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The Achaemenid Persians, the Satraps and the Tributary Dynasts — 1893
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CATALOG OF COINS GREEKS FROM THE NATIONAL LIBRARY THE ACHAEMENID PERSIANS THE SATRAPES AND DYNASTS DEPENDING ON THEIR EMPIRE CYPRUS & PHENICIA BY Mr. Ernest BABELON CONSERVATIVE OF DEPARTMENT OF MEDALS AND ANTIQUES PARIS AT c. ROLLIN & FEUARDENT 4 , rue de Louvois, 4 Same House, 19, Bloomsbury Street, London 1893
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THE ACHAEMENID PERSIANS THE SATRAPES AND THE DYNASTS DEPENDENT ON THEIR EMPIRE CYPRUS & PHENICIA
MASON, PROTATE BROTHERS, PRINTERS
CATALOG OF COINS GREEKS FROM THE NATIONAL LIBRARY THE ACHAEMENID PERSIANS THE SATRAPES AND DYNASTS DEPENDING ON THEIR EMPIRE CYPRUS & PHENICIA BY Mr. Ernest BABELON V CONSERVATIVE OF DEPARTMENT OF MEDALS AND ANTIQUES PARIS AT c. ROLLIN & FEUARDENT 4 , rue de Louvois , 4 Same House, 19, Eloomshire Street , London 1893
THE J. PAUL GETTY MUSEUM LIBRAflY
INTRODUCTION CHAPTER ONE THE COINS OF THE GREAT KING I. Darique. In the year 548 BCE, when Cyrus, king of the Persians, fit the conquest of Western Asia Minor', it was already more than a century ago and a half as the Greeks of this country knew the use of money. The conqueror of Croesus found the major trading towns of the coast of the Propontis and of the Aegean Sea, Cyzicus, Phocaea, Ephesus, Miletus, the Lesbos Islands and Samos, to name but a few the main centers, in possession of an already long monetary suite ; he was likewise of Sardis, the opulent capital of kings of Lydia. Each of these cities had adopted, for his own species, not only of types individuals and national, but still a standard special, derived more or less directly from weight standards of Nineveh and Babylon. After the kingdom of Croesus was overthrown by the Persians, nothing changed in the coinage of coastal towns : they continued to issue currencies to the same types as by the past, and in numerous systems, varying according to current business needs. In short, the autonomous coinage of the colonies Greeks of Asia Minor undergoes no modification of the made conquests of Cyrus, as well as previously the annexation of most of these cities to the kingdom of Lydie had not had the slightest monetary repercussion on them. Was it the same for the workshop of Sardis after the coming of Cyrus ? The beautiful 1. See for this date the end of the reign of Croesus, king of Lydia : H. Wmckler, Untersuchungen iiir Alt east. Gescbichtc, p. 131. Babelon. — The Acha'ine'nid Persians. t
II INTRODUCTION royal gold coin, created by Croesus (xpot«to; axax/^) continued to be minted after the Persian conquest? In other words, what is the first currency minted under the direct authority of the great King ? It is generally held that Cyrus (549-529) and Cambyses (529-522) must have continue to mint money in the Sardis workshop, to the types created by Croesus. Thus, Fr. Lenormant supposes that the creseids have not stopped to be hit until under Darius I, son of Hystaspes l . This is also the opinion of Fr. Madden 2 , and Mr. Bar- clayhead, also, is carried to believe that the governors Persians from Sardis continued to mint the gold and silver of Croesus 3. I could cite still others testimonies, but if I seek to unravel the reasons for this general conviction, I only found one alone, and it seems to me to be very unfounded. We said that it must have been of currency like all great human inventions : once created, she could no longer disappear, and in despite political conquests she must have a broadcast fast and continuous. Cyrus, conqueror of Croesus, enlightened mind, not- sion for the Hellenic culture of Asia Minor, did not have to abolish an invention so precious, who was in the process of transforming the economy of the lives of people. He is even likely that he endeavored to propagate in his empire the use of the currency. But first, we will answer, he doesn't is about in no way to accuse Cyrus to have abolished currency, since the cities of the coast of Asia Minor continued, under his reign and under that of Cambyses, to emit their autonomous species as they had it done before. The question se simply reduced to search if Cyrus closed a workshop, that of Sardis ; and what leads us to believe that he the deleted, these are the following considerations : 1. Gold and silver coins issued in the Sardis workshop were royal coins and not municipal currencies blades : he It is therefore natural that their coinage disappeared with the prince who the was knocked. We would not understand that the victorious Cyrus had adopted the types monetary Croesus, without the more light modification, while we designs without difficulty he carried zero attack on the autonomous coinage of cities who was nothing royal and of dynastic. — 2. There is no difference between the various examples of the Creseids which have reached us. All are manifest- contemporary style, of the same style, of the same weight, of the same metal purity- lique, of the same appearance exterior. The very people who claim that a part of these pieces belong to the Persian Cyrus are powerless to tell us what signs 1. Fr. Lenormant, Royal coins of Lydia, in the Yearbook of the French Numismatic Society, t. IV (1873), p. 198. 2. Fr. Madden, Coinage of the Jeius (2 th ed.), p. 47. 3. Barclay V. Head, Tbe coinage oj Lydia and Persia, p. 23.
THE COINS OF THE GREAT KING III we the distinguished from those which date back to the Lydian Croesus. — 3. While Numerous literary testimonies speak to us of the coinage of Croesus or of daric Persians, none text does not hints to the currency royal of Cyrus and Cambyses 1 . — 4. Finally, the first currency surely Persian original, is the daric ; however, the daric has no relation of weight, type, style, hollow square with the creseid. I believe that he is superfluous to insist more : we did not give none proof of the persistence of the coinage of the Creseids under Cyrus and under Cambyses ; everything contributes, on the contrary, to demonstrate that the emission of creseids ceased with the fall of the Lydian Empire in 548. Cyrus and Cambyses did not have royal coinage, and the creseids cannot be included in the scope of this Catalogue. Darius I , son of Hystaspes (521-485), after spending the first five years of his reign to quell the revolts that his accession had provoked, organized his empire in around twenty satrapies to which he imposed a contribution annual. “ The satrapies and the tributes they had to pay, says Herodotus, were thus distributed : to those who paid in money, it was prescribed to pay by weight of Babylon ; to those who brought gold, to use cubic weight. The talent of Babylon is equivalent to 70 euboic mines. During the reigns of Cyrus and Cambyses, there was nothing established regarding the tax : the people offered gifts 2 . » The institution of this regular tax in money and in kind, which the satraps had to levy annually on their citizens, to pour it into the royal treasure, appears to have been the occasional cause of the creation of currency universally designated under the name of darique (cra-r/jû oapsixôc), named after Darius. The coins of the great King were : in gold, the daricum; in silver, the Persian shekel or Persian drachma. He there has never been another since Darius I , son of Hystaspes, to Darius III Codoman (337-330), Alexander's unfortunate adversary. If the cities and the dynasts tributaries, and also some satraps, in of circumstances that we we will determine, have enjoyed of rights monetary, they don't only coined electrum, silver and bronze, and it is a universal principle- recognized that the great King reserved exclusively for himself the minting of gold in 1. In the books biblical, Ezra in particular, he is often spoken of a weight unit or monetary referred to as the name of darkemon (I'CjTî). Some authors wanted to drift this expression either from the very name of Darius, either from the word 1l3*nx, archer ; they believed, therefore, that he it was about the darique (see especially Madden, Cornering of the Jews, p. 46). It is obvious that it is simply a matter of more of the word fiflSpavul in Assyrian darak-mana ; we counted in drachmas golden and in drachmas of silver the ingots that we weighed. In turn, Xenophon, in the Cyropaedia (V, 2, 7), talks about the daric as being already in use at the time of Cyrus the Great. This passage, Mr. Head rightly remarks, is without historical value, like the whole work. B. Head, The coinage of Lydia and Persta, p. 22. Cf. Harpo- creation and Suidas, Lex., v° Aaoîr/.o;. 2. Herod. III, 89.
IV INTRODUCTION the full extent of the empire. Good that he there are a few pieces golden in the name of last kings of Salamis and Citium, some other Cypriot dynasts and the Carien Pixodare, we can affirm, as a truth demonstrated by the facts, that the King of kings had alone, in Asia subject to his power, the prerogative to issue gold currency. Neither the kings of Tyre, of Sidon, of Gebal, of Aradus, nor the dynasts Cilicians or Lycians, nor even, in general, those of Cyprus and Caria, nor finally the most powerful satraps or the most flourishing cities of Asia Minor gaping under the scepter of the great King, did not coin the reserved metal. The rare dero- gations that we could quote to this law se justify, historically, by occasional circumstances ; they cannot invalidate a rule whose function is madly, no the whim proud of a potentate Asian, but a big one economic principle 1 . In effect, gold was the only standard, in the Persian Empire, where electrum and silver were only auxiliary currency. Central power therefore reserved the coinage of the standard metal ; the coinage of electrum and silver, under this regime of monometallism, could without disadvantage be abandoned to cities, tributary dynasts and satraps. This monetary doctrine inviolable was accepted by the Greeks and collected by Alexander who also attributed, in all the extent of his empire, the exclusive coinage of gold, and of there undoubtedly comes that, under the Roman Empire, the gold currency was the sacra moneta, reserved specially to the emperor 2 . Herodotus, the first of the Greek authors who alludes to the gold coin of Darius, praises the purity of his metal (/puai'ov xa6ocpwTocTov)3. And in fact, according to modern chemical analyses, the metal of the daric only has 3 °/ alloy natural 4. It's one of the main causes of the immense popularity of the daric in everyone Greek-Asian ; the weight regularity and the convenience of divisions for foreign exchange and commercial operations, are the other reasons which made that throughout Hellenic antiquity, the daric was, with the tetradrachms of Athens and the gold and silver coins of Alexander, the cash the most widespread and the most popular. The peacock normally weighs 8 grams 42 ; it therefore has a weight significantly higher than the creseid which weighs 8 gr. 17. The oldest pieces of Phocaea, in almost pure gold, are cut on a standard stater of 16 gr. 84, which we call for this reason, primitive Phocaic standard; the half-stater of this standard weighs exactly i. Fr. Lenormant, Coinage in Antiquity, t. I, p. 173. 2. E. Babelon, Numismatic mixtures, i rc series, p. 187, and 2" series, p. 87. 3. Herod., IV, 166. Cf. Etymol. magn.v" Aapeixfj? : No;j.La;j.a x\ r,w ypusoSv, orcsp Aapsîo; r.p&you c^EVù'rjCEV. 4. Letronnc, General Considerations on the Evaluation of Greek and Roman Coins, p. 108; Head, The coinage of Lydia aud Persia, p. 25.
THE COINS OF THE GREAT KING V 8 gr. 42, weight of the daric, so that by adopting a stater of 8 gr. 42, Darius only gave his coins a size already in favor in the cities the most commercial of Ionia. On the other hand, the weight measurements of the Assyro- The Chaldeans had as their fundamental starting point a talent of 30 thousand. 300 grams equivalent to sixty minas or 3,600 drachmas, which gives for the drachma a weight of 8 gr. 415. This Babylonian weight drachma has exactly the weight of the Phocaic half-stater and the Daric, so much so that Darius only adopted and propagate the metric system to which the populations were used to ; we see that the great King, heir politics of monarchs of Babylon, simply adapted the size of its currency to the weight measurements that the Assyro-Chaldeans had imposed on the entire Orient and that the trading cities of Asia Minor had already accepted for their own coinage. We just quote all at the time a passage from Herodotus according to which the Satrapies who paid their tribute in gold had to use the euboic weight. However, both more important cities of Euboea, Chalkída and Eretria, who between held, from the vm e century, a trade in more active with the opposite coast of Asia Minor, received from Phocaea the Babylonian gold lamina with its sixtieth part or drachma of 8 gr. 415. It is according to this standard that Euboea as well as its colonies of Macedonia and of Thrace cut their currencies : their most old staters money weigh normally 8 gr. 415 l . It's the weight of the daric, and thus explains itself easily the denomination euboecious data by Herodotus to the weight system which certain satrapies were required to use. Nothing is more natural and more logical than the appearance of the darique, in the point of view of the purity of the metal as from the point of view of the size and of the metrology. Darique has none of the many multiples and submultiples that we notice in all the systems monetary Asia Minor. Under the last reign of the Achaemenid dynasty, we nevertheless see the appearance the double daric which weighs 16 gr. 65 approximately, and which we will talk about later. But there is no no half-daric ; we could believe that Xenophon refers to the half- Daric in a passage from the Anabasis where Cyrus the Younger undertakes to pay to those who will want to follow him balance more strong : “ Cyrus promises to give them all an extra half, and to charge each of them, per month, three half-dariques at the place of a darique 2 . » But we must admit that this additional half-Daric was paid with another currency, without that he either necessary to necessarily assume the existence of the coined half-darique. Such was the happy combination of weight and metal of the darique that this 1. B. Head, Metrological notes, in Numism. Chronicle, 1875 (n. s. t. XIV), p. 251; cf. The coinage of Lydia and Persia, p. 6. 2. Xenophon, Anab. I, 3, 21.
VI INTRODUCTION 8 gr pure gold coin. 42 could be exchanged, of equal value, for a stater of Cyzique electrum of the weight of 16 gr. 45. We count, according to the analyzes chemicals of the Duke of Luynes and the recent research of MM. K. B. Hoffmann, Grcenwell, Percy Gardner and Barclay Head ', that in Pelectrum of the cyzicenes he there are only about 46 percent of gold, that is to say a weight of gold of 7 gr. 58, and 54 percent money, i.e. a weight of silver of 8 gr. 85. This weight of silver equi- worth about o gr. 64 gold, according to the relative value of gold and silver, in general, at 4th century BCE. By adding o gr. 64 with the weight of gold effective, 7 gr. 58, we gets, to little near, the exact weight of the daric. So we calculated, and we find some the evident proof in a passage of VAnabasis. When Xenophon negotiates with the Thracian king Seuthès to bring in the pay of this barbaric what remainder of the army of the Ten Thousand, Seuthès promises to give one cyzicene per month to each soldier, two cyzicenes to each lodging and four cyzicenes to generals 2 . But soon the remains of the Greek army pass in the pay of the Lacedaemonian Thibron to wage war against Tissaphernes ; it is stipulated that “ each soldier will receive one darique per month, each posting two dariques, each general four darics ", and this balance is considered to be the equivalent of the previous balance in cyzicenes of electrum weighing 16 gr. 45. If now we are trying to get some idea of the commercial power of the darique, we will recall that after his expedition to Asia, Xenophon, arriving at Lampsacus, sells his horse for fifty dariques >. During the wars they had to support at 4th century against the Persians, the Greeks tried to ruin commercial credit beyond Darica by creating currencies golden pure, and it's thus that we have parts gold of the same weight as the daric, exits from workshops of Cyzicus, Lampsacus, Clazomene, Cios, Abydos. This competition passenger door that weakly affected to fashion of the Daric, so widespread in Asia Minor and Greece that the authors and the registrations the mention constantly, even still after Alexander ; the treasures of the temples, particularly those of the Parthenon and those of Delos, are in part made up of darics. From time to shipping of Xerxes against the Greece, the quantity of dariques in circulation was such that the rich Lydian Pythes de Celenas possessed nearly four million dariques. He said to Xerxes : “ I have 1. Hoffmann, in Numismat. Zeitscbrift of Vienna, t. XVI, p. i and following. (1884); Greenwell, Elec- trum coinage oj Cyiicus, p. 15 and following. ; Percy Gardner, The exchange-value of Cyiicene staters, in Num. Chronicle, 1887, p. 185 at 190; B.Head, Elcctrum friend tbeir corners specifies Gravity, in Num. Chronicle, 1887, p. 277 to 308; E. Babelon, Numerical mixtures., 1" series, p. i8i. 2. Xenophon, Anab., VII, 2 in fine, and 3. 3. Xenophon, Anab., VII, 8. Darique equaled 24 and even at 25 or 25 1/2 Attic drachmas, next variations of changes. According to the calculations of certain economists, the daric worth a little more than 26 francs. Cf. E. Curtius, Hist. Greek, trans. Bouché-Leclercq, t. II, p. 183.
THE COINS OF THE GREAT KING VII did my accounts and I found that I had 2,000 talents of silver, and that I am not missing than 7,000 gold darics so that I have 400 myriads of them 1 . » However Persians themselves made less use of the Darique. So when Alexander had taken Susa, he found in the royal treasury a value of 40,000 talents in ingots raw and only 9,000 talents in coined gold 2 . We see that the Persians, continuing in this the tradition of the Assyrians and of Babylonians, had until the end use the scale to weigh the metal ingots ; it was for the trade of Asia Minor and for payment of their armies that the Aché- menids were beating currency. Also it seems certain that this was especially in workshops of Asia Minor that the darique was struck. The King of Kings is shown standing, relating to the head the cidaris crenellated, particular attribute that distinguishes him from the satraps and tributary kings. Flexing knees, right leg forward, left foot back, he holds the bow and a javelin whose handle is finished with a ball or grenade money. From there comes that this guy is summarily specified by the designation archer tnelophore. This attitude is reported by Diodorus as being the one Persian archers fight : to\6x-j.<. if; yrfvu y.£xaO'.y.oTsç3. The constant type of daric theirs done give, at the Greeks, the nickname popular archers, toI-ôtoc! (sagittarius), and we knows the cruel play on words that said Agesilaus returning from Asia despite him, recalled by the Greeks that the gold of big King had corrupted : the king of Sparta said spiritually to his friends that he was driven out of Asia by thirty thousand archers 4. One quiver filled with arrows is on the back of king. The candy whose he is covered is a loose tunic salary which makes numerous folds on the arms and all the way of the body ; raised on the left knee which she leaves bare, she is often decorated with a border of tassels. Exceptionally candys seems tight at the waist by a belt : it is on the shekels and the very rare darics where the King of kings holds a sword in the right hand, in place of the javelin 5. Despite some detail modifications introduced in this type of archer royal towards the end of dynasty 6 , we can say that it is uniform like the types of the coinage of Athens or those of the coinage of Alexander. But there is more : the appearance 1. Herodotus, VII, 28, 29. 2. Brandis, Das Mûni-Mass-und Gewichtswescn in Vorderasien, p. 249, note 9 ; cf. Fr. Lenormant, The currency in antiquity, t. I, p. 137-138. 3. Diode. Sic, XVII, 115. 4. Plutarch., Lives. Artaxerx., XX; Xenoph. Hellen., IV, 2. 5. B. Head, Thecoinage of Lydia and Persia, ft. I, fig. 16, 26 and 27. We could compare the suit of the king of Persia on coins, with the one he carries on the engraved stones and the bas-reliefs of the palaces of Susa and Persepolis. Cf. M. Dieulafoy, The ancient art of Persia, 3 e part., pp. 87 to 89. 6. There are very rare dariques which, like the melophore archer, substitute the type of bran king saying a sword or the type of kneeling king shooting from the bow (without javelin) : these types are common on the Persian centuries of the last reigns.
VIII INTRODUCTION exterior, the weight and Paloi of the darique have not changed in any way since Darius, son from Hystaspes, to Darius III Codoman, that is to say for almost two centuries. The daric and the century have the shape of a lens metal, thick, ovoid, flattened on two of its faces, rounded edges. The reverse is always, with one exception meadows 1 , occupied by a deep rectangular depression, with roughness irre- irregular over the entire surface, depression printed sometimes lengthwise flan, sometimes in the direction of its width. No one is unaware today that the surface hollow of square or rectangle, which we see reverse primitive currencies, represents the part protruding of the anvil on which we stared first the lens metallic for prevent it of slide under the shock of punch of the other side 2 . The elders numismatists claimed distinguish all kinds of figures weird in the crumpling of the hollow square of daric, a bit like we see of figures of monsters in the clouds ; Mionnet indicates, by example : “An animal crouching, with a huge head and curled tail ; an animal head whose snout extends into a point ; a bust of a horse with the mane ; a bird, a wolf, a fish with a long tail ; a trunk elephant ; the anterior part of a fish which presents itself to the trap, etc.' » Already Charles Lenormant recognized that these descriptions were completely fanciful. risks, but he had the wrong itself of respecting at least one, and see in the hollow square of a darique the Luynes collection “a nude figure seated and wearing the arm above head 4 ". In our Catalog, our reserve was extreme from this point of view, despite the well-established existence of animals or heads of animals in the square hollow of some coins archaic in electrum, minted in Asia Minor s. The only darique so far known, which has a type of setback, is that of our Catalog, No. 124, who, at place of traditional hollow square, has a ship's bow with a Carian letter on the railing. This room has was hit in Caries at time of Alexander's invasion. The reverse of doubles daric is everything different from that of dariques : it's always an ellipse very regular, hollow, crisscrossed with parallel streaks, transverse- dirty, alternately hollow and in relief, and wavy like waves agitated. What is the meaning of this representation which cannot be, this time, the work of a unconscious chisel or the whim of the monetary workers? The Duke of Luynes thought 1. Catalogue, No. 124. 2. Fr. Lenormant, Money in Antiquity, t. I, p. 259. 3. Mionnet, Descript. antique medals, t. IV, p. 640 and next. 4. Numisrn treasure. Greek Kings, p. 135. 5. See on this subject G. Perrot and Ch. Chipiez, Hist. of art in antiquity, t. V, p. 289.
