Numismatic Miscellanea, Vol. I — 1892

gold coin of Athens in the name of Milhndate was therefore I in 87/6 with the gold bars that the king of Pontus had

Heinch. /.ci itialcgcs nir les iiiod.ioiVi of Athens, p. IB {V.\U. tle

of Greek Studies, ISeS). link, Mithrid. XXVIll. îu“ntimismalique, 1SC3, p. 179; cf. llarctay V.Head, Bril. Museum.

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livi-és-cominc subsidies to Alhcnicns ci who pro^ from his Iresors of Asia, or from the pillage of Deloa. This r exceptional value, struck in times of war, public distress, while the city, blocked could no longer exploit the silver mines of the I far from serving as an arj^umcnt to fight our H 1st of Mithridalc and Arislion is on the contrary the most brilliant mation.

The same circumstances led to the mùmc another country, the issuance of a harmful currency the honor of Mithridalc. In the year 8K before our gold found in the middle of the revolution: the insurgents of the gu also wanted to reach out to Mithrîdate saw an embassy at Pergamo or Ephesus; offensive concluded, and the Samnite envoys left de Pont by taking away subsidies (2), gold and ar thridate were used by itatiole insurgents to beat d unique gold stater, island the collection of Luyncs, re insurrectionary coinage; although Irappé in t to the types of bronze coins of the city of Ponl, and it bears in Oscan characters the name of Mii the probable head of the embassy which had negotiated Here is the description of this curious guy

Head of Dionysus Young and crowned with ivy (

R, Dionysian cistus against which is supported:

decorated with floating strips; on the cist, a

the exergue, the Oscan inscription IH1-Zlh3l-IW (ifinius

fiiiitls). Weight: 8 gr. 50.

The weight tells us that it is an altic slate Pontic gold coins or the Athenian coin. F. studied it at length and, like most recently, he M. Th. Reinach, iii;.;énieuscmcnl closer to

(1 ■ A|>|iieii (Mil/ti-iil. 3'.") says that "laws of In capilulalioii of Allira |iliis to the Acroiiole that JO ]iïi-es U'or H 60 delivered U'argeut. lï; DioJ. feic. XXXVII, IT, II and U.

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Dvée dnns le Pont dool it reflects the coinage; I have not yet had any, according to us, screenable carnctero. Uompois limits himself to saying that this îi living testimony of an act of “adulation and with regard to the king of Pontus >, and that he has no other aim to honor the memory of the embassy which was entrusted to him its full success (1). For our part, we see nnayuge of gold, both in Italy and in Athens,

as a fantasy or a commemorative souvenir: s gold bars sent by Mithridates as his allies, born as supreme leader of the insurrection, striking gold noncoins; this miiitaii-e currency, issued in tances similar to those who read send to Gold victories from Pai'thénon. is required by the of war and by the political crisis and Qnanciôre. Sound It is therefore that the application of a law constantly ns r.-Greek and Roman intertitile, and its character and policy is the same, for example, as that of

struck by T. Quinclius Flamininiis after the con- Macedonia, or that of the aurei that Sylln struck rator h the TV of the troops who were fighting Mithri- Samnite asurges (2d.

("March of the year 8C BC when the capture took place ar Sylln (3): the hopes of the Confederates were ; return; Mithridale after fleeing from Rome to tremble uver soon pressed to his last breath s. The subsidies he had sent to Athens and hardly any other result than to transmit to us ;s which attest to its wealth and the proportions the or- had taken it the general insurrection that he had meter Rome.

s, I^s iiio-iary types of the (t social group, p. ï"-' and Jil. III , Hisl. beyond iito.iii. vimai.K. I. He, |i. 110: It. Weil, in the yiimiiinnti^ , t II, |i. 8H; A., von Solfl. d.-ini the Xeit. f. îi'um- ■h lleinnfili, Trais ronauoien de VAnit-mneiu-e, p. 197. n, Sixteenth Century of the Roman Bfpubliqiit, t. I. \>p. iOTi e< sulv. I. Dus RU.idiiiss der AlUeiier mit Mil'iradates, itmi^ Ie4 Mil K.d. IiiiliCitls su Athen. I. Vl;iRHi;, p. 330.

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Before I stop, I must say a word from a small series of monetitormes monuments, in gold, which I systematically excluded from this study: these are these small stamped films With the help of a punch, in relief on one side, in the hollow of Tautrc, which are called bracteates. Despite the authority of Beulé, M. Moramsen and Fr. Lenormant (1), I cannot consider ancient bracteates as real coins; Lcnor- madt himself tried to answer in advance the doubt that could be expressed on this point, by sharing the bracteates ea two categories, those which would have served as currencies and those which would have simply been sewn like sequins on clothes (2). The Athenian bracteates are of the type of nice and without legend; such is the fragility that with a 15 millim module. approximately, they only weigh 30 centig., 15 centigr. and even less. Now, let us notice that, in the series ancient coins, the smallest divisions are specified- ment the most globular, which is easily understood, being given that currency is intended for daily use, for incessant manipulation: the tenuity of the bracteates is an obs- tackle so that we can view them as real currencies. Their type is not a very serious argument, because it is monuments, such as weights and tesserae, are also marked qués of an imprint similar to those of currencies. Quarter at weight, note that these are halves, quarters, 8- tths of obols, that is to say of monuments of a few hundred years grams, and for such small divisions it is not possible to grant serious scientific value to the weight that we we see today. Furthermore, we have similar bracts are for all countries and all centuries of antiquity: there are is which bears the types of Cyzicus, Sicyone, Pantica- poe, of Tenedos, of Melos, of Alexander or even of the emperors Roman monuments: all these monuments, which are not rare in the collections, and on the edges of which we notice it quite clearly often the holes which were used to attach them to clothing

(1) Beulé, Coins of Athens^ p. 63-64; MommseD, Hist. of the ^nonn, ro- Maine, p. 77, t. L; Fr. Lenormant. Money in Antiquity^ t. I, p. 263. (2) F. Lenormant, op, cit, t. I, p. 38-39.

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luxury, can only be considered as monetized jewelry liform or like fictitious currencies that were placed in the mouth of the dead to pay Charon the toll: they are almost always found in tombs (1).

To conclude in a few words, if you accept the data of this work, we will recognize that Eckhel who refused to ad* put that Athens had ever minted gold coinage, was closer to the truth than Beulé, who supported the opposite theory, and cited with resounding such a large number of examples to support. Only twice in its entire history has Athens minted gold coinage: in 407 and 87 BC. AD In the two cases, this coinage was exceptional, imposed by circumstances political constancy that we know: Athens, no more than any other city in Greece, could not deviate from the doctrine monetary trinity of all antiquity which reserved for kings or to the generals at the head of their armies the privilege of the mon- gold sinking.

{1)J. Friedlaender does not regard braclëates as currencies. Zeit- ichrift fûv NumUmatik, t. (1878), p. 4.

gP(r-VF''ir-V'-^ff-w-<

VICTORY

GOLD COINS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT

Ks golden stalers of Alexander I the Great are known to everyone, k because of their extreme abundance and their elegant style. We meet some by- everything, from jewelers as well that among collectors of nion- ciennes, and it seems that at the point of leological and numismatic, there is no ire of their types, apparently so

_ interpret. On one side, it's the head

of Atbéna, turned to the right and wearing a corin helmet thien decorated with a serpent, a sphinx or a griffin; on the reverse, in addition to the legend AAEEANAPOY or BA21AEÛ2 AAESANAPOy, we see a Victory standing, turned to

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left, who holds with his outstretched right hand a ronne, while, with her left hand, she carries, leaning against his shoulder, a sort of long cross that we looks like the pole or frame of a trophy devoid of weapons, and of which we will, presently, to determine the real name and clarify the meaning symbolic tion. There are hardly any differences except in the letters, monograms or symbols which accompany bother the type on the reverse: these are, as everyone knows, the marks of the workshops, very numerous in the immense empire constituted by the Macedonian conqueror, and who, for a large number, continued the strike of its coins long after his death. (PI, VIL'fig, 2, 3, 4 and 5.).

But it should be noted that the Victory appears for the first time, as a monetary type, in the numis- Greek matics, and we see that the staters of Alexander, identical in weight to those of his father Philippe, differ as to the types of law and reverse. Where did Alexander borrow the types of his gold coin; what are the reasons that inspired it in the adoption of these emblems, and what is their truth? table meaning? Triple question to which we have no not responded satisfactorily and I would like to I'd try to clarify it. To solve this problem, it We must first recall the results to which arrived the late Baron J. de Witte, on one point of archeology which has a direct correlation with our numismatic research: I want to talk about the memoir by M. de Witte on Pan-Atlantic amphorae ^ published in 1877, in the Aimali of the Archaeological Institute ogy of Rome.

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I.

We know that Athens the victors at the festivals of Panalhënées received as a prize for their address, their talent or their strength, crowns of leaves olive tree and terracotta amphorae, full of the oil provided by the olive trees consecrated to the goddess poliade. The paintings of these amphorae which protrude sometimes 65 centimeters in height, consist of a side, of the representation of the competition for which each vase was specially given as a prize, and, on the other side, of a large figure of Athena Promachos between two columns surmounted by various symbols, such as Triptolemus, Victory, sphinxes, panthers, roosters. Mr. de Witte had the ingenious idea of comparing the figure of Athena on Panathenaic amphorae with the types of coins of Athens. He found that, on amphorae from the 5th century, as well as on coins from the same period, the head of the goddess, while being presented in profile, facing the eye. Later, after 43o, that is to say in the time of Pericles and up to Alexander, an essential transformation occurs in the drawing of the eye, which now appears in profile like the face of the goddess: this observation also bears on amphorae and on coins.

