Numismatic Miscellanea, Vol. I — 1892

COINS & CHRONOLOGY

OF THE KINGS OF SIDON

UNDER THE DOMINATION OF THE ACHAEMENID PERSIES

PI. XI and XII

I

The currencies, of which this study* aims to fix classification and attribution, are well known to numismatists, and all the major collections in have copies. Most varieties were reported by Brandis*, and they are found described and reproduced in the work of Mr. Barclay V. Head on the royal coins of Lydia and Persian*. Mr. Six also recorded them in two of his remarkable studies on Phoenician coins ciennes*. 11 finally there are some new varieties in the Greek Coins of Mr. Imhoof-Blumer'.

1. This study was read before the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres, in the sessions of December 5 and 12, 1890.

2. J. Brandis, Das Munz-Masë-und Gewichlswesen in Vorderasien, p. 424 u 426, Berlin, 8«, 1866.

3. Barclay V. Head, The colnage of Lydia and PersiOf p. 32 to 44 and pi. II and III, cf., of the same, Historia numorum, p. 670 to 672.

4. J. P. Six, in the Numismatic Chronicle. 1877, p. 209 et seq., and 1884, p. 146 et seq.

5. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Currency, p. 447 and 448.

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If we went back to the work before Brandis, the list would be long of works where there are described at least some of the pieces of which it will be question. Also, if I attached two plates to the present memorandum, it is for the sole purpose of rendering my demonstration plui$. striking and save reader who would like to follow me, the trouble of resort to other writings: in fact of documents numismatics, I don't offer him anything new.

Although likely to group together, as is will see later, in several distinct series, our currencies, if we only consider their characteristics generals, are clearly from the same family. They offer the same exterior appearance; the flan is very thick; the engraving is almost always of one style heavy; the types themselves respond to a description little varied tion which we will characterize as it follows:

On one side, a Phoenician galley whose bow is decorated with a figure of a patek, and which is generally ly without sails. Sometimes it is moored at the foot of a fortress, sometimes it sails on waves representing felt by wavy parallel lines. Above out of trouble, we find numbers or letters Phoenician and Aramaic. On the reverse, the king of Persian, standing in a chariot drawn by two or three horses*; the charioteer is in the chariot next to the King of

1. The authors focus on the number of cheyaux; I never knew that three and sometimes only two, out of all the copies that are available to me passed through the hands and on which the details of the hitch were sufficient recognizable.

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kings. This one is bearded and wearing a high tiara called cidaris; he extends and raises his right hand. The more frequently, follows on foot, behind the tank, a character who holds a long finished scepter, at his upper part, by an animal head, the mouth gaping. In the field, above the horses, there are almost always Phoenician characters or variable Aramaic.

The largest of these currencies are doubles shekels or octodrachms, and their weight varies from 25 grams to 28 grams. 40 or so. There are half centuries or didrachmas, quarters of a century or drachmas, sixteenths of a shekel or obols. These divisions respond, for the most part, to the same description than the double shekel; they barely add more than one new type; it is the Achaemenid king standing, fighting against a lion that stands before him.

Finally, some bronze pieces are attached to the same series. They have, on the right, either a bearded head wearing a tiara, a half-kneeling king and archer, ordinary type of darics; either, finally, the Achaemenid royal chariot. The reverse is busy by the ordinary type of the Phoenician galley sur- rise of a numerical indication.

This is, briefly described, the monetary series of which I will try to determine the origin and which I would like to help clarify a few points obscure parts of the history of Phoenicia under the last Achaemenids. We can say that these currencies are remained until now an enigma for numismatists; because the numerous attributions that have been made of it, the

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variations, the very contradictions of the authors to their regard, clearly show to what extent Tincer- attitude remained in the best minds. For some, like Charles Lenormant*, attributed these pieces to Xerxes and sought to recognize in the types main an allusion to the triumphal march of this king across Asia, when he undertook his expedition tion against Greece. Others thought of Aryandes, this famous Egyptian satrap who, according to the story of Herodotus (IV, 166), was put to death by order of Darius, son of Hystapes, for having had a silver coinage of better quality than that of the Great King*.

Brandis classifies this monetary series in the IX"' satrapy, that which included Assyria and Babylonia, and he distributes it, one can say according to his wishes of his fantasy, between the kings of Persia, Xerxes, Artaxerxes II and Artaxerxes III'. The authors more recent ones have, despite their efforts, not raised awareness certainly advance the question. In his book, published in 1877, on the currencies of Lydia and Persia, Mr. Barclay Head states that it is difficult to say whether these Persian coins were minted in the cities from the coast of Phoenicia, or if they must be, at the less in part, attributed to cities in the interior of Syria and the Euphrates valley. With many out of hesitation he suggests giving some to

1. Numismatic and glyptic treasure. Greek Kings, p. 138.

2. F. Lenormant, Coinage of Antiquity, II, p. 6; B. Head, The Coinage of Lydia and Persia, p. 36.

3. J. Brandis, Das Mum-Mass-und Gewichtswesen in Vorderasien, p. 226, and 424 to 426.

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Thapsaque them others to Tyre*. But the same author himself makes little of these attributions; because, ten years later, in 1887, in his Historia numoruniy he classifies these currencies under the heading of Sidon and he considers them as struck at Tripolis, in the district of this city which belongs held by the Sidonians*.

In this, moreover, Mr. Head only abandons one's own hypotheses to accept those or, more exactly, one of Mr. Six's. In a study published in 1884 in the Numismatic Chronicle^ on Dutch scholar indeed proposes the attribution to Tri- polished. Mr. Six gives the oldest of our coins to the satrap Bélésys, the predecessor of Mazaios in the government of Syria, and, if he recognizes on several others the very name of Mazaios, he believes that this satrap minted money in the Sidonian district of Tripolis. Finally, Mr. Imhoof- Blumer, more cautious, is content to put away all these pieces among the uncertain ones of Phoenicia*.

I do not insist further on these multiple hypotheses. tiples which represent the current state of the question. The presentation which follows will be sufficient, if I am not mistaken, to demonstrate, better than a direct refutation, the failure efforts attempted so far; because it seems to me to substitute to the old classifications a system entirely con- meets the most rigorous requirements of the numis- matics and history.

1. B. Head, Lydia and Pertia^ p, 33 and 43.

2. B. Head, Historia numorum^ p. 671.

3. Imhoof-Blamer Currency* greequet^ p. 447 and 448.

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II

If you consider the varieties of the legends of these coins, their weight, their style and certain parts cularities of their types, we will realize that they are divided without difficulty into seven groups con- structured as follows:

Group A

1. — Phoenician galley, with one mast and four sails, sailing on the waves. Granite around the edge.

Rev. The king of Persia in a chariot drawn by three horses at a walk, left; Taurige is in the tank next to the king. Above, is represented in hollow the anterior part of an ibex. All in one hollow square*.

Ar. 30 mill. Double shekel, 27 gr. 40 (British Museum). PI. XI, fig. 1.

2. — Same problem.

Rev. The king of Persia standing, shooting his bow, right. In front of him, hollow, the front part of a ibex; behind him, also hollow, a large bearded head of the god Bésa, on the left*.

1. Barclay Head, Lydia and Persia^ pi. H, fig. 1; Hiatoria numorum^ p. 671; cf. another copy, in Imihoof-Blumer, Monnaiesgreeks^ p. 447, n* 48, and Choice of monn, Greek^ pi. VII, n* 229. Six, in Num. Chrono., 1877, p. 200.