THE COINS OF THE GREAT KING IX to a large basin where are agitated waves, image of the sea 1 . What whatever this explanation, it should be added here that some simple darics have this same elliptical depression decorated with wavy lines. In our Catalogue, figure a darique of this kind, with a rounded edge like ordinary dariques (Catal. n° 123) and another darique which has, in besides, like the double dariques, a flan very thick with sharp edges, and Greek letters in the field (Catal. no. 120) 2 . This flan metallic cut out with of shears characterizes no only the doubles daric, but a large number of parts satrapales in money of which the emission is confined within a specific period, and is localized in a certain eastern region : we will come back to this soon. The minting of dariques legally ceases with the fall of the empire of the Achémé- nides, in 330; however some Asian workshops continued under Alexander, and even after him, to issue dariques that we received in commerce as the old ones. As for the double dariques, their show officially continues until the constitution of kingdoms trained of dismemberment of the empire of Alexander. Then, after 306 BC, doubles were still minted daric, but without official character, sporadically and only in Bactria and in India (Catal. nos. 137 and 138). On these curious imitations, the type of the melodious archer phorus becomes barbaric, the monograms are grossly altered ; depression hollow on the back, finally, is covered with bizarre lines to which it would be chimerical to lend any meaning. II. The century medicine. At the same time that he created the stater of pure gold which bears his name, Darius, son of Hystaspes, inaugurated a silver coinage, of the same types as the darique and which was in a simple relationship with her. This new coin (the unit of currency money like the daric was the unit of gold currency), is a drachma of 5 gr. 6o, and it became popular under the name of the Median century (ct'y^oç pr^môç) or simply to century, terms much more frequently used in authors than those of Persian drachma or silver daric 3. The word cn'yXoç is only the transcription Greek from the Semitic term Spt27 which, in the Bible, means weight and designates the unit weight. The oldest commercial transaction of which the Bible mentions 1. Duke of Luynes, in the Annals of the Archéol Institute. from Rome, t. XIII (1841), p. 164-165. 2. Mr. Irahoof-Blumer published another darique of the same kind. Monn. Greek., p. 375, no. 79, and pi. J, no. 7. 3. Plutarch is the only author who designates a times, the century under the name of silver darique, and again, in this case, as well as Mr. Mommsen remarks, it is to oppose this room to the daric golden that he comes to name. Rather. Cim. 10; cf. Mommsen, Hist. of the monn. rom. (trans. Blacas), t. I, p. 14, notei.
X INTRODUCTION is the acquisition by Abraham of the cave of Makpela of which he wants to do sound tomb : “Abraham weighed to Ephron the money of which he had spoken in the presence of Hittites, namely 400 shekels of silver, as they were current among the merchants '. » Since that moment, he is constantly mentioned, in the biblical books, shekel as standard ingot or weight unit, until, under domination Persian, he becomes a real currency bearing a footprint official who guarantees the value, weight and the law. Just as we have given, as we have seen, the name of stater (axarTip oxpetxoç) to the piece gold of 8 gr. 42, although she was in reality half a stater, while the true stater, that is to say the 16 gr gold coin. 84, took the name of double daric, in the same way the name of shekel was applied to the silver coin which, in reality, and as brings out Fr. Lenormant, was not in his principle that one half shekel. In indeed, hence comes this weight of 5 gr. 60 given to the news currency? it is simply half of the silver stater of 11 gr. 20, if fre- found in a large number of cities in Asia Minor, Cyprus and Phoenicia. Here again, Darius took on the task of creating a currency which was in concordance with made, from the point of view of the size, with the most widespread city currencies Greeks. It is therefore in some way sort by abuse of language that the parts of which we let's talk commonly receive the name of shekels; these are of hemi- staters or drachmas, and this is so true that the coin of 1 1 gr. 20 is commonly referred to as silver stater and rarely under that of double century. As for the stater of 11 gr. 20, used in coinage of cities Greek long before Darius, he was the 50th part of the mine of 561 grams, itself derived from a talent of 33,660 grams original Babylonian 2 . The daric was worth twenty shekels 3, so that five darics were equivalent to one hundred shekels or a silver mine, and 6,000 shekels corresponded to 300 darics or one talent 4. Xenophon finally tells us that the Persian shekel was exchanged for 7 l/2 obols penthouses 5. In the accounts of the Greek temples, the Median shekel or Achaemenid drachma is much less frequently cited that the golden darique : this insists that the silver coinage was minted in almost all Greek cities, and was abundant there as a local product, while gold coinage was unknown there, even in Athens, other than in the state of foreign currency. After be remained unchanged for more than a century, the type of medical century, 1. Genesis, XXIII, 16. 2. Fr. Lenormant, The royal coins of Lydia, in the Annuaire de la Soc. of nwnism., t. IV (1874), p. 199. 3. Xenophon, Anab., I, 7, 18. 4. Cf. Head, The coinage of Lydia and Persia, p. 29. 5. Xenophon, Anab., I, 5, 7 : 6 ôè aîf^os oûvaxai Ejtia Ô60X0Û5 xai f,[j.io6o')aov 'Attixouç.
THE COINS OF THE GREAT KING XI the melophoric archer, disappears under Artaxerxes II Mnemon, or rather it changes in its essential attributes. Instead of an archer holding the bow in one hand, javelina on the other, we now have, on the sicles, the archer who shoots a bow like Heracles coins of Thasos (Catal. nos. 101 to 106), then under Artaxerxes III Ochus, the bust of the archer, until the birth of the legs (Catal. nos 109 to 112); finally under Darius III Codoman, the warrior holding the short sword or dagger of the Persians, called àxtvixTjÇ (Catal. nos. 125 to 136). We have already said that, except very rare exceptions, gold currency does not know these new types and keeps until the end the type of the melophoric archer. If, as we have seen, there is no division of the daric, it's not all did the same for the century : we will notice in our Catalog (nos. 106 and 136) two small silver coins, the weight of a diobole, of which the flan is of a module noticeably lower to that of century. Mr. Imhoof-Blumer also published another exemplary of these divisions of the century, which are very rare 2 . We don't meet not of countermarks on the daric and on the doubles daric ; they are frequent, contrary, on the shekels. We brought together the countermarks noted on the shekels of our Catalogue, in the table of the plate XXXIX, and these signs tell us very little. Note- Let us, however, see that Lycia, Pamphylia, Cilicia, Cyprus itself, appear to be the countries where these countermarks have, in general, been applied. Triquetre No. 6, the tetraquester no. 1, are Lycian symbols which frequently appear as counter- marks on the shekels Persians 3. We often also find there signs Nos. 21, 29 and 35 which resemble the pomegranate of the coins of Side in Pamphylia ; the cross No. 10 appears especially in Cilicia. No. 8 seems to be the sign of the Cypriot alphabet. Finally on the century no. 58 from our Catalog, we find in countermark the letters Qi which appear, as a legend, on archaic coins of a satrap of Lycia (Catal. nos. 433 and 434) : this rapprochement is significant. The signal t sign on a century by Fellows belongs to the times at Lycian alphabets and Cypriot 4. The sign £-0-} that we seen on centuries is found on Lycian coins?. III. Numismatic iconography of the Achaemenid kings. The more ancient sculpture Persian that we know, the famous bas-relief of 1. Cf. Imhoof-Blumer, Coins Greek, p. 452, no. 73, where this guy to archer is represented turned to left, instead of being turned to the right, following constant usage. 2. Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greek, p. 453, n° 74. I saw in commerce two others copies of these little parts. 3. Cf. Fellows, Coins of ancient Lycia, pi. VIII, fig. 1 and 2 ; see what Mr. Six says on this subject, Coins Lycian women, p. 79-80 (Extract from the Revue numismatique, 1886-87). 4. Fellows, op. cit., ft. VIII, ii° 2, reverse ; Six, op. cit., p. 80. 5. Six, Monn. Lycian women, p. 20. no. 50.
XII INTRODUCTION Mourghab has preserved for us the full-length portrait of Cyrus the Great l . Although equipped of four wings and decorated of divine attributes, this image, in which one cannot misrecognizing a portrait, proves that the Achaemenid Persians knew how to individualize the representations of the human figure. Already, moreover, as Mr. Menant has brings out 2 , Assyrian sculptures present, for the kings of Nineveh, characteristic differences that detect the intention to portray them : each king responds to a personal type that he does not give up throughout sound reigns. From even, if you compare the royal figures of the bas-reliefs of Persepolis with each other, you will easily recognize their own particularities which are not attributable neither to fashion nor to the personal genius of the artists. The same must be said of the images of kings engraved on the cylinders and conoid seals in hard stone. In despite the smallness of the faces and difficulties inherent in this kind of engraving, we're there distinguishes the princely features different, and we would achieve a scientific result appreciable when comparing these monuments with each other and confronting them with the monetary types. Darics, the doubles daric, the shekels medical, as well as a certain number of silver coins struck by tributary dynasts or satraps, we offer, in the melophore archer, in the king fighting against a lion, or standing in sound tank, and also in a few others types, the representation concrete of various Achaemenid princes since Darius I , son of Hystaspes, until Darius III Codoman. It is only a matter of clarifying what we mean by this word portrait. It goes without saying that we cannot ask of these iconic figures a rigorous precision, adequate resemblance. This would be absurd, and at the first time we could object to us, which is true, that when princes like Artaxerxes II Mnemon, all children come to power to only get off when you are very advanced in age, we follows point, in monetary portraits, the phases successive of age, the changes gradual of traits, the development progressive the beard, limbs and waist. But we claim that the die engravers monetary policies were not limited to a vague image and abstract of King of kings, whatever it was the holder of power; we believe we can affirm that the differences undeniable qualities that we see in these images are not attributable uni- due to the change of engravers, the distance from the workshops, the skill or negligence of workers monetary. There is something else. At the beginning of each reign we adopt a royal type, with traits as close as possible to those of the new prince, and this guy times created stops or varies little, throughout the duration of the reign, despite the changes that may occur i. M. Dieulafoy, The ancient art of Persia, 1. 1, ft. XVII. 2. J. Menant, Remarks on the portraits of the Assyro-Chaldcen kings, in the Accounts of the Acad. of Register, and Beautiful Letters, 4 th series, t. IX, 1882.
THE COINS OF THE GREAT KING XIII in the prince's physiognomy. So we only have one royal type to every sovereign, analytical and personal type ; when, in the same reign, we find two or three varieties, it is usually easy to reattach them one to the other others ; we see clearly, despite some differences, that they represent the same prince, and that they are due to the difference in workshops, artists, and without doubt also sometimes, the concern that we had, at certain times, se bring closer to real traits of a monarch whose the reign lasted a long time. Charles Lenormant wrote in 1849 : “ The heads of the characters represented on these currencies (the darics) offer two good types distinct... One of the kings very prominent aquiline nose ; the profile of the other is more regular. The parts at straight nose being more common than the others must be considered as reproducing the portrait of Xerxes : we give to Darius those which show a aquiline-nosed king '. » We see that Charles Lenormant had vaguely recognized differences in the expression of heads of archer kings who form the guy of darics. But to this is limited all that can be drawn from his observation, because per- son didn't bother to look into it further. Mr. Head deals with “ refinement of classification 2 » the idea of finding of differences in the royal archers of darics. He adds 3 that “the uniformity of style and the absence of legend makes it sible the attribution to each reign of the coins which were struck during its duration. » Mr. Six thought that this search was not so vain and we agree with him opinion 4. In the presentation which follows, we will realize, moreover, that the distribution that we have made between the different princes, is based not only on impressions of an iconographic order, but on the examination of finds, style parts, and the establishment of certain historical synchronisms. We will be sur- everything, at the first blow, struck by this fact that, in the entire coinage of Achaemenid kings, we see from the point of view of the royal physiognomy, just as many types miscellaneous that there is kings different ones having reigned since Darius I until Darius III Codoman s. 1. Numisin treasure. Greek Kings, p. 135. 2. The coinage of Lydia, etc., p. 28, note. 3. Id., p. 26. 4. Mr. Six was kind enough to communicate to me the results of the research he had done in his side; side; if I did not believe it necessary to adopt all the ideas of this eminent scholar who has more means of comparison than myself, having had casts of dariques and centuries of all the museums of Europe, at least I must publicly thank him for this obliging communication which was of great help to me more useful. 5. I regret to note that the collotypes of medals which appear on our boards I and II often produce shadows or light effects which are of nature to confuse the observer ; this is hardly anything other than the medals themselves that we could control with full knowledge of the facts, the classification iconographic that I tried to establish.
XIV INTRODUCTION Darius I and Xerxes. — In the channel that Xerxes dug at the foot of Mount Athos at the time of invading Greece in 480, around 1839, three hundred dariques were found gold, it's at say one euboic talent, with one hundred ancient Athenian tetradrachms style '. These dariques could only have been struck by Darius, son of Hystaspes, or by Xerxes himself. A enough large number of among they are entries in the cabinets numismatics, and Borrell had the opportunity from acquire one hundred and twenty-five. In our Catalog, all the darics that I have classified in reign of Xerxes (No. 27 at 35) come from of this treasure and were acquired from Borrell in the month of May 1840. However, these parts golden give as an image royal a uniform type which is found identical over a certain number of centuries. It is therefore simply to know if this important sequence of daric and shekels, belongs to Darius or to Xerxes, any other Achaemenid prince necessarily being out of the question. Anyone who wants to take the trouble to compare them the group that we we classified to Xerxes, and that which we give to Darius, cannot hesitate to ratify our choice. The coins of Darius are, of the whole series of darics, those whose style is the best ; the engraving of the royal type is the work of artists equal in merit to the engravers of the most beautiful cylinders and stamps of this period. Darius has a beard that spreads over his chest ; his nose is right and regular, sound face suitable for a man who has achieved quarantine : we know that he lived 72 years and reigned thirty-six. His hair is gathered in clumps on the back of his neck, and its cidaris, little high, is crowned of five small toothed points saw. Finally, for the general attitude, you will observe that the head is slightly tilted forward, like if the king made an effort to better perceive the enemy he was staring at in front of him. The royal type adopted by Xerxes is very clearly distinguished from that of Darius. The head is bigger; the tiara, particularly low; the eye is drawn from the front, cheekbones very protruding ; the beard descends on chest in one long tip noticeably bent forward; on the cheek, the birth line of the beard is clearly indicated, sort that we would believe with a fake beard. Xerxes was 34 years old when he ascended the throne in 485, and he was considered the most beautiful man of his time 2 . Artaxerxes ILongue-Main (465-425 BC). — The royal type adopted by this prince, the youngest son of Xerxes, has many similarities with that of his father, although that it is nevertheless impossible to confuse them. The cidaris of Artaxerxês is sensitive significantly higher ; her hair, longer, forms a roll on the nape of her neck 1. Borrell, in Niimism. Chronicle, t. VI (1843-44), p. 153, footnote; Beulé, Coins of Athens, p. 43 ; Mommsen, Hist. beyond monn. Roman, t. I, p. 9, note 2. Mr. Mommsen says three thousand darics, but that is inadvertently. 2. Herod., VII, 187.
THE COINS OF THE GREAT KING XV more thick ; sound nose is particularly prominent and draws a very curve accentuated ; the tip of the beard is more tapered. The coins of Artaxerxes I Longue- Their hands are still in good style, compared to those of the princes who will follow. Darius II'^0/^5(425-405 BC). — The coins of this prince, who had exceeded middle age when he ascended the throne, are easy to distinguish from all the others. Generally speaking, they are of a drier, less neat style ; the royal guy is that of a stocky old man, hunched over himself. Darius has a higher cidaris and his hair is represented by small vertical streaks ; the eye, in profile, is very prominent, flat nose, the shaggy and curly beard, like the hair. In the last part of the reigns, the strike is if neglected that the figure of king becomes a real caricature, and these barbaric degenerations cannot be invoked in a study of iconography. The flan of dariques and shekels is more rounded than under other reigns. Cyrus the Younger (in 401 BC). — We know the story of this prince's revolt, buried in his triumph at Cunaxa, in 401. As this insurrection lasted only few months and Cyrus did not succeed in entering Susa, the capital of the Empire, one could doubt whether he would have had time to strike gold dariques in arrogance the prerogatives of King kings. However it is important to consider that the countries where his sovereign authority was recognized are Asia Minor and Syria, that is to say the countries where the daric was hit. Else leaves, Cyrus dut hasten to assert his royalty with a new gold coin bearing his image, as the usurpers of Roman purple will do it later ; finally he was in great need money to pay his Greek mercenaries. There are a few examples of a gold darique, of a very particular style, which cannot be suitable for any other of the princes of the Achaemenid dynasty (Crt/a/. n° 95) l. The melophoric archer is represented beardless ; although Cyrus is not the only one of his race ascended the throne young, however it should be noted that he died at 22 or 23 years old, and that there are no other dariques on which there is the image of a beardless king ; this circumstance is to be compared to the epithet of Young that he data the Greeks. Cyrus has the nose right and the face marked with a character of gentleness and intelligence which rather suits a Greek than an Asian. Particular larity significant for a prince whose power was not officially recognized, his cidaris is not surmounted by teeth of saw traditional : she looks like the hat of a magistrate. Depressing at first, his costume brings to mind Herodotus when he says that the Persians wore “ tunics with sleeves, of various colors ", with “ breastplates scales of iron, nested like those of fish 2 ". 1. See Numismatic treasure. Greek kings, p. 135 ; Prokesch>Qsten, Inedita, 1854, ft. IV, fig. 31 ; B. Head, The coinage of Lydia and Persia, p. 26, no. 132. 2. Herod. VII, 61 ; IX, 22.
XVI INTRODUCTION However I prefer recognize, on the candy of young prince, the wicks flakes of the stuff called xocjvxxy,; by the Greeks, and that Mr. Heuzey clearly lies defined in recognizing her on the clothes of some baby characters lonians ". Artaxerxes II Mnemon (405 to 359 av. AD). — We have several points of guaranteed landmarks to safely unravel the coins of this prince. In recent finds composed mainly of cyzicenes 2 and lampsacenes?, there were some Darics contemporary with these Greek staters ; the study of cyzicenes and lampsacenes allowed to establish that these parts have been hit around the year 400, rather after than before this date. It is therefore also this time that we must assign these finds to the Darics. Another criterion is provided to us by the coins of the tributary dynasts and satraps, on which the image of the contemporary Achaemenid prince is engraved. We find the royal guy of Artaxerxes Mnemon on coins of a king of Cilicia (Catal. n0s 144, 145, 146, 153, 154, 155), on those of Tissaphernes (Catal. n° 167), of Datame (Catal. n° 191), of the king of Sidon, Straton I (Catal. nos 1565 to 1573). Despite the conventional character of the royal portrait on a large number of these parts, he is easy, however, to find the resemblance of kinship of these guys and the common inspiration from which they emanate. Everywhere, as on the darics and the centuries, Mnemon has a straight, low cidaris ; his very long beard outlines a protrudes on the sides and only extends to a point on the front ; the nose is aquiline. As for Darius II, a fairly large number of copies of the darics of Arta- xerxes Mnemon being of barbarian style, are without iconographic value. Artaxerxes IlIOchiis^^ i 338 BC. AD). — The iconic type of this prince meets against on coins of the satrap Mazaios (Catal. nos. 257, 260 to 263, 266 to 276), on those of Bagoas in Egypt (Catal. nos. 351a 371), of Efagoras II in Cypre (Catal. n"s 620 to 623) and in Sidon (Catal. nos. 1579 to 1582), and on the first currencies by Straton II, king of Sidon (Catal. 11° 1583 et seq.). It is through the comparative study of these pieces that we are led to attribute to Ochus the shekels which represent feel the royal bust half-length, with a head with long pointed beard, a nose slightly hooked, a thick crown of hair curls covering the nape of the neck and the ears. The only darics that, in our Catalog, we have been able to classify reign of Ochus, are barbarian in style. Darius III Codoman (337 to 330 BC) +. — As for the previous kings, 1. L. Heuzey, in the Archaeological Review, t. I of 1887, p. 262 et seq. 2. Numismatic Chronicle, 1876, p. 277 and pi. VIII. 3. Zcitschrifl fur Numismatik, t. XVII, p. 169 et seq. 4. Arsés reigned too little time so that we can try of recognize currencies to his effigy.