Under the archonship of Pythodelos, the first year of the CXI® Olympiad (336 BC), that is to say in the year born even from the advent of Alexander, the archaic style health of the figures of the Panathenaic amphoras is, all suddenly replaced by a style inspired by contemporary art porain. From that moment on, Athena, freer to al- lure and in a less hieratic pose, is turned to

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right, while. in old paintings. she look left; there is not even writing and gold- even includes inscriptions painted next to the goddess who are not rejuvenated and modernized, so speak (i). It's at the same time too, note Mr. de Witte, that the broadcast of the mon- old style naies. The eminent archaeologist should have stop there in his observations; but he thinks he is logical only authorized to propose this same date for the inauguration of the minting of coins again style. This conclusion cannot be accepted. He is perfectly true, we will recognize with Mr. de Witte, that if, in a medal box, we take a look overall on the Athenian suite, where will be struck by the difference in work and appearance of the pieces of the old one and new style. But this radical difference, which seems parallel to that of the amphorae paintings, does not is not in reality: the coins of the new style are much more recent than the paintings to which we compare them. Mr de Witte forgot that after the cessation tion of the issue of coins of the old style, there had a long interruption in self-minting name of Athens. If, in other words, the old style stops in 336, it in no way follows that the mon- coins of the new style began to be minted immediately from this time.

the god placed, without serious reasons, the beginning of pieces of the new style in 323, that is to say after the death of Alexander. Today, it is no longer possible to go back to this date. Mr. Barclay Head (2) coni-

(1) See Max. Collignon, Hist. of Greek ceramics^ pp. 138-140.

(2) B. Head, Attica, Megaris, Aegina, Introd., p. xxxm.

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start the new style in coins, only in 220 BC, and Mr. Théodore Reinacli is brought to place the beginning in 296, when Demetrius Poliorcetes restored Athens to its political rights (r). Whatever whether of these hesitations, it is certain that there is half at least century interval between the cessation of the old style and issue of the first silver coins of Athens, called new style.

If the old style coinage in Athens ends at period so skillfully determined by Mr. de Witte, that is to say at the advent of Alexander, it is easy to

*

give an account of the reasons which suddenly stopped him: the mint of Athens stopped issuing self-coinage nomes to henceforth only mint coins to the types and name of Alexander the Great. Athens undergoes the law that we observe throughout the entire extent of the Macedonian Empire: everywhere, as and when the extension of the conquests of the Macedonian hero, the mon- Autonomous coinage is replaced by royal coinage. It was only when Alexandrian coinage ceased to Athens, that is to say long after the death of the con- requesting, that we take up the old autonomous types of the head of Athena and the owl, giving them quite naturally the new style current in art at the time when this national coinage began again.

Observing that Alexander, at the beginning of his reign, continues to strike, in Macedonia proper, mon- silver coins which have the same type as those of his father Philippe, that is to say the Zens TV, I asked whether, among the new types inaugurated by the

(\) Th. Reinach. the St afègcs on the m nma-'cs of Athens, in the Revue of Greek Studies of 1888.

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young king. there were none that were original Athenian. Is it not in Athens itself that the new pieces, which are of Attic weight, will have first been hit? And to focus our research on a special point, the type of Victory, on the reverse of Alexander's staters, is he not Athenian rather than Macedonian?

On the Panathenaic amphora dated to the archonship of Pythodelos (336 BC), we see, next to the figure of new style of Athena Promachos, a neat collar sur- rise of a winged Victory, dressed in a double tunic without handle, holding an apluster in his right hand, and on the left the symbol that we designate under the name of arma- trophy structure, in the shape of a cross. (PI. VII, fig. i.) (i). This is the first time that Victory appears in paintings. tures of the Panathenaic amphoras^ we have said more high that the staters of Alexander also introduced for the first time in numismatics the type of the Victory; finally, the identity of the goddess attribute on the amphora of J an 336 and on the gold coins of Alexander allows us to suspect that there is an intimate relationship and direct between the type of the new currency and the one which is reproduced on the contemporary vase.

Let's start by searching for nature and the true meaning of the tribute which is commonly called stem or armature.de trophy, following a professional interpretation posed for the first time by Charles Lenormant. “(As for the nature of the object held by Victory, write said this scholar in 1849, ^' ^ existed to this day the most

(1) The drawing is in a very crude style. Mr. de Witte says, wrongly, that the Victoire holds an olive branch in her right hand; it is certainly a aplustre. See the different forms of aplusirc, in A. Cartault, the Athenian Triere, p. 100.

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great uncertainty in the opinion of archaeologists: the some thought they saw a trident here, others said this attribute like a kind of handlebar: the object that carries Victory is nothing other than this finished stick by a kind of cross with two points raised at the ends, on which a panoply was raised, where set of weapons of a defeated enemy, to form a trophy (i)”. This explanation, which consists of recognizing born on the coins of Alexander, Victory ready to raising a trophy, was not accepted by Ludwig MuUer without some reservations inspired to this author by the various varieties under which this singular appears bind attribute. “This trophy stick,” he said, “is sometimes long, resting on the ground, sometimes short, carried on the arm, and the upper part is differently formed. The crossbar is usually placed near the points, sometimes lower, which produces a cross; it generally has a raised point at each end; what- sometimes we see a short cord hanging from these points: on some parts, the ends of the transverse bar dirty are joined by a cord at the tip of the stick: on others, the crossbar is provided with a bangs; finally we find the ends of the bar decorated with Victories. It is probable that the latter are rather look like handlebars or signs. Maybe also that, sometimes, the crossbar being long and placed very obliquely, we wanted to represent a mast with its yard. On some currencies, it seems be the trident*, symbol of the sea, which holds the Vic- tory (2)”.

Ti) Cii. Lknormant. in the Numismatic Treasury. Kings forces, p. 21. ^2) L. MuLi.ER, Numism. d Alexander the Great, pp. 3 and 4.

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These reservations that Muller makes clearly show that this scholar only reluctantly accommodated himself, in a way, from the explanation given by Charles Lenormant; but at instead of persevering in doubt, we rallied everywhere to the opinion of Lenormant, which until today, has not not even been examined. However, it is by observing carefully the varieties of the attribute of Victory, reported by Muller, which I thought we must be looking for dear an explanation other than that which is law. Here is these main varieties, such as L. Muller noted them vees:

%J^

The simple bringing together of these varieties is enough to make doubt that it is really the shaft of a tro- phée. This crosspiece which, very often, is placed obliquely- ment, which, in other times, is decorated with cords, fringes, or topped with small Victories, cannot be simply intended to serve as support for weapons. Furthermore, following his brilliant victories. Alexandre never thought of replacing this frame by a real trophy of Persian weapons (i): posterior- rement to his reign, it is always the same symbol in

(i) Nothing prevented Alexander from giving a trophy as an attribute to the Victory, if that had been his intention. Among the ornaments of the catafalque of Alexander, there was a golden Victory bearing a trophy: vîx^ xf^^* j^'.cuxtcoicfc; (Diod. Sic. XVI H, i5).

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shape of a cross that Ln Victoire carries, and this symbol we find it as an attribute of other divinities, for example example Astarte, on the coins of Sidon. (PI. VII. fig. 7.) The Victory of Samothrace, at the Louvre Museum, also had the same attribute, as proven by the tetra- drachma of Demetrius Poliorcetes which reproduces the tjpe. Why should this Victory not bear a real trophy, if it was erected to commemorate a battle won?

In short, it is in no way, in my opinion, about the pole a trophy, but one of the essential elements dugreenient of a ship, which ancient authors desired gnent under the name of aruXi; or o^'Aicxoç, and which serves goes to support the aplustre. To justify this inter- pretation it is necessary to enter into some details.

We know that the apluster, ornament of the stern of ships, was made of a series of very wooden planks light, mobile at one of their ends, and arranged curled like a rooster's tail. It was a kind of bunch of boards, and ancient coins provide numerous representations, either isolated, either in the hands of various deities, or on the ships themselves. This ornament, carved with more or less elegance, was, at will and depending on the circumstances- tances, raised or lowered; its elements were in turn collected or disjoined. This maneuver was done using of the cT'Ai;, a sort of long cross which supported the elements mobile elements of the apluster, at the same time as it serves will suspend the pavilion at a certain height or the toerùa of the ship. This was the dual role of the stjlis: it was the support of the apluster; and, at its upper cross- laughter, says Mr. Carlault, was suspended “the flame which

is filled with the ship (i)”. This crossing was more or decorated mphis, more or less horizontal or inclined, following the elegance and Tornation of the ship, following the inclination or the appearance that we wanted to give to the plans ches of the apluster.

Among the numerous ancient coins which represent feel ships adorned with aplustre. he's on the- what it is possible to get an exact account of the place, form and role of the stylis. The mon- naies of Phaselîs and Histiaea, for example, are in this cases, and you will find others indicated in the work by Mr. Cartajdt (:?). Here we will only resort, for our demonstration, to a magnificent piece silver from the town of Histicea, in Euboea. We see there (pi. VII, fig. 6) the eponymous nymph Histiée, seated on the vessel and seizing with the right hand the stjlis cnici- shape above which the tail of the apluster. Anyone who wants to take the trouble to understand adorn the stylis held by the nymph Histiaeus, with the attribute of Victory on the coins of Alexander and on the amphora of the year 336, will not be able to hesitate on the name to give to this attribute: it is also the stylis ships.

The stylis symbolizes the ship, like the apluster or the rudder. Is there anything more natural than seeing the Victory of ramj)hore of the year 336 wear the apluster and the stylis, the two emblems of maritime power from Athens? G was in the number of his vessels that lay the strength of Athens, and at the beginning of the reign of Alexander, that is to say when the diet of Coriuthus

(\) A. Cartaui.t, /a Athenian Tvicrc, p. ^p. ('2 ] o/> also above, pp. 20-2 1 .

decided to make war on the Persians, under the regime of the king of Macedonia, Athens had in its port more of 35o warships, that is to say, alone, almost as much as the Great King (i). If it is demonstrated that the stylis is the symbol of domination over the seas, like the ship and the rudder, we understand we easily place this symbol in the hands of Astarte standing on a ship, on the coins of Sidon: here again, as well as on the coins of Alexander, the trophy pole name given to this emblem does not could justify and explain itself (2).

IT

We now only have one important point left to elucidate. For what reasons did Alexander place on his coins of the Athenian type which is figured at the same time time on the Panathenaic amphorae of the year of his advent?

I will first recall the habit that the Greeks had to put on their currencies types relating to games public: it is a fact so well known that it is superfluous to cite numerous examples, and I will limit myself to pointing out the amphora of the Panathenaic games which constantly appears lies on the coins of Athens of the new style; ie

(1) Droysen, Hist.de l’Hellémstne, trans. Bouché-I-eclercq, t. I, p. i63.