2. Cf. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 443, n* 49, another example weighing 6 gr. 98.

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Ar. 48 mill. Half shekel, 7 gr. 07 (Cab. of France) PL XI, fig. 2.

3. — Same galley, but with only one sail. Rev. The king of Persia standing shooting from the bow, right,

without hollow figures ^.

Ar. 16 mill. Half shekel, 6 gr. 35 (Vienna Cat.). PL XI, fig. 3.

4. — Same galley with one mast and four sails. Rev. The king of Persia standing, shooting his bow,

right.

Ar. 9 mill. Obol, gr. 71 (Cab. of France, coll. de Luynes). PL XI, fig. 4.

The current weight of these currencies provides us, if taking into account spawning, a normal double century of 28 gr. 40 or so. The old style of these pieces adding to their heavy weight, the absence of letters or legend, as well as the presence of the hollow square on the double shekels, appeared sufficient arguments to carry these coins back to the time of Darius II, from 425 to 405*. We will take them down a quarter of a century easily, if we compare them, for example, to the most ancient coins of the kings of Gebal and Aradus, which barely date back to the year 400.

Group B

5. — Phoenician galley, without sails, moored at the

1. Imhoof-Blamer, open. cited, p. 4'8, n* 50.

2. B.Head, Hiat. num., p. 671.

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foot of a fortress flanked by five towers. A the exergue, two lions heading in the opposite direction. Cordiform circle around the edge.

Rev. The king of Persia in a chariot drawn by two galloping horses, on the left, the charioteer is in the chariot next to the king. Under the horses, the corpse of a ibex, engraved in hollow. Granite around the edge*.

Ar. 28 mill. Double shekel, 27 gr. 63 (Cab. of France). PI. XI, fig. 5.

6. — Same trouble, at the foot of a fortress flanked by four towers; in the exergue the same two lions. Above the fortress, the Phoenix letters ciennes 3O. Granite around the edge.

Rv, The king of Persia standing, right, a dagger in hand and fighting against a lion which stands in front him. Between the king and the lion, the letters ^O- All in

a shallow hollow square*.

Ar. 20 mill. Half shekel, 6 gr. 70 (British Museum). PI. XI; fig. 8.

There are many varieties of this half shekel, on from which the letters ^O are omitted.

7. — Same trouble, at the foot of a fortress flanked by three towers; at the epigraph, a lion, on the left. Granite around the edge.

Rev. The king of Persia standing, shooting from the bow, right. In front of him, hollow, the front part of a

1. It has been claimed to read letters in the Tarities of this double century which do not are not actually there. Brandis, open. cilé, p. 424; Head, Lydia andPer iot p. 35; Six, in Numism. Chron.^ passage cited.

2. 6. Head, Lydia and Pertia, pi. H, fig. 10.

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ibex; behind him, also hollow, the large bearded head of Bésa, on the left.

Ar. 9 mill. Obol, gr. 76 (Cab. of France). PI. XI, fig. 6.

8. — Same galley, at the foot of a fortress.

Rev. The king of Persia, half kneeling, right, holding a javelin in one hand, and a bow in the other. Ar. Hemiobolus, Ogr. 38 (Turin Museum).

9. — Young and hairless head, right (Astarte?). Granite around the edge.

Rev. Fortress flanked by three towers separated by two palm trees.

Ar. 15 mill. Quarter century, drachma, 3 gr. 35 (British Mus.). PI. XI, fig. 7.

10. — Same head.

Rev. Fortress flanked by three towers separated by two palm trees. At the epigraph, an ibex, in relief. Ar. 9 mill. Obol, gr. 65 (British Museum).

It is easy to demonstrate that the currencies of this second group immediately follow those of the first from which they are nevertheless very distinguished clearly. Normal weight is already weakened; he doesn't should hardly exceed 28 grams 10. As in group A, there is still no next behind the royal chariot; the divisions of the double century still have their backhand type in a hollow square. The big ones pieces are anepigraphs; but already, on the half-

1. B. Heod, Lydia and Perêia^ p. 37.

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squirts, an inscription begins to appear: these are the letters ^O. While in group A^ the struggle is under sail, here she is moored under the walls of a citadel. Finally, there is still the ibex engraved in hollow. It is on the double centuries of group B alone- clearly that the horses that drive the chariot are two in number and galloping.

Group C

11. — Phoenician galley without sails, sailing on the waves; above, the number III. Granite.

Rev. The king of Persia in a chariot drawn by three horses, walking, left; Faurige is standing in the chariot next to the king. Behind the tank follows on foot a character wearing a flat, low tiara, and holding a scepter and an oenochoe. Upstairs, in the field, the letters 04i. Granite around the edge.

Ar. 29 mill. Double shekel, 25 gr. 65 (Cab. of France). PI. XI, fig. 9.

Varieties of this double shekel *, with the numbers | (Bri- tish Muséum) and Mil (Imhoof-Blumer collection).

12. — The same Phoenician galley. Above, |. Rev. The king of Persia standing, right, holding a dagger

in hand and fighting against a lion which stands in front of him. Between the king and the lion, the letters 04t.

Traces of a hollow square.

Ar. 10 mill. Obol, Ogr. 65 (Cab, from France). PI. XI, fig. 10.

1. Six” in Num. Chron., 1877, p. 210.

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MM. Brandis, Head and Six give, with the letters 04i^ an obol which would bear on the reverse the number Ml"" = 13 and would be in the Cabinet of France ^ This was an error by Brandis, which was repeated after him. The only obol with the number 13 that the Cabinet de France bears the letters ^O and it belongs therefore belongs to our group E*.

What characterizes group C, apart from letters D'A, it is the considerable weakening of the weight; instead of 28 grams, the double shekels Heaviest only reach 25 gr. 90. For the first time, we see a next one appear, behind the chariot of the King of kings, and numbered signs risks above the galley. The fortress and hollow figures have disappeared; nevertheless, despite the changing some details in the types and reduction in weight, we cannot hesitate to recognize arise that the currencies of group C are linked directly to those of the previous group.

Group D

13. — Phoenician galley without sails, sailing on the waves; above, the number |||. Granite.

Rev. The Achaemenid royal chariot, as in group C, followed by a character who appears bare-headed and who is wearing a scepter and an oenochoe. Above, in the field, the letters OO. Granite around the edge.

1. Brcmdis, ouvre, eitéf p. 425; B. Head, Lydia and Perêiay p. 40; Six, in Num. Chron., 1877; p. 214-215.

2. It is described below, under number 19.

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Ar. 28 mill. Double shekel, 25 gr. 90 (Cab. of France). PI. XII, fig. 1.

14. — The same Phoenician galley, above, il. Rev. The king of Persia standing, right, holding a dagger

in hand, and fighting against a lion which stands in front of him. Between the king and the lion, the letters 00. Aire hollow.

Ar. 9mill.0bole, Ogr.65 (British Museum). PI. XII, fig. 4.

These currencies do not differ from those of the group which precedes only by the presence of the letters OO; the weight and the style remain the same, and the character who follows the tank only distinguishes itself from that of group C by unimportant particularities.

Group E

15. — The same Phoenician galley; above, I. Granite.

