are kings of Citium and Idalium. The insistence significant 1. Duke of Luynes, Numismatics and Cypriot inscriptions, in-4 , 1852. 2. Mr. de Vogué, in the Numismatic Review, 1867, p. 368 et seq. 3. Ph. Berger, Memoir on two short stories Phoenician inscriptions of City of Cyprus, Paris, 1887, p. $1 and following. 4. J.-P. Six, in the Numismatic Chronicle, 1888, p. 128. 5. E. Babelon, in the Museon, of Louvain, 1892, and Numismatic mixtures, 2nd series, pp. 49 to 84.
C1TIUM CXXVII what to put the kings of this dynasty, in their registrations, to adorn yourself with all their titles, does not allow of doubt that Azbaal was the first to start rule both Citium and on Idalium. At what time should we place Baalmelekl who, according to the wording of the inscriptions, was head of a dynasty in Citium? We know that in 479, the Xerxes fleet almost perishes everything whole and that the most of chiefs do not come back not their homeland. In this who concerns the contingent Cypriot and Phoenician , we see, in Herodotus, that almost all the leaders were killed or taken prisoner. This was probably the fate of the king of Citium who knocked anepigraph coins with lion types lying down and of seated lion. Xerxes will thus have been led to send another prince, the Tyrien Baalmelek, reign in Citium and found a new dynasty there. In the years following the defeat of Xerxes, Cyprus having become the stake of the Persian wars, the two parties strengthen each other : Citium is the Phoenician capital of Cyprus, like Salamis in is the Greek capital, and when, after the battle of the Eurymedon in 466, the Athenians become the masters of almost everything the island, Citium nevertheless continues to escape from them and wage war against them. However, in the spring of 449, Cimon managed to capture Citium where he died shortly after '. It's in this dark period and agitated, which extends since the irreparable defeat devil of Xerxes in 479, until the capture of Citium by the Athenians in 449, that we must place Baalmelek. Its Tyrian origin is peremptorily demonstrated by what we have said of Abdemon 2 , thus that by the monetary type that Baalmelek inaugurates to Citium : Heracles Tyrian. Abundance coinage of Baalmelek is justified by the length of his reign. An episode of the story of Cyprus, in these troubled times, wonderfully adapted to this chronological system. gic : these are the events to which hints the famous bronze tablet by Dali, preserved in the Luynes collection, in the Cabinet of medals 3. This inscription tells us that the city of Idalium victoriously supported, against the Persians and the people of Citium, a seat at following which the king Stasicypros and the Idaliens invited the doctor Onasilos, son of Onasicypros and his brothers, to come care for the wounded and those who had suffered from the war. Follows remuneration of honors and goods that the king and the city give and guarantee to Onasilos and his family. It results from where the city of Idalium was declared during the wars medical, for the Greeks against the Persians ; that these, helped by the people of Citium, sought to seize Idalium, but that they did not succeed not, can- that after the siege, Idalium still has its autonomy. 1. E. Curtius, Hist. Greek, trud. Bouché-Leclercq, t. II, p. 443. 2. See above, Introduction, p. cxix, and Numismatic Mixtures! 2" series, p. 63 et seq. 3. Duke of Luynes, Numism. and Cypriot inscriptions, pi. VIII and IX ; cf. Otto Hoffmann, Die griechischen Dialckte, t. I, p. 68 et seq. (Gôttingue, in-8°, 1891), which gives the last and the best transcription of this text.
CXXVI1I INTRODUCTION When did these events take place? ? We will not hesitate to place them under the reign of Baalmelek, for many reasons. Baalmelek is the only one of kings of Citium who don't is not titled to the times “ king of Citium and of Idalium » ; the autonomous coins of the kings of Idalium, which are of the type of the sphinx (Catal. no. 725 to 728), cannot, by their style, be later than the middle of the 5th century, and it is this date that se report those which appear to bear the name abbreviated from Stasi- cypros 1 . Finally, the political circumstances that we have related above, the fight fiercely Persians and Greeks, in Cyprus, in the period which stops that after the death of Cimon, in 449, are clues which authorize us to consider draw our conclusions as if close some. The king of Citium Baalmelek will have tried in vain to seize Idalium ; supported by the Greeks, the Idalians resisted victoriously to all the attacks, and Citium in turn succumbed under the blows of Cimon 2 . Immediately after the death of Cimon, the affairs of the Persians are restored to Cypre; from 449, the Athenians evacuated Citium, and soon, in 445, the peace of Cimon, who delivered Cyprus to king of Persia. A this era takes place, like we we have it seen, the revolution who, in Salamis, substituted a dynasty Tyrian to the race of the Teucrides. It is a little earlier, that is to say at the end of the year 449, from the evacuation of Citium by the Greeks, that begins the reign of Azbaal, the son and successor of Baalmelek at Citium. The upheavals summarized above lead to this conclusion. The first of all the kings of Citium, Azbaal, is titled “ king of Citium and of Idalium ", which allows us to reconstruct the framework of events. After to have been rejected by the Idaliens, thanks to the support of Greeks, the Citizens took their revenge when the Athenians left. Idalium was forced to recognize the supremacy of his rival and of his neighbor. Also, to from this time, there is no no more currency that can be attributed to Idalium, of which the numismatic suite stops with King Stasicypros. Everything fits together admirably : this is the new state of affairs inaugurated by the peace of Cimon which led to the annexation of Idalium to small Citian kingdom. These political revolutions and especially the short interregnum which follows of reign of Baalmelek, during the temporary occupation of Citium by Cimon, are undoubtedly the reasons who have carried Azbaal to inaugurate a new type monetary. At right of its species, always appears the national type of Heracles Tyrian, who reminds the origin Phoenician the race and of the dynasty, but at reverse, instead of the seated lion of Baalmelek, we see a lion devouring a deer, 1. Six,, Numismatic Review, 1883, p. 317. 2, Otto Hoffmann, op. cit., p. 40-41.