(2) On the currency of Sidon of which we give a reproduction (PI. VII, fig. 7) we see Astarte standing on the Sidonian galley decorated with Taplustre; the goddess holds the stylis in one hand and in the other the handle of a symmetrical rudder bolic, independent of the rudder of the ship on which it is located. In the interesting article he recently published on the Victory of Samothrace {Gas^etie des Beaux-Arts, 1st semester 1891), Mr. Salomon Reinach cites a passage from TertuUien in which Christian Tapologist compares the cross to a trophy without weapons. This literary rapprochement, which cannot to inform our explanation, is nevertheless curious to note.

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I will also note the coins of Philippe, the father of Alexan- dre, whose types recall the prizes won by this prince at the olympic games, chariot race or horse. Alexander's relations with the Athenians, from the fall of his reign, allow us to believe that he was the main hero of the Panathenaic festivals in 336. After the terrible punishment inflicted by the young king on the city of Thebes, which had refused to recognize the hege- Macedonian mony, the Athenians, seized with terror, had sent ambassadors to Alexander to excuse their lukewarmness. Contrary to their expectation, Alexander welcomed them warmly and concluded with them a treaty of friendship, giving them an appointment, for the complement of the negotiations, at Gorinthe where the panhel diet thenic was going to meet (i). In this assembly, Alexander was appointed strategist of the Hellenes, with unlimited powers to wage war against the Persians. It was while the feast of Panathenaia was celebrated in Athens. The Athenian people, overcome with great enthusiasm for I young king who had shown himself so magnanimous, decreed for him honors greater than those which had been granted to his father two years previously. A registration tion of this year, in which the orator Lycurgus gives an account of his administration, contains a passage in which it is said that two golden crowns were voted to Alexandre (2).

It is from these circumstances and these extraordinary honors dinaries granted to the king of Macedonia, strategist of the Hel- lènes, that we must bring creation closer to the new coinage of Alexander and, in particular. Alhéna's head

("1 niod. Sic. XVII. 4; C. /. Attic, t II, n" i^k). (2) the KOML«^R, in VHcrmcs, t. \\pp. 224 tt 22O.

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crowned with a Corinthian helmet, and Victory holding a crown and a stylis. At that time, thanks mainly to the wise administration of Lycurgus, Athens was in an era of prosperity that reminded him of the days of his greater power. The savings accumulated in the flourishing years which followed the battle of Ché- ronée finally allowed the Athenians to fulfill towards the goddess Poliade of a debt of honor and pious gratitude that they had contracted from the time of the Peloponnesian War. In 4^7. in fact, as a result of financial distress and the needs of war, the golden Victories which adorned the Parthenon and had previously been dedicated to Athena were melted to be converted into currency. Out of ten that they were, only two escaped the crucible. But we had left the bases in place, as if to bear witness to the removal of the statues and to remind the Athenians that, in accordance with their solemn commitment, they were to replace the Victories of Gold, as soon as their sources would allow them. Once already, at the beginning cement of the 4th century, the opportunity arose to reintroduce stall a Golden Victory, probably made with the property of the Thirty (i). But until the advent of Alexander., there were always seven supports to fill, It was, says M. P. Foucart, the orator Lycurgus who provided the Republic with the necessary resources to

the making of Victories Thanks to him the work was

carried out successfully, and ancient authors cite the completion ment of the Victories in Gold as one of his titles of glory (2). »

(i)p. FoucART, in the Bull of corr, hell, 1888, p. 292. See above, p. 190. (2) P. FoucART, loc. cit.; Pausan., I, 29; cf. Hermes, t. II, p. 24; C. /. Attic, t. II, no. 739.

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In the Panathenaea festivals which took place in 336, the restoration of Victories was an occasion for rejoicing extraordinary performances, and it gave an all-party brilliance particular to public games: the circumstances, in fact, were solemn and moving, since the last memory of the misfortunes of the homeland was erased the year even where it was decreed to undertake the national war nale against the Persians.

This, we cannot doubt, is why a Victory is painted next to Athena on the Panathean amphorae. naïcs of the year 336, date of the end of the administration of Lycurgus. This is also why, on the staters of Alexander whose minting was inaugurated in this year- there, we see the same Victory appearing which bears a hand the stylis, emblem of maritime power of Athens, and on the other, the crown which recalls those which were offered to Alexander, at the same time as her is a guarantee of future military success. At the pan-congress Hellenic of Corinth, we were not content with decree war against the Persians, under the hegemony of Alexander, we had also taken the necessary measures to equip the army and create economic resources niaries. To pay for this army composed of elements arrived from all parts of the Hellenic world, the uni- the strength of the monetary system stood out as a necessity. From there, the creation of Alexander's currency, with its new types, its good quality, its system so simple and so convenient. According to the expression of a histo- nothing, Alexander's gold declared war on the gold of Persians, before the future conqueror had set foot on Asian soil.

So, to summarize this short notice, we have succeeded, if I am not mistaken, in explaining at all points of

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view. the type of the \ictory on the gold coins of Alexander. We have demonstrated that this divinity bind by hand, not, as is generally said. a trophy frame, but the stylis of a ship: it is an Athenian Victory, and its attribute is Tun emblems of power on the seas. This guy monetary was inaugurated on the occasion of honors without precedents awarded to Alexander at the Panathenaea of Tan 336. and he recalls that in that year we completed to re-establish, in the temple of Athena Parthenos, yic- gold loires, in place of those which had been melted seventy years ago.

KXTIUIT DKS XriOIRKfl VHfeMPITKS AD INThRlATIOnAL CONGRESS OF IflSII.S!V4TIQCR.

Brussels. J. Goemaerb, imp. of the King, ru« of the Limit, SI.

A R A D U

PI. VIII, IX and X.

The island of Aradus (TIN, Ar\>ad^ today Ruad), is mentioned in Genesis (X, 18) which gives the Arvadites as sons of Canaan. Strabo says that Aradus was founded by fugitives from Sidon, inform- mation which could well allude to the taking of the island by the Sidonians around the year 751 BCE*. Whatever about these distant origins, which do not do not appear to have left any traces in the types currency of Aradus, this city quickly became the center of trade in northern Phoenicia; too much cramped on their rock, which is less than two kilometers long in turn*, the Arvadites founded numerous states settlements on the coast of Phoenicia; we had the opportunity, some time ago, to recall here the names of the girls (TArifad^ and to say that one of them, Marathus, was, in a way, only a suburb of Aradus separated from the city by a wide canal'.

Like the rest of Phoenicia, Aradus had to endure

1. Hovers, Die Phœnizter, t. II, !'• part, pp. 368 to 370; cf. Maspcro, Hiat. des ancs, peoples of the East (4* ed.), p. 474.

2. Raad has the shape of an oval about 800 inches long by 500 mctref wide. E. Renan, Mission of Phoenicia, p. 22.

3. Marathus j in the Numismatic Review, 4* trim., 1888, p. 497; cf. E. Renan, Phenicia Mission, p. 22; G. Pcrrot and Ch. Chipiez, Ilist. of art in the anti- quitéf t. III, pp. 18 et seq. See above, p. 86.

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in turn, depending on political events, the yoke of the Pharaohs and the Assyrians. So she had already kings, and several of them are listed in the accounts given by the Ninevite monarchs of their conquests in Phoenicia. The last one to be mentioned in these inscriptions, Yakinlu, was deposited by Assur- banipal around the year 666 BCE*.

Under the domination of the Achaemenid Persians, Aradus continued to have hereditary dynasts, and these began to mint money; they were, like those of Tyre, Sidon, Gebal, tri- butaries of the great King, and held their fleet at its service. Unfortunately, the authors did not preserved only a few of their names. We let us see, in Herodotus, that the fleet of Xerxes included were a certain number of ships commanded by the king of Aradus, Merbal, son of Agbal. We don't know let us not be born the immediate successors of Merbal. However, at that time, Aradus was the third city of Phoenicia, and it was almost equal in importance tance Tyr herself. This is, in fact, what we must conclude from the testimony of the ancients: they inform us form the supreme command of the fleet Phoenician rule was vested in a Persian admiral whose lieutenant was the king of Sidon, and the latter had under his orders the kings of Tire and Aradus put on the same rank*. The Aradians appear to have remained faithful to the king of Persia, when the king of Salamis,

1. Haspero, op, eU.fp, 475.

2. Herod., VII, 98; VHI, 67; Diod. Sic, XIV, 79; cf. Six, in the Numûm, ckron., 1877 (N. S. t. XVII), pp. 177 and 178.

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Evagoras P^ opera in 388 or 387, a descent on the coast of Phoenicia, where he managed to maintain his position for for some time ^ But, later, driven by the other Phoenician cities, Aradus searched, like them, to shake off the yoke of the King of kings. When, in 351, the delegates from the cities of Phoenicia, gathered in federal council in Tripolis, entrusted to Tennes, king of Sidon, the perilous honor of com- command the rebel army and repel the efforts of the satraps Bélésys and Mazaios, the Aradians promised relief; they appear, however, having only weakly supported the rebels or having quickly made honorable amends to King Artaxei*xes III Ochus. Indeed, while in 350 Sidon was burned and almost destroyed, and King Tennes beheaded, we do not do not see that the vengeful arm of the Persians has noticed santi on Aradus. The establishments of the prudent Aradians even took advantage of the temporary weakening from a sister city, but rival and jealous*.

When Alexander undertook the conquest of the East, the Persian-Phoenician fleet, under the orders of Admiral Autophradate, left to operate in the Greek waters of Asia Minor. She understood, among others, the ships of Tire commanded by the king Azemilcos or Azelmilcos, those of Gebal by the king Enylos, those of Aradus by Gerostratos, king of the island and towns on the adjacent coast*. Walking Alexander's rapid journey through Asia Minor, and

1. Diode. Sic, XV, 2.

2. Diode. Sic, XVI, 41 et seq.

3. Arrian, Exped. Alex.^ He, 13,

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all his victory at Issus, in 333, disconcerted and demoralized the Persian fleet, at the same time that they predisposed the Phoenician cities to defect and welcome the Macedonian conqueror donian. Leaving Aradus with his contingent of ships, King Gerostratos had left V interim of government to his son Straton. Alexander, upstart on the banks of the Orontes, was preparing to invade the Phenicia, when he saw the young man coming to meet him Straton, who offered him the kingdom of his absent father, with a golden crownV The other Phoenician cities These cities, with the exception of Tyret of Gaza, welcomed also the winner. Alexander was busy at the siege of Tire in 332, when kings Gerostratos of Aradus and Enylos of Gebal. separating from the Auto-fleet phradate, came in turn to offer their own submission and cooperation at the headquarters of the old city Phoenician V It was at the price of this shameful defection that they retained their throne.