THE COINS OF THE GREAT KING XVII the effigy of this prince appears on coins of dynasts and contemporary satraps porains : Abd-Hadad, in Hierapolis (Calai. no. 314), Memnon, in Ephesus (Catal. nos. 381 to 385), Straton II, king of Sidon (Catal. nos. 1600 et seq.) The Darics, the double Darics and the centuries of Darius Codoman offer us two distinct types, from an iconographic point of view : the portrait real of king, engraved on currencies issued under the very reign of Darius, then the idealized portrait, engraved on the coins which continued to be struck after the fall of the Achaemenid Empire, under Alexander and even after him. I don't don't talk, okay heard, of a third type, that of barbarian currencies, which is only one crude and degenerate imitation of real portrait. When we put away, one next to the other, all the pieces that are the effigy of Darius, we see that the engravers made an effort to translate the songs successive generations that age brought in the royal physiognomy. Lots of these heads, so cramped, are masterpieces of finesse. The latest mounted portraits taries of Darius engraved during his lifetime, are those which appear on large rooms silver from Memnon (Catal. no. 381 to 385) and on the darique no. 124, which was minted in Caria. Already on this darique, Charles Lenormant had recognized the features of Darius : “ I believe, he said, that he is permitted to consider her struck for Darius Codoman at the time when attempts were made to revive the forces of the Empire against the projects of conquest formed by Alexander... The bearded head of Sagittarius that we represented there is that of a man in the maturity of age, and we know that the last Darius failed to the crown only at forty-five years old. Although on the Pompeii mosaic the beard of this Darius is hidden under the baleen of the tiara, we find sufficient traits of resemblance between this developed portrait of the king of Persia and that of the prince which is clearly distinguished on the medal of Mr. the Duke of Luynes. The appearance of the face is virile, aquiline nose, deep eye, and the beard, half length, returns noticeably in before. The bow of the ship engraved on the reverse seems to designate the Persian fleet, and we can't help but think in Memnon the Rhodian, who commanded the strengths naval opposite to Alexander 1 . » The Carian letter fl (=c, en) engraved on the bow is, M. J writes to me. Imbert, the correspondent of the Lycian letter # , as evidenced by the word [HBM&M = M*STFT+ (Mëseveb), on the north face (line 6), of the large stele of Xanthos. We cannot therefore hesitate to classify this darique to Caria : we we will give other proofs by speaking of the coins of Memnon the Rhodian 2 . 1. Ch. Lenormnnl, in the Numismatic Review, 1856, p. 15. 2. The Duke of Luynes (Numism. Satrapies, p. 4 and 9) claimed to recognize in the sign 6 , that he took for a Phoenician monogram, the elements of the name Pharnaba^e. “For me, said Charles Lenormant, despite the remarkable simplicity of the group, I manage to extract the number of letters sufficient for transcribe everything at long the sentence next : APCITHC CATPAI1HC THC ACIAC'8 I (Ch. Lenormant, in the Revue numismatique, 1856, p. 15)- M- Head classifies our Darique in Cyzicus (The Coinagc of Lydia and Persia, p. 51 ; History number, p. 453). The weight of 8 gr. 57, Earelon — The Achemenid Persians. 2
XVIII INTRODUCTION" The most double darics and a certain number of daric having summer hit under Alexander and until 306, the royal type becomes conventional; it is no longer, strictly speaking, the portrait of Darius, but rather the idealized effigy of this prince, or even the abstract image of an Acbemenid monarch, formed from the synthesis of individual representations of the kings of this breed : she is the result aunt personal portraits and concrete which preceded it. IV. Symbols, letters and monograms. On the most double darics and on very rare darics, we encounter symbols, monograms or Greek letters whose study is to the most high importance for the chronological classification of these species. It is important first of all to observe that the symbols, letters or monograms Greeks appear in the coinage of the Cilicic, even the one who is Aramaic legends, from the time of Artaxerxes II Mnemon (405-359). Already at this period, in fact, we see a bee as a symbol in the field of currencies by Mallus ". Towards the same time appear, on parts of the same city, the letter "J% the cross handle, a cob, a dolphin, etc. A little later, under Arta- xerxes III Ochus (359-338), Arses (338-337), Darius III Codoman (337-330), the Mallus' monetary suite features many symbols and Greek letters that it no need to list 2 . It is the same in Nagidus and Soli, where pieces have been struck under Acbemenid domination with, in the field, letters or syllables that appear to be initials of magistrates. There are Greek letters or symbols on Aramaic coins from Mazaios from the time of Artaxerxes III Ochus or even Artaxerxes II Mnemon 3. A Greek monogram is on the reverse drachmas of satrap Ariarathe hit before 33 1 +. Finally, many coins of Tarsus the Persian period, have Greek letters in field 5. What we have just said is to respond to this assertion by Mr. Head : “ He is obvious, he said 6 , that the presence of greek letters and symbols on all the double darics excludes the possibility that they were struck before the conquest Macedonian. » If he is out of doubt that we continued, in the East, after Alexander, to coin dariques or double darics, it seems to us no weighs only gr. 25. 1. Imhoof-Blumer in the Directory of the Soc. fr. of numism, 1885, p. 105, No. 23, and pi. I (= V), No. 16, and p. 107, no. 33, pi. I (= V), n" 20. 2. Imhoof-Blumer, op. cit., p. 108 to 112. 3. J.-P. Six, Satrap Ma^aios, p. 10 et seq. (Extract from the Numismatic Chronicle, 1884.) 4. Six, Ma^aios, p. 14. <,. Six, Ma^aios, p. 31 and next. 6. Hist. harm”., p. 700. given to this piece by all the authors who talked about it according to the Duke of Luynes, is wrong ; she doesn't
THE COINS OF THE GREAT KING XIX less sure we have started to hit the double darique under the last king Achaemenid who inaugurated it, presumably, to the opportunity to his preparations for resistance to the Macedonian invasion : he is irrational to assume that we have created a new type of currency of the big King, in competition with the currency of Alexander, after the Persian monarchy would have been overthrown. The double darics previously known include the following varieties “ : Behind the archer. In front the archer. Club Crown Crown M Crown X or A :iTA NINA
XX INTRODUCTION matively correct, admitting however that the double darique be itself called stater (which is not confirmed by any authority). In fact, the weight of the double daric is 17 gr. equivalent, in the report of 12 1 / 2 : 1, to about 200 gr. money, this who is little close half of the attic mine of 437 gr. 40. » Whatever this conjectural explanation, it is rather on the other hand that we need to turn our attention. MM. ImhoofBlumer and Barclay Head rightly noticed that silver coins types of Baaltars and of lion struck by Mazaios (CVz/a/. nos. 277 to 285), then by Alexander's generals {Calai. nos 286 to 311), have symbols, of letters or Greek monograms that we found identical on of doubles darics. This coincidence significant se check for the crown, for the monograms /^ (= AY), r-P and fyp. Much more, the letters AY and M meet, to at the same time, not only on dariques, doubles darics and on tetradrachms to the types of Baaltars and of lion, but again on of tetradrachms of Alexander '. The monogram ftj\ figure in same time on of double darics, on of parts money to types of Baaltars and the lion, .on a tetradrachm with Athenian types the same to those of our Catalog no. 321 and following. 2 , finally on tetradrachms of Alexander, Seleucus I and Antiochus I . There is perhaps, in the latter case, only a coincidence without scope. Nevertheless, most of the connections that we have just indicated are clear evidence that many of the double darics are later than the fall of the Persian Empire ; of any necessity, we must conclude that Alexander, in leaving to satrap Persian Mazaios his rights monetary, like us we'll see him soon, allowed him to continue not only the show of his tetradrachms money to the types of Baaltars and of lion, but still that of the dariques and of double darics. After the death of the Macedonian conqueror, his generals for- followed in the same way, in certain Asian workshops, Babylon in particular, the sion of the Achaemenid gold and silver currency to which the eastern populations were accustomed. Finally, in 306, when these generals became kings, they inau- gurent of types new, and it's as well as the double darique of Seleucus, to Alexandrian types (Calai. n° 3 12), follows, without discontinuity or gap, the doubles dariques who had until then perpetuated the type of the melophoric archer. In Bactria and India, the strike beyond double darique persisted for a long time again, without official character (Calai. nos. 1 37 and 1 3 8) ; there are Indian imitations of the double Daric, which appear to date after the beginning of the Christian era. 1 . I.. Miïllcr, Numismatics of Alexandre h Grand, nos. 1270 to 1274 ; Imhoof-Blumer, Greek coins, p. 576; Six, Coins Lycian women, p. 81 (Extract from the numismatic Renie, 1886-1887.) J. Six, Satrap Mazaios, p. 45-46.
CHAPTER SECOND THE COINS OF THE TRIBUTARY DYNASTS AND SATRAPS I. General considerations. Besides the currency of the great King, there had, in the Persian Empire, the currencies issued by the greek cities tributaries, those of dynasts who also paid tax, finally those that certain satraps were struck in circumstances that we will determine. “In fact, said Mr. Waddington, the monetary right was exercised throughout the course of Persian domination, concurrently and simultaneously with royal coinage, by cities, by local despots, by hereditary satraps said or vested with extraordinary functions ". » He is remarkable that, despite this great freedom, at rights perspective monetary, left by the king of Persia to the cities and to the small dynasts and despots who recognized its suzerainty, the use of currency, until the invasion of Alexander, hardly spread to regions far from the Mediterranean coasts. Poul- ies Persians, the currency, even the daric, was intended primarily to serve commercial exchanges which were established with the Greeks on the borders of the Empire, or to the pay of the contingents of Hellenic troops enlisted in the armies of big King. The provinces of central Asia Minor and, to stronger reason, the more remote Asian countries continued, throughout the duration of the empire of the Achaemenids, to exchange precious metals into ingots; and if currencies entered their homes, they received them by weight, like unmonetized metal 2 . The area of cities that minted currency in Asia, under the domination of the Persians Achaemenids, if we tracing it in color on a geographical map, would form a immense ribbon, running along the sea and unwinding from Trapezus on the Pont-Euxine to the Nile Delta. According to these data geographical, the alone satrapies in which of coins that were minted before Alexander are as follows : The sixth satrapy, that is to say Egypt and Cyrenaica. The fifth satrapy, or satrapy of Syria, embracing Arabia, Mesopotamia i. Waddington, Numismatic Mixtures, 1861, p. IOI. 2. See above, Introd. p. seen.
XXII INTRODUCTION from Khabur to the bend of the Euphrates, Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine and the island of Cyprus. The fourth satrapy or satrapy of Cilicia, who expands, in the course of 5th century, cantons located north of the Taurus, and to which was attached, under the last reigns, part of northern Syria. The first satrapy, or satrapy of Ionia, which included Pamphylia, Lycia, Caria, Pisidia, Ionia and Eolidc. The second satrapy, also called the satrapy of Sardis or Lydia, which included Mysia, Lydia, the country of the Lausonians, the Cabalians, the Hytennians. The third satrapy, often referred to as the Satrapy of Phrygia or the Dascylion, which included, besides the coast of Hellespont, all the central region of Asia Minor, from Taurus to Pontus Euxine. Towards the end of the 5th century, this immense government was dismembered and divided into three portions :a. The satra- magpie of Little Phrygia or Hellespontic Phrygia which, in the time of Xenophon, extended from Hamaxitos in Troad to Parthenios. — h. The satrapy of the great Phrygia which extended : to the west, as far as the Meander ; to the south, to the des- more from Iconium ; to the east, up to the course of the Halys. — c. The satrapy of Cappadocia, east of Halys and north of the satrapy of Cilicia. Finally, after Datame's death, in 362, the latter satrapy of Cappadocia was herself subdivided into two governments : Pontic Cappadocia, later the Kingdom of Pontus, and the Cape Tauric padoce, which formed the kingdom of Cappadocia. At surplus, the limits of constituencies administrative that we come to list underwent many changes during the duration of the empire Achaemenids, and often historical information is lacking to us, when they are not contradictory, to appreciate these modifications '. As we have already said, the cities of Asia Minor continued, as at the time of their independence, to mint electrum and silver coins, absolutely autonomous by their types, their legends and their size, and not revealing in anything the suzerainty of the Achaemenid princes. We do not have to let us deal here with this coinage. The kings tributaries, placed under monitoring of satraps, mint coins in conditions which vary depending on the country, and also, undoubtedly, next their degree of subjection in the opinion of the monarch of Susa. Thus, some, like the dynasts of Caria, of Lycia, of Cypre, of Gebal, of Tyre, of Aradus, have species who, at like those of cities we come from speak, don't betray in nothing the suzerainty of the great King. Others, like the kings of Sidon and the hereditary dynasts taries of Cilicia, place on their species the type of the Achaemenid prince. To another 1. See, at subject of the painting which precedes, Droysen in the Zeitschrift fur Numismatik, 1875, t. II, pp. 309-319.
THE COINS OF DYNASTS AND SATRAPES XXIII point of view, we can still point out characteristic differences : currencies kings of Tire and Aradus are anonymous, those of kings of Gebal wear the royal names in all letters, with an expanded formula; those of kings of Sidon only have the initials of royal names with the years of reign. In short, we see, by this quick shot eye, how many were varied these monetary uses, while respecting the principle of the exclusive reserve of the coinage of gold for the suzerain king of Persia. As for the satraps properly say, that is to say these provincial governors, most of the time related to the Achaemenid family or members of the aris- Persian tocracy, revocable at will, responsible for raising taxes and the armies, monitor the local dynasts whose states were included in their satrapy, Did they also have the right to coinage? Like there are a certain number of coins who bear the names of satraps, in what circumstances and in under what principles were they issued? What are these “extraor- dinaries » of which some satraps were invested and which allowed them to beat currency in their name? Their species do they have a insurrectional character ; are- they the mark of independence or, so to speak, of feudal encroachment towards lazy kings? A these questions multiple, we will answer : The satraps of the Persian Empire never have had the right of hit currency in so much that satraps. All the satrapal coins were issued by satraps vested with command of the armed, and temporarily, - either in some city of their province, according to the circumstances of the war, — either outside their government, when the theater preparations or military operations kept them away. These are the functions extraordinary things that Mr. Waddington wanted to talk about, and F. Lenormant clearly glimpsed this law when he wrote these lines : “ It seems to me, he said, that those who have pre- held that the right of coinage was among the normal prerogatives of the quality of satrap, have forced beyond measure the consequences of facts observed. The examples of satraps issuing currencies in their name, in the territory of their clean satrapy, are very rare All the others parts hitherto known which bear the names of high-ranking Persian officials mentioned in history, particularly strictly those which left the workshops of Cilicia, must be placed in the class of military coins ; it's like generals placed at the head of armies in the countryside, and not like satraps exercising the powers regular of this load, that the characters in question made them and there are registered their names 1 . » This theory is strictly true, and the pages which follow will only clarify it and develop its application. i. Fr. Lenormant^ Money in antiquity, t. IL pp. 16 and 17.
XXIV INTRODUCTION II. The kings of Cilicic. The Cilicia had of dynasts hereditary at which the name of Syennesis (Suévvsffiç) comes up most frequently. We can list the following : Syennesis I around 590 Syennesis II around 510 Syennesis III, son of Oromedon in 480 Xenagoras in 479 Syennesis IV in 401 Mazaios of 361 at 334 Arsames of 334 at 333 ' Herodotus mentions, from the time of Cyaxares, a Cilician prince named Syen- nesis 2 . He speaks later, around the year 500, under Darius, of another Syennesis, king of Cilicia (KiXfowv |3owtX£Ûç) >. Finally, among the leaders of Xerxes' fleet, in 480, Herodotus cites a third character of the same name, Syennesis, son of Oromedon 4. Aeschylus gives this one the title of KiX6«ov (map/oç * ; he found death in the experiment edition of Xerxes. Xenagoras (SEivayôp-riO* son of Praxilaos of Halicarnassus, was then appointed by Xerxes governor of Cilicia, in recognition of what he had saved life in Masistès, brother of the king 6 . After Xenagoras, there is a gap that extends to the time of retirement of Ten Thousand, and then we find, as hereditary dynast of the Cilicians, a Syennesis who obviously belonged to the former royal family. This is the fourth person- swimming of this name that we can record. He became famous for his duplicity : he had, in 401, sent his wife Epyaxa and one of his son seeking friendship from Cyrus the Younger, while he dispatched Mnemon to Artaxerxes II, another of his children, responsible for warning the great King of the plans of Cyrus 7. It is unknown whether his sons succeeded him, and the continued governors of the Cilicia remains interrupted for almost half a century until, around 361, Mazaios becomes satrap of this province. 1. See P. Krumbholz, De Asue minoris satrapis persicis, p. 93 ; Duke of Luynes, Numism. satrapies, pp. 12-15. 2. Herod., I. 74. 3. Herod., V, 118. This Syennesis could have started to reign before the year 500, since on this date he is reported as father-in-law of Pixodare. 4. Herod., VII, 98. It is unlikely that this character should be confused with the previous one, as Mr. Six would have it in Le satrape Mazaios (Extract from Num. chron., 1884, p. 62). 5. Aeschyl., Vers., v. 327. 6. Herod., IX, 107; cf. P. Krumbholz, De Asice min. satrapis, pp. 36-57. 7. Xenoph., Anab., I, 12 to 25 and next. ; Diod. Sic, XlV, 20, 1 to 3 ; Ctesias, Taken., 58; Duke of Luynes, Num, satrapies, p. 12; P. Krumbholz, op. cit., pp. 53-54.
THE KINGS OF CILICIA XXIV The Cilician dynasts minted coins in the same way as those of the cities of Phoenicia or those of Caries and of Lycia. Already, their broadcasts, in the workshop of Tarsus, were recognized and chronologically distributed by M. Six, who has good knew how to describe the rider as “king of Cilicia”, wearing the Persian tiara, a type of these species (Catal. nos. 139 to 142) 1 . But this is only a small part of their coinage, and we cannot refuse to attribute to these dynasts, several of whom have no history, the coins minted, either in Tarsus itself, or in other cities of Cilicia, — the some to the type of the Achaemenid monarch, suzerain, — others to the type of a horseman or an archer, wearing a Persian tiara, who could only be the Cilician dynast in Asian costume. Among these monetary groups that we are going to list, he doesn't is none that goes back to the first three Syennesis or even to Xena- goras; the oldest is not earlier than the middle of the 5th century; the last one connects directly to the coins of Mazaios. Group A. — Coins minted from approximately 450 to 400, in the workshops of Tarsus and of Soli : 1. Tarsus (Catal. nos. 139 and 140). 2. Soli (Catal. nos. 147 to 149) 2 . These coins belong to an unknown king of Cilicia. Group B. (Syennesis IV?). — Coins minted in Tarsus and in Soli, at the same types than the preceding ones, but their style places them in a later period. 1. Tarsus (Catal, no. 141 and 142). 2. Soli (Catal. nos. 150 to 152). Like these pieces are contemporary with Syennesis IV, we can, conjectura- lement, attribute them to this prince. Group C. — Coins minted from the end of the 5th century until around 361, in Tarsus, in Soli and Mallus. But before as after the episode of 401 relating to Syennesis IV, the story of the Cilicia is so obscure that it is impossible to fix the allocation of these coins to specific dynasts. The oldest of these pieces, those which still have a shallow hollow square, probably go up to the 1. Six, Satrap Mazaios, pp. 56 to 62. In the chronological enumeration he gives of the broadcasts of the workshop of Tarsus, Mr. Six was wrong, according to us, to do figure staters at type of cow nursing her calf; some of them are named from Baana, in Phoenician writing, while that Tarsus has always used Aramaic writing on his species. Else leaves, there is no not place of attach to the coins of Tarsus the small silver coins which have, on the right, a half-kneeling hoplite and fighter ; at reverse, a figure mounted on a galloping horse protome. Although these guys have a great analogy with those of the Tarsus coins of our group A, the parts in question do not are not Cilician. Recently, he was discovered a considerable lot in the island of Lesvos with archaic coins of Methymna. According to this, the broadcasts of the kings of Cilicia in Tarsus begin so only with No. 6 (p. 58) from the list of Mr. Six. 2. Cf. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek coins, p. 364, nos. 49 and 49".
XXVI INTRODUCTION Ve century ; the more recent, at reverse of which all trace of square hollow has disappeared, were perhaps struck by the unknown successor of Syennesis IV. i . Tarsus (Catal. nos. 143 to 145). — To the items in our Catalogue, add these: a. The king of Persia, Artaxerxes II Mnemon, standing, a dagger in his hand, fighting against a lion. P^. The king of Persian standing, leaning on his javelin and tenant the cross ansée. In front him, TEPZI (xov) ; behind, VIT) (Tarsus). JS^. Stater, 10 gr. 89. Museum F'£- ' Hunter '. (See tetrobole no. 145 of our Catal.) b. The king of Persia fighting against a lion (rather than two characters engaging in a scene of boxing). P£. Two Persian warriors standing facing each other, leaning each cun on his javelin. Hollow square. yR. 15 mill. Third of a stater, 3 gr. 53. Donkey. coll. by Mr. Schlumberger 2 . c. Rider, wearing the Persian tiara, going left, right hand raised. Under the horse, the cross. VjL. Two warriors standing facing each other ; they have the bow and the quiver on their back and hold two hands each a javelin; in the field, Fig. 2 the Tin legend and one letter isolated which looks like to a Greek T. Hollow square. Mr. 10 gr. 64. Hunter Museum 3. d. Rider wearing a Persian tiara, and holding a flower. A the exergue, maybe end. P^. The king of Persian kneeling and pulling of the bow; behind, the cross handle. J.K. Hollow square. Stater, 10 gr. 88. — Hunter Museum 4. F>g- } 2. Solo. — Wall crenellated, flanked of three towers ; at on it, the king Artaxerxes II Mnemon sitting on a throne, left, supporting with right hand on his cheekbone javelin, and holding the cross handle with the left hand ; before him stands a character (the king of Cilicia) leaning on a long scepter. P^. The king of Cilicia going at che- F'g-4 val at a walk, to the left ; he is wearing a Persian tiara i. Waddington, Numismatic mixtures, 1861, p. 79-80; Six, The satrap Ma^aios, p. 59, no. 11 ; B. Head, The Coinagc of Lydia and Persia, pi. III, fig. II. 2. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek coins, p. 370, no. 64. 3. Waddington, Miscellaneous Numismatics, 1861, p. 79; Six, The satrap Ma^aios, p. 59, 11° 10. 4. Waddington, Mixtures, 1861, p. 80 ; Six, Ma^aios, p. 58, no. 8 ; Head, Lydia and Persia, pi. III, 13. Cf. a Variety published by the Duke of Luynes, Numism. satrapies, p. 64 and ft. XII. See varieties
THE KINGS OF QLICIE XXVII and dressed in a long coat. In the field, a vine with a bunch of grapes. Shallow hollow square limited by a sandstone. The vine stock allows this anepigraph currency to be classified in Soli. The type of right, which appears to represent a scene investiture, reminds the type of some coins of Mazaios. 3. Mallus (Catal. n 0s 153 to 155) 2 . Following the currencies that we have just listed, take place chronologically gically, in miscellaneous workshops of the Cilicia, of broadcasts monetary that we hesitates to include in the autonomous coinage of cities, or among the currencies Cilician kings, or satraps. On these species we have, as a legend, the ethnic of the city of issue, either at genitive plural: TAP2EHN, 20AEHN, NATI- AEON, I2IAION; either at neutral: KIAIKION, TEP2IKON, NAHAIKON, 20AIKON, 1221 KON- This difference in the monetary formula suggested to Mr. Waddington the following thought : “The adjective form in IKON, he said, to- would clearly indicate that the medal was struck under the authority of a despot and not by a community free : thus, 20AIKON would mean currency minted at Soli; 20AEHN, coin struck by the citizens of Soli*. » This ingenious guess was adopted by Mr. Six : “The legend I22IK0N, he said, proves that the parts were issued to Coming from, under the authority of a dynast or one of the satraps commanding in the Persian army, and not, as the statere in legend 122A ION, by the citizens of a free city, by virtue of their right to coin money 4. » If this were so, the distinction between properly satrapal currencies and those cities would be easy ; to the satraps or dynasts would return all the currencies which have the neutral adjective in -ixov (voVtsixa). But the criterion proposed with reservation by Mr. Waddington is it absolutely conclusive? I don't think so not, for two main reasons. The first is that we encounter the neutral ethnic in -txov in countries or cities that have never been governed by satraps or local dynasts. Thus we note, on old style coins, the ethnic following : APKAAIKON, AAAOIKON, BI2AATIKON, TANOPIVIITIKON, 9E2PIK0N, OAYMPIKON, 2EPMYAIK0N ; in Caries and in Pamphylia where, he is true, the currency could have be struck in the name of dynasts or satraps, we finds TEPMEPIKON, OAMITIKON, 2IAHTIK0N- of this series in Imhoof-Blumer, Greek coins, p. 370, no. 65 and 66 ; and Six, Satrap Mazaios, p. 59d no. 9 ; p. 60, 11° 18. 1. This silver piece was communicated to me by an oriental merchant, passing through Paris. 2. Cf. Imhoof-Blumer, in the Directory of the Soc. franc, numismatics, 1883, t. VII, p. 108 et seq. 3. Waddington, Numismatic mixtures, t. I, pp. 13-14. 4. J.-P. Six, in Xiimism. Cbronicle, 1888 (3rd century C. t. VIII), p. 117.