Rev. The Achaemenid royal chariot, as above, followed by a character wearing a flat and little tiara raised and carrying the scepter and roenochoe. At the top, in the field, the letters ^O. Granite.

Ar. 28 mill. Double shekel, 25 gr. 68 (Cab. of France). PI. XII, fig. 3.

16. — Variety of the double shekel. The character who follows the royal chariot has a particular costume, shaped Egyptian style, and he is wearing a conical tiara, which

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reminiscent of the Egyptian white crown. Circle cordi shape around the edge.

Ar. 28 mill. Double shekel, 25 gr. 75 (Cab. of France). PI. XII, fig. 2.

17. — The same Phoenician galley; above,

III III II.

Rev. The Achaemenid royal chariot followed by a person swimming on foot. In the field, the letters ^O- Grènetis.

Ar. 17 mill. Half shekel, 6 gr. 35 (Cab. of France).

18. — The same Phoenician galley; above,

III lil.

Rev. The Achaemenid royal chariot, without a follower. In the field, the letters ^O- Grènetis.

Ar. 12 mill. Quarter shekel, 3 gr. 25 (British Museum).

19. — The same Phoenician galley; above, |||- (=13).

Rev. The king of Persia standing, fighting against a lion; between the king and the lion, the letters ^O. Traces of a hollow square.

Ar. 8 mill. Obol, Ogr. 77 (Cab. of France). PI. XII, fig. 6.

The numerical signs noted on the pieces of this group go from I to |||"" (13), without any significant gap. The letters ^O are the same as on group B; but the pieces are of a style notably more recent, and the double shekel, instead of weighing 28 grams, only reaches 25 gr. 90, as in groups C and D. Interesting feature to point out: sometimes the

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character who follows the royal chariot presents himself to us in an Asian costume, sometimes his hat and his tunic appear Egyptian. In the latter case, parts, while maintaining the traditional weight of 25 gr. 90, or 26 grams, have certain particularities rities of style borrowed from the currencies that we we will describe under the letter G,

Group F

20. — The same galley without sails; above, ^M. Granite around the edge.

Rev. The Achaemenid royal chariot, as above, followed by a bare-headed figure, holding the scepter and

oenochoe. Kn high, in the field, the word î-^ZHj {Mazdai or Mazraï). Granite around the edge.

Ar. 28 mill. Double %icle, 25 gr. 80 (Cab. of France). PI. XII,' fig. 5.

21. — The same trouble; above, lllllllll ( = 9). Rev. The king of Persia standing, fighting against a lion.

Between the king and the lion, the letters Z4j, initials of the word Mazdai.

Ar. 8 mill. Obol, Ogr. 65 (Gab. of France). PI. XII, fig. 7.

The weight of these parts is the same as for the series C, Z), £*; the style is also the same, so that we can affirm that we have before our eyes contemporary coinage products. But, while so far we have only encountered

~ 297 —

Phoenician characters in monetary legends, the inscriptions of group F are, on the contrary, clearly ment Aramaic; From this point of view, we will point out particularly the shape of the 3 and the "I. The varieties that we see in numerical signs placed above the galley, are the following, which form three successive emissions:

1. — j, I J (year 1), llj (year 2), III j (year 3);

2. — III III III J (year 9), "j (year 10), l"j (year 11),

ll""j(year 12);

3. _ III m III - (year 19), ï j (year 20), \ij (year 21).

The letter n is for (JMVfp^.

Group G

22. — The same galley without sails. Above, the letter ^. Cordiform circle around the edge.

Rev. The Achaemenid royal chariot, as above; but he is followed by a character dressed in the schenti and wearing a skhent^ who holds a scepter ending in a greyhound head; he carries nothing with his left hand. No caption in the field. Cordiform circle rounded perimeter and edges.

Ar. 30 mill. Double shekel, 28 gr. 30 (Cab. of France, coll. deLuynes). PI. XII, fig. 8.

23. — Same galley surmounted by the letter ^. Cordiform circle around the edge.

1. six, Numism, Chronicle, 1884, p. 147 et seq.

— 298 —

Rev. The Achaemenid royal chariot (without following).

Ar. 19 mill. Half shekel, 6 gr. 30 (Cab. of France).

24. — Same galley surmounted by the letter ^.

Rev. The king of Persia standing, fighting against a lion. Between the king and the lion, the letter O, replaced whatever sometimes by an ox's head, from the front.

Ar. 9 mill. Obol, gr. 78. P.I. XII, fig. 9.

Group G currencies offer special features important rities. Above the hassle, instead numerical indications, we uniformly find the letter 3, Phoenician form and not Aramaic. The character following the royal chariot is an Egyptian, as indicated by his costume, his hairstyle, his attributes, his hieratic attitude. The slice of pieces, instead of being sharp-edged, as in the previous groups, is on the contrary rounded; the engraving of monetary coins is more delicate and more neat. Double shekels are much heavier than those we have described under the letters B^ C, Z), jF, F; they actually reach 28 gr. 30, so that it is evident that the former normal weight of 28 gr. 40 of group A was maintained or resumed. The cord which limits the field and replaces the grènetis is only found on the coins of the group G and on some pieces of group E which are imitations.

It will not be superfluous, after this classification detailed, to draw up a comparative table of the seven monetary groups that we have just constituted kill:

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III

If it is true to say that an archaeological monument is half explained when it is well described, it is not less accurate to assert that methodical currencies- ment rows and coordinates are not far from being well attributed. For us, it is now a matter of determine the respective homeland of our seven groups. We already know that all this coinage was issued in maritime countries, that is to say bathed by the Mediterranean, as indicated by the constant type of the galley; we are certain still by the legends that, in these original countries, more or less extended, we used, here, the Aramaic writing, there, Phoenician writing. From a chronological point of view logically, the style of these pieces does not allow us to take our research back beyond the year 400, and the type of the Achaemenid royal chariot forbids us from go lower than the year 332, date of the conquest of Cilicia, Phoenicia and Egypt by Alexander.

In this limited period of the history of the em- worst of the Persians, the maritime preponderance was in the hands of the Sidonians, under the suzerainty of the great King. Already, in the previous century, at the time of Xerxes, king of Sidon, is designated by Herodotus as having precedence over the king of Tire and the first place next to the Achaemenid monarch*. The ships Sidonians are cited as being the most notable

1. Herod., VIII,67,68,

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quables of the entire Persian fleet *. He is the king of Sidon who commands the Phoenician ships under the orders of Conon, at the battle of Cnidus in 395 V The perhaps immediate successor to this one, Straton, is famous for his philhellenism; his ambition was to surpass the Hellenic luxury of the kings of Cypre'; the Athenians issue a decree in his honor*, and it is to him, without doubt, that we must attribute buer the bilingual inscription discovered by M. Homolle at DelosV A little later, in the middle of the 4th century, when the whole of Phoenicia revolts against Artaxerxes III Ochus, it is at Tenues, king of Sidon, successor of Straton, that the representatives of Phoenician cities, gathered in Tripolis, confide the formidable honor of directing military operations silences against the satraps Mazaios and Bélésys. In short, we were rightly surprised, seeing the importance of the political role of Sidon, to note that, while small Phoenician dynasts con- temporary coins, like those of Gébal, struck coins in their name, the opulent and powerful, sido-princes nians, like Straton and Tenues, were free from it. seen. This anomaly was only apparent: at least, I propose to put an end to it by attributing to the kings of If most of the currencies we have, everything on time, drew up the summary catalog.