The first coins that the kings of Aradus struck under Persian domination appear go back, like those of the kings of Sidon, of Gebal and Tyre, around the year 490, perhaps until the advent ment of Artaxerxes II Mnemon in 405. Against coins of Gebal and Sidon, but in imitation from those of Tyre, the coins of Aradus do not bear

1 Arricn, Exped. Alex.^ II. 13.

2. Arrien, Exped, Alex., II, 13. Quinte Curce (IV, 1, 15) wrongly says that Strato was king of Aradus; he was only the son of King Gerostratos. It is not necessary not, moreover, confuse this Straton with the king of Sidon, Straton II, who was dethroned by Alexander after thirteen years of reign. Mr. Droysen appears to be fell into this error, wanting to rectify Quinte Curce (Droysen, Hisi, of rhelleniame, t. I, p. 278).

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not the names of the kings who issued them, and it would be im- possible to distribute them by reigns, even though we would know the successors of Merbal, that is to say say the predecessors of Gerostratos. It is therefore necessary to just group them chronologically, according to types, style and dates. This ranking has already was undertaken summarily by various scholars, notably by M. Six, in One of his Belles studies on Phoenician coins*. But he told me seemed that this work was incomplete and called for carried out a general overhaul; I undertook it, in taking as a basis the series of coins of the Cabinet of France which is particularly rich in this series.

The coins of Aradus raise, in the first place, a question of attribution, because if the names of the kings are not registered there, we do not find the name of Aradus there itself only in an abbreviated, enigmatic form, and whose interpretation can be controversial.

On the majority of pieces from the period Persian, which we attribute to Aradus, we do not read for any legend other than the two Phoenician letters ^y (NQ). What does this short inscription mean we have already alluded to in our study on Marathus'?

Let us first notice that these letters are found not only during the entire time of the domination Achaemenid tion, but still on a tetradrachm of Alexander struck after the arrival in Phoenicia of

1. In the Nftmtsmatic chronicle, 1877.

2. See Heuue numiamaiitjue, 1888, p. 502 to 505. See above, p. 91.

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Macedonian conqueror, and finally on a small silver coin surely after death of Alexander. It is therefore obvious that it cannot be question as to an inscription relating to the workshop monetary link. It could not be a royal name, since it reproduces for two centuries, nor one name of divinity, because it accompanies types varied, nor an indication of value, because it is found on parts of all modules. Nothing, on the other hand, only authorizes the support of currencies with the legend ^CDs belong to different cities. This is uncon- testably the mark of a unique workshop. Mr. Six understood it very well, and he admitted, but without demonstrating it*, that it is Aradus; I believe that this demonstration can be made of a direct and positive manner.

There is no doubt, as has since been recognized long, that, on the coins of Alexander, the at- link of Aradus is, in general, represented by a mono- Greek gram composed of the letters AP; however, we find- let us have this monogram, accompanied by the letters phe- niciennes ^k'y» on a gold stater of which we have already had the opportunity to speak", and which is reproduced on our plate IX, fig. 1.

1. Cf. Imlioof-Blamer, Greek Coins^ p. 449, n*' 63 & 56 (uncertain of Phoenicic).

2. In dealing with the coins of Marathus (above, pp. 91 to 94). This stater is in the collection of Lu jnes; there is another copy of the same corner, I believe, at the British Museum. We will recall here that the letters Phoenician ^"Q were substituted, on the monetary coin, on a date that the other engraver only succeeded in erasing part. Deceived by these traces of date, Mullcr and Six thought they read j^nV? while there is simply f^Q, as well as we have peremptorily demonstrated it.

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The same board is also reproduced (fig. 5) a piece from the Luynes collection, which has, at reverse, with the letters ND, a ship's bow rounded, identical to that which appears on other small pieces with the AP monogram, and whose attribution tion in Aradus is indisputable. It emerges from these observations, that the unique workshop from which came all the coins with the NQ legend are indeed Aradus. This conclusion will be further corroborated by the meaning that we are going to propose to give to these two mysterious letters.

There have been many conjectures on this subject. He is not hardly possible to think of a Phoenician name com* beginning with such initials, despite the example of kings of Sidon, whose names, on their coins, are are abbreviated by the first two letters. In indeed, the letter N being a quiescent^ would not be true- similarly expressed in writing as in case of a word beginning with Mea... It's completely wrongly that we wanted to see in ND the initials of Marathus, whose name is written in Phoenician niQ, that is to say without N. The only interpretation which deserves to be discussed is the one that M Clermont- Ganneau proposed with great reservation in his study on the first inscription of Oumm el 'Awamid*, but that MM. Six and Barclay Head' have accepted without hesitation. These scholars would like to recognize born in ND the initials of the two words T^N ^Sd, rex Aradi. To support this hypothesis, Mr. Six

1. Ch. Clermont-Gannean, Study of oriental archeology ^ l'^^livr., p. 60.

2. B. Head, Uiêt. numerum, p. 666.

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is based on two arguments. He first invokes place the golden stater of Alexander (pi. IX, fig. 1), which would carry, according to him, K Dy {populus Aradi): in treatment so many of the Marathus coins we have demonstrated that this reading, already given by Millier, is erroneous and that the so-called letter 27 is only the product of a plunging*. Secondly, Mr. Six relies on the analysis logy of the coins of Tyre, on which there would be QN, instead of ND, and after interpreting QN as DD;Q 1^^C, Adon Melakim^ has the lord of kings, » he assumes that the letters ^CD on Aradian coins cannot mean anything other than Tl^N *]Sd, melek Arvad “king of Aradus”. However, the legend tID^C does not actually exist on any of the coins of Tyre; we can of course find rare silver staters of this city, in the type of the owl, the letters 54 and D*. But these letters have no relation to each other, and we cannot bring them together to form the elements of the same legend: their arrangement remains perspective will be enough to demonstrate this. The letter Q is located above the scourge of the owl, sometimes alone, sometimes early accompanied by a date; the letter ^C is isolated below the flail, and it is very often replaced by another letter which varies. We note, among others, the following varieties:

\ \"^ \' \.ato.

1. L. Mullcr, Numism. of Alexander, no. 1367; Six, in \eNumUm, chronicle,

N.s. t. XVII, p. 183-184; cf. Reuue num., 1888, pp. 503 to 505 and above, p. 93.

9. There is one in Mr. Imhoof-Blumer’s collection; it weighs 8.85 gr.

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In the presence of these varieties and this arrangement letters, I leave to the reader who would like to follow in these tiny details the care of con- to conclude whether Mr. Six was right to bring the letters together N and D and make it QsSd pN I Whatever the meaning that Ion gives one day to the variable letters that we read in the field of Tyrian staters, we can, suddenly sure, affirm that it will not be the one.

Therefore, none of the arguments that could be invoked quer to explain ^CD by Melek Arvad does not sub- sist. I will add that this abstract formula has king of Arvad", without a proper name, would be foreign to uses of all antiquity. Most often, kings inscribe their name alone, or their name accompanied pageantry of the royal title, for example, AAEïANAPOY or BAZIAEnZ AAEZANAPOY, without following it with a ethnic; sometimes the king's name is followed by the ethnic as in Azbaal^ melek Gebal; but we never find the abstract formula ro/âfe Gebal or king of Macedonia or any other, without the name of the prince. This usage was also maintained at the time Roman, as well as in the Middle Ages and in times modern: the personality of the king is always specific based on currencies. Faced with such an observation tion, we can say that the formula Melek An^ad “king of Aradus", would be completely abnormal, and that this interpretation of the letters KD is implausible.

We must look less far for the solution of the pro- problem: I would suggest simply seeing in the letters ND, the name of Aradus, T^N, preceded by a D indicating the place of origin and corresponding to the pre-

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Latin position e.g. All orientalists know that this is the usual meaning of the D prefix in Hebrew, and therefore in Phoenician. Grammatically, mwa, ex Aradoy therefore does not suffer any difficulty; the whole question is to prove that this formula can be found on currencies. In Phoenicia, instead of D, we ordinarily find an S prefix; for example, in Tyre, there are coins which bear "lïS; in Sidon, we find tUaiïS. In Cyprus, we have the S prefix in front of royal names, for example example, ^SoSiJsS. The D prefix therefore appears to have no not generally used in monetary formulas from the coast of Phoenicia; it is the S that we meet at almost everywhere. We would therefore hesitate to recognize born a D prefix on the coins of Aradus if we could only invoke grammatical convenience. hold. But we open the D prefix itself em- deployed, on many occasions, in the Phoenician colonies ciennes or Punics of Sicily, Spain or Africa. The coins of Gadès frequently bear the formula mJinS^JSD; Sexi's medals, V^3U^S273D, those of Lixus in Mauritania have: WdS Sjyaa; those of Tingis: W3>n S:73Q; those of Panorme carry: y^sSySD. These testimonial examples grate on the ease with which prefixes indicating membership or origin, D and b, for will, according to local customs, be used one for the other.

We therefore believe we are fully authorized to interpret ^

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of all the currencies which bear these two letters. The parts on which are simultaneously the letters ND and the Greek monogram AP can be compared to the bilingual coins of Tire and of Sidon, on which we read both: TYPIAN and

nïS, iiAfiNinN and D^a-nrS.

These general preliminaries having been established, we pass- sounds to the classification and explanation of the different monetary groups.

First period (400-351 BC).

1. Ichthyomorphic Dagon, right, bearded, hair want to be braided, holding a dolphin in each hand by the tail; the lower body, starting from the kidneys, has the shape of a long sinuous fish tail, covered with scales, equipped with fins, and bifurcated at its extremity, like that of the scorpion. In the field, the letters ^h) (ND, ex Araclo). Around the edge, a sort of cordiform crown.