CITIUM CXXIX emblem of triumph of Persians and of the retirement of Greeks. These types are constant and will now persist until the fall of the dynasty 1 . The existence of King Baalmelek II, Azbaal's successor, was not suspected before the discovery of the inscription of which we have reproduced the translation higher. In truth, the name of this prince is so unfortunately mutilated on the stone that we don't bed although the first part of the word : ....h'JJ.. After hesitating for a long time between [~jSn]Sw, Baalmelek, and [D-fjbin, Baalram, Mr. Philippe Berger 2 , whose insight eficiency in these matters is well known, finally decided on Baalmelek. Numismatics definitely proves him right. In fact, before we admits the existence of Baalmelek II, we were forced to attribute to Baalmelek I all coins on which we reads -jbnbl?3 3 ; however, these currencies form two groups very distinct. The first, those that we classified higher in Baalmelek I (Catal. nos. 647 to 669), have at right, the Tyrian Heracles fighting, and on the reverse, the seated lion. The seconds are like the coins of Azbaal, that is to say, they are to the type of lion devouring a deer {Catal. nos. 678 to 689). 11 is beyond doubt, by therefore, that the parts of second group, hit to types monetary of Azbaal, constitute the coinage of its son, Baalmelek II, of which they wear the name and of which they come thus confirm existence 4. Baalmelek II can to have reigned from approximately 425 to 400 ; its currencies are common 5. On staters of the two Baalmelek the legend is -jbobyib ; on small divisions, the name of king is abbreviated from various manners : 3,, -p, iS, ~h 6 . IT The Baalrams. The stater of our Catalogue, No. 691, in the name of Baalram, published for the first time first time in 1884, by M.A. Sorlin Dorigny 7, is to the same types as those of Azbaal and Baalmelek II, from whom it is distinguished only by the legend aiSj?3- Since then, Mr. Six a reported some other reduced currencies or poorly preserved, on which he believes find instead the elements of the name of Baalram than those of Baalmelek (nos. 692 to 694) 8 . 1. Six, Numismatic Review, 1883, p. 329 to 331, no. 28 to 33. There is no to take into account the No. 34 which is certainly misattributed and that Mr. Six would like to consider minted Azbaal coinage in Salamis. 2. On the subject of these hesitations and these reading difficulties, see, in addition to the cited memoir of Mr. Berger, M. Six's article in Numism. Chronicle, 1888, p. 123. 3. See in particular Six, in the Revue numismatique, 1883, pp. 324 and following. 4. Six, in Numisntatic Chronicle, 1888, p. 125. 5. See the remarkable copy published by Mr. Imhoof-Blumer, in the Zeitschrift Jiir Numismatik, 1874 (t. I), p. 152, and pi. IV, no. 20. 6. M. de Vogué, in the Revue numismatique, 1867, p. 369. 7. Numismatic magazine, 1884, p. 289. 8. Six, in Numismatic Chronicle, 1888, p. 126. Babelon. — The Achaemenid Persians. IX
CXXX INTRODUCTION Until the discovery of Mr. Sorlin Dorigny, the epigraphy alone revealed the name of Baalram, and we believed we could authorize ourselves actual text of inscriptions for assert that this prince had not reigned. None of them, in fact, does not give in Baalram the title of king ; some tell us that a Baalram was the father of Melekiaton and are thus worded : “ Melekiaton, king of Citium and Idalium, son of Baalram '. » The absence of any epithet following the name of Baalram clearly proves replies that this prince was not king. The same is true of the inscription which men- calls a Baalram, son of Abdmele'k : it is a bilingual ex-voto, to the god Reseph- Mikal, dated to year IV of the reign of Melekiaton. This dedication is made by a certain Baalram, son of Abdmelelt, qualified xvxl; in the text Cypriot, and adon “ prince, lord », in the Phoenician text 2 . We knows that in Cyprus the title of avoo; was reserved to the princes of the royal family 3. However, a Baalram occupied the throne since he minted money. He was surely the successor immediate, and probably the son of Baalmelek II, because the coins of these two princes, as we said earlier, do not differ that by the royal name. We have established elsewhere4 that we necessarily had to admit the existence of three Baalrams different : one who was king; the second which does not did not reign, but was the father of king Melekiaton ; the third finally who did not reign neither and who was the son of Abdmelek. Based on these data we have drawn up the following genealogical table of the royal family of Citium : Baalmelek I (479-449) I Azbaal (445-425) I I I Baalmelek II Baalram, anax Abdmelek, anax. (425-400 i) I I I I. > Baalram Melekiaton Baalram, anax. king around 396 (392-361) Pumiaton (361-312) Melekiaton and Pumiaton. In 1886, discovery of the inscription by Tamassus, published by MM. Wright and Le Page Renouf, taught us that Melekiaton, son of Baalram anax and father of Pumiaton reigned for at least thirty years. The coins of this prince, very numerous, don't are not dated : the registrations formerly known mentioned the 1. c. I. Sem., n 01 88 and 90. 2. CI. Week, no. 89. 3. Arist., ap. Harpocration, p. 203 D; Otto Hoffmann, op. cit., no. 134. 4. E.Babelon, Numismatic mixtures!, 2 series, p. 59 et seq.
CITIUM CXXXI 2 years, 3 and 4, then 17 (or 18 or 19) of his reign ; we must now add the year 30, according to the new inscription of Tamassus '. On the other hand, Pumiaton reigned for at least 47 years ; its coins are dated : we let's read the year 46 on a copy of the Cabinet de France (Catal. n° 724), and the year 47 on a hemi-daric from the Hague Museum 2 . In 312, Pumiaton was put to death by king of Egypt Ptolemy Soter3. By giving Pumiaton 48 years of reign, we are so very close to the truth, what the ascended the throne in 361. Melekiaton, his father, having reigned at least thirty years, must have taken power in 392, and no, as was believed until recently, in 368. The first king of Citium to mint gold coinage was Melekiaton. : he is contemporary with Evagoras I (-j- 374) who also inaugurated coinage in Salamis of gold. We have found that the kings of Citium, except the first Baalmelek, are entitled, in the protocol of their registrations, “ king of Citium and Idalium ". Pumiaton, in a registration dated the year 21 of his reign, is said “ king of Citium, Idalium and Tamassus 4”. Alexander kidnapped Tamassus from Pumiaton to give this town in Pnytagoras of Salamis ; also, in an epigraphic text of year 37 of his reign, Pumiaton simply retitles himself "King of Citium and Idalium ”, like his ancestors s. Pumiaton is designated by Greek historians under the names of nup-axoç and nuy^ocAtav ; on the currencies its name is iniQS. Demonicus. We have endeavored to demonstrate, in another work, that the Cypriot king Demonicus was probably of Athenian origin and the son of Hipponicus IV, Daducha of the mysteries of Eleusis around 395. We will not take up this question which has, from a numismatic point of view, only a secondary interest. But in what city of Cyprus was called to reign this descendant of the illustrious race of Callias? Is- this in Salamis, as we said it? is it both in Salamis and to Citium, or alone- lying in the latter city? Referring to the historical annals of Salamis, as we have them erected, we can answer that surely Demonicus did not reign in this city : 1.Wright and Le Page Renouf, in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, 7 Dec. 1886, pp. 47 to 51 ; Six, in the Numismatic Chronicle, 1888, p. 129. 2. Six, loc. cit., p. 129, note 102. 3. Six, in the Revue numismatique, 1883, p. 338 to 340. 4. c. I. Sem., I, p. 36, no. 10. 5. See, at this subject, Six, in the Revue numismatique, 1883, p. 338-340.6! Ph. Berger, Memory cited, p. 25 ; C. I. Sem., p. 37.