The coins of group A are anepigraph, of

1. Herod., VII, 96, 99.

2. Diode. Sic, XIV, 79.

3. Théopompe, frag. 126, cf. in Athenaeus, XII,^ p. 352.

4. CL A. II, n-86. 6. C. I. S., I, n* 114.

— 302 —

so that it will probably always be very difficult to attribute them to a specific king. Although they are of an old style and that they are among the first coins ever minted in Phenicia, they certainly do not go back to the time of Xerxes, time when the king of Sidon was Tetramnestos, son of Anysos, according to Herodotus*. But no barriers based on weight, style or types, does not seem to object to giving these pieces to this king, unfortunately unnamed, to whom we have already alluded to, and who, in 395, fought at Cnidus, under the orders of Conon and Pharnabazus. The currencies of group A are also linked, without discontinuity, to those of group B^ whose attri- bution can be scientifically established.

Group B belongs to Straton I the Philhellene: These are the initials of his name that we must recognize in the letters ^O (32^), which we read on some

half shekels of this group. We know, in fact, that the Greek word Straton is the altered transcription of Phoenician name HinU^yi^N [Abdastoret), and this Abdastoret form is precisely that which is given in the name of King Strato in the Phoenician part of the Delos inscription. Strato the Philhellene, who had taken part in the great revolt of the satraps against Artaxerxes 11 Mnemon, perished by the hand of his woman, during the suppression of the rebellion in 362; he had reigned twelve years.

His successor bears in Diodorus of Sicily the name of Outfits. These are the initials of Tenues that

1. Herod., VII, 98; VIII, bV, G8,

— 303 —

we will suggest recognizing in the letters 0*/i (yj^) of all the pieces which form group C. According to this spelling, there is no longer any need for maintain the connection, admitted until now conjecture- rally, between the name of Tenues and that of Tabnit riJiH*, Outfits, moreover, is perhaps not a Semitic name; because the prince who wears it was imposed to the Sidonians by the king of Persia, following the revolt of Straton I.

In the law of held currencies, we have reported figures which are not marks of value or emission, nor, as was believed more generally rally, years of reign of different kings of Persia: these are years of reign of Outfits itself same. The inscription from the Eschmunaaiar sarcophagus adding to our currencies, proves that the kings of Sidon used to count according to their years of reign. It will be noted that, on the mon- naies of Tennès, the dates stop at year 4. However, Diodorus tells us that Tennes, after having remained for some time the faithful vassal of the great King, revolted against Ochus. Thanks to the support of the Egyptians, he resisted for some time the armies of satraps sent to bring back Phoenicia under the yoke. But soon he was afraid, when he saw Ochus himself advancing against him at the head of a formidable army, and, betraying his allies and his homeland itself, he offered his submission which was accepted. Ochus pretended to forgive; his soldiers returned in Sidon, which was pillaged and burned, then Tennes

1. IC. s., I, p. 20.

— 304 —

was sent to execution. According to the story of these dramas- ticks events, it is natural that we do not have no coins of Outfits, of the type of the great King, for the insurrectional period of his reign which begins the fifth year, in 357, to end with the burning of Sidon and the death of Tenues, in 350.

Group D currencies give us a name royal whose initials are 00 (^i7). In ourselves laughing at the other names which, all of them, are abbreviated by their first two letters, we must believe that here also it is a name of a king, and that with all the more reason since the currencies of both Ains also carry years of reign. But what name can be represented in this form strange? I've searched for a long time and I won't last the reader aware of my hesitations and my conjectures. After having tortured the vocabulary Semitic language, I had to recognize that it would be impos- possible to find a Phoenician name that could adapt to such an initial transcription and at the same time be likely for a king of Sidon. I concluded that the name whose first letters are in phoenix cien deux ains must have been a foreign name, and that it was, probably, a prince who did not appear not holding to the royal race of Sidon; nothing more natural than to suppose that Artaxerxes III Ochus imposed on the Sidonians a governor of his choice, after the burning of their city and the torture of Tenues. My research in this direction has been more successful; because historical evidence allows me to affirm

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that this foreigner was Evagoras II, dispossessed king of Salamis.

Let us recall some historical events.

While the revolt of Held, another war had arisen in Cyprus, c war, says Diodorus of Sicily (XVI, 42), who complicated with the details of that [of Phoenicia].” The nine kings of the island of Cyprus made an alliance with the Phoenicians and repudiated the suzerainty of the king of Persia. Artaxerxes III Ochus charged the satrap with Caria Idrioeus with the Athenian Phocionet Evagoras II, former king of Salamis, to bring under the yoke the insurgent island. The army of Phocion and Evagoras came lay siege to Salamis, where the rebel king and usurper Pnytagoras. Events were there on the island, when, on the continent, Sidon succumbed and Tenues was put to death. I now quote textually a passage from Diodorus (XVI, 46), to which we have not, until now, paid full attention that he deserves: “The king of Salamis Pnytagoras (or Protagoras) dared to support the siege. Evagoras demanded the sovereignty of Salamis, as the heritage of its ancestors, and he hoped that with the support of the kings of Persians he would be restored to the throne. But soon, slandered by Artaxerxes who was already leaning towards Pnytagoras, Evagoras gave up hope of recovering Salamis. However, after justifying the accusations brought against him, he obtained from the king a bribe grooved in Asia^ more considerable than that which it had lost (oXXtqç T^jyeixovtaç T^Çiciôrj xaxà ti?)v 'Aafav |jiei^ovo<;j. But having led his government badly.

— 306 —

he had to take refuge again in the island of Cypre, where he was arrested and sentenced to execution. »

This is a very formal text, which teaches us that King Artaxerxes Ochus gave a kingdom to Asia Evagoras II, king expelled from Salamis. This was happening in 350-349, immediately after the fire of Sidon and the torture of Tennes. Diodorus recounting the events of Phoenicia suggest that the descendants, or at least the son of Tennès, do not have reigned in Sidon: this is what the editors of the Corpus Inscriptionum seniiticarum^ whose testimony I will invoke in passing \ Where so could this principality be, given in Asia by the king of Persia to his faithful Evagoras? Isn't it logical to think that it was the kingdom of Sidon, became vacant at this very moment and uncontested- much more considerable than that of Salamis, as Diodorus wants? This hypothesis will change in certainty, if we recall the affinity which existed between the Phoenicians and part of the Cypriots, their commercial relationships, their community of language; if we finally remember that, twenty- five years earlier, another king of Salamis, Eva- Goras I (410-374), had already possessed, for a moment, part of the coast of Phoenicia.

Diodorus adds that Evagoras II did not stay long time at the head of his Asian kingdom: xaxoiç Se Ta xaTà Ti?]v àp-^-^v StotxiQcxaç, îfuynzi'kiv elç Kuicpov. However,

1. a Qui legerit Diodoram (XVI, 43 et seq.), non credet filium hujus Tenns Sidone regnayisse, Tel a Persis regni incrementa accepisge. » C. I. .$., T, p. 20.