Cf. Phoenician galley, without sails, going to the right; below a winged seahorse, with the head of a griffin, galloping pant to the right. Around the edge, trace of a hollow square bordered with a row of pearls.

.”. 16 mill. Drachma, 3gr. 30*.— PI. VIII, fig.let2.

2. Same description. A. 10 mill. Hemi-drachma, Igr. 65. — PI. VIII, fig. 3.

3. Dagon seen half-length, right, bearded, hair want to be braided, holding a fish in each hand

the tail; in the field, the letters j^tf (NQ).

1. See Brandis, pp. 512 and 574.

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ly. Prow of galley, right; underneath, a dolphin, also on the right. Around, a hollow square limited by a gritted.

Jf{. 8 mill. Obol, gr. 70. — PI. VIII, fig. 4.

The figure of Dagon is particularly interesting health to be analyzed in detail. The hair of god are braided and fall in cords abounding dantes on his shoulders. His beard is curly, trimmed in point. On well-preserved examples we see, on the belly of the god, a circle or disc which appears to bare one's insides: this particularity recalls a type of the coins of Mallus in Gilicia, representing like a god who holds a record in both hands his stomach*.

The Phoenician god Dagon, whose form is reminiscent close to that of the sea monster of currencies of Itanus, generally referred to as Glaucos, was particularly worshiped in Gaza and Azot among the Philistines: it is from there, undoubtedly, that his cult spread as far as Phoenicia north. According to generally accepted etymology, its name sigmiiRit fish (51, ]1J1)', and the Bible tells us depicts him as a sea god who had a bust human ending in a fish body.

As for the seahorse on the reverse, which swims on the waves, he was obviously also a sea god of Phenicia, whose name escapes us. We find him

1. Imhoof-Blumer, Mallos^ in V Directory of the Numismatic Society^ 1883, pi. V, fig. 14 to 19.

2. There is another etymology which was already current in antiquity; she does come Da^^on of TU, wheat; we attributed, as a result, the notion of the plow and the cultivation of wheat & Dagon identified with Zeus Ârotrios.

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on the coins of the kings of Gebal and contemporary Tire Poraines, and it is undoubtedly by the Phoenician colonies women of the West that he came to take his place in the symbolism of Sicily and Italy merit- dional, but with a real horse's head, and no longer with a griffin's head like here.

Mr. Six* places the pieces at Dagon's guy a little later, that is to say after the currencies of our second period and immediately before the Alexander's quest. The arguments that one could argue in favor of ranking Mr. Six can also be used to our advantage. There is fur-lined pieces, of a very neglected style, which indicate that this coinage continued for a long time time; seahorse griffin head looks like sometimes with a horse's head. But these copies of bad quality or even copper, could have been struck in a moment of financial crisis, for example during the wars of Evagoras P', which ended in 386: there are also coins stuffed with this king of Salamis. We could also think of the revolt of the year 351, unless we consider these coins as imitation coins posted- later, without their existence being able to influence the classification of coins of good style and good quality.

We will presently say the reasons which motivate us rise to put secondly the parts to the type of Melqart. Let us only note here that the comparison sound of the reverse of the Aradian coins to the type of

1. In Xumism. chronicle, 1877, p. 186; cf. B. Head, Uist, nnnto/'umf p. 666.

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Dagon, with the oldest coins of the kings by Gebal, fully justifies our ranking. A Gebal, we find, in fact, between the years 400 and 350, coins which have a hassle on the reverse Phoenician with a seahorse, and their style does not does not allow us to descend to a lower era the Aradian pieces which have an analogous type. This coinage therefore seems to end at Aradus, in 350, during the suppression of the Phenicia revolt against Artaxerxes III Ochus. As we have said, Aradus was among the cities which, in 351, favored the insurrection of the king of Sidon Tennes; after recounting the ruin of Sidon and the punishment of Tennes in 350, Diodorus of Sicily adds (XVI, 45): “All the other cities of Phoenicia, afraid by this terrible example, submitted to the Persians, We must therefore understand Aradus among the cities that then bowed under the yoke of the great king.

The parts that we have just described relate to stain a series of small coins that can be qualify as microscopic, because they are the most smallest that monetary money has ever produced. These pieces are anepigraphs, and it does not appear that we must attribute them to a country other than Phoenicia, although we find coins almost as small in Lesbos. The Duke of Luynes, who had the most remarkable collection, had received them from Syria; they came, moreover, probably from a unique find. The other pieces of the Cabinet of Medals, acquired some forty years ago, also came from Syria; Mr. Doctor Bouvier,

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professor at the French Faculty of Medicine Beirut has a fairly large number of examples. please who, all, to this . that he tells me, were collected in the sands of the island of Ruad; finally Mr. Feuardentena also has some that he holds of F. de Saulcy, who had collected them in the region Aradian. I add that these currencies can be left classify fairly well by their types and style at middle of the coins of Aradus. The first, more larger than the others (pi. VllI, fig. 5), has, to the right, a archaic style head, with pointed beard, which remains seems to be the head of Dagon on the oldest of parts that we described earlier. The reverse is a ship's bow similar to that of coins of Aradus classified in our second period.

Here, moreover, is the description of these small currencies and the groups that their varieties form.

4. Archaic style head, with pointed beard, the damaged hair, right.

9". Bow of ship on the right (it could, at first at first glance, be taken for the head of a lion or bull water). Hollow square bordered with a line of pearls.

A. 7 mill. gr. 37. — PL VIII, fig. 5.

5. Archaic style head, bearded, right (style different from the previous piece), the hair in parallel and perpendicular streaks.

Cf. Ship's bow on the right; underneath, a dolphin. JR. 5 mill. gr. 135. — PL VIII, fig. 6, 7 and 8.

6. Head approximately similar.

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1^. Kind of scorpion.

A. 4 mill. gr. 05. —Pi. VIII, fig. 9.

7. Head approximately similar.

]^. Kind of fish between two branches or flowers rons.

yR. 6 mill. gr. 05. — PI. VIII, fig. 10.

8. Head to the right, almost similar.

Cf. Same head as on the right, in a hollow square. J.K. 4 mill. gr. 05. — PI. VIII, fig. II.

9. Head of a patek or bearded Cabire, front view. ly. Dolphin in a square of points.

.R. 4 mill. gr. 06. — PI. VIII, fig. 12.

This monstrous pygmy head may be the representation of one of the Phoenician Cabiri; she recalls both the god Bes of the Egyptians and the type coins from the Balearic Islands. The same figure seen on silver coins that are today attributed today in Gaza, and among whom there are some who are almost as small as the ones we just describe *.

Second period (350 to 332).

The constant type of currencies of this period is this:

Bearded head of Melqart, on the right, surrounded by a laurel wreath.

1. Duke of Laynes, Choice of Greek Medaitlea, pi. xil, fig. 3; Srblcdcbous, in the Munzsiudien of Grotc, t. II (1862), pi. 31; Six, in NumisiM, ehronicfe, 1877, p. 228.

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ÇT. Galley whose bow is decorated with a figure of patèque, and sailing on the waves represented by wavy parallel streaks; above, the letters j^hj. Around the edge, traces of a hollow square bordered by a bead line; sometimes the field is limited by a very deep circular furrow.

The name Melqart assigned to the head of the deity which appears in this group, is justified by the comparison his type, with a fierce appearance, with features that muscle strength, with the statues of Hera- Phoenician keys found in Cypre*. As for the figure of patek which adorns the bow of the galley, it is of too small to be able to appreciate if it has anything to do with monetary types which we talked about earlier. Reminds us- Let us only here the passage where Herodotus points out the singular ornament of Phoenician ships; in recounting that Cambyses, in Memphis, mocked the hideous figure of the god Phtah, he provides this detail:

With the type of the Phoenician Melqart we have sta- ters which weigh 10 gr. 60; drachmas of 3 gr. 25; obols of gr. 88*. Many varieties are formed by the letters or numbers that we read, reverse of the staters alone, above the galley. We notes the following groups:

2. 6. Perrot and Gh. Chipiez, tiiat of VaH in rantîquUé, t. UI. p. 569 and

FOLLOWS.

1. Brandis, op, cil., p. 514-515.

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1. The letters ND, alone; sometimes if they don't do not appear, it is because the monetary wedge has not qué that part of its imprint on the metal blank- lique. (PI. VIII, figs. 13, 14, 15 and 16.)

2. The letters KD, followed by a variable letter. (PI. VIII, fig. 17.)

3. The letters ND, followed by a date. (PI. VIII, fig. 18 and 19.)

In each of these three groups, there are examples pleasers who are of a very pronounced archaic style, giving Melqart an Assyrian appearance, with the eye almost from the front, the beard braided into cords and curly on the cheeks; others are of a beautiful style more modern shot, with an eye in profile, as if this coinage continued very late, even after Alexander. All these pieces are of a coarse appearance- sier, with irregular and very thick flan. This thickness fact that there may not be a single example please where the engraving of the monetary coin is reproduced taken in its entirety, so that it is necessary to bring several pieces to reconstruct the types as a whole. Finally, a good number of examples please are stuffed or made of bad metal. The most of the preceding remarks, and that we have already made for the previous period, except in regarding the thickness of the blank, can also ment apply to the coinage of Tyre, to the type of the owl carrying the Egyptian flail.

These are certain indications of the extension late coinage that Tire and Âradus inaugurated

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lived under Achaemenid domination. In what especially concerns Aradus, we see in these characters an argument for considering currencies to the Melqart type as later than the pieces to the type of Dagon. Furthermore, we have said everything to the time that the currencies at the head of Melqart com- bear many varieties, formed of letters and dates that we will specifically examine. These multiple indications are missing on the parts to the type of Dagon; gold, in the coinage of Tire and of Sidon, as in all numismatic series ticks in general, currency groups with dates and variable letters are chronologically posted- laughing at groups lacking these epi-notations graphics, which are a sure sign of progress in coinage.