CXXXII INTRODUCTION whatever has been said, there is no place for him in the chronology of the Sa-kings laminians. An attempt was made to make Demonicus an associate of the throne of Nicocles by reading the names of these two princes on a stater from the British Museum which bears, in reality, the names of Nicocles of Salamis and Timocharis, king of Paphos '. Cer- some authors believed, on the other hand, to find the initial of the name of Demonicus in the letter A which is found in the field of some coins of Evagoras I . The Duke of Luynes and M. W. Deecke adopted this hypothesis, as did M. Six in his first job 2 . But we will point out that, in addition to the letter A, we encounter on parts of the same series, either the Cypriot signs Fa and Ni, or the letter E. Also Mr. Six recognizes, in a second study 3, that this letter A could well designate something other than the name Demonicus. From all this, we conclude that Demonicus has no place either in numismatics or in the splendor of Salamis. Demonicus reigned at Citium, under Athenian influence : the types of his mon- nais establish it without reply, as we will see. It is, first of all, the magnificent silver statere, unique until now, of the collection of Luynes (Catal. n 695) 4. This remarkable piece has been for a long time attributed to Demonicus, but the legend has never been correctly interpreted. M. de Vogué who was the first to have the deserves to find the main elements there named Demonicus, read -jjqt ~]ba]b]. Mr. Six clearly saw that the last two letters of the word cannot be -n; he proposes to read : ij-13 DT "îbnb, that is to say, by completing the legend : will go [lajjm "jbnS (/3a
CITIUM CXXXIII Tiï2, girl, WH for ÛV1JN, man, etc. 1 . The 13QT transcription for IjJDT is therefore perfectly correct and justified by numerous similar cases. While being citizens by the type of the Tyrian Heracles fighting with his mas- sue and his bow, the currencies of Demonicus are of a style who contrast with the whole of numismatics other kings of Citium. If you compare this Heracles coins of Demonicus with the one currencies of others kings citizens, you will notice differences characteristics. The god don't hold it club of the same way; his lion skin, instead to be on his arm, fleet on his shoulders. The standing Pallas Athena, is a type of Athenian origin, which is not never meet on other people's currencies Cypriot kings : it's reproduction of the statue of Athena Promachos which dominated the acropolis of Athens, and this circum- stance helps to demonstrate that the prince who chooses this monetary type hole- goes directly under the influence of Athens. We remember that it was towards year 448 that the statue of Athena Promachos was consecrated on the Acropolis, raised with the tithe from Marathon 2 loot : this monument of national glory, which directly defied ment the Persians, is singularly significant on a Cypriot currency minted in more strong of the fight against the Persians. However, we we have it observed, Athens does not have dominated at Citium only for the duration of the expedition by Chabrias in 388. It is therefore, the ephemeral reign of Demonicus must be placed on this date. Besides, the Athenian influence is manifested on the currencies of this king not only by the type of Athena Promachos, but by the style itself, and we feel that the engravers of the corners were not no longer Orientals but Greeks. Demonicus finally is the only one of kings of Citium who, on some of his coins, have done use of the Greek language. What we learn from the epigraphic texts of the reign of Melekiaton comes could, if necessary, corroborate the arguments that we have provided elsewhere to place the reign of Demonicus in 388. The regnal dates noted on these inscriptions are the following : year II, year III, year IV 5. We does not have no registrations of years who immediately follow the year IV of reigns, and since Melekiaton rises on the throne in 392, we see that the year IV corresponds to the year 388, the date of the arrival of the Athenian edition. This sudden stoppage in the dates provided by registrations can therefore have as its cause the usurpation of Demonicus. The Athenians gone, Melekiaton was restored by the Persians, if although the reign of the king friendly to the Athenians shares in two sections the reign of the Phoenician prince 4. i. E. of Rouge, Memoirs on Egyptian origin of the alphabet Phoenician, pp. 60 and 62 ; A. of Longpérier, Works, published by G. Schlumberger, t. II, p. 298 ; t. III, pp. 57 et seq. 2. Mr. Colliguon, Pheidias, p. 16; and Hist. Greek sculpture, t. I, p. 525. 3. IC. Semit, nos. 88, 89 and 90. 4. Cf. E. Babelon, Numismatic mixtures!, 2 nd series, pp. 71 et seq.
CXXXIV INTRODUCTION III. IDALIUM The series of coins royals of Idalium goes back until last quarter of sixth century, stopping around 445, a time when the king of Citium Azbaal seized the city. In this century of the annals of Idalium, we can surely place only one only royal name, that of Stasicypros. The monetary types are the sphinx, the flower lotus, the head of Aphrodite, the head of Athena. The sphinx seems to be imitated from coins of Chios. As for to the head of Athena, we knows that Idalium was famous by worship particular of this goddess ; we we have a dedication of a king Gras or Karas to the Athena of Idalium ; finally, he is specified on the tablet of Dalí that she will be deposited in the temple of Athena. The allocation of currencies that we have classified at Idalium {Calai. n 0s 72) to 728) is certain, because of the word HSaÀrrfwv, that we bed on some copies. The oldest staters are anepigraphs {Calai. No. 725), and the type of the sphinx could cause them to be confused with the archaic pieces of Chios, but a copy was found by Lang in Dali's treasure 1 . Soon appears, on staters to the same guys, a legend that Mr. Six bed \^\ -V"^ (rac-Ao-Xc) 2 . It is better adopt the interpretation by Mr. Deecke : * ^J (vj-8a-Xi), HSaAiTJfwv 3. The same legend appears on coins from a later period. Gras or Karas (around 480 BC). The currencies of which he is about {Calai. no. 726)4 are the same types that the previous ones; but we bed around the sphinx, ± /|\y /3a. Tapa. This legend is similar to the name engraved on a votive handle in consecrated bronze at the Athena of Ida- lium, who done part collections de Luynes, at Cabinet of medals 5. We could, he is true, read maybe on this monument, iroc-xa-px (Ilaxpa) for nayxpi(T7)ç), because he is not not proven that the syllable /3oc either the initial of word j3a