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referring to the currencies of group Z), we note that the king whose name is represented by the two elders only reigned for three years. The agreement is therefore perfect between the text of the Greek historian and the monetary dates. It was indeed in Sidon that Evagoras II was king, and the name of this prince was spelled in Phoenician in the form N^IJiyj. On currencies, Greek legends, which Evagoras II had struck in Sala- mine before being stripped of his Cypriot throne, his

name is abbreviated EV A • ^>^ ^'^'^ P^^* 'at ^"^ ^^s currencies of Sidon with 37^ only transport in Phoenician the first two syllables of the Greek word*. So the legend of our medals, so singular to the first firstly, is justified, both in what con- examines the spelling only from the point of view of history. By placing, between the death of Outfits and the advent of Evagoras, an interregnum of one year, necessitated by the disasters of Sidon and the negotiations of Evagoras with the great King, the new reign will begin in 349. This foreigner who thus came to establish his dominion nation on the smoking ruins of their city, the The Sidonians had to bear it only with anger, Evagoras was the friend and representative of the king who had made Sidon a heap of ruins; his yoke was odious. Also, at the first opportunity, as soon as were repaired the evils of the last war, Eva- Was Goras chased away and obliged, says Diodorus, to return Cyprus. We do not know the details of this revolution

m

1. Etagoras he also had struck in Cypress, on the occasion of his struggle against Pnytagoras, coins on which the two letters are found Phoenicians OO. We propose to study this little-known coinage so far, in further work.

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which took place in 346; but the name Straton given to successor of Evagoras, both by medals that by historians, seems to prove that the Sido- nians restored their old national dynasty. Strato II, who reigned in Sidon when Alexander appeared, was probably a descendant of Strato the Philhellene.

“After taking possession of the city of Byblos, which was delivered to him, Alexander, known as Quinte Curce, returned to Sidon, a city famous for its antiquity and by the reputation of its founder. Straton reigned there under the suzerainty of Darius; but as he submitted rather by the will of the inhabitants than by his own clean, he was judged unworthy to keep royalty, and Hephestion had the mission of choosing as king the one of the Sidonians whom he would judge most worthy of this rank high. » Follows, in Quinte Curce, the story of Abda- lonym, to whom Alexander had the royal furniture delivered by Straton ^

It is to this Straton II that must be attributed the very common currencies of group E. Its name mritt^^l337 is abbreviated by the initials ^O Ç^^)i like that of Strato I the Philhellene on the medals, older style, from group B. According to the dates provided by these coins, Strato II reigned

1. Diodorus of Sicily (XVII, 47) commits an obvious error by placing the story of Abdalonymus in Tire and not in Sidon. We must also avoid con- merge the king of Sidon Sraton II with Straton, son of the king of Aradus Gerostratos (Arrian, II, 13, 7). Mr. Droysen appears to have fallen into this error, when he says: “Quint Curce mentions around this time a king Strato of Sidon; but this is an error” (Droyseo, Hist. de l’heUén,^ trad. Bouché-Leclercq, I, p. 278, note). Our coins confirm the testimony of Quinte Curce in a dazzling way.

!

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thirteen years at least, and as his reign, following the account of Quinte Curce, confirmed by the testimony of Arrian and Diodorus, ends in January 332, we must therefore make it begin in 346, the year of fall of Evagoras II.

From the conquest of Alexander, the kings of Sidon, like those of Gebal, no longer had the right to coin money in their name; they had to content to issue gold and silver currencies name and types of Alexander. So we just review, in the preceding discussion, all the coins of the kings of Sidon, and this examination made it possible to establish as follows the succession of reigns:

1. — An unknown king, whose coins are anepi- graphs, and whose reign ends in 374 (group i4). PI. XI, fig. 1, 2, 3, 4.

2. — Strato 1 the Philhellene, whose name is abbreviated 337, and who reigned for twelve years, from 374 to 362 (group B), PI. XI, fig. 5, 6, 7, 8.

3. — Outfits, whose name is abbreviated ^n, and which reigned twelve years, from 362 to 350 (group C). PI. XI, fig. 9, 10.

4. — Interregnum of one year, after the ruin of Sidon.

5. — Evagoras II of Salamis, whose name is abbreviated J727, and who reigned for three years, from 349 to 346 (group D). PI. XII, fig. 1 and 4.

6. — Straton II, whose name is abbreviated ^JJ, and which

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reigned thirteen or fourteen years, from 346 to January 332, date of Alexander's entry into Sidon (group E), PI. XII, fig. 2, 3, 6.

According to this chronological table, there is no more moves, in the series of the kings of Sidon, to inter- hold the currencies of groups F and G, the only ones which are still to be classified. It is because in fact these pieces, which are clearly contemporary with Tennès, of Evagoras, or of Straton II, do not belong to the Sidonian kings; they weren't even hit in Phoenicia.

The coins of group F (PI. XII, fig. 5 and 7), which bear the legend HMû {Mazdaï) were struck by the satrap Mazaïos, probably in one of the ports of Cilicia. Reading the name, after been controversial for a long time, was definitely established by M. J. Halévy*, it is today accepted by everyone. Mazaios was established satrap, or more precisely hereditary dynast of Cilicia, like the Syennesis, in around 300. A few years later we find it, with Bélésys, at the head of the Persian troops who are fighting against Tennes, in the name of Ochus. After the death of Bélésys, around 350, Mazaïos joined his government of Cilicia all the Transeuphratic and Ciseu- phratic, that is to say the greater part of the Syria. He retained this considerable position until

1. J. Halévy, Mixture of epigraphy and Semitic archaeology”, p. 64 and 8iv. Paris, 1874. We can read Mazdaï or Mazraï; Daleth and the Reach se confuse in the Aramaic writing of currencies: the two semi-forms ticks lead, moreover, both to the form Greek MaçaTo;.

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The arrival of Alexander*, and, at the battle of Gaugamela, he commanded the Syrian troops. Finally, he betrays Darius opened the gates of Babylon to Alexander, who left him the satrapy of Babylon, where he died in 328 V

While accepting the reading of the name of Mazaïos on our currencies. Mr. Six believes that the mint of this satrap was in Tripolis. This opinion cannot be admitted; because, if Mazaïos entered Tripolis with the Persian troops, he certainly did not owned this town for twenty-one years before the arrival of Alexander, minimum of rigorous time ment required by the monetary dates, which form three groups comprising respectively the years 1, 2 and 3, then years 9, 10, H and 12, and finally the years 19, 20 and 21, if I refer to the documents known so far. On the other hand, as we have points out, Tripolis being located in Phoenicia, the legends of the coins which would have been minted there would be in Phoenician characters, like those of the Sidonian coins, and not in Arabic characters. meens. The letters being Aramaic on the coins of the group F, we draw from this the conclusion that the workshop who issued them was in a country where Aramaic was used for monetary legends. However, like the galley, which forms the constant type of double shekels, forces us to confine our research

1. In the last years of the Persian monarchy, that is to say in 334-332, Mazaïos appears to no longer have possessed Cilicia; the satrap who then governs this country is called Arsamcs, but perhaps the latter was under the authority of Mazaios. P. Krumbholz, De satrapis Asix minoris persicis, p. 93.

2. P. Krumbholz, De satrapis Astte minoris persicis, p. 77; Six, The Satrap Mazaïos in Numism. Chronicle, 1884, p. 89 et seq.