We found that the stater of the second period weighs 10 gr. 60. There is an exception only for a piece from the Luynes collection which appears to have somewhat baffled Brandis and Mr. Six. It's a stater with the same types and same external appearance than the others, and which weighs 16 gr. 60 instead of 10 gr. 60. (PI. VIII, fig. 13.) Brandis places this piece at the end of the whole series and he thinks she was hit- sword immediately before the coins of Alexander: hence its Attic weight. Mr. Six^ believes, on the contrary, due to the ancient style of the head of Heracles, which this piece should be classified not at the end, but in head of the series of coins of Aradus, that is to say that it dates not from 330, but from around 450, and

1. Six in Numism. Chronicle^ 1877, p. 186, note.

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its Attic weight could be explained by the proximity of the influence of the Athenians who dominated Cyprus in this time. If we had to choose between these two options nions, I would prefer that of Brandis to that of Mr. Six. which is completely improbable, because a isolated currency minted at Aradus in the system attic could not be explained in any way, while we would understand more easily that, at the moment when Alexander introduced the Attic system into everything the Orient, some pieces of old types have been hit with the new weights. But I believe he It is better to make a clean slate of these stupid conjectures. traditional. After having carefully examined the stater in question, I am led to conclude that the excess of weight that we see is only due to a burr accidental of the monetary blank. The room has the same aspect than all the others; its flan, if you do abstraction of the burr of the metal, is neither wider nor thicker; its style is identical to that of coins of the same series which have the front eye. In short, I cannot attach to this isolated piece, and uni- remarkable for its unusual weight, the im- the lift given to it by Mr. Six for classification general coinage of Aradus under the domination of the Achaemenid Persians *.

Coins on which the traditional inscription- nelle ND is followed by letters providing us with the following varieties.

1. This stater of 16 g^. 60 is the one that the Duke of Luynes had engraved in his Choice of Greek medals ^ pi. xii, 4; if Brandis doesn't believe that he only the letter 2)| on the reverse, it is because the letter Q was found, when struck, outside of the monetary blank. See our ft. view, fig. 3.

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nM3

î WD D KD 37 ND (PI. VIII, fig. 17).

What do these letters mean? Are these brands of successive issues or the initials of the names of magistrates? In any case, we will say, with Mr. Six, that there can be no question of seven kings, because all the pieces appear contemporary and could be spread over a series of seven reigns successive. These may be initials of names of eponymous suffets.

On the group of the same staters where the letters are replaced by numbers, we noted the following dates:

- Ka(=iO)

III A wa (= 13)

Millet A ND or flax - ND (= 14) (PI. VIII, fig. 18).

Il III A «a (= 15) (PI. Vin, fig. 19).

I III III A M3 (= 17)

I notice that the tens sign affects two different forms: — and A. The currencies on the- which it has the shape A are of a more recent style than the others, so that we are tempted to believe in two series of dates, as would be, for example, the dates of two successive reigns. However we can- would also be assumed, and we will preferably adopt

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this opinion, that recent style currencies are imitation coins, minted at a time after from the time when the pieces take us back old style.

It is surprising that, until now at least, we have not not encountered any coin bearing an earlier date in year 10; nor do we know of any that are pos- interior with garlic 17. Are these years 10 to 17 years of reign? If we assume that the year 17 coincides cide with the year 333 BC, date of the end of Persian domination at Aradus, the year 10 corresponds to would be in the year 340, and year 1 would take us back to the year 350 BCE, date of the repression of the insurrection of Tennès. On the coins of kings of Sidon, we find dates which are the years of reign of each of these princes *; if it were even in Aradus one could consider the seventeen years represented by currencies, such as dates of the reign of Gerostratos who would have mounted on the Aradian throne during the reestablishment of authority of Artaxerxes III Ochus on Phenicia, The mon- naies that simply have ND, or ND followed by a variable letter, could, in this hypothesis, be minted before the dates appear, i.e. before the year 340 which would be the tenth year of the reign of Gerostratos.

This is the hypothesis that seems most true to us- similar: Gerostratos would have reigned in Aradus since the year 350 until after the conquest of Phoenicia, by Alexander, in 332.

1. See E. Babelon, The coins of the kings of Sidon, in the Bulletin of Corresponds, Hellenic, 1891, p. 293 et ​​seq. See below, p. 283.

— 241 -

It is to this second period that we connect let's make the following small bronze:

Ichthyomorphic dagon on the left, holding the left hand with an oar resting on his shoulder. Gre- netis around the edge.

^\ Phoenician galley sailing on the waves; at above, the letters VD. Granite around the edge.

I 14 mill. PI. VIII, fig. 20.

This bronze is an imitation coin of the two previous groups. Dagon's type ichthyomorphic recalls the pieces grouped in our first period, although it is figured differently rement. As for the reverse, it seems struck with the same corner as the small silver coins of the second period.

///• period (332 to 237 BC)

Immediately after the Macedonian conquest, in 332, the workshop of Aradus, like the other workshops from the coast of Phoenicia, stopped minting coins with the types and weight used under the domination of the Achaemenids. He issued tetradrachms and drachmas in the Attic system, in the name of Alexander and to the types universally adopted in all the extent of the empire.

It is in this period that we must place the mon- following lines:

1. Stater of gold to the types of Alexander, with the legend ND. (PL' IX, fig. 1.)

— 242 —

2. Tetradrachm to the types of Alexander, with the legend ND. (PL IX, fig. 2.)

3. Tetradrachms to the types of Alexander, on the- which the Aradus workshop is represented by a mono- Greek gram composed of the letters AP, accompanied sometimes a caduceus or a palm tree. These currencies are without date*. According to Mr. Six, their show would extend until 260 BC; according to us, on the contrary, these undated coins are placed between 332 and 298 at the latest, a time when the following parts:

4. Tetradrachms with Alexander types, dated; they all fit, by their style, into the V® class of Müller. Here, a delicate question arises: it is to know to which era the dates that we refer reads on these parts.

These tetradrachms bear dates which go from year 15 to Tan 76*. According to Mr. Six, this are Aradian dates, and like Tere of Aradus begins in the fall of 259 BC, the dates that we have just noted on the tetra- Alexandrian drachmas would correspond to the period between 245 and 184 BCE. According to my own research, on the contrary, the currencies in question would be dated following the era of the Seleu- cides which begins on October 1, 312; they relate would therefore relate to the period included between 298 and 237 BC. There is therefore, as we see

1. Muller, Numitm. of Alexander, n** 1360 to 1380.

2. B. Hcad. Hello. numerum, p. 666.

— 243 —

sees, between Mr. Six's system and the one we we propose to justify a gap of 53 years.

The only reason Mr. Six gives for supporting his system, both in what he published and in the private correspondence that we exchanged at this subject is the style of coins. Well I confess that this argument hardly seems conclusive to me in the species, where it is only a difference of half a century. In truth, tetradrachms to types Alexandrians, dated and struck in Acé before year 237, are of a better style, a thicker flan and less flat than the pieces of Aradus which I believe to be contemporary rains. But this difference is attributable to genius particular of the engravers of the corners, at the geo-distance graphic which separates the workshops, with influences opposed to which they suffered, rather than to a distant chronological period of fifty years. Mon- born to the Alexandrian types, which bear the name of Seleucus P' Nicator (f in 281 BC), have the same wide and thin blank, and the same style as the pieces of Aradus which I believe to be contemporary; and specified- ment, we will soon see that Aradus never ceased to be under the influence of the kings of Syria: we will give even a coin (pi. IX, 4) struck in this city by Seleucus. On the contrary, Acé, like most from the other towns on the coast of Phoenicia, was always days under the domination or direct action of Ptolemies of Egypt. These political circumstances are reflected in the divergences in the style of currencies.

Considering the question from another aspect, I

— 244 —

will say that if you take the products of the same monetary workshop, and if we compare them with each other, at style point of view, it will often be impossible to distinguish those who are separate from each other than by a period of half a century. In Aradus even, dated autonomous currencies are distributed weave with the same types over a period of 90 years (below, p. 263); there is not a difference very noticeable style between the pieces which are not distant from each other only fifty years. With special regard to tetra- dated drachmas, with Alexandrian types, from late link of Aradus, the Cabinet of Medals does not have any only three copies which respectively have the following dates:

I III Iil/Vt^' (year 27) |||/V/vf«' (year 43)

lE (year 65) PI. IX, fig. 3.

However, the piece which bears the year 43 is of a sensitive style. clearly more barbaric than that of the year 65. There is what, I think, justifies my skepticism towards of Mr. Six's thesis.

But we can provide direct evidence that supports blessed that Aradus used the so-called Seleu era cides, before the Aradian era had been invented and enforcement.

In dealing with Marathus coins, we have reported a tetradrachm of Alexander struck in this city, with the Phoenician date — A'ji*^ (= year 30) *.

1. Numismatic Review, 1888, p. 505. Above, p. 9i.

— 245 —

Anyone who wants to take the trouble to bring together this piece of those from Aradus which bear dates neighbors of Tan 30, the one for example that we have just reported with Fan 27, will have to conclude that these coins are rigorously contemporary, because one would believe, in truth, that the corners were graven ved by the same worker, so that it thereby becomes positive that at the time they were issued, Aradus and Marathus, its colony, used the same era. However, we believe we have demonstrated that all Marathus coins are dated after the era of Seleucids; we will not return to this point, acquired for us. As a result, currencies of contemporary Aradus are also dated following before the Seleucidian era.

This argument seems to me, in itself, to put an end to the debate. But other considerations, failing that, would have led to the same conclusion. Thus, by example, we see that, in the monetary sequence of kings of Syria, the Alexandrian types definitively cease- ment with Antiochus I Soter (f in 261 BC): to Acé, these same types stop in the year 46 of Seleucids (267 BC). By calculating the dates of Aradian coins, from the Seleucid era, their emission ceased in 297 BC. AD, that is to say a quarter century after the disappearance of this coinage in Syria and Phoenicia, at least for the parts dated. In the hypothesis of Mr. Six, it would be necessary to pro- lengthen until 184, that is to say make it last four- twenty years longer in Aradus than in the whole Syria and Phoenicia: this is hardly rational.

— 246 —

If these coins of Aradus, with Alexandrian types, were dated after the Aradian Tera, it would be necessary admit that this city has only begun to date its coins only in 244 BCE, while Acé dates his from the year 307 BC. On the mon- nays of Tyre, the Seleucid era appears from the year 2 (310 BC). The use of dating coins dates back, we saw it, until the Persian era, at Aradus as well as in Tire and Sidon. It is unlikely that ble that this usage has fallen into disuse in Aradus for almost a century, when we see him perpetuate without interruption, with different computs, in other Phoenician cities.