XXV11I INTRODUCTION Another argument is taken from the careful study of the coins of Cilicia themselves same. We will soon see, for example, that the same effigy of the satrap Tiribazc figure to the time on the parts that carry the ZOAIKON legend and others who have ZOAEflN, and this last form appears on coins which have the type of Cilician dynasts ; in Nagidus, we finds NATIAIKON indifferently and NATI- AEHN on currencies of the same types ; in Mallus, we have MAAAflTflN with the effigy of Tiribaze. M.E. Curtius issued, at subject of currencies which have ethnicity in -ixov, a other opinion almost also attractive, at first glance, that the one by Mr. Wad- dington, but who nevertheless also appears to be rejected. He believes that all these currencies have a character religious, and that they have been hit by the administrators of famous sanctuaries, with the metallic riches of the treasures sacred ; Fr. Lenormant adopted this hypothesis, according to which APKAAIKON would designate the coins of the temple of the Arcadians at Lycosura; AAAOIKON, those from the temple of Apollo at Delphi ; GEZPIKON, those of the temple of Eros at Thespiae, etc. '. But, if this opinion was founded, the form in -txov would be found, in a even city, concurrently with the genitive plural, since the community of inhabitants had the right to mint currency at the same time as administrators temples. AThespies, for example, the 0EZPIKON form which persists for a long time, don't never occurs concurrently with QEZPIEON ; the same at Delphi ; in Arcadia, Mr. Imhoof-Blumer looks like very problematic the attribution has any sanctuary of the pieces to the legend 'ApxaSixov 2 . We should finally, in the hypothesis of Mr. Curtius, see the form in -ixov being prolonged, in the cities where it appears, as long as the sanctuary remains flourishing. To the ass- milk, she is rare, archaic, don't lasts only for a period relatively restricted ; then, it is replaced, on currencies of the same types, and by successively struck in the name of the same authorities, by the genitive plural. We therefore cannot see, in the shape in -txov, the character distinctive of coinage of dynasts or satraps. To distinguish it from urban currencies, we have especially considered the types, leaving to cities cilicians, until more fully informed, all the pieces that their types do not formally indicate as minted under the direct authority of the Persian dynast or satrap. i . E. Curtius, in the Monalsberichie of the Acad. from Berlin, June 1869 ; The Numimalic Chronicle, 1870, pp. 91 and following. ; Zeitschrift fur Numismalik, t. I, pp. 267 and next. ; Fr. Lenormant, Damn currency antiquity, t. II, pp. 82-83. 2. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek coins, p. 196.
TîRIBAZE XXIX III. Tiribaze. Tiribaze (Ttpiëa^o;, TétpîêaÇoç, TvipiÊaÇo:) was uTtap/o; from Western Armenia, in the time of Cyrus the Younger and retreat of the Ten Thousand 1 . In 393, he succeeds to Tithraustus as satrap of Sardis ; then, he receives the title of xipxvoç and order the armies in quality of cTpar-^yàç pxaiXswçX The famous peace of An- talcidas, in 387, who delivered all Asia at large King, was in part of his work. In the following years (386 at 384), Tiribaze was responsible for leading the war against Evagoras I , king of Salamis3. Victorious, he negotiated the basics of peace when he was slandered before the great King by Orontes, his colleague and rival, and called to Susa to justify himself. Returned soon in favor, we let's see it, 381, once again direct the operations of the Cypriot War, while Orontes is placed the head of the satrapy of Sardis 4. All these events are well known. The coins of Tiribaze were struck, not in his satrapy from Armenia, nor even in his satrapy of Lydia, but in Cilicia, country that Tiribaze had never to govern. We grabbed by there the character military the currency satrapalus. Tiribaze made into money Cilicia, while he organized the war against Evagoras and that he equipped the fleet destined to conquer the island of Cyprus. “Tiribaze, said Mr. Waddington, drew its supplies from the Cilicia, and no doubt had a name struck in his name part of the two thousand talents that he obtained from the great King for the costs of the war 5. » The workshops cilicians who minted currency in the name of Tiribaze are From, Mallus, Soli, Tarsus and perhaps Nagidus. 1. From (Catal. nos. 156 to 158). To the pieces that appear in our Catalogue, he must attach these : O" IZZIKON- Baala half naked, standing left, holding an eagle with outstretched wings, and leaning on a scepter. In the field, "\\ y ^^f*(Tî2i"in, Tmba\é). R£. Ormuzd front (or Cronos) 6 , looking to the right, and holding a crown in his right hand ; of the left hand, a flower. In the field, AMI, initials of a magistrate's name. J.K. Staterc (Museum of Berlin et al. by Mr. Waddington) 7 ; compare for the types, our No. 156, 1. Xenoph., Anal., IV, 4, 1 et seq. ; VII, 8, 25 ; Diod., XIV, 27; cf. Waddington, Mixtures of numism., 1861, p. 61. 2. Xenoph., Hellen., IV, 8, 12 ; Diod., XIV, 85, 4; Corn. Nepos, Conon, 5 ; cf. Krumbliolz, De Asiii min. salrapis persicis, pp. 62 to 66 ; W. Judeich, Kleinasiatiscbe Studien, p. 83. 3. Diod. Sic, XV, 2 and following. 4.W. Judeich, op. ci/., p. 131. 5. Waddington, Numismatic Mixtures, 1861, p. 62. 6. About the name to give this winged divinity, see Six, in Numism. Chronicle, 1888, p. 122. 7. A. von Sallet, in the Zeitschrift fur Numismatik, t. IV, p. 145 ; Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greek, pp. 354-355 ; Head, Hisl. numerum, p. 604.
XXX INTRODUCTION b. Varieties of this statere bear, on the right, in place of I22IK0N, the letters 20 which indicate the workshop of Soli, or the letter T which designates that of Tarsus '. c. Half-naked Apollo, standing left, holding the hand right a coat hook and relying on the left on a stem of laurel. In the field, |2 [2IK0N]- fy,. Heracles naked, standing of face, leaning on his club and holding his bow. In the field, the cross j(. Countermark square in which we see a bull and the inscription i-v [fi, initials of the name of Issus 2). Hollow square. JB^. 21 mill. Statere, 10 gr. 70. — Copenhagen Museum. d. Another copy with 1221 [KON] and the remains of an Aramaic legend (probably the name of Tiribaze). yR. 22 mill. Statere, 10 gr. 70. — Copen Museum- hague. These last two stateswere published incorrectly by the Duke of Luynes3. By correcting the description, Mr. Imhoof-Blumer attributes them to an earlier era in Tiribaze, because of the hollow square on reverse 4. 2. Soli (Calai. nos. 159 to 163). To the pieces in our Catalogue, it is necessary to add the next two : a. Stater to the types of standing Baal and Ormuzd as above ; only at word 1221 KON are substituted the letters 20- Bearded head of Heracles with the skin of lion knotted around the neck, on the right, fy-. TEIPIBAZOY- Head of the satrap Tiribaze. J&. Statere, 9 gr. 85. — Coll. of Mr. Waddington. b. This currency is called Tiribaze in Greek. 5 ; Mr. Hcad thinks she was hit Tarsus, but I don't see on what arguments he bases this attribution, the types being those of the currencies of Soli. On the other hand, since the satrap's head which appears on the reverse, is identical to that which we see on the coins of Soli without name of satrap, I conclude that the latter must also be classified in Tiribaze. These are the pieces of our Catalog nos. 159 to 162, the attribution of which is thus fixed. 3. Malins (Catal. nos. 164 to 166). The satrap effigy we encountered on the coins of Soli finds itself identical on the staters of Mallus. We don't 1. Waddington, Mixtures, 1861, pp. 60-61, ft. V, 1 and 2 ; B. Head, Hist. nuinor., p. 613. Cf. Duke of Luynes, Numism. satrapies, p. 1. The letter T which was noted on the stater of the Coll. de Luynes (Catal. no. 156), is not there. On an obol similar to that of our Catalog 11° 158, we believed, wrongly, as the head of Dionysus Pogon was topped with a sort of calathos. She is completely naked, the hair arranged in a roll like on obols well known to Nagidus. Imhoof-Blumer, Monu. Greeks, p. 368; cf. Choice of monn. Greek, ft. V, no. 175 ; Sibilian, in Numism. Zcitschrift of Vienna, 1870, p. 338, pi. VIII, 1. 1. These two letters were taken, formerly, for the name of the cow Io. See this subject Imhoof-Blumer, Greek coins, p. 355. 3. Numism. satrapies, p. 11 and ft. I and II. 4. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek coins, p. 355 ; B. Head, Hist. numer.,^. 604. 5. Recently, Mr. P. Lambros, of Athens, showed me the imprint of another copy. See B. Head, Hist. numer., p: 613.
TISSAPHERNE XXXI would therefore hesitate to recognize also on these the head of Tiribaze ' : the Most of the pieces of Soli and Mallus differ only in the legend. Although all these coins minted at Soli and Mallus bear indisputable- lies the same effigy satrapale, we sometimes see, between the various copies, a certain difference in style, from which we are inclined to think that some date back to the years 386-384, before the disgrace of Tiribaze, while the others are only from 381-380, period during which Tiribaze, returned to favor, again directs military operations against Cyprus. The bull, which appears as a countermark on a certain number of these coins, is generally accompanied of initials of the city d'Issus (Catal. no. 165); the The same countermark is often noted on the staters of Side, Célenderis, Nagidus, from Soli 2 . IV. Tissaphernes. Tissaphernes, son of Hydarnesi, succeeded Pissuthnes as satrap of Sardis; first mentioned in the winter of 413, he perished in 395 at the hand of Tithraustus. The story of this character, the jealous rival of Pharnabazes, satrap of Dascylion, is just an episode of the big one Persian struggle and Greeks in Asia Minor ; he was alternately, according to his personal interests, the enemy or the ally of the Lacedaemonians and Athenians 4. The issuance of the coins of Tissaphernes relates to the events which follow. In 411, the Lacedaemonians, irritated by the perfidy of satrap of Sardis, reso- They were forced to abandon him to get closer to Pharnabaze. : this was a sufficient reason health for decide the Athenians to get closer to Tissaphernes. The reports were tense on both sides and other, when the Milesians, allies of the Lacedaemonians, surprised a fortress of Tissaphernes and drove out his soldiers?. The satrap offended sent complaints to Lacedaemon, and at the same time he he left even for Aspendus, in Pamphylia, where he rallied all the Phoenician fleet including he was the supreme leader and who consisted of 147 warships 6 . This 1. Others copies the same to those of our Catalog have summer published by Mr. Wroth, in the Numism. Chronicle, 1889, p. 265, no. 45, ; and by Mr. Lobbecke in the Zeitschrift fur Numismatik, t. XII, pp. 333, no. 1. See Imhoof-Blumer in the Soc Directory. fr. de numism., 1884, p. no. 2. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek coins, pp. 355-356 ; b. Head, Coinage of Lydia, p. 48; Six, Num. Chron., 1877, p. 88 ; Zeit.f. Num. VI, p. 84. 3. Tissaphernes is said son of Hydarnes, in the Lycian inscription of the great stele of Xanthos (facing North, lines n, 12). J. Imbert, in the Museon, January, 188g, and Revue archaeologique, t. I of 1890, p. 127. 4. P. Krumbholz, op. cit., pp. 37 to 45; W. Judeich, Kleinasiatische Sludicn, pp. 25 at 67. 5. Thucyd., VIII, 84, 4. 6. Thucyd., VIII, 46, 81, etc. ; Diod., XIII, 36, 46; Justin, V, 2, 5; Rather. Alcib., 25, 26, etc.
XXXII INTRODUCTION naval demonstration does not lead to war, but to news intrigues course of which Tissaphernes se showed first the ally from Athens for se throw away then in the party of Sparta. Whatever either, Tissaphernes minted currency in this year 411, when the king of Persia entrusted to him the command of the Phoenician fleet, whose district general was then at Aspendus 1 . These currencies form the next group : 1 . Head of the satrap Tissaphernes, wearing the Persian tiara, to right. fyL. BAHAEfïI- The king Artaxerxes II Mnemon, as a melodious archer phorus, half-kneeling, right. Behind, a galley with a row of rowers. Square hollow. J&. Tetradr. Rhodian, 14 gr. 90. Berlin Museum (formerly coll. Fox)' 2 . 2. Same head of the satrap Tissaphernes. P^. BAZI- Same type of King Artaxerxes II, as a melophoric archer, right. Square hollow. J.K. Rhodian Drachma, 3 gr. 30. British Museum 3. 3. The hemidrachm of the same types, from our Catalogue, No. 167. These three pieces represent the same satrap head, with its Persian hairstyle, and especially his strong and long nose, so characteristic. On the other hand, we are in the presence of the same royal type framed by the same hollow square. On the tetradrachm, the legend which relates to the type of the reverse, is BAZIAEHZ ; on the drachma, we only have BAZI ; finally, on the hemidrachm, the syllable BA- The word is gradually abbreviated depending on the module of the parts. On the tetradrachm alone, we notice a problem Phoenician with a bench of rowers. This trouble, which we took, in certain descriptions, for a palm, has the same shape as on the coins of the kings of Sidon. His presence is, here, very significant, because she agrees with the circum- tances policies of the show monetary. The style parts, finally, suitable in the last years of the 5th century 4. Tissaphernes has again hit currency in a other circumstance of his career military, and it is his effigy worn the stater money next, of which 1. Six, in the Numismatic Chronicle, 1888, p. 109-110, or pp. 15-14 of draw apart. 2. Waddington, Miscellaneous Numismatics, 1861, p. 98; B.Head , The coinage of Lydia and Persia, p. 50 and ft. III, fig. 25; cf. Fox, Engraving Coins, no. 164. The galley has summer socket to wrong for one palm. 3. B. Head, The coinage of Lydia and Persia, p. 50 and pi. III, fig. 26; this drachma is left incer- taine by the same author in his Catalonia of the Greek Coins of Lonia, p. 325 and ft. XXXI, fig. 7. 4. I don't know that this group of three pieces who have summer hit in Aspendus by Tissaphernes. Mr. Head wanted to attach to the same group an mite which does not bear the same satrap head and which belongs to Datame. B. Head, The coinage of Lydia and Persia, p. <;o and ft. III, fig. 27.
TISSAPHERNE XXXIII Fig. 6. the copy unique, kept at the Museum British, is a work worthy art to be compared to the most beautiful coins of Lampsaque or Clazomène. Bearded head of the satrap Tissaphernes, right, hairstyle of the tiara Persian of which the baleen are brought under the chin, Ri. BAZIA (éwç). Lyre with seven strings. Traces of a hollow square. J&. Sta- ter, 15 gr. 30. British Museum 1 . This statement has been published many times ; but its real attribution was only recently determined. ment. By comparing the type of reverse with that of coins of Iasos, in Caries, Mr. Six noticed that it was the same style and the same type, so much so that he became impossible not to conclude that the workshop was identical. The coins of Colophon have indeed the same lyre also, but we do not see, among historians, in which political circumstances any satrap. would have been led to mint coins at Colophon, while Iasos was one of the important places of Tissaphernes. Mr. Six, searching in what circumstances Tissaphernes was able hit this beautiful stater, believes that this was in 412, after Amorges, the rebellious satrap, had been besieged and taken in Iasos. Here, I differs of opinion with the scholar Dutch. The war finished , Tissaphernes no longer had any reason to mint money , because he did not enter in Iasos that when Amorges was reduced and taken prisoner. Moreover, if we com- let's pare the stater struck Iasos with the coins issued by Tissaphernes, in 411, in Aspendus we see that it is noticeably from a later period. There is no almost no trace of hollow square, and this very circumstance significant is not sufficiently explained by the difference and the distance respective of workshops. Also, by looking in the quarry of Tissaphernes for another opportunity for armaments, during which he was able to mint money to Iasos, I think I found it in this episode told by Xenophon : After the death of Cyrus the Young and retirement of Dix-Mille (401-400), Tissa- pherne was reinstalled by the great King in Asia Minor ; the Ionian cities, which had formerly detached themselves from him to embrace the party of Cyrus, refused to recognize his authority, and, to maintain their independence, they asked help to Sparta which sent them Thibron, in 399. Tissaphernes tried in vain of take Cymé, but he defeated Thibron, then Dercyllidas sound successor. The satrap had become strongly established in Caria with his army : in 397, Dercyllidas came 1. Mionnet, Suppl., IV, p. 274, No. 22 ; Duke of Luynes, Numism, of satrapies, p. 50, ft. VI ; Wad- dington, Numerical mixtures., 1861, p. 96 and pi. VII, 4; b. Head, Coinage of Lydia and Persia, p. 50, ft. III, 24; Guide to the Coins of the Ancients, p. 38, ft. XIX, fig. 27 ; Imhoof-Blumer, Portràtkcepfe , p. 22, ft. III, 1 ; Six, in Numism. Chronicle, 1888, p. 106 et seq. ; B. Head, Catal. of the greek coins of Ionia, p. 325 and ft. XXXI, fig. 6. Babelon — The Persians came to nest. III
XXXIV INTRODUCTION attack him in this region, while the Navarque Pharax skirted the coast, with its vessels, to support the movement of the Lacedaemonian harmost. It was then that, for resist to this aggression, Tissaphernes, helped by Pharnabaze, decided to take the offensive : to the head of his whole army, he passed from Caries in Ionia and crosses the Meander for go threaten Ephesus 1 . We we don't have not for- follow more far away analysis of story of Xenophon ; the campaign started, moreover, in a way so bellicose, ended in intrigues and negotiations. But, if we cast our eyes on a map of Caria and Ionia, we will see that the city of Iasos, although not mentioned in Xenophon's text, was very true- similarly the place of concentration, the neighborhood general of the army Tissa- pherne. It was the closest Carian city to Ionia and Ephesus, of which she is not separated only by the course of the Meander. Our conclusion, from the point of view numismatics, will therefore be this : the beautiful statere of the British Museum has been struck to Iasos, by Tissaphernes, in 395,. at the time of the countryside undertaken by this satrap against Dercyllidas. None of the known circumstances of the career of Tissaphernes is no better suited to this attribution than directly confirmed by the style and types of the medal. By this ranking chronological and geographical , explains itself the variety of style that exists between the two groups of coins of Tissaphernes struck, the some at Aspendus in Pamphylia , in 411, the others to Iasos, in Caria, in 395. I don't I won't dwell on the difference of execution artistic : the currencies of Aspendus being due to one mediocre artist, that of Iasos being, on the contrary, the work of a engraver of a wonderful talent : this who , however , does not prevent no recognize the same monetary effigy, the same peculiarities in the arrangement of the hairstyle, the knot of the tiara, the fall of the dewlaps the tiara. In this remarkable monetary effigy, we must without hesitation recognize, no not the portrait of Artaxerxes II Mnemon, as we said it generally, but that of the satrap Tissaphernes himself 2 . v. Pharnabazus. Pharnabazus, son of Pharnaces, who has been involved in events in Asia since 413 until 374, succeeded to sound father in the satrapy of Dascylion, in 413' : he had little close 37 years. During all his career , he doesn't stopped to be the faithful 1. See Xenophon, Hellen. III, 2. 2. E. Babelon, Mitinges numismatics:, 2" series, p. 151. 3. Thucyd., VIII, 6, 1; Xenoph. Hellen., III, 1, 10 ; IV, 1, 33 ; Anab., VII, 8, 25. Cf. P. Krumbholz. Of satrapis, etc., p. 51-52.
PHARNABAZE XXXIV lieutenant of the great king ; its numerous currencies respond , to cause of this attitude impeccable , to those who would like to claim that the coins of satraps have a insurrectional character and that they are a brand of independence dance towards the Achaemenid monarch. In 411, the Athenians captured Cyzicus 1 ; Pharnabazes, then ally of Lacedaemonians, recaptured the city in the year 410, helped by the Navarque Mindarus, and Xeno- phone 2 take care to inform us that after the battle the satrap largely paid his troops. A At the end of the same year, Mindarus was killed 3, and Alcibiades, conqueror of Pharnabazus and the Lacedaemonians placed Cyzicus under the hegemony of Athens. There is a currency of Pharnabaze which commemorates these events. It's the state from our Catalog No. 168, of which we only know a small number of copies 4. The tuna, on the reverse of this coin, leaves no doubt that it was struck at Cyzicus. The only circumstance of the quarry of Pharnabaze, where this satrap played a role military important to Cyzicus, is occupation of this place, by him and the Lacedaemonian admiral Mindarus, in 410. It is worthy of attention tion that after the taking the city, money distributions made by Pharnabaze to the troops are reported by historians ; he grants them two months of balance (scpôStov 8uo"tv ij^voiv) and he gives considerable sums (/pr ; [jwTa o\3wherec) to the leaders of the fleet s. Our stater is a precious wreck of this munificence. After the peace negotiated by Antalcidas in 387, Cyzicus, like all cities of Asia, came under Persian domination again ; but Pharnabazes did not then have no reason to mint money in this city, which does not was the theater of none action military nor of none concentration of troops : it's without reason that Fr. Lenormant place the coinage of Pharnabazus at Cyzicus, around the year 37 6 . There is no not place of discuss the opinion of the Duke of Luynes, who ranked this stater among the pieces of Lampsaque/, nor even the one of Mr. Six, which offers to assign it to Caunos in Caria 8 . 1. Thucyd., VIII, 107. 2. Xenoph., Hellen., I, i, 19, 24 and following. 3. Diode. Sic, XIII, 49, 4 et seq. 4. The stater of Cab. from France weighs 12 gr. 85 ; the weight we give is exact, and it's to wrong that various authors, copying themselves successively, gave it the weight of 13 gr. 77. Duke of Luynes, Nuin. satrapies, p. 4; Brandis, p. 427 ; B.Head, Hist. uumor., p. 453. Another copy is at British Museum (B. Head. Catal. of tbe Greek Coins of Ionia, p. 325 and pi. XXXI, 5); a third is at the Museum of Berlin, Zeit.fùr Numism., t. IV (1877), p. 6; Imhoof-Blumer, Portràtkàpfe, p. 23, pi. III, 2 ; I have ai recently saw a fourth copy in commerce. 5. Xenoph., Hellen., I, 24 to 26. 6. Fr. Lenormant, art. Cy^iceni, in the Dict. ants. grccq. and rom., from Daremberg and Saglio. 7. Duke of Luynes, Numismatics of satrapies, p. 9. 8. Six, in Numism. Chronicle, 1890, p. 256 ; B. Head, Hist. number, p. 453, and Catal. of tbe greek Coins of Ionia, p. 325. Mr. Head is wrong to get closer to the currency of Pharnabaze the daric [Catal. no. 124) which has, on the reverse, a bow and which is of Carian origin.