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in a country bordering the Mediterranean, we we are led to rigorously conclude that the coins of Mazaïos were minted in Cilicia, the only maritime province of the government of this satrap, where Aramaic writing was used on currencies. We therefore cannot think of a city any from inside Syria; rudeness and the bad style of our pieces, compared to the Aramaic coins of Tarsus, are explained here as in Sidon, by the precipitation which presided over the minting of these coins, which have a second-hand character sional and especially military.

As for the pieces of group G (PL XII, fig. 8 and 9), which are without date and start from Phoenician letters, they offer a particularity which will help us to fix the original homeland: it's the Egyptian in costume national which follows the chariot of the great King. These currencies must be classified to Egypt, as well as the already con- jected Mr. Eugène Révillout*. In truth, Mr. Six, who recognized the Egyptian character of the person- swims, observed, to justify its attribution to Tripolis, that Phenicia was long under the in- fluence of Egypt, from which she partly adopted Tart, costume and customs: witnesses of numerous monuments of Phoenician origin and in particular the costume of the goddess of Gebal on the king's stele Jehawmelek*. But if a similar argument explains well the Egyptian type of certain doubles centuries of Strato II, imitated from the pieces that we

1. Ugh. Révillout, Directory of the Society of Numifmaii^uefiBBb, p. 144.

2. C.r. S., Atlas, pi. T.

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we are studying at the moment, it cannot be enough to make takes into account the essential differences in attributes to the characters who follow the royal chariot here. The Group G coins are of a completely different style from that of the previous groups; corner engraving monetary policy does not, to any degree, have this heavy character. hardness and impasto that can be noted on all the coins of the kings of Sidon or the satrap Mazaîos. We will not otherwise dwell on these differences essential, which we have already pointed out and which betray another country of origin. The proof that these coins were minted in Egypt, I found it still in their weight, quite unusual compared to contemporary pieces. This weight of 28 gr. 40 given to the double shekel is the ancient Sidonian weight which was located in Egypt and persisted there, then that in Sidon even contemporary currencies do not reach 26 grams. Circumstance well significantly, the double centuries of Ptolemy Soter, became king of Egypt, still retained this weight of 28 gr. 40, while in all other kingdoms formed from the dismemberment of Alexander's empire the coins are cut in the Attic system.

If it is not possible to doubt that the currencies of group G were minted in Egypt, it is, at chronological point of view, a place which con- comes wonderfully: it is the period between the year 345, when Artaxerxes III Ochus reconquered Egypt on Nectanebo II, and the end of the year 332, date of Alexander's arrival in this country. This is the only period of the 4th century during

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which the Achaemenid kings were the quiet ones owners of the Nile valley. Ochus, once the pacified country, entrusted the government to the satrap Pherendates; his successor was Sabaces, who died at Issus at the head of the Egyptian contingent. A Sabacès succeeded Mazacès who, in December 332, delivered Egypt to Alexander, when the latter, after the capture of Gaza, presented himself before Pelusium.

How now to interpret the letter H which appears above the galley on all parts of this series? By allowing us examples of other groups, we must believe that this letter represents a name of a satrap or king, rather than a name of workshop or lower magistrate; and yet this ;2 cannot be the initial of the name of one of the three satraps that we have just listed. If we note that group G is the only one which does not carry no date and that all known copies show little variation in corners, we will conclude that these coins were minted for a space very limited time and, no doubt, on occasion of a military expedition. However, in the history of Egypt, during the period when must rank our medals, there is only one expedition that could to cause this coinage is conquest itself from Egypt by Ochus in 345; there is also only one only name, among the important characters of this era, which begins with a 3, it is that of the eunuch Bagoas, who was of Egyptian origin. We knows that the expedition of Artaxerxes Ochus against Necta- nebo II required considerable preparations and that

— 315 —

r

the conquest of Egypt cost several years of struggle. The Persian fleet had to combine its efforts with those of the Army. The man who played in this conquest of Egypt the preponderant role was Bagoas, the most faithful friend of Artaxerxcs *: “Bagoas, said Diodorus, an enterprising and daring man, who the king had the greatest confidence, had under his command the Greek subjects of the king, a multitude of barbarians and a certain number of vessels. » He occupied Pelusium, took Bubaste, and, despite the presence of Artaxerxes himself, we must recognize to be born, according to the account of historians; that it was Bagoas, helped by Mentor the Hhodian, who made the conquest of Egypt and pacified it, before Pherendates was called to govern it, that is to say after the departure of Ochus and Bagoas for Babylon, in 343. In pre- Given these facts, we cannot hesitate to consider treat the currencies of group G as having been struck by Bagoas, during shipping and con- quest for Egypt, between 346 and 343.

IV

To complete the revision of the monetary series of which we have undertaken the study, it is important to add that it exists a series of obols of the same types as those which we have divided into our different groups, but which must remain indeterminate, because they have no numbers or letters. There is finally, in the collection tion of Luynes, to the Cabinet of France, a mite which

1. Diode. Sic. XVI,47ot9uiv.

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bears a Phoenician name above the galley, unfortunately cropped, in which I dare not recognize give birth to the elements of the name Mazaïos. On the reverse, between the king and the lion, there is a rooster like symbol, instead of the letters that we generally read- lies*.

The few bronze coins which are relate to the same series, but which cannot be would also be distributed hypothetically in our different groups, respond to the three following types:

1. — Phoenician galley, sailing on the waves. Rev. The king of Persia in his chariot, accompanied by

Taurige, without following, and without letter or date. ^. 14 miU.

2. — The same problem. Above, a variable date. Rev. The King of Persia, one knee on the ground, right; he

holds a javelin in his right hand and a javelin in his left bow. M. 14 mill.

Mr. Head indicates on these bronzes the dates III. Illll andllllll.

3. — Bearded head wearing a high flat tiara, with right.

Rev. Phoenician galley; above, a date variable. M, 14 mill.

Mr. Head indicates on these bronzes the dates I"" (H)

1. Brandis, open. cilé, p. 426; B. Hond, open. quote, p. 43. We will call back here that certain letters or dates must be rejected as erroneous, that MM. Brandis, Six and Head thought they had read a few pieces, and that it would be unnecessary to discuss.

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and II"" (12); the portrait on the right is true- similar to that of Darius Codoman, rather than that of Straton II, to which these pieces appear belong, because of the high dates that they carry.

These few bronze coins and these obols, con- damned to remain uncertain because they are anepigraphs, do not affect the data in any way essential to this work where we have strived:

1. To determine the coins of the kings of Sidon prior to Alexander and to specify, with the help of this coinage, chronology, succession and history of these iT)is.

2. To determine the currencies that the satrap Mazaïos had it struck in Cilicia for the needs of the Persian fleet, for a period of at least 21 years, which ends with the conquest of Alexander in 332.

3. To determine the currencies minted in Egypt by the eunuch Bagoas, at the time when the king of Persia Artaxerxes II! Ochus reconquered this. country, in 345.

These results are mainly based on the study legends and monetary dates. Despite its singularity larity, the mode of abbreviation that we observed for royal names takes on, overall, all the characteristics of certainty. Besides, the way of abbreviating ger the Phoenician names on the coins varied according to before the countries. On the coins of Baalmelek, king of Citium, for example, the name of this prince is abbreviated in one of the following five forms: S, DS, *^3, 37, *jb, these last two forms even including

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the lamed prefix ^ Mr. Philippe Berger demonstrated, on the other hand, very recently*, that the Numidian kings abbreviated their names on their coins, by the first and last letter: ]D for Mikipsan^ ^'XYiOviv Gulussan\ b^ for A dher bal. This diversity or, to put it better, this arbitrariness in the mode abbreviation of names is one of the main obstacles to the classification and allocation of monies Phoenician or Punic nays. Such has been, without no doubt, one of the causes which prevented, until now, to recognize the coins of the kings of Sidon.