IDALIUM CXXXV of the royal title. We must therefore admit a king Tpaç or Kxpaç whose name is found both on coins and on votive bronze 1 . Although unusual in Greek onomastics, the name of Gras is there however dant. He is given to one king of age heroic, great-grandson of Orestes, who leads an Asolian colony in Lesvos and in the Granique valley 2 . Circum- stance to note, this Fat King is the grandson of Penthylos, name which we find also in Cyprus : it is carried by a king of Paphos, roughly contemporary with king Idalium fat. The name Kâpocç is also sometimes found in onomastics Greek. Stasicypros (c. 450 BC) Dali's famous bronze tablet mentions a king of this city, named Stasicypros : PX^^H/'^TS*^ (/3a-
CXXXVI INTRODUCTION IV. AMATHONTE Among the heads of the fleet of Xerxes, in 480, Herodotus quotes Timonax son of Timagoras '. If, as W. Engel believes 2 , these two princes were from Amathus, we do not know of any currency that can be attributed to them. In 391, a king of Ama- the shame of which Diodorus does not pronounce not the name, se league with those of Soli and of Citium to resist the encroachments of Evagoras I of Salamis and claim the in- Artaxerxes intervention 3. Later, a king of Amathons partisan of the Persians, called Rhoicos, having been taken prisoner by the Athenians, redeems his freedom by sending in Athens a load of barley ('Poixon xpiOoTrounua) 4. He probably must attribute to Rhoicos the coins {Calai. nos. 737 to 741), which have the legend the sign f£ ('Po)s, and this classification leads us to give Amathonte the mon- naies which are the same types and do not differ from the parts of Rhoicos that by the legend. We thus constitute at Amathonte five monetary groups corresponding to related to five different kings : 1st group {Calai. no. 729 and 730). Leo lying down and roaring; below, a crude legend in which Mr. Six thinks he recognizes the signs : F )£••• (to-Xoc). R£. Roaring lion proto. Hollow square . 2nd group. Same types 1. To the right, to the exergue *!£${£M (Ni-jjw-ti-so?). At reverse, the same registration undeciphered who is not maybe, moreover, that one deformation of that of 3 th group. I? th group {Calai. nos 732 at 735). Same types. The legend seems to have to se decipher : Zo-xi-pio. A stater from the Berlin Museum 8 bears, it seems, E-fE-xt-uo, name which reminiscent of King Echetimos, from a Cypriot inscription from Palns-Paphos 9. Another inscription appears to mention a king E.xt.jxo. ("Evtiiao; ?) of which the name would come even closer to that of currencies 10 . 1. Herod., VII, 98. 2. Engel, Kupros, t. I, p. 272; cf. Six, From the series ranking Cypriots, in the. Numismatic magazine, 1883, p. 346-347- 3. See above, Introd., p. cxx. 4. Here is the text which has preserved for us the memory of this king Rhoicos. Hesychius: 'Pot/ou xpiOo;:ou.;ua. 'EpaToa6£V7]i Eve xû Èvvâxio twv 'A[j.aOr/jaï(ov (îaaiXéa xoûxcov wherey p.ocXajxcov yEVOjj.evov, EÎxa Ù7ioaxpé'}avxa xpo'; lauxov xrj ïco'Xet 'AOrjvaftov xp'.Oà; È/-É|X'i/ou yrjaî. Suidas (v. xpiflo7:o|j.7r!a) gives the same details. Cf. Muller, Frag. hist. Greek, t. I, 271, no. 134. 5.O. Blau, in Numism. Zeitschrift of Vienna, t. V, p. 12. 6. Six, op. quote, p. 307, no. 12 at 16. Small divisions have no legend. 7. Six, op. cit., p. 309, no. 19. (No. 17 and 18). Mr. Deecke's readings for all parts of the series, are unacceptable. Deecke, op. cit., p. 58-59, no. 175; O. Hoffmann, The griechischen Dialekte, t. I, p. 97, no. 224. 8. Luynes, “Numism. and Cypriot inscriptions, ft. II, fig. 6; cf. Six, op. cit., p. 309, no. 20. 9. Deecke, op. cit., no. 39. 10. Deecke, op. cit., no. 146.
CURIUM CXXXVII 4 th group (Catal. no. 736). This beautiful piece, the same types as the precedents teeth, door, in characters good net, a noun royal who must be read ÀuffdtvSpoç rather than Ti'ffavSpoç or Ei
CXXXVIII INTRODUCTION Persian general, and Onesilos, king of Salamis, Stasanor betrays the cause national and ensured by his defection the success of the Persians “. This king Stasanor does not seem to have minted coin ; in any case, we cannot attribute to it the monetary group which carries the name of a king Stasandros who reigned in Paphos more than half a century later him. A error of reading has done believe that registrations and the currencies we revealed the existence of two kings of Curium, Stasioicos and Onasioicos, who would have lived towards the year 400 2 . But we will see everything on time that he is about reality of kings of Marium. A inscription, found in Curium itself, mentions the names of two people swims, the father and the son, who are presumably kings. Here is the transcript Greek of this Cypriot text : 'Aptaxw^Mv xS 'Ova<7i' (there is) 5Yeu;x[/.£voç rapt toxi'81 xàn rispueuxat ùv£07]X£ - iv xu/at?. This Aristochos son of Onasias is not not otherwise known. We offer to attribute to him the remarkable coins to the legend Baffi. 'Api., that we are going study. He There are two groups of parts with this legend, but they don't could belong to one and the other to the same character. The first consists of staters which have, at right, a bull surmounted by the disc solar; in the field, the cross and the letters 'A. pi or jSacrt. 'Api. On the reverse, in a hollow square, a flying eagle. These parts are linked by their types to a monetary series which belongs entirely in Paphos and of which we let's talk more far. The second group, which, although bearing the same legend, does not have with the previous none type ratio and of style, is formed parts that we attribute to Aristochos, king of Citium. In the stater of our Catalogue, No. 742, you must contact the following (fig. 66). Suffocating Heracles the nemean lion ; at his feet, his club. In the field, the cross handle and the traces of the letters j? jfc (A. pi.), fy,. Athena seated, no longer on the spur of the ship, as on the reverse of stater of our Catalogue, but on the ship Fig. 66. even and holding an apluster. In the field, ^£ (/3a. if.). Berlin Museum. A contribution to the same types that our stater (Catal. No. 742) is at British Museum 4. The sculptural appearance of suffocating Heracles the Nemean lion carried Mr. Six to consider to rant this group like reproduction of a work supposed of sculptor Myron 5. Whatever this conjecture, the same type finds himself on a 1. Herod. V, 113. 2. Six, op. cit., pp. 348 1351. 3. Otto Hoffmann, Die griechischen Diahkte, t. I, p. 62, no. 120; cf. Moriz Schmidt, Sammlung Kypr. Inscription, ft. XX, No. 6 a. 4. This mite has was incorrectly published by the Duke of Luynes, Numism. and Registrations Cypriots, ft. VI, no. 4. 5. Six, in the Zeitschrift fur Numismatik, t. XIV (18S7), pp. 142, et seq.