XXXVI INTRODUCTION After the events that accompanied the Cyrus' revolt the Young and the retreat of the Ten Thousand, Pharnabazes received from Artaxerxes II Mnemon, in 398, five hundred talents to equip a fleet which, placed under the orders of Conon, went to the coasts of Cilicia 1 . It was at this time that the Duke of Luynes placed the manufacturing coins, the most to Aramaic legends, that Pharnabazes knocked in this region (Catal. nos. 169 to 180) 2 . The military preparations including he was loaded, resulted, in 394, at the battle of Cnidus, where the satrap, invested with the functions of va'Jap/oç , defeated with the help of Conon the Lacedaemonian fleet. After various operations on the coast of Asia, Pharnabazes returned to Dascylion, and Conon returned to Athens including he rebuilt the walls with the money of Pharnabazes 3. Coins cili- were the victims of this satrap struck, as believes it the Duke of Luynes, of 398 to 394, for the naval expedition that we have just recalled ? What seems give some weight to this opinion, is that, from 398 to 394, the forces of the king of Persian concentrated on Cilicia, where Conon's forty galleys came the join. However, if a a number of these pieces can go back until this time, others are undoubtedly of a date posterior. In effect, two times again , by the continued , Pharnabaze left his satrapy and returned to Cilicia to command and organize armies. It was first from 391 to 389, for prepare, of concert with Abrocomas and Tithraustus, shipping against revolted Egypt 4. This was finally 379 at 374 ; and this times, he had Datame for colleague and successor s. Since many of Datame's currencies are in same types as those of Pharnabaze, of which they different than in the legend, he is likely that the currencies of Pharnabaze have summer hit in the even time, and that they do not rise again, in part at least, otherwise in totality, than the shipment of 379 to 374. “ It is, said Mr. Waddington, the opportunity to his second expedition against Egypt, that Pharnabazes minted the coins who bear his name. Although Acé enPalestine was the meeting place or the headquarters troops, the fleet was supplied mainly by the cities of the Phoenicia, from the Cilicia and Cypres, and during the years that passed in preparation, we can suppose that there was an important center of maritime construction and military supplies. I therefore place the issuance of these currencies between the years 378 and 373, rather than on the other two occasions when Pharnabazus com- asked in the surroundings of Cilicia. Manufacturing and the style of these medals, 1. Diode. Sic, XIV, 39. 2. See all the varieties described by M. Six, The Satrap Maffias, p. 28 at 30 (Extract from Numism. Chronicle, 1884). 3. Xenoph., Hellen., IV, 8 et seq. ; Corn. Nepos, Conon, IV, 5. 4. Isocr., Panêgyr., IV, 140. 5. Diod. Sic, XV, 29, 41-43 ; Polyen, III, 9, 38.
PHARNABAZE XXXVII the absence of any trace of hollow square relates perfectly to this era, and the resemblance perfect with those of Datame, who was his colleague and his successor. cessor, adds a lot of weight to this assumption 1 . » Among the pieces that appear in our Catalog (nos 169 to 180), signed to us we will learn in particular the stater n° 180 struck in Nagidus 2 (fig. 7). He is not alone- quite interesting at point of view of the coinage of Pharnabaze, he is especially by its type of backhand which now allows us to classify with certainty, in Nagidus, a group of beautiful coins of which Mr. Imhoof-Blumer had already guessed the true homeland, without being able to support its opinion on solid grounds 3. We said earlier that a certain number of coins of Pharnabaze had types similar to those of Fig. 7. Datame ; the same types are also found on pieces who do not wear no name of satrap, so that we could just as easily attribute the latter to Pharnabaze and to Datame. Maybe even do they have summer hit by the two associated satraps ? However, there are some cases where plausibility allows us to classify rather Pharnabazus. Indeed, notice that on most Pharnabaze coins we reads, at the same time, the name of the satrap and that of Cilicia, -jbn or -|bo 4 , while that on those who carry Datame's name, the words -jSn or nhj are always absent. I concluded from there that the coins without satrap name, but on which we have yet the word -jSn, belong to Pharnabaze, and on these clues, we have classified to this satrap the obols nos. 176 to 179 of our Catalogue. These obols are divisions of the room who door in legend KIAIKION "jSn ' (fig- 8). This stater, we sees him, is the same to those in our Catalog (nos. 173 to 175), except that the word KIAIKION is substituted for the name of Pharnabazus. Wire- s - 1. Waddington, Numismatic mixtures, 1861, p. 64. 2. We give here the image because it was acquired by the Cabinet of France when plate IV where it should appear was already executed. See our Numismatic Mixtures! 2° series, p. 168. 3. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, pp. 372 to 375. 4. It was once wrongly read, “PO, king. Duke of Luynes, Numistn. of the Satrapies, p. 4 and p. 16; J. Brandis, Muni and Mass in Vorderasian, p. 429. 5. The copy we reproduce is that of the Hunter Museum. Waddington, Mixtures of numis- matic, 1861, p. 65 ; J.-P. Six, Satrap Ma^aios, p. 28, no. 2.
XXXVIL INTRODUCTION VI. Dataine. The coins of Datame, at least as common as those of Pharnabaze, to which most se related by their types, have been the subject of numerous controversies. The name of the satrap was read variously. The Duke of Luynes pro- posed Dernès; Mr. Waddington, Datame; Mr. Six and a few more after him read Tarcamos. We think that we must return to reading Mr. Waddington a little modified. Let's observe in first place that the currencies are very abundant and that the present legend of such graphical errors that, next the exemplary, we could materially justify the following five readings : TtTJin , IDJin, IQJin, lQTin, TOSin. It is therefore a question of discerning, in the midst of this embarrassing variety, true origin of all the dissents, what are the examples which give in the name of the satrap its correct form. The solution of this problem is, according to this, provided more surely by history than by the examination of the medals themselves, engraved by Greek artists, generally little aware of the particularities of writing Aramaic language : we also know that, in this writing, the three letters 3,1, "ise are often confusing from a graphic point of view. The satrap Dernes to whom the Duke of Luynes had first thought 1 , is only mentioned once in the authors. Xeno- phon, listing the governors of the provinces crossed by the Ten Thousand, assigns in Dernes Phoenicia and Arabia 2 . But the coins are of Cilician origin, and the Luoin reading only rests on the confusion made by the Duke of Luynes, between the letters ty and o. Furthermore, the Duke of Luynes himself abandoned his hypothesis to agree with the reading proposed by Mr. Waddington. As for Tarcamos, this character is unknown in history, and Mr. Six don't the suggests that due to considerations paleographic : he hand bed place of IDTiri. The letter from middle, he said, “ is not a nun, like have it raw the duke de Luynes, Blau and M. Waddington, nor a dalcth as supposed Fr. Lenor- mant and A. Judas • ; it's a caph... It therefore only remains to read TarcamoÇs) or Tar- commo{s), and therefore any analogy with a noun Persian and especially with that of Datame completely disappears. Tarcamos, whose name recalls that of Tarsos and of the Cilician dynasts, TxpcôvôTjuoç and TapxcvSi'fxoToc, especially if it was permitted to read Tarcommos for Tarconmos, is obviously a native prince, son or descendant of king Syennesis, who reigned in Tarsus in 401 2 . » We have already said that the question of knowing if the third letter is a caph, 1. Duke of Luynes, Ninnism. Satrapies, p. 15 and following. 2. Xenoph., Anab., VII, 8, 25. 1. Numismatic magazine, 1860, p. 439; cf. 1863, p. 114. 2. Six, The satrap Ma^aios, ^. iy(Numisni. Chronicle, 1884, p. 114).
DATA XXXIX a noun or a daletb, ne would know be paleographically trenched ; or rather the comparative examination of a very large number of copies leads us to the con- next exclusion : In most cases, we clearly reads a daldh; on rarer pieces, we could recognize a noun or a capb, but it is only one illusion, and we must see here, in reality, poorly formed daletbs ; what proves it well, it is that on the coins of the satrap Mazaios, for example, where we cannot read that i-nn or llïQ, the letter Daleth or rescb is sometimes exactly done like the letter that we would like to read noun or capb on the currencies of Datame. If the alleged Tarcommos or Tarcamos did not transmit its name to posterity, Datame is, at contrary, well known historically ; Cornélius Nepos devoted a chapter to it of his biography of illustrious men, and Mr. Waddington has traced the chronological sequence logic of events to which he was mixed up 1 . Son of Carien Camisarès, Datame succeeded his father around 386 in his satrapy which included the part of Cilicia neighbor of Cappadocia and inhabited by the Leuco-Syrians 2 . Diodorus (XV, 91) calls Datame satrap of Cappadocia ; its capital was probably Mazaca. More late, he extended his domination over Pontus and Paphlagonia. Datame currencies have begun to be hit, in Cilicia, in 378, when this satrap was charged, in concert with Pharnabazus and Tithraustus, to direct against Egypt the expedition in which Iphicrates took part, and which, in 374, led to a failure. Towards At the end of this year, Datame, left alone , continued weapons ments in Acé, in Phoenicia, until what in 372, he was recalled in Cilicia by the revolt of Aspis that he beat in the mountains of the Cataonias. The my- naies, on which we propose of read the name of Datame at place of Tarcamos, have types identical to those by Pharnabaze : “A such coincided dence, said Mr. Waddington, cannot be fortuitous, and he need to conclude that the Datame coins were struck under similar circumstances to those who motivated the issuance of Pharnabaze coins. However, Datame directly succeeded at Pharnabaze in the command of the expedition against Egypt, expedition 1. Waddington, in the Bulletin archaeological of the French Aiheneum, 1856, p. 11 at 13 ; cf. Walter Judeich, Small Asian Studies, pp. 190 et seq. 2. Leave Cilic'nc juxta Cappadociam as for incolunt Leucosyri (Corn. Nep. 1). See, about this expression, Meyer (Gescbichte Pontos, p. 26), who proposes to correct part Cappadocia juxta Ciliciam and Droysen (in the Zeit. fur Nmiiism. t. II, 1875, p. 314-315) who brings together this that said Strabo of the same country. He recalls at the same time that, long before the middle of IVth century, perhaps at the following the revolt of Cyrus the Younger, the satrapy of Cappadocia had summer divided in two : the satrapy of South (Cappadocia in the meaning recent) who extended at north of the Halys, and the northern satrapy who was called the Bridge. These two satrapies appear to have been a moment in the power of Datame, since his original satrapy was that of the South and that we let's see it, in 368, master of Paphlagonia and of Bridge, that is to say the northern satrapy. Cf. Th. Reinach, Three kingdoms of Asia Minor, p. 6. 3. Corn. Nepos, Datame, 3, 4.
XL INTRODUCTION which was constantly on the agenda during the last twenty years of the reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon, and which each time occasioned immense preparations '. » The similarity of the coinage of Pharnabaze and the coinage of Datame is therefore irrefutable proof that they were both created under the same circumstances and in the same workshops, that is to say in the ports of Cilicia where the armies and the fleets of the great King were accustomed to enrolling and organizing themselves. It matters to insist on this point : it's in Cilicia that the currencies of Pharnabaze and of Datame were struck during the endless preparations for this expedition against Egypt which never succeeded; it cannot be in Ace of Phoenicia where the Persian fleet, finally equipped, made an appointment last place, and where Datame did not exercise, moreover, command only for a few months. Historians, informing us that Datame was the colleague and the successor of Pharnabazus in the organization of the Persian army, therefore directly confirm the attribution to Datame currencies controversial. So we explain easily that the states of Pharnabaze and those of Datame are of the same types, are equally subscribed dants, finally are found especially in ancient Cilicia and in the north of the Syria; on the contrary, the so-called Tarcamos of Mr. Six, while necessarily being the colleague or successor of Pharnabaze, would not even have left the memory of his name among historians, while his coins attest, without reply, that he played a considerable and prolonged political role. In the years following the Aspis revolt in Catonia, Datame was in the northern Asia Minor, where it plays an equivocal role and, moreover, quite obscure. He is the ally of Ariobarzane, satrap of Dascylion, then he finds itself at war with the lieutenants of the king, Autophradates and Mausole. Towards 369, he leads a shipping in Paphlagonia against Sinope revolted. At the moment to besiege Sinope, Datame promises to his troops, who demanded their balance, to coin money as soon as it would have arrived at Amisus, and he shows them silver vessels intended to be converted in cash 2 . However, precisely, there are coins with Sinopean types which bear the name by Datame (Catal. No. 200) 3. Their legend is, following the copies, AATAMA, or AATAAA, or AATAA 4 - M. Six, then Mr. Reinach 5, have determined undermined the circumstances in which they were struck. It was in 369 or 368, time when Datame came to put the siege in front of Sinope ; Mr. Walther Judeich thinks that Datame se would even be made master of the city 6 . 1. Waddington, Mixtures, 1861, p. 70. 2. Arist., Oecon., II, 25; Polyen, VII, 21, 1. Waddington, Bull. arch. acVAthcneam.fr., 1856, p. 12, and Numismatic mixtures, 1861, p. 70. 3. Waddington, Miscellaneous Numismatics, 1861, p. 82-83. 4. Six, Sinope, in Numism. Chronicle, 3 th series, t. V, 1885, p. 26. 5. Three Kingdoms of Asia Minor, p. 7-9. Cf. Warwich Wroth, Pontus, Paphlagonia, etc., p. ^(Cata- logue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum). 6. W. Judeich, Kleinasiatische Studicn, 1892, p. 330.
DATA XLII Thus, both currencies and historians show us Datame playing a role military in Cilicia to the continued of Pharnabazus, then to Sinope in Paphlagonia. How could we doubt, in presence of this parallelism concordant with the numismatics and of story of historians, that he is one and the same person swimming, Datame (AwrajAaçj Arnxpi;), that Diodorus describes himself as a satrap the Cappa- doc 1? Mr. Nœldeke 2 thought he could point out that Datame being a noun Persian, he would be implausible that he barrel transcribed in Aramaic, laJTn, at place of mm- However, Mr. Waddington had already noticed that the legend in^in (Tadanmou) differs little of Tadamou , whose softened form is Datamou. “In the reading of these Phoenician legends, adds this eminent scholar, it must be remembered that the words of oriental languages are always softened when passing into the Greek idiom, often completely disfigured 3. » But this is not everything. We believe, with Judas and F. Lenormant, that the normal and correct form of the Aramaic name is rather imin that "îcJTn, carinviri leads regularly and without philological difficulty to Greek Datame*. We can cite a very large number of cases in which the resch is similarly substitutes Daleth ; for example, we has : ND"D for NDD, seat; pWD")l for p^QT, Damascus ; the^TlE? for iai\y, scepter. He followed by where "înTiri is for far, hence regularly the transcription Tadamou, or Datamou, Datame. Thus, from the triple paleographic, historical and philological point of view, the reading the name by Datame on these currencies absolutely justifies, and she must be maintained; maintained; the reading Tarcamos proposed by Mr. Six must be rejected. In secondly, the character who had people struck in Cilicia, as army leader, coins to the legend im-ffl , is the same as the one who coined to types Sinopeans, with its name in Greek, AATAMA- He doesn't will not be without interest in rap- note that there are also Tiribaze coins and Pharnabazus , some with Aramaic legends, the others with Greek legends. After taking part in the great revolt of the satraps in 362, Datame was assassinated towards the end of that same year s. Our rich series of coins struck in the name of Datame in Cilicia (Catal. our 181 to 199) must be completed by the varieties what has published Mr. Six 6 . Datame itself figure seated, on the reverse of staters nos. 187 to 190 ; the compa- reason that can be established between the features and hairstyle of this small monographed image 1. Cf. W. Judeich, Kleinasiatische Studien, pp. 160-162. 2. In the Gcettingische gelehrte Ançeigen, 1884, p. 298. 3. Waddington, in the Bull, archaeol. from the French Alheneum, 1856, p. 13. Datame's name is found altered into Didates, in Aristotle, Oecon., II, 25 ; Th. Reinach, Three kingdoms of Asia Minor, p. 8, footnote. 4. A. Judas, in the Revue numismatique, 1863, p. 114. 5. W. Judeich, Kleinasiatlsche Studien, pp. 194 and 330. 6. Six, Satrap Maxaios, p. 7 at 9 (Extract from the Numismatic Chronicle, 1884).
XLII INTRODUCTION shut up and the big head, type of reverse of obols our 191 and 192, does not allow misrecognize in the latter the very effigy of Datame '. The guy so curious which represents two men standing face to face, under a door tick {Catal. nos. 193 to 198), remains an enigma. Despite Datame's name being listed in the field, in front of one of the actors in this scene, I don't think, whatever anyone in have said 2 , that the satrap have here sound image. The character standing, half-naked, draped as the Zeus of the Greeks often is, appears to be Baaltars, if we compare it at Baaltars sitting, at right of the same staters : same beard, even suit, same thymiaterion next to him. As for the character entirely naked, god or hero, he seems designated by the word njn who, on some exemplary, is located written behind him. This word Ana reminds the god Assyrian Anu, and the gesture that the character made with both hands reminds us of certain deities representing felt on the Assyro-Chaldean cylinders. We can go more far away again in the path of rapprochement. The naked character of our currencies has the same attitude that Zeus Dolichenos in the monument called Tomb from Sardanapah to Tarsus, and which is found so frequently, in the Seleucid period and under the dominion Roman nation, on the reverse coins struck in this cities. Y does he have a direct filiation between these monetary images, separated by two centuries from each other others? Is Zeus Dolichenos the descendant of the god Anu or Ana, and Baaltars sym- does he bolize Cilicia? The bearded head, wearing the cranos helmet, to which we gave the name Ares, could hardly be considered a portrait, since it appears both on coins of Datame {Calai. nos. 181 to 185) and on coins from Pharnabaze {Catal. nos. 169 to 180). Moreover, everywhere the satraps are represented with the tiara' and never with the helmet. “ I think, said the Duke of Luynes, that we must recognize this head for that of a hero, for example Bellerophon or Perseus, whose sou- mythological comings in the provinces inhabited by the Greeks se attached indirectly to the origin of the Persian nation, and directly to the Argive colonies of Cilicia 4. » 1. It's to wrong that one of these obols were brought closer by Mr. Head currencies that we have classified in Tissaphernes (B. Head, The coinage of Lydia and Persia, p. 50 and ft. III, 27 ; cf. Imhoof-Blumer, Mom. Greek, p. 368, no. 60, and Choice of monn. Greek. , ft. V, no. 176). He there is no good reason to believe with MM. Six and Imhoof-Blumer, that these currencies were struck at Mallus rather than in a other workshop of Cilicia. Six, Numism. Chronicle, 1877, p. 88-89 ; Imhoof-Blumer, Directory of the Soc. fr. numismatics, 1883, p. 109, no. 38. 2. Six, Satrap Ma\aios, p. 8 and 9. 3. E. Babelon, The kings of Syria, Armenia and Commagene, Introd. pp. clvi to clix. The Duke of Luynes saw in this monetary type Hercules and Sardanapalus (Numism. satrapies, p. 20); Fr. Lenormant suggests recognizing Hercules and Sandan (Fr. Lenormant, Catal. of the coll. of. Baron Behr, p. 158 ; cf. Judas, in the Revue numismatique, 1863, p. 112). 4. Duke of Luynes, Numism. satrapies, p. 5.