If our conclusions were ratified by scientists, they would be important from the point of view ni*misma- tick, since a considerable series of currencies, remained uncertain until now, would find themselves defined tively classified. They would also be considered from a historical point of view, because they seem to me shed some light on a chapter of so obscure annals of Phoenicia, under the domination Achaemenid kings. All the currencies that we we studied having been struck for the maintenance of the fleet, they are an index of the efforts attempted by last Achaemenids to preserve the empire of the sea, a compromised moment, in the period preceding dente, by the revolt of Egypt, that of the satraps and that of Evagoras I. In political history and chronology of the kings of Sidon, is filled a

1. M. de Vog-ué, in the Rei'uc NumUmatiquCy 1867, p. 369.

2. Ph. Bcrp^er, clans In Archaeological Review, 3* series, XH (1889), p. 512 and ^iiIT. See also above, p. 118 et seq.

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a gap often deplored by scholars who deal with decipherment and chronological reattribution Phoenician inscriptions where men- of the kings of Sidon. Phoenician spelling of several royal names is now fixed; the role of Evagoras 11 in Sidon had not been suspected so far. Finally we will add that the succession of the kings of Sidon, as we have established it, would now block the way, for example, to whoever would still have the desire to place kings Tabnit and Eshmunazar before Alexander; on this point, numismatics confirms the inductions of Mr. Clermont-Ganneau and the editors of the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum *.

1. Cf. Retfut archaeological, 3* series, X (1887), p. 6.

A MASSINISSA CURRENCY

Mr. Captain V. Pritd'horame, curator of the Museum and the Library of Constantine, kindly communicated to me a bronze coin dti Cunstantine Museum, most interesting touching and which fortunately comes to coni|ile what I said more high relnlîvemeni to the coins of the kings of Numidia '. Here are some image and description:

Bearded and laureate head, left; under the neck, a globule. Grèneiis around the edge, \y. Elephant marclumt on the left; to the exergue, the Punic legend ff^^'ff^ } *) J'Ttf {naSlTC."! ]D3UC. Massinissa, king). Ai 28 mill-, 13 gr. 50.

What is important about this medal is the presence of the name of King Massinissa, written in full, at the exergue of the reverse. The reading of this royal name is not doubtful, and the res- title of the word nsSoon, which is hidden under a crust of oxide, is based on the formula generally used on coins of the kings of Numidia and Mauritania. We know that this word linmainmelckei is constantly found following the names of Syphax, of Vermina, of Juba, of Bocchus, on the currencies pectives of these princes; there can therefore remain no uncertainty about the restitution of the word which follows the name of Massi-

From an epigraphic point of view. It is important to note that

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this is the first time that the name of King Massinissa is encountered in Punic writing. The spelling given to it ]D;:Dn differs essentially from that which is provided to us by coins attributed to an alleged Massinissa II who was believed read the name in neo-Punic script ]3rjriVO, MasatnizaUy next the transcription of L. Muller* which we adopted more top^. We are now able to affirm that it coins bearing this name are unlikely to belong, as MuUer believes, to a prince named Masanassés who, according to Appian ^, governed the northern part of the Numidia at the time of Juba I**" of which he was the ally. Mr. F. von Duhn * recently proposed to allocate these rare coins to another Numidian king named Mastanesosus, mentioned by Cicero, and the Punic spelling of the name Massinissa comes, on the other hand- Suddenly, confirm the ingenious conjecture of the German scholar.

The new currency of the Gonstantine museum is still interesting from another point of view. The laureate effigy which appears to the right, and which cannot be the portrait of Massinissa, is similar to that which we see on a group of bronze coins and in lead, attributed by L. MuUer k Micipsa and his brothers '. On these pieces, we generally read two Punic letters whose in- interpretation was determined by Mr. Philippe Berger, as well as us we explained it above*. But, as we have noticed, coins simply bearing yo could also belong both in Massinissa and in Micipsa; I even proposed conjectural- ment to recognize the end of the name Massinissa on a coin whose crude caption seemed to me to read: DSIDDH ]DJ... (..nissan hamammeleket) '^. The currency that was kind enough to give me communicate Mr. Prud'homme comes to bring a clear confirmation aunt to this conjecture. She has the same laurel head as the large room of which I have just spoken; the reverse only is different, since, instead of the horse, we have as a type the African elephant

1. L. Hallcr, Numismatics of Ancient Africa^ t. III, p. 48-49.

2. See above, p. 121.

3. Appian. Bell, civ., IV, 5'a: MaaavaaaTjç 'Io6a Tj(X(xa/o;.

4. F. Ton Dnhn, in the Zeilschrift /tir Numismaiik, t. III, pp. 40 & 43.

5. L. Muller, op. cit., t. III, p. 17 and snir.

6. See above, p. 119.

7. See above, p. 123 and pi. VI, fig. 1.

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cain, similar to that which appears on other numidic currencies. The legend is the same: nsSDDn ]DJDD. We see here how the bronze from the Gonstantine Museum, unique until now, allows us now classifies, with absolute certainty, an entire group of currencies that remained uncertain; he finally fixes us definitively on the features of the famous Numidian king, who contributed with so much blindness and obstinacy to the ruin of Carthage and to the takeover of Africa by the Romans. It becomes certain, on the other hand, that the anepigraph silver coins and barbarian style, which Muller attributed to him S are not of this prince, but of a king whose name remains to be determined ^.

1. L. Muller. op. cii,, t. III, p. 13.

2. We aron? appears on our pi. VI, n** 7, a bronze piece from Cabinet of Medals, which was found in Africa, but which is not African. On the right, we read around the head of Apollo HA — ARC* [Halaeaa Arconidea); the character invested with the functions of duumvir, of which the name appears on the reverse, appears to be called Mareut Paconiua (or Pacuviua) Maximum. This currency from the town of Halaesa, in Sicily, is unique and it had remained undetermined until now.

CARIES ABA

Stephen of Byzantium reports, according to Herodian, a city of "A6ai, in Caria, with the probable ethnic 'Afc6;: it is the only mention that we have of this city in ancient authors (1).

On the other hand, Eckhel (2) recorded, according to the readings of Pellerin [3), two imperial medals from Aba. These two pieces which are, one in the image of Marcus Aurelius, the other in the eragy of Severe Alexander, carry, always according to Pellerin, the legend ABEQN; that of Marcus Aurelius is of the type of Mercury, that of Severe Alexander to the type of Lunus. After talking about a so-called city of Abas in Lycia and Abea of Mossenia, Eckhel concludes that the award of the two medals in question & Aba of Carie, proposed by Pellerin, is very rational, above all, he says, because of the image of Lunus which we do not meet on the currencies of the cities of Europe.

A few years later, in 1796, Sestini published a bronze to the elegy of Lucius Verus, on the reverse of which he also read ABEQN; the type of this new medal is Pallas Promacbos, with the

(l)Here is the wisdom of Stephen of Byzantium: (“-■ St aUti 'Ata nelic Ka^iat fi

■npaîlmbt i* ■(■onrâ B,$Xi^tù>aTai Si 'Aïlù; t) ifixii» 3ik Tà> lltis/tlvov tdT,- Kaai-

(Z) Dactr. num. Mt., t. He, p. 571.