In Acé, the Alexandrian type currencies end in the year 46 of the Seleucid era; it is precisely in the year 46 that the coins of Aradus at the same types cease to carry dates in phe- Nice: isn't there a coincidence capable of contribute to admitting that the dates of the mon- The families of Aradus are Seleucidian just as well than those of the coins of Ace?

Mr. Six acknowledged or even endeavored to demonstrate- to see, in various works, that all the large cities from Phoenicia, Tyre, Sidon, Tripolis, had begun by making use of the Seleucid era before serve as particular eras: why Aradus would not have Didn't she also follow universal usage? 11 matters, moreover, to note that the 1st era known as the Seleucids, should rather be called the Phoenician era, because the Seleucid princes were the last to enslave themselves; we only begin to find it on their currencies

— 247 —

from the year 112 (201 BC) under the reign of Antio- chus III, and again it is exclusively on the parts from the workshops of Tire and Sidon*. On the contrary, it appears from Tan 2 in Tyre, from Tan 5 in Acé, from Tan 15, we believe, in Aradus.

The fate of Aradus during the Diadochi quarrels is unfortunately little known to us. We know only that Phoenicia like Coelesyria were the constant object of the lusts of the Seleucids and the Lagides, the issue of the rivalry of the kingdoms of Syria and Egypt. Seleucus I Nicator owned at least for some time Aradus, as well as Tatteste the following currency:

5. Hairless head of Alexander, right, wearing lion skin.

ÇT. Bow of ship on the left, it is surmounted, the front, of a figure of Athena Promachos. Above, in the field, an anchor.

I. 16 mill. Some copies have the edge in bevel. PI. IX, fig. 4.

Although this bronze is anepigraph, its attribution tion at Aradus cannot be doubtful, because of the type of the prow surmounted by Athena Promachos. This type is particular to Aradus and we will see that it is constantly encountered, in competition with the type of rounded volute prow, on coins dated. The anchor that is in the field is the symbol of Seleucus P' Nicator and proves that the piece was minted at Aradus under the authority of this prince.

1. E. Babelon. The kings of Syria, Introd., p. lxxzy.

— 248 —

We have no coins of the kings of Egypt, that can be attributed to Aradus, although the Pto- Lémées have long possessed the main ports ples of Phoenicia. On the other hand, monograms composed of the letters AP or APA, in which we must, most of the time, recognize the name Aradus, are found on the currencies of almost all successors of Seleucus I Nicator. Let us know- rons on silver and bronze coins with the names of Antiochus P', of Antiochus II, of Seleucus II, of Antiochus III, of Antiochus IV, of Demetrius P% of Alexander Bala, of Demetrius II, of Tryphon, of Antiochus VII, of Alexander Zebina*. It is still others, and although the interpretation of these monograms by the name of Aradus are not always certain days, we can nevertheless affirm that the kings of Syria often had coins minted in the workshop of Aradus, even though this city had its own coinage. This coexistence of the issuance of royal coinage and currency municipal in the same city is not surprising, because we see a similar state of affairs in a large number of cities, particularly in the most of those on the Phoenician coast.

At the same time as the Aradus workshop minted tetradrachms to the traditional types of Alexander,

1. These are the monograms which, in our catalog of coins of the The coins of Syria bear the numbers 74, 184, 138, 209 and 270. The coins on the (}the ones we noted bear in this same catalog the numbers 121, S00> 262, 368, 412, 617» 645,725, 792, 961, 1046, 1158, 1334, etc. Cf. E. Babelon. The kings of Syria, Armenia and Commagètu, Inirod., pp. cxx'iii, cxxvin, dLlxix. The interpretation of these monograms by Aradus is not always certain* Once between places, under Antiocbus IV Epiphanes (n* 645 of our catalog), the AP monogram is found on an Iéropolit coin.

— 249 —

he issued divisional silver coins as well than bronze coins on which appear autonomous types. It seems that the tetradrachms Alexandrians were used for foreign trade, while bronzes and small silver coins were used exclusively for local traffic. This double destination explains the difference in types. Here is the description of these silver coins and copper:

6. Hairless, laureate head of Melqart, right. Gre- netis around the edge.

9^. Bow of ship, left, Tavant rounded in volute; above, j^Hf {ex Arado). Granite perimeter.

A. 14 mill. 2 gr. 40. — PI. IX, fig. 5.

This piece is the last on which the caption KD, I don't think we can give a other name than that of Melqart with the laureate head, beardless, which appears on the right. It's not a head of Apollo; nor is it a royal portrait. It is rather young Melqart, as indicated by his broad cheeks and his physiognomy where strength exudes bodily. The rounded volute bow will be found until the end of the silver coinage of Aradus, concurrently with the prow surmounted by the figure of Athena Promachos. On the coins of the kings of Macedonia, this volute prow appears for first time under Demetrius Poliorcetes (306-283); it was also at the same time that she appeared on the coins of the Roman Republic ^

1. E. Babelon. Deter. hut. ei chron. monn” of the Répuhl. Roman^ t. 1| introd., p. Yiii.

— 250 —

7. Laureate and bearded head of Melqart, right. Gre- netis around the edge.

Cf. Bow of ship on the left, Tavant surmounted by the figure of Athena Promachos; above, in the field, a monogram composed of the letters AP. Granite around the edge.

.R. 13 mill. — 2 gr. 72. — PI. IX, fig. 6.

8. Rounded head of Tyche, right, hair falling on the back of the neck. Granite around the edge.

ÇT. Ship's bow on the left, rounded front and finished in volute; above, a monogram com- placed letters AP. Granite around the edge.

A. 12 mill. — 1 gr. 75.

9. Rounded head of Tyche, right, hair falling on the neck.

Cf. Prow of galley on the left; the front is decorated with a figure of Athena Promachos. Above, the mono- gram composed of the letters AP and a palm tree.

M. 22 mill. Beveled edges.

10. Same head.

ÇT. Same bow. Above, the monogram includes placed letters AP, and a club lying down. I. 16 mill. Beveled edges.

It is on currencies similar to these silver and bronze coins that appear in the first earliest dates calculated from the Aradian era. So that we will see it further, the oldest than us we noted is the year 20 which corresponds to the year 73 of Seleucids (240 BC).

— 251 —

4^^ period (237 to 46 BC)

The causes of the rivalry of Aradus and Marathus are revealed to us, as we have already left glimpse, through the numismatics of these two cities. The first Ptolemies owned the main ports ples of Phoenicia and Syria. Seleucia itself, at the mouth of the Orontes, was in the power of the kings of Egypt at the time of Seleucus II, and this town seems to have had a garrison for a long time Egyptian*. The Seleucids, for their part, put from time to time, the hand on cities of Phoenicia from the north, and we will soon see the Aradians hasten to welcome Antiochus 111. The Marathus coins bear Egyptian types which prove that, over several generations, Lagides were masters of this place; on the contrary, in Aradus, we do not find on the currencies any clue allowing us to believe that the kings of Egypt never succeeded in extending their domination over the island. The Aradians instead attached themselves to the kings of Syria, at times when, forced to alienate their freedom, they found themselves forced to choose a master, and we seeing that the monogram of Aradus appears from time to time another on the coins of the Seleucid kings. It's in this rivalry of Syrian and Egyptian influences I believe that we must seek the true cause of the long and bitter struggle of Marathus and Aradus.

1. Droydcn, Hiat. of rhellentism^ trad. Bouchc-Leclcrcq, l. \\\, p. 448.

— 252 —

Aradus inaugurates Tere of her autonomy in the autumn of Tan 259, and it is perhaps at this date of the definitive break between the two sister cities; we were under the reigns of Antio- chus II Theos (261-246) and Ptolemy II Phila- Delphi (287-247), and it is around 259 that the between these two princes a great war on which historians have preserved little information for us- ments*. We only know that Antiochus II was unhappy and that Ptolemy reconquered part of Phoenicia and Cilicia. What happened to Aradus and of Marathus in the midst of these obscure events? We wouldn't know. However if the Marathus coins of this period pre- smell of Egyptian types, while the workshop of Aradus does not provide us with any, but appears, on the contrary, to have functioned in the name of the king of Syria, it is permissible to conclude from this that Marathus declared for the king of Egypt, while Aradus, rather favorable to the king of Syria, won his independence addiction thanks to these disorders: such are, presumably, the political circumstances which led the Aradians to create a national era.

These inductions, which are based on the study of medals, find their direct confirmation in an episode from the reign of Antiochus III the Great, recounted by Polybius (V, 68). During negotiations which, around 221, were started at Seleucia on rOronte, Egyptian territory, between Ptolemy IV Phi-

•

1. Droysen, Bi9ti de FhelUniême, t. HI, p. 309 et seq.

— 253 —

lopator and Antiochus III, the king of Egypt claimed for- indeed all Phenicia, over which its prede- The assignors had assumed rights. These claims having seemed inadmissible to Antiochus III, the prosecution talks were broken off, war declared, and the fleet Egyptian, gathered in Gaza under the orders of Nicolaos and Perigenès, set out on the campaign. From his side, Antiochus III invaded Coelesyria and Phenicia and advanced to Marathus. There, the Ara- They came spontaneously to find him, lining up in his party; Antiochus made an alliance with them and, playing the role of peace-making arbiter, he succeeded in appeasing temporarily sever the already old rivalry of Aradians and Marathians, who was about to to burst into a bloody collision. After being thus assured the support of Aradus and Marathus, the king of Syria advanced to Cape Theoprosopon, and that's where he set foot on enemy soil, that's- i.e. in the Egyptian possessions.

The fratricidal struggle of Aradus and Marathus appears therefore be only an episode of the war that was fought for so many years the kings of Syria and Egypt for the possession of Phoenicia. This antagonism of the two cities broke out again, as we have already told it*, during the reign of Alexander I Bala. So, that is to say around the year 148 or 150 before our era, Ammonius governor of Phenicia from north, in the name of the king of Syria, authorized the Aradians to destroy Marathus. The Aradians fomented a

1. Marathus, in the Revue numismatique, 1888, p. 499. Above, p. 88.

— 254 —

odious plot to surprise Marathus, but they were betrayed by one of their number who threw themselves into swimming to go and warn the threatened city. The conspiracy failed and Marathus was saved once again.