MAZAIOS XLIII The beautiful head of a woman, diademed, thinning hair, also common type at Pharnabaze and Datame, is the copy of the head of Arethusa, engraved by Cimon on the coins of Syracuse. Maybe were given to him, in Tarsus, the name of Anaïtis or of Astarte? Whatever or, the slavish imitation of the work of Cimon, until Cilicia, is not surprising, since the same head was copied on the corners monetary many cities ', and that others types of the Sicily, of Italy southern or of Greece Proper were similarly reproduced on the currencies from various Asian regions. None of the currencies of Pharnabaze nor of Datame was not struck at Acé, although this city was, as we have seen, the last step set for the concentration of Persian troops. Mr. Judeich, at the instigation of Mr. Six, nevertheless proposed to attribute to Acé the following pieces : The king of Persia walking on the right, the bow and the quiver on the back, holding right hand the cheekbone javelina, and from the left of the arrows. P£. Head of Athena frontally, wearing the Athenian helmet with triple crest, draped shoulders. J&. Obol, o gr. 65. Coll. Peez, in Vienna. Baaltars seated left on a throne, holding an ear of grain, a grape cluster, in his right hand of grape and a eagle, and relying on left hand on his scepter. P^. Head helmet of Athena, from the front. J&. Drachma. Catal. Subhi-Pasha, 1878, No. 278 2 . He is not certain that these coins belong to Pharnabaze or Datame rather than Mazaios ; secondly, the types are Cilician. Alone, the head of Athena is invoked as an argument by MM. Six and Judeich, because she is a copy of the head of Athena Parthenos of Phidias : this reproduction of an atheistic work nienne would have been caused by the presence of the Athenian general Iphicrates, the auxiliary link from Pharnabaze to Acé. But the coins in question are of Cilician origin and do not have were minted in Phoenicia ; more , we just note that the Cilicia sometimes borrowed , at ive century , his monetary types to the Greek world Western. VIL Mazaios. Around the year 361, Mazaios became satrap or rather dynast hereditary of Cilicia. He probably had no link of kinship with the old family of Syennesis including the last known representative was, as we have seen, Syennesis IV, contemporary of the retirement of the Ten Thousand in 401. Since this time until the advent of Mazaios, there has a gap of about forty years, during which the satraps Pharnabazus and Datame, chefs armies of earth and sea 1. Duke of Luynes, Numism. satrapies, p. 6 ; Six, Satrap Mazaios, p. 124, footnote; J. Arthur Evans, Syracusan Medallions and their engravers, p. 75. 2. Six, The Satrap Mazaios, p. 13, nos. 16 and 17 (coins are assigned to Mazaios in this work). W. Judeich, Kleinasiatische Studien, p. 161, note,
XLIV INTRODUCTION of which the point of concentration was the Cilicia, established monetary workshops in the main ports of this region. But the kings of Cilicia continued, concurrently with the satraps, to mint money ? If we could answer affirmatively, we should without doubt give to these unknown kings a certain number of anepigraph coins attributed to Mazaios or even rows among the currencies of the Cilician cities. We describe below some of these pieces whose classification is difficult, but which nevertheless seem to be better suited in Mazaios than any other satrap or dynast. Put in the place of a dynasty of small sovereigns minting money, and being without release busy recruiting armies in this country of Cilicia, the neighborhood general of the Persian forces, Mazaios made abundant monetary issues, which represent feel the pay of troops engaged in the wars of middle of iv e century. In 351, Mazaios is charged by Artaxerxes III Ochus, of concert with Belésys, satrap of Syria, of punish insurgent Phoenicia. Belésys and Mazaios are beaten by the king of Sidon, Tennes, who forces them to evacuate Phoenicia '. After the ruin of Sidon and the fall of Tennes, in 350, Artaxerxes gave Mazaios all Syria, below and beyond the Euphrates ; but by succeeding in this province to Belésys dead or disgraced, Mazaios keeps his government at the same time of Cilicia, until 333; then, he is replaced in this country by Arsames who in is the gou- winemaker at the time of the arrival of Alexander. A the battle of Granicus, Arsames commanded the cavalry; he was killed at the Battle of Issus 2 . As for Mazaios, during the Macedonian invasion, he was at the head of the contingents of Mesopotamia and Coelesyria. In 331, he brought his troops to Darius, near of Babylon 3 ; then, responsible for keeping the line of the Euphrates, he se distinguished at Arbeles and made defense preparations at Thapsaque, where he probably hit currency. But when Alexander se presented under the walls from Babylon, this was Mazaios who opened the doors to him ; the conqueror rewarded the traitor in him giving the satrapy of Babylonia. Alexander named Menes hyparch of Syria, of Phenicia and Cilicia 4, and Mazaios remained governor of Babylon until his died in 328 5. “ Mazaios, said Mr. Six, was able to mint money for almost 30 years in Cilicia and (concurrently) during more of 15 years in Syria, for king of Persian ; then, for three years, in Babylon, for Alexander the Great. » He doesn't must so not to be surprised if currencies in the name of this satrap, who occupied for thirty-three years on the political scene, are so numerous. 1. Diode. Sic. XVI, 42 ; cf. Six, Satrap Mazaios, p. 3 and especially note 7. 2. 0_. Kurt. III, 4, 5 ; Arrian. II, 11, 8 ; P. Krumbholz. From satrapis, pp. 77-78 ; Six, Maxaios, p. 4. 3. Arrian., Anab. ,111, 8, 6. 4. Arrian., Anab., III, 16, 9, Diode. Sic, XVII, 64, 5. 5 Six, Satrap Mazaios, p. 4.
MAZAIOS XLIV The coins of which we formed a first group (Catal. nos. 201 to 265) are those that Mazaios knocked in Cilicia during all the time he had this province in his government, that is to say of 361 to 333. We will notice that the Baaltars of Mazaios is the same to the one of coins of Datame. On Exhibits Nos. 238 to 244, the type on the reverse is not a fortress, as we generally said it ; these are two lines of walls parallel and flanked by bastions, representative the Gates of Cilicia and Syria, that is to say the passage fortified which communicated with each other the two provinces including Mazaios had custody. We can conclude from there that the currencies of which he this has not been minted before 351, when Mazaios joined northern Syria to its satrapy from Cilicia; the legend of staters nos. 238 to 241 leaves, moreover, no doubt about this point. This is what Xenophon says about this parade fortified , famous in history : “This are two walls : the one who is located below, in front of the Cilicia, was guarded by Syennesis and a body of Cilicians ; that which is located beyond and of side of Syria was said to be guarded by the king in person. Between both, flows a river named Karsus, a plethrum wide. The entire space that is between two walls is three stages ; he is not easy to the force. The passage is narrow ; the walls go down to the sea, and they are crowned with rocks steeply. It is in each of these walls that the Pyles open... » “ The explanation of the legend of staters nos. 238 to 241, gave place at many controversies, and it's Mr. J. Halévy that the honor of having interpreted it goes : “ Mazaios, satrap of the Transeuphratic and Cilicia 2 . » The name of Abarnabra, JOHJiay, "the land beyond the river, » designates the countries located between the Euphrates and the Mediterranean. This word used to be taken for the name of a satrap and we read : Abàipar (11.17725?). The name Mazaios can be transcribed without difficulty, HTD, Ma%daï ; however, on some exemplary, the third letter has a very long tail, which would allow read, in this case only, i-yra, instead of 177a ; but these two Aramaic forms also corresponds well to Greek MaÇocîoç. One point only we appears still obscure in the monetary legend of which he is about : this is the expression Sv 'T (word for word, here it is) that Mr. Halévy translates : “who is put on = satrap of... » î A similar formula seems to me very incorrect ; she would need, in any case, to be authorized by examples. Whatever either, the general meaning of the legend monetary is now assured. On the staters with the types of the lion devouring a deer (Catal. nos. 201 to 213) and the lion devouring a bull (Catal. nos. 214 to 244), we often encounter letters or 1. Xenophon, Anab., IV, 2. 2. Joseph Halévy, Mixtures of epigraphy and archeology, p. 64 to 71 (Paris, 8°, 1874). 3. J. Halévy, op. cit., p. 67.
XLVI INTRODUCTION groups of Aramaic letters, the interpretation of which cannot be given with certainty ; sometimes these characters Aramaic are replaced by of letters Greek r . We have conjecturally issued the hypothesis that the letters -|Q (Catal. nos. 214 and 215) could designate the workshop of Mallus, because of the coins of this city which have the Aramaic legend iSlD 2 ; but all the other letters do not lend themselves to any probable conjecture, and it goes without saying that we reject absolutely the opinion of those who would like, in the letters qd (Catal. our 214 at 221), recognize a dynast named Samès or Arsamès 3. He is otherwise staters who have, at right, the bust of Athena with the Tp&o
MAZAIOS XLVII title of xapavoç. In 391, Tithraustus goes to Cilicia, then in Ace, with Abro- comas and Pharnabazus, for organize and order the army Persian who had to invade Egypt “ . Why Tithraustus would he not have minted coins also although Pharnabaze? Head of Pallas to double face. F^,. Head naked and hairless from Heracles to g., frizzy hair, the remains lion around his neck. J&. 1 1 mill., — o gr. 61 2 . Head of Pallas, wearing a helmet (similar to the one coins of Pharnabaze and Datame). P/,. Zeus to half naked, seated right, holding a scepter and an eagle. JR.. 12 mill. — o gr. 75 3. Head of woman of face, overcome of a stephanos. P£. Hairless head g. (of a satrap) topped with a tiara to baleen. ^R. 10 mill. — o gr. 61. Brit. Museum 4. Fig. 12. Head of a satrap bearded , wearing the tiara Persian, to right. P^. The satrap in chiton short, head topped with the tiara , to the right , to half kneeling and pulling from the bow. On the left, a croissant and u| v/ (-jIf or -jSn, Kilïk ?). J.K. — o gr. 93. Coll. Six s. The currencies we could join again to these, appear rather fall into the category of autonomous of Tarsus or other Cilician cities. Most types of parts listed above are still unexplained . We will only draw attention to the hairless head of the price of our catalog No. 260 ; the singular hairstyle of this head is the same as the one of Baaltars on the stater opposite (Catal. n° 261)7 which relates to spot by its types at the coins of Mazaios in Syria and Babylon. Fig. 13. 1. Isocr. IV, 140; Corn. Nepos, Dat., 3, 5 ; W. Judeich, Kleiitasiatische Studie, pp. 66 et seq., and 153 to 160. 2. Cf. T. Combe, Vet. pop. and reg. numi qui in Mus. Brit. adserver, ft. XIII, 18. The factory appears Cilician, says M. Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greek., p. 571, No. 70. 3. Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. grccq., p. 371-372, no. 71. 4. Conjectural attribution to Tarsus. Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greek., p. 371, no. 68. 5. Catal. Huber, No. 897. Huber, Wien. Numism. Monatshefte, II, 1866, p. 206, 7. Six, Zeit. fur Naked tnism., t. VI, 1879, p. 81, no. 10. 6. On the mite so curious to our Catalog, No. 264 (PI. VI, fig. 12), see Six, Numism. Chronicle, 1878, p. 123 (attribute in Bambyce 1) and Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 371, n* 69 (attribute. in Tarsus). 7. We reproduce here this stater acquired too late for appear at his place on our board VI. See another obol in Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 371, No. 67.
XLVIII INTRODUCTION Our second group (Calai. our 266 to 276) includes the parts that Mazaios had it struck in imitation of the coins of the kings of Sidon, from the year 353 until the year 332, in one of the ports of the Cilicia. According to all the copies known, the varieties formed by the numerical signs placed above the galley, are the following, which constitute three successive emissions : r. —y, | y (year 1), || y (year 2), ||| y (year 3); 2. — III 1.1 llly (year 9), "y (year 10), |"* (year 11), ||~ y (year 12); 3- — III III HT (year 19), I (year 20), |J y (year 21). The letter 2 is for (nj©)3 x . It is generally accepted that these parts were hit in Tripolis, but this opinion is surely erroneous, because if Mazaios is entered Tripolis with the troops Persians, he certainly did not own this city for twenty-one years, before the arrival of Alexander, minimum of rigorous time rousingly demanded by the dates monetary. Else leaves, Tripolis being located in Phoenicia, the legends of the coins which would have been struck there would be in characters Phoenician, like those of the Sidonian coins, and not in Aramaic characters. However, the Aramaic form of letters 3,, 1 and i does not allow us not to hesitate : we must look for the issuing workshop in a country where Aramaic writing was in use. In truth, on the coins of Mazaios surely struck in Tarsus, the name of the satrap is •{ *i | •*! , while that on the parts of which we are looking for the homeland, this same name is writes \M\ty ; the letters \ and ^ (1) have a shape very close to pure Phoenician. But, of this observation, it results, at point of paleographic view, which we must search the homeland of our parts on the borders of Phoenicia and of the Cilicia. The galley, type constant of doubles staters prove, else leaves, that these coins have summer issued for the maintenance of the fleet, which obliges us to confine our investigation in a port of the Meditate- rane : I would happily opt for Issus or Myriandrus. Under numbers 275 and 276, we have described two obols which could as well be classified to kings of Sidon or in Bagoas in Egypt ; however the legend of No. 275 (ft. VI, fig. 16), appears be a corruption of the name Mazaios ; she is similar to that of stater no. 322. After the suppression of the Phoenician insurrection, Mazaios issued, in his vast government of Cilicia and of Syria, the currencies who form our third group (Catal. n 0s 277 at 281 and ft. VI, fig. 17, 18 and 19). The type cilician of Baaltars always appears on these new Persian staters, but at reverse, the name de Mazaios accompanies a lion. The same types perpetuate in Babylon where Mazaios continues to mint money under Alexander. These last pieces, who 1. Six, Numism. Chronicle, 1884, p. 146 and next. ; E. Babelon, Mixtures numismatics, i rc series, p. 296-297.
THE GENERALS OF ALEXANDER XLIX form our fourth group (Catal. Nos. 282 to 285 and ft. VI, fig. 20 and 21), distinguish from the previous ones in that, by their weight, they are tetradrachms attics like the coins of Alexander themselves. VIII. The generals of Alexander. Following the coins of Mazaios to the Hîn legend and at type of lion , of which the broadcast started in Tarsus continues in Syria, then in Babylon until 328, take logically placed (Catal. nos. 286 to 311), tetradrachms to the same types, of the same weight, of the same appearance exterior, and which cannot be distinguished from those of Mazaios that by the omission of the satrap's name. In the field of these pieces, there is most often Greek letters, symbols, monograms. We already knows that a certain number of these accessory signs meet identical on double darics : so that it is beyond doubt, as we have established higher ', that these doubles daric and these tetradrachms have summer hit in same time and in the same workshops. This conclusion is still corroborated by the uniform appearance of these gold and silver coins which have, one and the other, flan thick with a sharp-edged edge. After the death of Mazaios in 328, the show legal of double dariques and of these anepigraph tetradrachms continued, concurrently with the tetradrachms of Alexander, in various workshops of Asia, until the time when the Macedonian generals Donians became kings and coined in their name, with royal title and their types individuals, that is to say until 30th. The symbols, letters or monograms who substitute in the name of Mazaios, must designate, in has it logical of things, the generals who governed Asia after him. It's already in this meaning that some of the monetary differences of tetradrachms have been interpreted name of Alexander. We recognize on these parts, the personal symbols of more lords of greek generals : Ptolemy's eagle, the half-lion of Lysimachus, the anchor or the horned horse of Seleucus. Presumably, the others satraps created by Alexander or after him, such as Laomedon, satrap from Syria and of Phoenicia ; Philotas and Philoxenos, satraps of Cilicia, Archelaus and Amphimachos, satraps from Mesopotamia; Pithon, satrap of Media ; Peucestas, satrap of Persia, and others governors more still important, Antipater, Antigone, Eumenes must have also their monetary emblems. This who is true for tetradrachms in the name of Alexander, is also for double darics and for silver coins with the types of Baaltars and the lion. .This are not only mint marks that we must recognize in the 1. See above, Introd. p. xx. Barelon — The Achaemenid Persians IV
L INTRODUCTION letters or accessory signs of these parts, this are often initials, mono- grams or symbols of satraps Macedonians. The clear proof of this assertion is found in the coins that the future king of Syria, Seleucus, had minted as governor of Babylonia (Catal. no. 308 to 313). To the treaty by Tripara- disus in 321, Seleucus was invested with the important satrapy of Babylon, which, after the death of Alexander had been given successively to Archelaus, son of Theodoros, then to Archon, son of Clinias. Driven from his satrapy in 316 by Antigone, Seleucus reconquered it after the battle of Gaza, in 312, and soon he became master of Persia of Bactria and even India. He took the title of king in 306. During this period of 321 to 306, the workshops countries subject to the domination of Seleucus mint money for him. Some borrow the types and the name of Alexander, by placing in the field the particular emblems of Seleucus, the anchor, the head of horse with bull's horns, the helmet decorated with the same horns ; we we are busy elsewhere this category of Alexandrian coins '. Others workshops mint coins of ancient Persian types to which upper Asia was particularly accustomed, and the name of Mazaios find, here, replaced by the emblems of the new satrap. Heir to the monetary rights left by Alexander to Mazaios his predecessor, Seleucus issued, for the use of the Asians, coins satrapales, which, by their style, their weight, their appearance general, their very types, resemble those of Mazaios to which they follow chronologically. Our catalog (no. 308 at 313) contains the proof of this doctrine. The room gold no. 312, known in half a dozen copies found in Bactria, is a double darique by its weight (16 gr. 60 to 16 gr. 08), the thickness of its flan and its edges cut out to cookie cutter : she door the head of horse horned, emblem of Seleucus, and if it has Alexandrian types, it is because the minting of the double darique Persian types had stopped officially. The currencies of bronze who se relate at the same coinage (Catal. no. 3 1 3) 2 are in the name of Alexander, and they have, on the reverse, the anchor of Seleucus. We believed, not long ago, that the currencies of which we come of speak had been struck at Tarsus. But Cilicia never part of the government of Seleucus; moreover, it is not from Cilicia, from Asia Minor, nor even from Syria that comes to us especially coins of the type of Baaltars and the lion : we generally found in Persia, India, Bactria and adjacent countries. On Seleucid coins, the head of a horned horse is a particular symbol. at the workshops regions the easternmost of the empire. The Al> monogram on the double stater No. 312, is also special to the coinage of these remote countries. 1. E. Babelon. The Kings of Syria, Introd. p. in. 2. V. another specimen wrongly attributed to Egypt by Friedlaender. Numlsm. Zeîtschrift, from Vienna^ î. 111(1871), p. 76.
DYNASTS OF HIERAPOLIS Li Just as although Seleucus, the other generals who commanded in Asia, had to issue coins of the same Persian types, with their different specials : it is undoubtedly their initials, their monograms, their symbols that bear the parts of this series that we don't would know classify nor to Mazaios nor to Seleucus. According to this principle, we conjecturally proposed to attribute to Antigone the coins with the monogram No. 44 which breaks down into ANT or even ANTI {Catal. nos. 304 and 305). Sound son Demetrius Poliorcetes could have struck the parts on which the different is the letter A '• In the absence of positive evidence, we we wouldn't dare go any further the path of conjectures and propose, for example, to attribute to the satrap of Cilicia, Philoxenos, the pieces which bear the letters ct>| ; to Menés, governor of Syria and Phenicia, the pieces on which we bed the letter M 2 . The bee, the lightning, the pentalpha, the scorpion, are perhaps rather marks of workshops as symbols of satraps ; I make this judgment because the scorpion is if especially the emblem of Commagene that he appears probable that he here designates the workshop of Samosate. Whatever or, the study of these different mon- keep quiet cannot be missed, when we will know them in greater numbers >, to be fertile in scientific results. IX. Dynasts of Hierapolis (Bambyce). The didrachms described under nos. 314 to 316 belong to a mone- silence, the whole of which must be constituted as he follows : 1. Coins in the name of Abd-Hadad (Catal. n° 05 314 and 315)4. 2. Currency carrying the name of a dynast uncertain (Schamyati ?) Frontal bust of Atergatis, hair disheveled. On the left, no (= 30) and the word -AhuHHM * (nriWlD'). P/-- Character, the head covered with a low tiara, right hand raised, standing in a two-horse chariot driven by a F'g- '4- charioteer. Above, ^-|»V. ? (Tl\.) Against mark on horse's thigh the letter h (j). M. 7 gr - 95- — Coll. Six 5. 1 Note, however, that the letter to whom is seen so often on parts to types of Baaltars and of the lion (Imhoof, M. Gr. p. 377-378) se meeting also on coins in the name of Mazaios to types of the lion slaying a deer (Six, Mazaios, p. 10.) 2. The letter M designates Mallus' workshop on currencies from Mazaios to type of the head of Athena front (Catal. n°* 247 to 249) ; L. Muller proposed to assign in Mallus of Alexander tetradrachms who have the letter M for different monetary (L. Muller, Numism. d'Alexandre the Great, n° 1309). 3. See the table drawn up by M. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 373 to 378. 4. Numismatic magazine, 1850, p. 130 and ft. XI ; Duke of Luynes, Numism. of the Satrapies, p. 89, and Choice Greek medals, ft. XI, 24 ; Waddington, in the Numismatic Review, 1861, p. 9, and Mixtures of numismatics, 1861, p. 90 ; Brandis, p. 431 ; b. Head, The Coinage of Lydia and Persia, p. 44; J.-P. Six, in the Numismatic Chronicle, 1878, p. 105. 5. Six, in the Numismatic Chronicle, 1878, p. 104.
read INTRODUCTION 3. Coins in the name of Alexander the Great (Catal. no. 316) '. To the part which appears in our catalog, you must attach the following : Baal sitting on a backless seat ; in front him, a thymiaterion; he holds it with his left hand a scepter, of the right of cobs ? In front, C? (here and o (?) behind, i-jd^Sn. Granite. F/,. Atergatis dressed in a long dress, her head head covered of a veil who him goes down Fig. 1;. (M j \7\rv). In front the up to the waist, and sitting on a lion. In the field, ^^ lion, A- Grenetis. ^R. 7 gr. 80. Filled didrachm. — Coll. Six 2 . Warrior wearing a Corinthian helmet, holding a spear of left hand, sitting on a galloping horse left; below, M; at $&S above ' (B) ' in front , 1 H *7 ?1 1^ (TWDabK». fy. Leo walking to left, the mouth gaping. In front, a bird on the left on a fleur de lis. Above, 7^1 ^H-'f 1 p’UDawN J in the exergue, 4D H h ? (Qin?) Gre- netis. J&. 8 gr. 035. — British Museum 3. All these currencies have a common character and are attached one to the other others by the style, types, the weight, the legends. The most of among they se relate to worship of the big one goddess Syrian Atergatis, and this circum- stance allows us to consider their attribution to Hierapolis of Cyrrhestic, otherwise like certain, at least as very likely : “Still under the emperors Romans, said Mr. Six, the name of the Syrian goddess se reads on almost all the coins of this city. We also find, on these bronzes, the type of the goddess sitting on the lion... The costume of Abd-Hadad proves that these pieces are from Hiera- polished. He is dressed exactly like were the high priests of Bambycé-t, and since there is no doubt that Abd-Hadad was high priest of Atergatis and furthermore dynast of a city in Syria, he would be difficult to find another city than Bam- bycé, where he could have be invested of this double dignities. » We must however 1. See other copies in: Duc de Luynes, Numism. of the Satrapies and Phenicia, p. 97 and ft. XVI, 1 ; Brandis, p. 430; Blau, in Numism. Zcitscbrift of Vienna, t. VIII (1876), p. 234 ; A.von Sallet, in the Zcitscbrift fur Numismatii, t. V, p. 131 ; Mr. of Vogue, Mixtures of archeology orient- story, p. 69 ; Fr. Lenormant, Test on the spread of the Phoenician alphabet, p. 236, and The currency in antiquity, t. II, p. 19; Six, in the Nnmismatic Chronicle, 1878, p. 103-104. 2. See other copies in : Fr. Lenormant, Cat. Behr, n' 681 ; M. de Vogué, Journ. Asian. x. 1867, p. 131 ; Mel. of archaeol. orient, p. 47 ; Six, Numism. Chronicle, 1878, p. 104, no. 2. 3. Six, Numismatic Chronicle, 1878, p. 128 to 131. 4. Lucien, From Dca Syria, c. 42. 5. Six, in the Numismatic Chronicle, 1878, p. 106.