CURIUM CXXXIX stater of Mallus in Cilicia that M. Imhoof-Blumer classifies around 385, that is to say little after the peace of Antalcidas l . Well-known coins from Heraclea in Lucania are to the same type 2 , and without pronouncing the name of Myron, there is no doubt that these monetary types translate the work of a artist of school attic of the end of 5th century. A similar remark applies to the reverse of our medals, Athena sitting on the bow or spur of a ship. Mr. R. Kékulé demonstrated 3 that this guy was the copy, or rather the reminiscence of a bas-relief of the balustrade of temple of Athena Nike, in Athens : we a, again, a type imported from Athens to Cyprus. In the face of this double observation, we must wonder at what time and in what circumstances these Cypriot borrowings from Attic art occurred. Let us first notice that on the stater of the Museum of Berlin, — the alone known so far — we read Aa-uo-vi, instead of 'A-pt 4; it was, therefore, attributed to Demonicus. We found it quite natural that this prince, installed and supported in Cyprus by the Athenians, would have had types borrowed from Athens engraved on his coins. Reading 'A-pt, who is indisputable on the stater of our Catalog, thus than on the mite of the British Museum, and of which we still recognize the traces on the stater of the Berlin Museum, comes to overthrow this scaffolding. But if these parts do not would know belong to Demonicus, to what king, whose name begins with 'Api, should we give them? Besides Aristochos, from Curium, we know a certain number of characters, having played a historical role in Cyprus, whose name begins with these two syllables. We will cite : Aristocypros, king of Soli, died in 499 5 ; Aristagoras and his son Aristophantos, kings of Paphos 6 ; the Athenian Aristophanes, son of Nicophemos, Evagoras' friend I of Salamis 7. The king of Sol, Aristocypros, lived at a time too much moved back so that our coins bear his name. We have already said that we classified to Aristagoras and Aristophantos the currencies paphians to the legend 'Api ; these princes don't 1. Imhoof-Blumer, in the Directory of the Franc Society, Numismatics, 1883, p. 109 and pi. I, fig. 29. 2. Garrucci, The Monele dell'Italia antica, ft. CI, nos 32 to 36. 3. R. Kékulé, Die Reliefs an der Balustrade der Athena-Niké (1881, in-f°), p. 1. 4. Six, On the classification of the Cypriot series, in the Revue numismatique, 1883, p. 334, no. 42 ; W. Deecke, op. cit., p. 51, no. 151. Mr. Otto Hoffmann reads again: AajjLOvr/.w BaatXfjfo;. Otto Hoffmann, Die griechischen Dialektc, t. I, p. 96, no. 219. 5. Herod., V, 113. 6. M. Schmidt, Sammlung, etc., pi. VI, 1 ; Deecke, op. cit., no. 28 ; Six, Cypriot Series, in the Review numism., 1883, p. 359. 7. Lysias, Orat., XIX, 39; Xenoph., Hellen., IV, 8, 24 ; cf. Engel, Kupros, t. I, p. 304; E. Curtius, Hist. Greek, t. IV, pp. 271, 275. We still knows one Aribaios, by a Cypriot inscription found near Paphos (Deecke, op. cit., n° 41) ; an Aristodamos (and not Akestodaros) whose the name in Cypriot bed on a beautiful intaglio of the Danicourt collection at the Péronne museum (G. Perrot and Chipiez, Hist. of art in antiquity, t. III, p. 652); an Aristocreon, lover of books (Engel, Kupros, t. I, p. 675). These characters were probably not kings.
CXL INTRODUCTION can, therefore, claim the parts of which it's about here. As for Aristo- phane, who came from Athens to Cypre, at the time of Chabrias' expedition, in 388, the importance of his political role, the immense fortune he sacrificed in the service of the cause of Evagoras and Greeks from Cyprus, could to admit that he became king, like his compatriot Demonicus, and that he struck coins with Athenian types who carry the initials of his name. But this guess would be without doubt considered as singularly reckless, and he is more wise of classify, in waiting for better, our coins to Aristochos, son of Onasias, who appears to have been king from Curium around the time of Evagoras I and the Chabrias expedition. In 332, when Alexander arrives in East, we signals a Pasicrates king of Curium. Arrian names him among the Cypriot dynasts who helped the conqueror Macedonian at the siege of Tyre. At the same time, it is said, there lived a king of Soli, of same name, who was also a friend of Alexander ; I am inclined to think that he it is only one and same character, both king of Curium and Soli '. VI. PAPHOS King uncertain (around 485 av. AD). In 480, the contingent of Paphos, in the army of Xerxes, was formed of twelve ships commanded by the strategist Penthylos, son of Demonoos 2 . The currencies oldest of Paphos (Calai. no. 743 and 744) date back to the time of these two princes, but their names do not appear there. The letters Bœ-xa, right, are the initials of the name of the river Bwxapoç, which se reads completely (Bw-xa-po-ae) on the copy of British Museum 3 ; this reading is confirmed by the type of bull with a human head, the ordinary emblem of rivers. The Bokaros threw himself into the sea at Pake-Paphos. On the reverse, the letters |3a.
PAPHOS CXLI brings together this name Pnytos, of the legend IIu-vu (Ilvu) or Ilu., or even Ba. Ilu. that we reads on a group important number of coins minted towards the middle of the 5th century (Catal. nos. 745 at 748) '. But we can just as easily think of the inscription of Soli which gives the name of rivuxiÀÀa;, son of nvuxayôpaç 2 . Most of the currencies of this undetermined king have a reverse identical to that of the coins of Ialysos (Rhodes), of the first half of the 5th century. It's the same eagle's head accompanied by the same floret , in the same square hollow ; the alone difference, it's than to the legend IAAYZION, a cord is substituted. Siasandros (c. 440-420 av. AD). Unknown king. We would not know confuse him with Stasanor, of Curium, who lived towards the year 500, nor with two Cypriots of the continued of Alexander, who were called Stasanor and Stasandros 5. The coins of Stasandros, king of Paphos, do not go back no older than the middle of the 5th century (Catal. nos. 749 to 752). Small divisions are without legend, or only bear both letters Bot. Its (Ba.