This is the historical framework in the midst of which place the first issues of self-currencies nomes of Aradus. Tetradrachms to types of Alexander, ending in this city in Tan 7G of Seleucids (237 BC), encroach for 23 years on Terus of Aradus; note that it is only also eighteen years after the invention of its era own that Tripolis is beginning to replace, on its currencies, from the dates of this national era to the dates Seleucidians used until then *. On the other hand, as we have already said, the first coins dated following the Aradian era bear the year 20 (below the n®' 1, 2 and 3). It follows from this that, for three years, the Aradus workshop concurrently produced watches nails with two different computers: the parts intended born to foreign trade continued to carry the era Seleucidian, while the small divisions reserve ved to local transactions and which, previously, were without date, began to make mention of the Aradian era which did not take long to prevail exclusively vely.

1. — Laureate and bearded head of Melqart or Zeus (?), right. Granite.

1. Six, Mother of Tripolis ^ in the Library of the Numismatic Society ^ 1886, p. 229.

— 255 —

i^^. Bow of ship on left, front surmounted by the figure of Athena Promachos; above, the mono- gram composed of the letters AP. In the exergue, the date A/f>^<\ (= in year 20). Granite.

Mr. 14mill. — 2gr. 75.

The date is sufficiently legible. We recognize without hesitation the letter 3 before the word Dtt^, although this prefix does not appear, in the following, on the mon- nies dated from Aradus. As we have noticed, the types are the same as those of the medal described above under number 7 (p. 250): this is not missing latest than the date. Mr. Imhoof Blumer published a piece with the same types, with INn^z; (year 21*).

2. — Turret head of Tyche, right. Granite.

ÇT. Ship's bow on the left, rounded front and curved into a volute. In the field, a monogram; in Texergue, a variable date.

JBl. 14 mill. — 2 gr. approximately.

Varieties:

Above the proae A Texerg^ue

ff A/fyu (year 20)

ff IIIIIIa/^m/ (year 26) pi. IX, fig. 7.

He l\l\l-ufsu (year 35)

ff \\A/A/f\u (year 42)

The date alone differentiates these pieces from that which we described above, under number 8 (p. 250).

1. Imhoof Blumer, Monn. qrecq.^ p. 447, n* 45.

— 256 —

3. — Rounded head of Tyche, right, hair falling on the neck.

Cf. Ship's bow on the left, Tavant surmounted of a figure of Athena Promachos. Above, the monogram composed of the letters AP; in the exergue, a variable date. Mr. 16mill.

Varieties^ with the following dates:

fs/f^ (year 20) — PI. IX, fig. 8. IIa/^m^ (year 22)

These parts are the same types as the small bronze without date, described above under number 10

(p. 250).

4. — Turret head of Tyche, right.

ÇT. Bow of ship left, front topped of a figure of Athena Promachos. In the field, variable letters; in the exergue, a date. Mr. 17.

Varieties.

Above the bow At Tezergue

1.4-^1 I III -A/^v/ (year 34)

Il II III - /\//iM^ (year 35) PI. IX, fig. 9.

The letters II that we find on the bronze of the year 35 can also be seen on the small piece of silver. gent, described under n*^ 2, with the same date.

5. — Turret head of Tyche, right.

C^. Ship's bow on the left, the front rounded and curved into a volute. In the field, letters variables; in the exergue, a date. M, 19 mill.

— 257 — Varieties:

Aa dessas de la prooe In Tezergne

<^ iP A II III >V>V/»Mf (year 45) PI. IX, 10.

ê^ R >4i I III - f^Sfffy4i (year 54)]

Ep;, aplustre and P III - NNNf>4/ (year 73) i^f^>4t II III - f^fJ^fsu (year 75)

In the monograph. composed of the letters TB we can- would propose to recognize the name of Gabala, Tune Aradian colonies on the coast.

6. — Turret bust of Tyche, right, with a palm on your shoulder. Granite.

Cf. Bow of ship on the right, decorated with Faplustre; above, variable letters and monograms; to the exergue, a date. M. 18 mill.

Varieties:

Year of BSQS of the province in Texas

R. ..NNNf^ (year 60?)

^Ko II III - NNNf>4i (year 75) PI. IX, 11.

y^m (rough date)

7. — Turret bust of Tyche on the right, with a palm on the shoulder. Granite.

See Tyche towered standing on the left; she is dressed in a loose tunic and a peplos; in her right hand she holds a crown and left she leans on a long scepter. In the field, on the right, a date; on the left, letters variables. M. 20 mill.

— 258 — Varieties:

On the left On the right

\^ (IN, Aradus?) 1 1 1 1 1 "" ^^^'f ^ ^^^ ^^)

PI. IX, fig. 12.

y NNNN-^su (year 80)

\^ (rough date)

8. — Head of Poseidon, right, head girded with a crown of berries of marine plants, and so much the trident on your shoulder.

ÇT. APAAIHN. Zeus standing left, half naked, holding the thunderbolt in the right hand and leaning on the left hand on a long scepter. Front, IN, the date TTS (year 86) and a palm tree.

iR. 31 mill. Tetradr., 17 gr, 05. PI. IX, fig. 13.

This very remarkable tetradrachm is unpublished, and it recently came to enrich the collections of the Cabi- net of Medals. It was minted in the year 174 before our era (139 of the Seleucid era), that is to say little after the accession of Antiochus IV Epiphanes to the throne from Syria. We see, for the first time, the name of the Aradians to appear in full on their species. The beautiful head of Poseidon seems inspired by the one which forms the type of the famous tetradrachms of Antigone Gonatas (277-239) or Antigone Doson (229-220). But Poseidon on the Aradian coin does- he alludes to a naval victory as on the mon- is it Macedonian? This is what is difficult to say. The worship of the sea god was naturally strong in honor in the cities of the coast of Phoenicia, and we know the coins of Berytus which represent

— 259 —

Poseidon in a chariot pulled by seahorses. In the Roman era the figure of Poseidon appeared on some Aradian coinsV

9. — Turret bust of Tyche, right, with a palm on the shoulder.

9". Ship's bow to the left, the front surmounted by the figure of Athena Promachos; on the bow, Zeus half naked sits, leaning with his left hand on a scepter and holding a crown in his right hand. Above, variable letters; in the exergue, a date and sometimes a letter. I. 22 mill.

Varieties:

Above the bow

At the exergfue

I llllllA^/\/A//vj^M/ III llllllA//\/A^A'J!rv£,

\\\\\A/fi\f I III III A//,!/» N^ lllllllll/V/,l/,v/ -/\//;l/»v^

>*

\u

year 85d year 87) year 89) year 120?) year 125) year 127) and year 129) and ^ year 130) and

PI. IX, fig. 14.

(?) IIIIIIIa/A//.I^>* (anl48)etÇ^/30v/

It seems that we must read on this last example- please the word 31pD in reversed letters.

10. — Laureate head of Zeus, right. Granite.

1. On the cult of Poseidon & Aradus, see Stork, Gaza, p. 300, and ri-deS' all the currency described on p. 430, no. 23.

— 260 —

See Ship spur, left. Above, variable letters; in the exergue, a date. I. 16 mill.

Varieties:

Aa above the spur yM/?

(51 HfH

You

v/lp v/lp

111 -f^NNfj}^ (year 93)

Mil - NNNN\>>v (year 94)

mil "NNNN^i^ (year 96)

lllll-A/VA^Af'/iv' (year 95)

l/,|/,va (year 101)

III />!/,>« (year 103)

lllll/.l/7>* (year 105). PL IX, 15. IIIIII/,I/,M, (year 106) III III III /,!/,><. (year 109) lllllllll/>l/,>» (year 109) -\,\[,su (year 110) -/,I/,M, (year 110) -/,l/,>* (year 110) -/,l/,>„ (year 110) -/,l/,>^ (year 111) -/,l/,v„ (year 111) -/,!/,>., (year 111) -\,\\,su (year 112) -/,I/,M, (year 112) -/,I/,M, (year 112) -/,l/,v„ (year 113) -/,l/,v, (year 113) -\,\\,su (year 114) -/,l/,v. (year 114?)

I I

II

II

NI

III

— 261 —

III III -/>!/»« llllll-/,l/,>*

lllllll-/.l/»4r

lllllil-/,l/,>(.

(year li6) (aa 116) (year 117) (year 117) (year 120)

11. — Laureate head of Zeus, right. Granite.

ÇT. Bow of ship left, front topped of a figure of Athena Promachos; above, variable letters; in the exergue, a date often accompanied by a letter. JR.. 16 mill. 2 gr. 50 approximately

Varieties:

-

Ao above the proae:

In practice:

K

llllll/,l/,Lv (year 106)

€N

- A^/i|/.N» (year 130) and ^ PI. IX, 16.

MC

\-fJfi\fi^ (year 131) and^

?

ll-/V/rl/iN<^ (an 132) and -ç:

€N

A/A/li\fi>4f (year 140)

B.C.

MlliVA'/il/»>* (year 144) and f-

B.C.

lllllll-A^/V/il/r>* (year 147) and A

B.C.

-A/A/fi\[i'^ (year 150) and ?l

A

lll-iV/V/»l/iN

K/?

lll-A^/V/»l/.>* (year 153)

/f

1 llllll-/\//V/»i/7v/ (year 157)

12. — Turret bust of Tyche, right, with a veil covering the neck and shoulders.

Cf. APAAinN- Nike standing on the left, dressed in

— 262 —

double chiton, hair tied at the top of the head; with her right hand she holds Taplustre and from the left a palm. In front of her, on three lines, a date and Greek letters and Phoenician variables. All in a crown laurel.

iR. 32 to 25 mill. Tetradr. attica. PI. X, fig. 1 and 2.

This description relates to the series of autonomous tetradrachms whose abundance attests the commercial prosperity of Aradus at the time of their show. The oldest known bears the date 123 (= i36 BC): their emission begins with consequent in the midst of the discords which bloodied destroyed Syria under the disrupted reigns of Try- phon, of Antiochus VII Sidetes and Demetrius II Nicator. Mionnet* points out, in truth, a tetra- drachma of the Cabinet of France which would bear the date