DYNASTS OF HIERAPOLIS HIM observe that there was others holy cities where the cult of the great goddess was no less flourishing than at Hierapolis. Comana in Catonia, for example, had a famous temple including the priest was a true sovereign dynast. Strabo says what follows : “The opulent state of the lunar goddess of Comana, whose the priest, the first after the king, and ordinarily chosen in the royal family, was for the Cataonians an object of extreme veneration ; he had around him a cohort of 6. ooo servants of temple, men and women 1 . » He would be so possible to assign the currencies of which he This concerns Comana as well as Hierapolis-Bam- byce. The region where both of these cities were located is also suitable good for guys and at style of parts and to the Aramaic form of letters. It seems however that examples of these coins were collected in Cyrrhestic, which would be decisive in favor of the attribution to Hierapolis. Atergatis is sometimes represented topped with a calathos, like the said Macrobius 2 , sometimes from the front (Catal. n° 31 5 and above, fig. 14), and his bust is only the imitation barbarian of Arethusa from the coins of Pharnabazus and Datame (cf. Catal. nos 173 to 186). Others times, the goddess is sitting on a lion, like Cybele Greek- Roman of which she is the direct ancestor. The name given to the Syrian goddess is nni?, Até; the letter 12 which appears in the field of some pieces is perhaps the initial of the word rOTQ, good, because the two words together form the name that the Greeks have transcribed 'Arnscydcôv), AUa (or Ouch) the good. On didrachm no. 313, the name is nnyiny, of which we have the direct transcription in 'ATEpyârtç (Bona Dea) 3. On the reverse of a didrachm (Catal. no. 314), we see a type imitated on the reverse constant of the coins of the kings of Sidon. On the following didrachm (Catal. no. 315), the priest of the goddess, Abd-Hadad, is wearing a conical beanie similar to the one of pontiff represented on the stele by Teima (Hedjaz) preserved at Museum of Louvre 4. The name of the pontiff, deciphered by Mr. Waddington, is a theophoric name meaning “ servant of Hadad ", known god of the Hittites of Greek writers under the form “ASioôoç or “ASocSoç*. A side of Atergatis, there had in Hierapolis a divinity male, Baal Kevan or Kaivan, whose image is on some of our currencies (above, fig. 15) with the lion, its emblem. Like Atergatis, Baal Kaivan meets the lion 1. Strabo, XII, n, 3; cf. Droysen, Hist. of Hellenism, t. III, p. 82-83. On the real location cement of Comana, see Ramsay, in the Newspaper 0/ Philology, t. XI (1882), p. 145 ; cf. E. Babelon, Numismatic mixtures, 1" series, p. 5 5 2. Macrob. 5a/. I, 17, 67. 3. M. de Vogué, Syria central, Register, Semitic, p. laughed, no. 63 ; NôldeUe, in the Zeitschrift of deutsch. morgenl. Gesellschaft, t. XXIX, p. 92 ; Six, Numism. Chronicle, 1878, p. 106 at 110. 4. G. Perrot and Ch. Chipiez, But. art in antiquity, t. IV, p. 392. 5. Six, Numism. Chronicle, 1878, p. 11 3-1 14.
LIV INTRODUCTION on the coins of Hierapolis from the Roman era ' ; he is sometimes referred to as the name of Hadran, nin 2 ; Lucien calls him Zeus » ; one of the pieces shown above the represents seated like the Baaltars of Cilician coins. Kaivan, -jvs, was a Baal of Assyrian origin, assimilated to Kpdvoe. who devours his own children ; according to Lucien, children were sacrificed to Zeus of Hierapolis. It is hardly necessary to say that the reading ij"POU7 of Mr. Six leaves us skeptical : “From the name of the dynast, only the ending ^h remains "^ pn 1) - The only proper noun who ends so is îrPCtZ? ; and like there is room in the field for two approximately letters, including the second may well have been a £ if we leave relates to the traces that we see, it is not risky, it seems, to assign pro- visibly to the dynast the name of TPntt?-Shamyati, SafAtaSïiç +. » Not having seen the currency itself, we we will refrain from any conjecture news. From even, at right, the divine name niWD', Yekunata, in which between the name of the goddess Até, does not seem certain to us 5. It's the name of Alexander the Great, rather than the one of a dynast of the name of Alexander, who we must recognize in the legend of the staters described above (fig. 15 and 1 6 and Catal. No. 31e), the type of which is borrowed from the Cilician coins of Mazaios. These parts may date from the year 331 ; the coins of Abd-Hadad are probably previous, and we can conjecture that this pontiff d'Ater- gatis was in function when Alexander came conquer the Syria. We bed the number ^O (= 30) on the coins of Abd-Hadad, and, singular coincidence, the same number is engraved on the didrachm attributed by Mr. Six to Schamyati. If it is a date, to what era se she reports ? Mr. Waddington conjectured that she designated the 30 th year of the reign of Artaxerxes II Mnemon, i.e. the year 375 before Mr. Six thinks, on the contrary, that the year 30 relates to the era of conquest of the Syria by Alexander. “ If the reign of Alexander, he said, started for the Syria in 332, the year 30 starts at 303 : Antigone was then in Asia 6 . » A cause of monetary types, the date proposed by Mr. Six is the most likely : but he could also be question of a special era in Hierapolis or at the temple of Atergatis. 1. Imhoof-Blumer, Coins Greek, p. 236 ; Baal-Kaivan shape also the type of a currency of Antiochus XII. E. Babelon, The kings of Syria, etc. Introd. p. clxxiii. 2. Renan, Sanchoniaton, p. 324 and 325 ; Holm, Geschichle Sicilians, t. I, p. 94 ; Movers, Die Phceni^ier, t. I, p. 340; Six, in Numism. Chrouicle, 1878, p. in, note, and p. 124. 3. Lucien, From Dca Syria, c. 31 and 58. 4. Six, in the Numimalic Chrouicle, 1878, p. 104 and 114. 5. Six, in the Ntnnisiiiatic Chrouicle, 1878, p. 111-112. 6. Six, in the Numismatic Chrouicle, 1878, p. 114-115.
DYNASTS OF GAZA AND UNCERTAIN OF THE V E SATRAPY L.V. x. Dynasts by Ga\a and of cities uncertain of the Fifth satrapy. I grouped under this section of currencies which belong to of workshops different from Phenicia, from the land of the Philistines and Arabia. Most wear strange guys, of a difficult interpretation, accompanied by semi- ticks no less enigmatic than the types themselves. Baana, dynast, around 430 BC. AD — The name of this character historically unknown, bed in all letters to back of a statere (Catal. no. 319) > ; another appears to have the monogram of the same name (Catal. n° 318) 2 ; finally, a third, anepigraph {Catal. No. 317), must be attributed to the same dynast, although it seems a little older style >. Previously, we only knew one copy with registration lOJD who, of office Dutens, is spent at the Museum Hunter. The Duke de Luynes read hà'JI there, thinking of the characters Persians named Bagaeos or Bogès who played a historical role in ive century 4. Mr. Waddington gave the true toyz transcription s, name that the Septuagint transcribe Bxava or Bavat'xç ; but we know of no dynast or satrap so called, for he doesn't could not be about biblical characters. The relatively frequent presence of this name in Palestine, is an index which allows us to believe that our currencies have were struck rather in Phoenicia than in Cilicia, like would like Mr. Six. Moreover, the legend is in Phoenician characters and not Aramaic, and the type of king struggling against one lion is borrowed from the coins of the kings of Sidon. Uncertain dynast from Ascalon or Aidod. — Among the cities of the Philosophical Pentapolis tisne, — Ekron or Accaron Qnpy), Azdod or Azot (titûJN), Ascalon (•pbpïtfN), Gath (ru) and Gaza (nr;, "AÇx), — there is only the last one, Gaza, to which we can with certainty assign currencies. However it is probably in Ascalon or in Azdod that a remarkable stater was struck, unique until now, among the types of lion and Poseidon-Dagon (Catal. No. 320) é . Dagon's type is almost sem- ble to that of the oldest coins of Aradus, and the lion leaping on rocks which perhaps recall the rocks on which Ascalon was built, is to closer to the lion of Mazaios. Dagon who had a temple in each city of Philistines, was represented with a head and human hands, while at 1. Another copy, at the Hunter museum. Six, Satrap Mazaios, p. 57, no. 4. 2. Another copy, at the Hunter Museum. Six, Satrap Mazaios, p. 56-57, no. 3. 3. Another copy, at the Hunter Museum. Six, Satrap Ma-aios, p. 56, no. 2. 4. Duke of Luynes, Numismatics Satrapies, p. 40. 5. Waddington, Miscellaneous Numismatics, 1861, p. 81-82 and pi. V, No. 8 ; cf. B. Hcad, The eoination of Lydia and Persia, p. 45. 6. This stater has often been published. See especially Six, in \eNumisin. Chronicle, 1878 (N.S. t. XVIII) p. 125 and pi. VI, 5.
LVI INTRODUCTION from the kidneys it ended in a body and a fishtail ". The statue of Dagon in Ascalon is described by Xanthos the Lydian 2 , and bronzes of Antoninus the Pious show us this ichthyomorphic god at the feet of Astarte : it looks like Glaucos or to the Triton of Itanus. Astarte or Atergatis had a son, "I/Ouç, who was metamor- phosé in fish near Ascalon 3. If the letters in of the legend conceals a name of city rather than a name dynast, it seems that due to mythological traditions, one cannot hesitate between Ascalon and Azdod. A the truth, the name of these two cities is always spelled •pbptTN and TITANS but it is perhaps permissible to assume an ortho- •pbpTN graph and TntNj especially for this last city, to cause of the shape Greek "AÇmto;, Azot. Coins to types Athenians. — The ordinary provenance of the coins described under the numbers 321a 350, the name of the city of Gaza which was bed on some of them they (Catal. nos. 326, 327), as well as miscellaneous historical clues that we will do stand out more far, do not allow doubt that the issuing workshops of these curious parts be to search on the confines of life and of the lives and satrapies, that is, some in the land of the Philistines and in the portion of the peninsula Arabic neighboring Palestine and the Isthmus of Suez, who became more late the Nabatene and Arabia Petrea, the others in the part northern Egypt. The history of the country of the Philistines and the Arabs under the domination of the Persians menides is almost not known ; that of Egypt is itself very obscure ; the mythology of these people is even less unraveled that their annals. We should therefore not be surprised by the uncertainty with which numismatics leaves us. I do not believe that we can classify some of the currencies described under the no. 321 at 350, to the Phoenician cities of Akzib (inDN) and Acé (TO), although we there is reason to be surprised at the absence of minted coins, under the Achaemenids, to Ace, port important where se are often brought together the fleets persico-pheni- ciennes : this astonishment is redoubled when we see the Acé workshop minting coins at name of Alexander the Great. There does not exist not no more, for the Achaemenid period, of coins from Joppa (1£i), city who yet struck later also in the name of Alexander. It is in vain, finally, that we would seek to classify from currencies to second-rate Philistine cities, such as Jabneh (run 1) and Jerza. As for the Arabs with whom they are forced to reckon the satraps, in their expeditions against Egypt, the name of their cities do not meet on the 1. A. by Longpérier, Works published by G. Schlumberger, t. I, p. 104; K. B. Stark, Ga^a, p. 248 ; Six, in Nuniism. Chronicle, 1878, p. 125 at 128. 2. In Athen., Deipnosopb., VIII, 37. 3. Stark, Ga^a, p. 41-42,
DYNASTS OF GAZA. AND UNCERTAIN OF THE V E SATRAPY LVII coins : nor the ports of the Mediterranean, like Raphia, Ienysos, Rhincorura, Pelusium (7iD), nor those of the Red Sea like Elath (nibw) and Aziongaber ("na-'ï'Pjfy), nor finally the cities of the interior, Gerar, Bosra, Sela. The findings however, like we the we will see , allow to believe that they have had of workshops monetary. For Egypt, it does not appear that any name of the kings of this country in 4th century, or Persian satraps who ruled it, nor even any name cities of Delta, can be identified with the Phoenician legends of our currencies which yet are, in the majority, of Egyptian origin. This which strikes above all in this coinage, it's that alongside local types, indigenous, we meeting types imitation or even of servile copies of coins Greek, of pastiches of parts from Athens old style and of Archaic drachmas from Lampsacus. Is it possible to explain historically these monetary imitations? The constant intervention of the Greeks, especially the Athenians, in the wars Egypt and the countries Palestinian were the theater v e and iv c centuries, the presence of numerous Greek mercenaries in the armies of satraps Persian or in those who fought against them, the extremely active trade that Athens stopped to maintain, either with Gaza, either with the cities of the mouths of the Nile : such are the multiple causes who first poured Athenian money into Palestine, in Arabia, in Egypt, then pushed the inhabitants of these countries to make similar currencies to those of Athens, as soon as the cash imported into them from Attica had become insufficient. Already, at time of Achaemenes, brother of Xerxes, satrap of Egypt, we see the native king Inaros calls for help hoplite corps and of sailors Athenians 1 . More late, Amyrtaea don't maintains itself in the marshes of coastline than with the relief of Greeks ; and when, after a lull of a few years, se rekindle the fight between Persians and Egyptians, the Greeks there play a preponderant role. In 380, Chabrias orders the army of Nectanebo I , while that Iphicrates is, in Ace, the auxiliary of Pharnabazus. Under Ochus as under Mnemon, wars are fought in Palestine and in Egypt with of mercenaries Greeks in both sides : Diophantos from Athens, Lamios of Sparta are sent to support those whom Athens and Sparta have an interest in supporting. Tachos, which, in 364, succeeded in Nectanebo I , was helped to the times by the Athenian Chabrias and by the king of Sparta Agesilaus 2 . We tell that he had to mint money especially to pay his Greek mercenaries : “ Egypt, said Mr. Maspério, had little cash : the inhabitants adhered to it, in ordinary transactions of the 1. Ctesias, Persica, § 32, ed. Müller ; cf. Maspero, Hist. anc. of the peoples of the Orient, p. 630-631 (4* ed.). 2. Maspero, Hist. ancient, p. 647 et seq.
LVIII INTRODUCTION life, to the exchange system. On the other hand, the Greek mercenaries did not want to be paid in kind or in uncoined metals : they demanded hard cash for price of their blood. Order was given to the natives to pay into the treasury the gold and the raw or worked money that they could have, except to be reimbursed gradually by the nommarques on the proceeds of future taxes '. These measures, if they are worth unpopularity in Tachos, him allowed to lift eighty a thousand men of native troops and ten thousand Greeks, to equip a fleet with two hundred sails, and of rent the best generals of the time 2 . » These were not only Sparta and Athens or the Asian Ionians Minor who provided troops to belli- managers : Thebes, Argos and others Hellenes of Asia provide Ochus with ten thousand men who, after the capture of Sidon in 350, se direct on Pelusium, and the king from Egypt Nectanebo He opposes them 20,000 fjusSoepdpot hellenes 3. Peluse itself is defended by the 5,000 Greek auxiliaries of Philophon ; these are the Thebans of the Persian army, under the orders of Lacrates who took the city ; Nicostratos of Argos, sort of Hercules, commanded another corps of Greek mercenaries hired by the Persians, with which he beats Clinias of Cos in the service of Nectanébo. The king of the Arabs, who dominated the coast, from Gaza to Ienysus, done successively alliance with Evagoras of Salamis, with Acoris, with the Atheists- niens. These Arabs, who, according to Herodotus 4, had to pay tribute to the king of Persia annual hundred talents incense, transported, we said Diodorus '>, until their maritime carries, on camelback, desert products such as incense, myrrh and the aromatics of Happy Arabia 6 . Gaza received, else leaves, the wheat from Athens which was exchanged for perfumes from Arabia. Thus, the Greeks are in reports incessant, by their trade or by their soldiers, with Egypt and the country of Philistines. This explains the atheistic types mine coins struck in these regions. Coins first circulated there Athenians who don't have oriental that the countermark printed on one of blanks. For example, our tetradrachm no. 321 is well made attic, but the Orientals countermarked it with the letter a 7 ; a another Athenian tetradrachm of Mr. Imhoof-Blumer's collection bears the countermark ov/ (y^) that Mr. Six 1. Pseudo-Aristotle, Economics, II. 2. Maspero, Hist. ancient, p. 649. 3. Diod. Sic, XVI, 45 ; cf. K.-B. Stark, Ga^a, p. 234 ; Maspero, Hist. anc, p. 655-666. 4. Herod. III, 5, 91, 97. 5. Diod. Sic, 111.42; XIX, 94. 6. K.-B. Stark, Ga^a und die philistaïsche Kiiste, p. 233. 7. This copy was found in the collection by Ferdinand Bompois. Longpérier proposed to see in the letter Q the name of the Moabitid or that of some Palestinian city whose name has the initial a im'in. A. de Longpérier, Works published by G. Schlumberger, t. I, p. 327; Catal. of sale of the coll. F. Bompois (1882), No. 1107.
DYNASTS OF GAZA AND ARABIA LIX would like to interpret by (m)ï (~|S)n, king of Ga\a (!) '. Philistines, Arabs and Egyptians therefore used, at the beginning, coins of Attic origin. Then, when this cash imported from Athens came to miss for the balance of troops, we made coins, as much as possible similar to those to which the soldiers were used to it. Despite everything, these oriental imitations are easily distinguished from pieces of Attic origin, by their very particular style and engraving errors. He is on which the details of Athena's hairstyle have been misunderstood or roughly reproduced. Often, AOE registration is distorted or replaced by a registration Phoenician or Aramaic. To the few parts of our Catalog (nos. 322 to 325), the following varieties must be joined : i- ^0 (W) } on tetradrachms of which the types are identical to those of decadrachms of Athens 2 . 2. "^AOE, on tetradrachms copied from those of Athens 3. 3. AOE and G>iyL (taSaS) on from drachmas to Athenian types * ; on one of them, Brandis read iblb. 4- AOE, on drachmas with Athenian types 5, 5. ^ and Vs)))} L (ttJQD 1 !, after Six) on a tetradrachm with Athenian types 6 . 6- %. AOE, on a drachma with Athenian types 7. 7- -HlW (HflD, Maiaios), on tetradrachms with Athenian types 8 . 8. MMH+XiTiO or Trtn), tetradrachm to Athenian types 9 (Catal. no. 323 and here against, fig. 17). 9. On a certain number of tetra- drachmas to Athenian types, generally found in Egypt, we bed the varieties of legends that follow: t]A1V — •'Vn'^j (see our Catal. No. 322). — Ml-. —Lh4r. — HYV* and \4 I.O. - 10. [A]OE or Om, on small coins (tritemorion and tetartemorion) to types Athenians. We give reproduction of those who, found in Salih 1. Six, in Num. Chrono., 1877, p. 225, no. 21. 2. Six, in Num. Chrono., 1877, p. 223, No. 12. 3. Six, loc. cit., no. 13. 4. Six, loc. cit., no. 15 ; cf. Brandis, p. 516; A. Lévy, in the Numism. Zeitschrift, from Vienna, t. III, p. 433- The transcription, moreover unexplained, TaSlS, proposed by A. Lévy, does not appear to us certain, although it was adopted by Mr. Head (Attica, Catal. of Brit. Mus., p. 25). See also the improbable hypothesis of J.-P.-N. Land, Numism. Chronicle, 1877, p. 231, footnote 141. 5. Six, loc. cit., no. s 16 and 16a. 6. Six, loc. cit., no. 17. The interpretation of the legend seems to us to be rejected. 7. Six, loc. cit., no. 25. 8. Six, loc. cit., n» 18 ; cf. Six, Maiaios, p. 45, no. 1, and Imhoof-Blumer, Greek coins, p. 369. 9. Six, Maiaios, p. 45, no. 2. 10. Six, in Num. Chron., 1877, p. 223, no. 14; Num Chron., 1888, p. 133 ; B. Head, Attica (Catal. of the British Museum), p. 25.
LX INTRODUCTION Hedjr, in Arabia, in 1856, have been given by the D r Schledehaus at the gym from Osnabrück “(jig. 18 and 19. ^sr^ The name of Mazaios that we bed on the tetra- ?*5î iw»l?J të2w HH drachma no. 7, would prove, failing that others ^m# ^-J ^y r v - ;î "' arguments, that the bigger part of this Fig. I ei 19. coinage only dates back to the end of the period Persian ; there are parts who are surely contemporary with Alexander or even after his death 2 . On tetradrachm No. 8, M. Six would like to recognize in TTIO or rather Tttn (Ma\aros), the name of the character to whom Alexander entrusted the defense of the citadel of Susa ; Mazaros would have had these coins minted shortly after 331, "probably for the pay of the Greeks whose garrison was composed 3. » This is improbable ; he just have to see in the legend TWQ or -|Tîq, an unconscious alteration of the name of Mazaios, and this opinion seems to us all the more more justified than the first letter *H of the legend is returned (Catal. n° 323) : it is a barbaric legend. The coins grouped under No. 9 have been variously interpreted. On the example please collection of Luynes (Catal. No. 322), Blau read piD, Sapayàvr,?, noun of a prince cited in the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, about the trade of the Greeks with India*. In 1881 , A. de Longpérier seeking to compare this legend to the one currencies himyarites, proposed with hesitation the name of the city of Nagran, ^ ~)~\l%'>. Mr. Six bed, in 1877, rrc, name of the country of Midian 6 ; eleven years old after, the same scholar opines for "po, a word in which he would like to recognize the name of Sabaces, satrap of Egypt in 333". These are there baseless assumptions dement. He must give up also the reading "plO proposed by Mr. de Sallet for one of these legends enigmatic 8 . When we brings together the some of others the legends of these currencies, as we have fact, we see that it is, in reality, of the same name which will alter more and more, as accentuates the barbarity of the copies. Would we not still simply be in the presence of barbaric alterations of the name of Mazaios, although the first letter of the word looks like to one Aramaic samech 1. Schledehaus, in the Mun^studin of Grote, t. II, 1862, p. 484 et seq., and ft. 31 ; cf. Six, Num. Chrono. 1877, p. 225, No. 20; Erman, in Zcitscbrift fur Numismatik, t. IX (1882), p. 297 and ft. VI, fig. 1, 2 and 3. 2. On a tetradrachm with Athenian types, we see the monogram /j[\, that we found on of double darics and on tetradrachms of Alexander's generals. Six, Satrap Mazaios, p. 45-46. 3. Six, Satrap Mazaios, p. 47. 4. Blue, in Numism. Zeitschrijt, from Vienna, t. IV (1875), pp. 181 at 184. 5. A. de Longpérier, Works published by G. Schlumberger, t. I, p. 328. 6. Six, in Num. Chron., 1877, P- 10 p.m. no. I 4- 7. Numism. Chron., 1888, p. 134; E. Babelon, Mixtures numismatics*, 2' series, p. 101. The legend is particularly clear on the copy of British Museum. b. Head, Attica, ft. VII, fig. 1. 8. Zeitschrift fur Numismatik, t. XV, 1887, p. 14.