CXLII INTRODUCTION Kings uncertain. It is undoubtedly necessary consider as a successor of Aristophantos, a king who mints coins of the same types, and whose name is in the following form : »^~v|\v ". The arrangement particular of letters that Mr. Six, then Mr. Otto Hoffmann, are obliged to adopt to form Mo-a-ye-Ta (Moaysxa;) or A-y£-8a-[/.co ('AysSâiAoç) 2 makes us consider these readings as unacceptable. For my part, I tried in vain to connect the monetary legend with the name of the king 'E/e-ri^oc whose funerary epitaph was discovered in Paphos itself 3. A other monetary group at the same types, this one very numerous (Calai. nos y^j to 760), bears a legend different from the previous one, but largely indecipherable on all copies and all varieties of coins or issues that we have been able to observe so far (Calai. nos 753 at 760)4. A careful examination allowed us to find the elements of fa-ai-li. W-go-ai., where Mr. Six read nàatTnroi; Na
PAPHOS CXLIII Titnocharis (towards 370 av. AD). Fig. 6 7 . The inscriptions and medals establish that the king of Paphos Timo- Charis minted coinage in association with two other Cypriot kings, his tales porains : Nicocles, king of Salamis, and Stasioicos, king of Marium. Titnocharis and Nicocles. — A stater of British Museum of which he has already summer what- tion 1 , has the legend, at right, (3a<7iXéfoç NtxoxXéfoç. At backhand, Mr. Six had first proposed to read the name of king Demonicus 2 , but he has recognized more late, and everything the world with him, that true reading is this one : BxaiXÉfoç Ttpw/api'fo; '. Here is the image and description of this stater : Zeus Salaminios sitting of face, on a throne to folder, the feet on a stepladder, legs wrapped in his chlamyd ; of the left hand he relies on a long scepter, and of the right he holds a coat hook. In legend : ty^3 £ /l ,&*i l£8'\% (JîotsiXÉfo; NixoxXéfoc). P£. Aphrodite-Nemesis standing of face, dressed in knotted Attic chiton on the kidneys above the diplois, and a peplos fixed on the shoulder by a clasp in the shape of head of griffin (symbol of Nemesis) ; his head is girded of a crown of leaves. From left hand lowered it carries a branch laden with fruit ; on the right she holds a coat hook ; to side of her, a thymiaterion. In legend : ± "2 § /Ç,,)M «^(TY^ %^> LU (/3oc<7cXéfoç Ti;ji.oj(ocptfoç). iR. 11 gr. 02. British Museum. Timocharis is known like king of Paphos and priest of Aphrodite, by registration of sound tomb discovered to Palas-Paphos : Tàcpo; Ti^o/api'Fo; BaatXéfoç, xaç favacaaç xw lyepÉoç 4. As for King Nicocles associated with Timocharis on the medal, this could be Nicocles, the last king of Paphos, later to Alexander; he is about probably of son of Evagoras I , who reigned to Salamis from 374 to 368 5 ; the stater described above relates to this date, and the types directly confirm this classification. In indeed, we saw that Nicocles and the kings of his time were subdued to the Athenian influence of which the reflection 1. See above, Introd., p. cxxn and cxxxir. 2. Six, Rev. num., 1883, p. 287, no. 24, and Numism. Chronicle, 1882, p. 91. 3. B. Head, Hist. num., p. 625 ; cf. Six, Zeitschrift fur Numism., t. XIV (1886), p. 144 and Numism. Chronicle, 1888, p. 130, W. Deecke adopted wrong, for the reverse, the reading paaiXe'Foç Aa[Jt,ovc(xto), KaaiY(vTJTtov). Deecke, op. cit. p. 61-62, no. 179; Zeitschrift fur Numismatik, t. XVII, 1890, p. 238. 4. Deecke, op. cit., no. 39. 5. See above, Introd., p. cxxi.
CXLIV INTRODUCTION manifest even in their coinage. However, the stater of Nicocles and Timocharis has borrowed types to art attica. The type of Zeus seems a reproduction of the Olympian Zeus of Phidias, who became Salaminian Zeus. The Aphrodite on the reverse is, as Mr. Six skillfully demonstrated 1 , the copy of a statue famous Agora- Crete of Paros who, under the name of Nemesis, was placed in the temple of Rham- nonte in Attica. These types therefore suit Nicocles of Salamis. Timocharis and Stasioicos. — We we will study everything to time, at chapter of Maria, a stater which carries to the times the name of Stasioicos, king of Marium, and that of Timocharis, king of Paphos. Timarchos (ca. 332-320 BC). Timarchos appears have summer created king by Alexander, after that the conqueror Macedonian had dethroned the high priest of Aphrodite, descendant of the family of Cinyrades 2 . Timarchos was the father of Nicocles, the last king of Paphos. I published, in 1,891, a small gold coin which had been communicated to me by an oriental merchant, passing through Paris, and on whom I proposed to read the name of an alleged King Timaïros, refusing me to recognize the one of Timarchos. In here is the picture and description : Head of Paphian Aphrodite on the left, surmounted by a high Stéphane, wearing a necklace around the neck and loops ears. Rx. ^X EX ^'Ê HA- Dove shot at Fig. 68. , . - , „ right. Gold mite. I believe today that registration must be read Ti-u.a-pa-^0. Boc.i7t..PA (Tiaapyoç /SxfftÀïuç IIxcpuov). In my first publishing, I deciphered the name royal Ti-p-a-ya-po, giving the signs *? and /\ *it’s worth it that they always have- days in the registrations Cypriots collected elsewhere than to Paphos. But of discoveries all recent ones have come to demonstrate that in Paphos in particular, around the time of Alexander, the signs ^ and 9 have the values pa and xo, while than in all the rest of the island, and in Paphos even in the times before Alexander, they correspond to y'a and po. The two inscriptions who have established this singular fact have been commented on, in 1. Six, in the Numismatic Chronicle, 1882, p. 90. 2. Rather. Defortit. Alexandria, II, 8; J.-P. Six, From the classification of Cypriot series, in the Numis-Review matic, 1883, p. 362. 3. See Bulletin of the Society of Antiquaries of France, 1891, p. 188, and Review of Greek Studies, t. V (1892), p. 53 to 60. The same piece has been described by Mr. Falkland Warren, in Ntimism- Chro- nicle, 3° series, t. XI (1891), p. 145.