DYNASTS OF GAZA AND ARABIA LXI Fis- 20. rather than a mein 1 } Whatever either, this is not the name of Nagran, nor the one of Margan, nor finally that of Sabaces or another satrap of Egypt. Longpérier saw more correctly than Mr. Six, conjecturing that these pseudo-Athenian coins had summer minted in Arabia; the legend has, in effect, like a false air of Himyarite letters. There is another group of coins with ancient Athenian types style, on which real Himyarite characters have been engraved. On the reverse of these news parts, struck in the same circum- stanzas that the previous ones, we bed good again the A-<^f|? "\ legend traditional and distorted \OE, while than at wp^ ri o^ IT right, on the plays of the goddess, se find the letter himyarite p, noun, (Catal. n° 324 and opposite, fig. 20) perhaps this times, the initial of the town of Nagran in Arabia 2 . A little later, the coins of Alexander, which became as popular and also widespread in East than the ancients owls Athenians, were, like these last, copied in the Arabian mints. For example, on a tetradrachm, to Alexandrian types, the Greek word AAEZÂNAPOY is replaced by the name Ab-yatha, in Himyarite characters >. These imitations of Athenian tetradrachms and Alexander se extend into Arabia until first century of our era ; the last step of owls Athenians, the aspect under which they present themselves to us in their degeneration the further away, is represented by the pieces of the famous treasure of Sana'a, published by Mr. G. Schlumberger. Dynasts of Ga^a and Arabia. — Alongside the Athenian imitations of which we come from speak, a considerable series of coins engraved by oriental artists who, for one of the types at least, were inspired by mon- come from various Greek cities, without however slavishly copying them. At the head of this group, we will feature two pieces from the British Museum, Fig. 21. Fig. 22. types of the ibex and the owl. One (fig. 21), the only one that was formerly 1. The same legend can be read on the obolus in our Catalogue, No. 275. 2. G. Schlumberger, The Treasure of Sana'a, p. 2 ; B. Head, in the Numismatic Chronicle, 1878, t. XVIII, pp. 273 et seq., and pi. XIII, fig. 1, 2 and 3 ; cf. t. XX, p. 310, and pi. XV, fig. 1 and 2. 3. B. Head, in Numism. Chronicle, 1880 (t. XX), p. 303, and pi. XV, fig. 3.
LXII INTRODUCTION “<£• *! known, was classified, because of its reverse, in Amisus du Pont ; the Aramaic legend that we wanted to read norN (?) could well be, she too, only an alteration of the name of Mazaios l . The second (fig. 22), which recently entered the British Museum 2 , is the same types as the previous one, except that, on the back of the winged ibex, we sees a bird, and that the owl is flanked by two crosses years. Mr. B.Head recognizing that the Aramaic characters and above all the anchored crosses do not allow no classify these pieces to Amisus, the believes Cilicians. We offer to the place in Gaza, in view of their style which brings them closer to other currencies of this city, and also because following considerations : The ibex or the goat could well be, here, a guy talking, like it is on the coins of Aegae of Macedonia, Aegae of Achaia, Aegae of Aeolis, Aegae of Cilicia and other cities of which the name has some phonetic relationship with
DYNASTS OF GAZA AND ARABIA LXIII coins of Gaza a young winged goat, a Chimera, and thus lies directly fully confirmed our attribution to this city of the winged goat coins and other currencies with the legend AIT or AITI- Let us also cite as currencies minted in the same region, and one of which types is imitated from Athenian coins, three small silent coins, found in the Delta, who were part of the collection of Dr. Schledehaus, in Alexandria, and who are now at the Osnabruck gymnasium : Ftg. 26. Fig. 2;. FiS- 2 7- The large amphora on the reverse reminds Mr. Six 1 , the station 'OTrpxxiVr,, enters Rhincorura and Mount Casius ; he cites the text of Herodotus 2 recounting that “all the empty wine amphoras that could be obtained in Egypt were collected annually and shipped to these beaches arid lands near Ienysos ". Like more- several examples of these same coins were collected in Egypt, 'OrjTpaxt'v/j in would be the place emission (?). To Mr. Six 3 returns honor to have read the name of Gaza, nvj, on of coins similar to those contained in our Catalogue, under nos. 326 and next. One faces of these pieces resemble, of a sometimes very embarrassing way for the classification, to coins of Lampsaque with the double head of a jani-woman form4. The reverse is of Athenian inspiration ; on some copies, he arrives, so much imitation is intentional, that Vain of the name of Gaza has theta form Greek, so that this letter is, in a way, a duplicate, like ain in the legend Semitic and like theta in the name of Athens ; sometimes finally, the letters AO can also be read AO [E| that ^O (HIT) s - On the following pieces (Catal. nos. 330 to 340) we note to the place of the name of Gaza legends : *)$• Cjn), 0\ (!?") and B (!)• In in, Mr. Six would like to recognize to be born initials of the town of Anthédon, neighboring Gaza 6 . I would prefer the name of Ascalon, "pbp'iW, abbreviated -jn, that is to say by the first and the last letter, follows- before a use common in Phoenician. I also do not dare to follow Mr. Six, when he 1. Numism. Chronicle, 1877, p. 233. 2. Herod., III, 6. 3. Six, in Num. Chrono. 1877, p. 221. 4. In the hollow square of coins of Lampsaque, there has a head of Atheua ; Now, Mr. Six quote of Gaza coins on which the same head appears on the reverse; the imitation is blatant and direct. Six, Num Chrono., 1877, p. 222, no. 6. 5. Six, in Num. Chrono., 1877, p. 231. 6. Six, in Num. Chrono., 1877, p. 221.
LXIV INTRODUCTION reads, from left to right, y\ (A\_ instead of Zà) to thus find the first two letters of the name Gaza. Moreover, are these legends names of deities or city names rather than men's names ? By searching in this last direction, we could attribute either to Bagoas, the minister of Artaxerxes III Ochus, either rather to Buildings the defender of Gaza against Alexander, the parts which have the legend a simple a. We have coins struck by Bagoas in Egypt, which carry effect the only one initial of his name. As for Bâtis or Betis, Hegesias give him the title of j3ac
DYNASTS OF GAZA AND ARABIA LXIV we must recognize Dagon, as in Aradus and Ascalon ; Astarte under the names of Atergatis or Dercéto ; Marnas, the topical god of Gaza ; Baalzebub, the Baal of flies, god from Accaron, similar to god Achor of Cyrenaica ; Azon, the son of Heracles, eponymous hero of Azot, after Stephen of Byzantium ; the sea monster Keto, involved in the fable of Perseus and Andromeda, who had his seat in Joppa? Typhon was the main deity worshiped in the Nile Delta ' ; his companion was Nephthys, and as this goddess was both his wife and his sister, perhaps would it be permit to recognize associated Typhon and Nephthys in the heads jani- forms of our currencies {Calai. nos. 326 to 329). It seems to us glimpses of images, the aiabim of these monsters desert and the sea : Typhoon and Nephthys, gods of Avaris and Peluse; Proteus and his daughter Eidothea, gods of the island of Paros ; the goddess of Bubastis ; Busiris, sort of Poseidon killed by Heracles because he immolated, like Talos Crete, all the foreigners who were approaching in Egypt. It is surely one of them, Bès or Bésa, whose the profile simian appears on a piece (fig. 28) of collection of M. Imhoof-Blumer z . The head of the same monster is of face on the currencies of our Catalogue, our bones 345 to 347, and on the piece opposite (fig. 29) of which several examples ''">'• 29 - please were found in Salih Hedjr>. Mr. Erman seems to have was right to classify these currencies in the country Arabs. The silenic and deformed Heracles to whom we give the names of Phtah, of Bès or Bésa, of Pygmée, of Patèque, is also called Seth, Ouzoos, Eurytion •*. He was unaware testably of Egyptian origin . Phoenician ships had their bow surmounted by the grimacing face of this hideous dwarf, responsible for frightening enemies 5. Numerous stone or bronze statuettes and terracotta figurines have made familiar the representation of this Egyptian-Phoenician god, “ pot-bellied dwarf, almost bestial laughter, in the eyes prominent, stiff-nosed, to Lippy mouth7. » We 1. Stark, Ga%a, p. 266 and following. 2. Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greek., p. 471.11° 78; Choice of nwnn. Greek, ft. VII, No. 241 ; cf. Review archaeological, 1872, t. XXIV, ft. XXI and p. 225 ; Six, Numism, Chron., 1877, p. 230, no. 44. 3. Schledehaus, in the Munxstudien of Grote, t. II (1862), p. 484 and following. and pi. 31 ; Erman, in the Zeit.fùr Num., t. IX (1882), p. 298 and pi. VI, nos. 4 to 9. 4. Fr. Lenormant, The Origins of History, t. I, p. 539. 5. P. Monceaux, The legend of the Pygmecs in the Review history, t. XLVII (1891), p. 16 and following. ; L. Heuzey, Papposilène and the god Bes (in-8°, 1884). 6. See the Phoenician galley decorated with a figure of Patèque, on the coins of the kings of Aradus. 7. Perrot and Chipiez, History of art in antiquity, t. I, p. 805 ; cf. p. 821 and t. III, pp. 417 to 423 ; John Six, From Gorgon, ft. III, fig. 1 at 10 ; Lanzone, Difionario di Mitologia ~Egi%ia, ft. 79, fig. 1 and 2 ; for the bibliography, see the art of Mr. Drexler, in the Lexicon der Mythologie de Roscher, art. Besa, in V Appendix of the volume I . Babelon — The Achimèniàes Persians V
LXVI INTRODUCTION the found with the same curly beard, in fan, the same topped hairstyle with a plume of feathers, the same bestial physiognomy in a word, on all the coasts frequented by the Phoenicians. # Isn't it also the head of Bésa that we sees at foot of the god seated on a winged chariot, on the back of the mon- nay opposite (fig. 30) ? This piece of British Museum- fuck is besides interesting to others dots of Fig. 30. view. The head helmeted is identical to the one mon- naies bronze from Mamertini (Sicily) which bear the inscription AAPANOY 1 - It's so the god Syrian Hadran, already met to Hierapolis, that we let's find here, as well as on bronzes of Siracusa 2 . At reverse, we bed the word in\ Yahu, 'loua, and it's by consequently this god solar, original Chaldean3, whom we see seated on a chariot whose winged wheel symbolizes the course of the sun 4. I am inclined to believe that this curious drachma was minted in the country of the Phi- listins, like a part of the coinage that we just passed in review. Gaza had surely one workshop monetary very active : sound trade flourishing requires it. Herodotus compares this city in Sardis ; Arrian calls him [isyâlfi tïo'Xiç, and according to Plutarch, it was the biggest city of Syria. XI. Bagous, in Egypt. The currencies described under the nos 351 to 371 are the same, for the types, coins of kings of Sidon and to those that Mazaios fit hit for 21 years, maybe to From, for the maintenance of the Persian-Phoenician fleet>. They don't go away distinguish only by the letter ^ (3.) who still appears in the field; there is also certain particularities of style which allow us to affirm the Egyptian origin of this coinage. The character who follows the chariot of the great King has the suit national well characterized Egyptian : he is, from this point of view, everything different from the character who follows the royal chariot on the coins of the kings of Sidon and Mazaios. The engraving of monetary wedge does not have, to none degree, the character of heaviness and impasto parts kings of Sidon or Mazaios. The ornaments, the tank details royal are engraved with singular delicacy; the monetary blank is more elongated, more rounded on the edges : everything in a word, from the point of view of the factory, betrays 1. Catalog of Greek Coins. Sicilia, by Reg. Smart Poole, p. 109, n" 1 and 2 ; J.-P-Six, Nuwism. Chro- Nice, 1878, p. 124. 2. B. Head, Numism. Cbronicle, N.S. t. XIV (1874), p. 24, ft. VII, 4. 3. Lydus, De Nens., IV, 38. 4. On this curious currency, see : Duke de Luynes, Numism of the Satrapies, ft. IV ; Numism. Cbro- nicle, N.S. t. XVII (1877), p. 229, no. 43 ; Numism. Cbronicle, N.S. t. XVIII (1878), p. 124-125. 5. See above, p. xlviii.
BAGOAS IN EGYPT LXVI1 an origin other than for the Sidonian pieces and those of Mazaios. The weight finally is Egyptian : the doubles staters weigh 28 gr. 40, then than in Sidon the coins contemporary of Artaxerxes III and of Darius III do not reach not 26 grams '. While it is not possible to dispute the Egyptian character of this monetary group, we cannot, from a chronological point of view, place it at any other time than in the period included between 346, date when Artaxerxes III Ochus undertook to reconquer Egypt on Nectanébo II, and the end of the year 332, date of arrival of Alexander in this country. It's the only period of 4th century during which the Achaemenid kings were the quiet possessors of the valley of Nile. In self- laughing at the examples of the coins of Mazaios and the kings of Sidon, we are authorized to believe that the letter n represents a satrap name or of king, rather than a name workshop or magistrate lower. Now, among the characters who, under Ochus or under Darius, played in Egypt a role considerable, the Egyptian eunuch Bagoas is the only one of which the name starts with the letter 2. He took at least two years of effort to Ochus to reconquer Egypt, and the man who was the soul of this military company is Bagoas, the most faithful friend of Artaxerxes 2 : it is therefore probably blably Bagoas who had the original military coins struck between 345 and 343 Egyptian, which bear the initial of its name 3. 1. The double siclcs of Ptolemy Soter, who became king of Egypt, still retain this weight of 28 gr. 40, while in all the other kingdoms formed from the dismemberment of Alexander's empire the currencies are cut into the Attic system. 2. Diod. Sic, XVI, 47 et seq. 3. Cf. E. Babelon, Numismatic mixtures, 1" series, p. 312 to 315.
CHAPTER THREE DYNASTS AND SATRAPES IN ASIA MINOR Themistocles, despot of Magnesia (from 465 to 449 av. AD). Only two copies of the famous coin of Themistocles are known : that of the Luynes collection (Catal. n° 372) and that of the British Museum which is stuffed '. There is nothing to add to Mr Waddington's comment to this stater in 1861 2 . We know that the Athenian general, convinced of having soaked in the conspiracy of Pausanias, king of Sparta, had to leave Greece in 470, and take refuge on the territory of the Persian Empire. Magnesia on the Meander was one of the cities that Artaxerxes I Long Hand gave, in 465, to Themistocles, for the recom- think to have deserted the cause Hellenic. Themistocles died despot of Magnesia around the year 449. As despot, Themistocles had the medal which bears his name struck and which has, at reverse, the initials of the name Magnesia. “ The archaic style of the figure of Apollo, adds Mr. Waddington, the square hollow, everything points to the time of exile by Themistocles. Finally, the type is suitable for the city where the medal was struck ; on the tetradrachms of Magnesia issued at a later time, Apollo is repre- felt. standing at side of a tripod. » However, the Apollo of this stater reminds the coins to legends stamped pamphylians to Side 3 ; we can also in compare the reverse to that of the staters of Sparadocus, king of the Odryses, as well as of certain Cypriot coins 4. But the coin of Themistocles is a didrachm Attic, and the Attic system was not used, in the 5th century, neither in Cypress nor in Pamphylia. IT The Gongylides, in Gambrium, Palaegambrium, Grynium and Myrina (end of the 5th century). Xenophonî relates that Gongylos, a citizen of Eretria, was expelled from his homeland because 1. B. Head, Hist. numer., p. 501. 2. Waddington, Miscellaneous Numismatics, 1861, pp. 1 at 6. 3. It is for this reason that the Duke of Luynes attributed the medal to Magydus. Duke of Luynes, in the Numismatic Review, t. X (1845), P' 263-264. Mr. Waddington described on the Themistocles medal “a bird, probably a crow » ; we believe that it is rather a eagle. 4. See our Catalogue, no. s 753 and following. 5. Xenoph. Hellen. III, 1, 6; Thraemer, Pergamos, p. 220; J. -P. Six, in Numism. Chronicle, 1890, p. 188 et seq.
GONGYLIDS AND DEMARATIDES LXIX that he had made a pact with the Persians. This event took place in 476 ; Gongylos was the employee and the king's confidant of Sparta Pausanias, whose the betrayal ends by be so cruelly punished in 467 '. Gongylos banished, se refugee near of Xerxes who rewarded his dedication by giving him the four cities of Gam- brium, Palaegambrium, Grynium and Myrina. Gongylos the Eretrian died despot of his tetrapolis, shortly around the year 425 ; to an indeterminate time, he had married a young princess named Hellas, who was maybe, we suspect, a daughter of Themistocles 2 . He had some two son, Gorgon and Gongylos II, who se shared his heritage : the first, Gorgon, became a despot of Gambrium and Palaegambrium ; the second, Gongylos II, was despot of Myrina and Grynium. In 399, Gorgion still reigned in Gambrium and Palaegambrium, and Gongylos II, to Myrina and Grynium; Hellas, widow de Gon- gylos I the Eretrian was in Pergamum, where she offered hospitality to Xenophon 3. We do not yet know of any coins that can be attributed to Gon- gylos I and Gongylos II, although these little dynasts probably enjoyed monetary rights ; but the silver coin in our Catalog No. 375 belongs surely in Gorgion, despot of Gambrium and Palaegambrium, reported in 399. This currency was so far classified in Gorgippia, city of the Cimmerian Bosporus ; he enough of the get closer to the monetary suite of this city for notice that its types and its style allow it to distract it, she doesn't even look anything like to all the coinage of the cities of the Bosphorus in general The word TOPTI authorizes attribute it to Gorgion, the son of Gongylos the Eretrian, and this induction is justified by the types of currencies of the city of Gambrium, from a later period, which have the same head of Apollo, and some, a horned bull like this to the one from Gorgion's play. III. The Demaratids, at Teuthrania, Halisarna and Pergamon (end of 5th century). The king of Sparta Demarates, struck by ostracism, thanks to the intrigues of Cleomenes, had taken refuge in the court of 3use, in 491. Darius, happy to this defection, him 1. E. Curtius, Hist. Greek, transl. Bouché-Leclercq, t. II, p. 388, et t. IV, p. 180; Th. Reinach, Les origins of the city of Pergamum (Extract from the Review history, 1886), p. 4. It is to wrong that has been reported the betrayal of Gongylos until the time of the battle of Marathon, in 480. Thucyd. I, 128 ; Diod. XI, 44. 2. Six, in Numism. Chronicle, 1890, p. 192 ; E. Babelon, Numismatic mixtures*, 2nd series, p. 205. 3. See for the development that would include these events, our Mixtures numismatics, 2 nd series, p. 194 et seq. 4. The following coin is cited: Head of Apollo. P)£. TOPTI. Bow and club (Numismatiscbe Zeit- schrift, t. II, ft. XI, 1 ; B. Head, Hist. numer., p. 422). But he just see the picture of this piece for notice that she does not have none report of style with the one that we let's give in Gorgon. Besides the word rOPfl appears crude in part and it must be completed in TOPT! end EON-
LXX INTRODUCTION gave compensation for his lost crown, creating him hereditary despot of Teuthrania and of Halisarna 1 , cities located in Mysia, on the flank right of there valley of Caique, to a very small distance of Pitane, of Atarneus and above all Pergamon 2 . There, Démarate founded a dynasty who se maintained at least for all the duration of the Persian Empire. The ancient king of Sparta, who accompanied Xerxes in Greece, in 480, was still alive in 465, when Themistocles in turn came to claim the hospitality of the great King. We don't don't know the name of son of Demarates, like him despot of Teuthrania. It's only about sixty years after his death, that his descendants dants, probably its grandsons, Eurysthenes and Procles, are mentioned, and we have demonstrated elsewhere', than to their domain of Teuthrania and Halisarna they joined Pergamum. The eldest, Eurysthenes, reigned over this last city who just starting then to take place in history, while that his brother Trials was despot of Teuthrania and Halisarna. In 401, Cyrus the Younger took Trials with him in shipping who results to the battle of Cunaxa and to the retirement of the Ten Thousand 4. Procles, returned to Teuthrania, comes to the aid of Xenophon bringing back in Pergamon the remains of his army s. Finally in 399, the Procles brothers and Eurysthenes are both reported as welcoming and favoring the harmoste Thibron that Sparta had sent to defend Greek cities under threat by Tissaphernes 6 . After 399, oblivion made around the family of Démarates, until 322, period towards which another Procles, descendant of the previous one, wife Pythias, daughter of philosopher Aristotle and another Pythias. This one, the mother, was herself the niece and the adopted daughter of Hermeias, dynast of Artaneus 7. Like dynast of Teuthrania, Trials I has knocked, towards the year 399, the following currencies, which are very rare and missing from our Catalog : Head laureate of Apollo, on the left, the hair long and surrounded by a headband. Laughed. TEY. Young head and beardless of a dynast, wearing the Persian tiara, to right. JR. 10 mill. — 1 gr. 60 (Loebbecke coll.) 8 . Same head of Apollo. R£. TEY. Head of the same dynast; 1. Herod, VI, 70; Xenoph., Hellen., III, 1, 6 ; cf. Clinton, Fasti helleniei, t. I, p. 208. 2. Conze, Teuthrania, in the Miltbtilungen of the two. k. arcb. Institutes. Athens. Abtbeil., t. XII (1887), pp. 149 to 160 ; Thraemer, Pergamos, pp. 410 to 412. 3. Numisinatic mixtures, 2° series, pp. 187 et seq. 4. Xenoph., Anab., II, 1, 3. 5. Xenoph., Anab., VII, 8, 17. 6. Xenoph., Hellen., III, 1.6. 7. Sex. Empiric. adv. Math., I, 258 ; cf. Thraemer, Pergamos, p. 215. On Hermeias and the city of Atar- neus, see especially: Bœckh, Kleine Scbriften, t. VI, pp. 202 et seq.; Lolling, in the Mittbeilùngen of the Archéol Institute. German, Athens. Abtbeil., t. IV (1879), pp. 4 et seq. 8. Imhoof-Blumer, Griech. Mutnen, p. 95, ft. VII, 14; Six, Numism. Chrono., 1890, p. 188, no. 1.