PAPHOS CXLIV first place by M. W. Deccke ', then by Mr. Otto Hoffmann 2 : both, found in Aghia Moni, near Ktima (Nea-Paphos), report the King Nicocles, like son of king Timarchos, and there is no instead of replacing this name the name barbarian of Timaïros, since Pliny and Pollux give the form Timarchos '. We have registration funeral of Timarchos who is called priest of Aphrodite, like the kings previous 4. Some of the unnamed currencies royal, which are classified as Nicocles, could be claimed by Timarchos. Nicocles (320 approx. to 310 BC. AD). Nicocles was son of Timarchos, as we learn the registrations Cypriots noted above. Among the authors, it is only mentioned in 310, when he committed suicide, upon the arrival of the troops sent by Ptolemy Soter to the detro- ner 5. Ptolemy, following the story of Diodorus, had resolved to punish Nicocles, because that the latter was declared for Antigone. The woman of Nicocles Axiothea, also gave himself death, with the brothers of king : “ such were, said Diodorus, the tragic events who turned off the family whole of the kings of Paphos. » To the coins of Nicocles from our Catalog (no. 761 at 763), must be attached the varieties published by Mr. Six 6 , and especially the remarkable next stater, of which he There are two copies, one with UJJici of Florence (21 gr. 09), the other at the Biblio- library of Turin (20 gr. 82) : Head of Aphrodite with the stephanos ; behind, BA (/3aTtXswç). B/L. Apollo Hylates seated on the omphalos, tenant sound bow and an arrow; in front, NIKOKAEOYI TTAOION "• — Apollo sitting on the omphalos is the ordinary type of coins of the kings of Syria, and we have tried elsewhere to explain how Antiochus I Soter was brought to adopt the Paphian type 8 . Fig. 68. 1. W. Deecke, in the Beitr. %on Kunde der Indo-German. Sprachen, by Bezzenberger, t. XI, p. 515-319. 2. Die griech. Dialekte, t. I., p. 56 (Gôttingen, 1891). 5. See Pollux, II, 95; p. 78 of the ed. Becker; it's to wrong that Pliny (Mat. Hist., XI, 65; t. II, p. 296 of the ed. Sillig) made of Nicocles the father of Timarchos. See E. Babelon, in the Review of Studies Greek, t. V, 1892, pp. 59-60. 4. On this epitaph funeral the name of Timarchos has summer read, to wrong Exû/apoç, by Moriz Schmidt (Sammlung Kypr. Inscribed, ft. VIII, 6) and by W. Deecke (Die griech. Kyprischen Inscription in H. Collitz, Sammlung der griech. Dialect Inschr.), no. 35; we have justified reading Tt[J.aïpoç, better Tt[j.apy_oç in the Revue des Etudesgrees, 1892, p. 55. 5. Diod. Sic, XX, 21. 6. J.-P. Six, From the series ranking Cypriots, in the Numismatic Review, 1883, p. 363 and 364. 7. J.-P. Six, op. cit., p. 365. 8. E. Babelon, The kings of Syria, Armenia and Commagene, Introd., p. xlvii. Babki.o^ — Açbêmenid Persians* X
CXLVI INTRODUCTION After the death of Nicocles, the Paphos mint issued coins in bronze in the name of king of Egypt Ptolemy Soter, the conqueror of the island of Cyprus (Calai. nos. 764 to 769) '. VII. MARIUM Since Mr. Imhoof-Blumer wrote the numismatic monograph of Mallus 2 and Stasioicos II, king of Marium3, we can no longer confuse the coins of Mallus and by Maria , despite the analogy of the name Semitic of these two cities 4. But numismatics and the history of Marium under Persian domination remain no less than the most obscure. We only know that in 450 the Athenians, under the orders of Conon, seized Marium and Citium 5. Currencies and registrations let us know some royal names. A dedication to Apollo Hylates, found in Drimou, is in the name of Onasioicos, son of Stasioicos : xffi 8ew tco 'YÀxrx 'Ovaci'fotxoç b Sxacifoixwv xaxiffTxce... é These two princes are mentioned- born on coins which designate them as kings of Marium. Stasioicos I (c. 370). The following coinage combines the names of Stasioicos king of Marium and Timo- charis, king of Paphos : FM^X^XWHâHV) ^ V&éï GWeiiç IWfoixoc Mapieùç). Laureate head of Apollo Hylates, to right. Aécoç Tii/o/aptFo;). Artemis sitting on a bull leaping, to right, that she grabbed by the horns. — Overstruck Stater on a piece of Aspendus to the types of slinger and of wrestlers 7 (British Mu- seum). Fig. 69. 1. Six, op. cit., p. 365 to 367; Reginald Stuart Poole, The Ptolemies (British Museum catalog), passim. 2. Mallos, Magarsos, etc., in the Directory of the Numismatic Society, 1883, pp. 89 et seq. ;. Greek coins, pp. 379 et seq. 4. I have to do note, however, that Mr. Deecke (op. cit., p. 71, No. 210) gave to Marium from Cypre a silver stater which actually belongs to Mallus of Cilicia. '5. Diod. Sic, XII, 3. 6. Mr. Schmidt, op. cit., pi. V, 1 ; Deecke, op. cit., no. 27 ; Six, op. cit., p. 350. 7. Duke of Luynes, Numismatics and Cypriot inscriptions, p. 25, ft. VI, 1 ; Six, op. cit., p. 348 ; Deecke, op. cit., p. 62, No. 183 ; Otto Hoffmann, Die griech. Diakhte, t. 1, p. 98, no. 231.
MARIUM CXLVII In confusing the X signs (Ma) and (.Ku) > M - Six read 'to the right' Kusieu,- at place of Mapieuç, and he a, accordingly done of Stosioicos one king of Curium. The Mapieuç reading is now certain, as is Mr. Six later- recognized himself '. Onasioicos (around 360 BC). According to his legend, the piece next, of Museum British', has been hit by Onasioicos son of Sta- sioicos. (]&&*( J. & tU}WX'£&(P*»»>*k 'Ova^fotxo[ç|. Head laurea of Apollo Hylates, to right, fy,. (fO^t^M V (V ;^ 8^^ (^aatXgfwç 2Taiïifoi'xt"). Artemis sitting on a leaping bull, right, that she grabbed by the horns 2 . The dedication to Apollo Hylates, that we have cited all at time, comes to the support of the monetary legend by affirming, like it, that Onasiioicos was the son of Stasioicos. Uncertain king. It is in Marium that we must classify the following currencies ; their types have a great analogy with those of Stasioicos and Onasiioicos : 1. Dog (or maybe wolf), to dr., scratching with a paw of behind, and diverting the head. fy-. Aphrodite seated on a ram left ; below lty(?). ^R. 9 gr. 79. Brit. Museum. 2. Even type ; at on it, a iron of bipenne between of characters Cypriots very rough : Y't £.— KV/tV.... ? fy - Same type; at below, \J^ (Sa?) A. 3 gr. 65. Brit. Museum. The legends of these two coins are rough and everything to done uncertain; he seems that we find there both Cypriot characters and Phoenician letters which are perhaps the initials of the name of Marium, called MaXo; by Diodore+. Stasioicos II (330 to 312 BC). Stasioicos II was king of Marium, since Alexander's conquest until 312. 1. A. Meister, Die griech. Dialekte, II, 1889, p. 271 ; Hoffmann, in Bezzenberger, Beitrage %. Kunde d. indogerm. Spracb., XIV (1888), p. 291 ; Six, in Numism. Chronicle, 1890, p. 243, footnote 115. 2. Duke of Luynes, Numism. and Registrations Cypriots, p. 25 and ft. V, 2; Six, op. cit., p. 349; Otto Hoffmann, op. cit., t. 1, p. 98, no. 228. 3. Six, op. cit., p. 342-343 ; Deecke, op. cit., p. 72, no. 212. 4. Diod. Sic, XII, 3 ; Waddington, Mixtures of numism., 1861, p. 52. Fig. 71.
CXLVIII INTRODUCTION Fig. J2. In 315, having declared for Antigone, Seleucus, ally of Ptolemy, was charged with punish him. Stasioicos submitted; However, in 312, Ptolemy, suspecting loyalty of this prince, the thrown in prison. Marium was ruined and its inhabitants transported to Paphos 1 . The currencies of Stasioicos were successively described by MM. Imhoof- Blumer 2 , Six 3 and Deecke4, and yet despite the authority of these scholars, it is applicable to make some additions and corrections. Among the parts described by Mr. Six, which are missing from our catalog, he must note especially its n° 6 (opposite fig. 72), whose legend justifies the classification of the group whole in Stasio- cos and Marium : Laureate head of Zeus, left. In front, AX^-^I-V Sa-Ta-di-o-i-xo (Sxaffioixoc). 1^. Head of Aphrodite, to right. In front, MAPIEYI- Granite. HAS{. 2 gr. 80. Viennese Museum. The part below (fig. 73) in bronze, has, to the right, the same head of Aphrodite and on the reverse, the thunderbolt of Zeus. The legend is probably BA^HV (|3x-Sa-Ta- <"-) and MAPIE (ûç). Coll. Imhoof-Blumer 6 . There can therefore be no hesitation about the attribution parts to the same types that have the legend abbreviates OssSi^sV age Ba. Sa. The currency of our catalog No. 770 a summer, according to this has so far been misinterpreted. Mr. Deecke (his no. 190) attributes it to Stasandros ; Mr. Six bed on the reverse Vh (Sa-xoc), while in reality it bears MA (Motpi£Ûç)7. Our piece golden no. 771 is unprecedented. The legend se reads clearly \$& (Bat. Sa. — 0). The letter who appears have no connection with the remainder of the legend, would it be the initial of the name of Onasiioicos (SxaTi'oixoç Ovao-i'otxou)? The Eagle Ptolemaic confirms the attribution to Stasioicos : we told earlier, according to Diodorus, that Stasioicos was for a moment the ally of Ptolemy, and we must place the show of the medal pendant this period. Our No. 772 has the same head of Athena that the previous piece ; the reverse is at type of bull accompanied by the legend: £V (p%. Soc). Mr. Six 8 awards it to Stasicrates of Soli, and Mr. Deecke at i- 13- 1. Diode. Sic, XIX, 59, 62 and 79. 2. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 378 et seq. 3. Six, From the ranking Cypriot series, in the Revue nuinism., 1883, p. 344. 4. W. Deecke, op. cit., nos. 191 et seq. 5. Cf. O. Hoffmann, Die griech. Dialekte, p. 98, no. 232. 6. Six, op. cit., p. 346, no. 10. 7. The little one silver coin from the Berlin Museum, described by M. Six under his number 5, was also my read by Mr. Deecke (his n° 209, p. 71). 8. Six, op. cit., p. 361, no. 34.
SOLI CX.LIX Stasandros 1 . The identity of the head of Athena with that of No. 771 already confirms our attribution to Marium, not counting that he exists at the British Museum statere which responds to the following description : Even head of Athena on the right, between B — Z- Granite. fyL. Bull walking right. Above, V-r (/3x.Ea) ; below [M]AP (tsùç). Gold. 4 gr. 1 1 . The name Marium on this piece makes it undeniable the attraction bution to Stasioicos of all the gold coins which precede. VIII. SOLI F'g- 74- Cypranor, the founder of the Cypriot town of Soli 2 , is considered by W. Engel like the father of Philocypros s. We could place his reign between 600 and 580 : we don't has not, until now, allocated any coins to it. Philocypros reigned around 560; he was the friend of Solon4. It is at him, undoubtedly, the coins from the British Museum, which Mr. Six proposes to give to a Philocypros II imaginary, which would have summer the grandson of this one. These parts which come from treasure of Idalium se place, by their style, to a era contemporary of Evelthon. They wear for all legend the two characters ^^ (3y.-t), that we can interpret by jSa<ïiA's>Jç $tXôxuTrpo; : Lion head, gaping mouth, left. fy,. Head bull on the right, in a hollow square bordered by beads; above ^ ^ (/3oei). JR.. 10 gr. 30. British Museum (fig. 74) >. Aristocypros, the son of Philocypros, has sta- ter analogous. This prince took part in the revolt of Onesilos of Salamis against Darius; he died with Onesilos during the repression of the rebellion in 499 th . The currencies that we can attribute to him are the following : Lion's head, gaping mouth, right. P^i.. Gorgon head facing, in a hollow square ; below, t%X (/3*. A.). J&. 9 gr. 10. Brit. Museum (fig. 75)7. — Mr. Six suppose, without apparent pattern. that Aristocypros had a son of name of Philocypros, to which he class the stater that we we gave to the known Philocypros historically. 1. Deecke, op. cit., no. 192. 2. Vita Arati, 11,430, ed. Buhl; Six, Cypriot Series, in Rcv. numism., 1883, p. 368. 3. W. Engel, Kupros, t. I, p. 255. 4 Plutarch, Solon, 26; Herod., V, 113. 5. See Lang, in Numism. Cbronicle, 1871, p. 12 ; Six, op. cit., p. 302, no. 6. M. Deecke (op. cit., p. 71, n" 207) would like read Ha--'. (= IIa:p;V>v). 6. Herod., V, 113. 7. Another copy is at the Museum from Berlin, and a third in the coll. L. de Hirsch. Duke of •g- 7S-
CL INTRODUCTION The existence of a king Eunostos who may have reigned from 499 at 449, that is to say since the death of Aristocypros until the peace of Cimon and the resumption of Cyprus by the Persians, is based on the following currencies : Lion's head, gaping mouth, left, fy,. Bull's head, right, in a hollow square. In front, }ffc^r(3oi. E(ùvôtt;). J&. ii gr. 08. British Museum '. Lion's head on the left, gaping mouth. I^L. Cross anchored between two branches of myrtle, in a hollow square. Right, top, £ (/3a.) ; at the bottom, >ff E(ùvô