(3) lUeueildt méaiUtt,Z' Supp<, p. 133. 134.

serpent Erichthonius at his feet (1). This piece is kept at Borgia Museum, Propaganda of the Faith, in Rome.

Finally, I will recall that Sestini and, after him, Mionnet Tributed to Aba of Caria a small group of autonomous currencies whose legend is: MÏ^QN ÂBBÂITÛN {i).

None of these various numismatic attributions is founded, and we will demonstrate that Aba of Caria, a city little important and whose site is unknown, has not been struck by mon- naies. We could already notice the implausibility that there is- would admit that, on the medals, Tethnique of the same town was both ABBÂITQN and ABEÛN. But it is superfluous to dwell on this point, because the opinion of Sestini who classified Aba the coins with the legend MÏSQN ABBAITQN, was hardly adopted only by Mionnet. These pieces are, in reality, from the city of the Abbaettde Mysie, as Eckhel had already conjectured (3) from which Sestini and Mionnet made the mistake of deviating. Note* on this subject, in passing, a singular mistake from Mionnet: this is not the only one of this kind that can be noted in its vre. One of the pieces bearing MÏZQN ABBAITQN was de- written by him twice: the first time, according to Eckhel, he given to the Abbaeti of Mysia (4); the second time, driven by Sestini, he classifies it as Aba of Caria (5).

Doubtful and conjectural at the time when Eckhel wrote, the at* contribution of pieces with the legend MÏZQN ABBAITQN, to the city of the Abbaeti of Mysia, has become positive since M.Wad- dington (6) reported an inscription which begins with these words: '0 8^|i.oç 6 Muœûv 'A65a6[T(ov (7). These Mysi Abbaeti, according to Mr. Waddington, had their principal town in the neighborhood of the Phrygian cities of Synaus and Ancyra and the Phrygian city Gian or Mysian from Cadi, west of iËzani. The allocation of medals in question has therefore become indisputable.

(1) Sestini, Descr. num, vet, diversis ex museis, p. 364 and pi. VIII, "09 12.

(2) Mionnet, Descr. of tnéd, ant. Supplement, t. VI, p. 434, n^* 1, 2 and 3.

(3) Doctr. num, vet, t. II, p. 448,

(4) Mionnet, Descr., t. II, p. 512, no. 2.

(5) Mionnet, Descr, Supp^, t. VI, p. 434, n*» 1.

(6) Voyage ntonism, in Asia^Minor, p. 37.

(7) Boeckh, G. 1. G. n» 3849.

It now remains for us to examine the pieces with the legend ABEQN. The three medals that we mentioned above are described in Mionnet, after Pellerin and Sestini, and two of them are kept in the Cabinet of Medals. On that by Marcus Aurelius, instead of the legend ABEQN, I managed to read with certainty OABEQN. The letter A had been taken by Pel- lerin for an A, and although the piece is very crude and cropped, we can still distinguish the traces of the letter 0. Here, therefore, the exact description of this currency:

AYT- KAI- M- ArP- ANTÛNINOC. Laureate head of Marcus Aurelius on the right.

9. OABEQN. Naked Mercury, standing left, holding a purse on the right hand and a caduceus on the left hand. MY.

The attribution of this piece to Olba of Gilicia, of whom we have other very coins with the legend OABEÛN, seems certain to me. As for the bronze of Septimius Severus, on the reverse of which appears the god Lunus, standing, holding a pole and a pine cone, he In reality, only the final letters ...EÛN remain of the legend. It is impossible for the best trained eye to discover the least dre trace of the preceding letters, and if the type gives us the certainty that it is an Asia-Minor currency, we cannot would ensure that it must be classified, like the previous one, Olba of Gilicia. It is not, in all cases, on a similar monument that can support the numismatics of Aba.

Finally, the third medal is that of the Propagation Museum. gande, with the effigy of Lucius Verus; I tried in vain to obtain a print. Sestini read ABEQN on the reverse; but all those who have had the opportunity to use the works of this au- they know how suspicious he is; often his readings are bad and its erroneous attributions. For the present case, the piece described by him would remain the only one that should be attributed to Aba, and if we refer to the figurative drawing on the plate which accompanies the description, we will easily realize that it it is a very crude currency; the letters of the legend are arranged in an abnormal manner. Everything conspires to make us admit that Sestini was wrong.

The conclusion from the above is that the medals that we attributed to Aba of Caria are not from this city which, until

that with further notice, must be removed from the nu- nomenclature mismatic (i).

I would stop here if it were not for the discovery made in Rome in 4886, of original or restored inscriptions, in which there are enumerated different kings and peoples of Asia Minor who made an alliance with the Romans at the end of the u* and at the beginning ment of the 1st century BC. AD These inscriptions mention the Phesians, Laodiceans, Lycians, Mithridates Philopator and Philadelphus, Ariobarzane. and a people whose name was read *A6t)vo(. This last mention interests us particularly, and the inscription which contains it, first published by M. Gatti in 1887 (2), must be reported with the ma- terial given to him by the learned professor of Rome:

/

tos^ ^O ABHN(4)N

POJ

J.N.

The epigraphic restitution of this text does not suffer from any difficulty. ficultity:

'0 5[ï1jxo(S 6] 'A6y)vôv

*P(i)[[xa(]a)v.

Mr. Gatti (3) and after him Mr. Mommsen (4), asked themselves who were these people of the 'A6v}vo{ who wanted, like the Ephe- his own, the Laodiceans, the Lycians, that their alliance with Rome was engraved on stone in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus.

(1) This is what Mr. Barclay Head has already suspected, Manual of Greek Numis- ntics, p. 519. {2) NotizU degli Scavi di antichita^ March 1887, p. 110 and 111.

(3) Notisie, loc. cit.

(4) Zeiuchrift fur NumUmatik, 1887, p. 210 and 213.

Mr. Mommsen thinks that it is quite obvious that it is a people of Asia Minor, as attested by the inscriptions congeners, we cannot however think of Âba of Carie. The reason given by this famous scholar to justify his opinion, it is that the ethnic group of the city of Aba is *A6éciiv on the medals- them, and 'Afeuç after Stephen of Byzantium. He prefers to recognize in the 'A6v]vo (the 'A66aetTai of Mysia which are called, in the texts, inscriptions and medals: Muoot ^A66atTat, 'A66aet- Tcc, *A6a£tTat. Which appears, according to Mr. Mommsen, to confirm this hypothesis is that the ending -v]vo{ of the word *A6iqvo( relates more particularly to Mysia, where one finds

I cannot share Mr. Mommsen's opinion, for several molifes. At first it seems difficult to me to admit that the same people were called, at the same time and at the same time, *A6iqvo( and 'A66aetT(M, because it is a question here, as we see, of a difference fundamental which is not simply based on a variant spelling. The fact, in any case, would need, pomr be admitted, with scientific confirmation. As for the end naison •yjf^lt it is found quite frequently in countries other than Mysia, and we will cite almost at random, Ta6iQ- vo{, 2aXt]vo(, Ta&tjyoi, Ze6aotY2vo(, X8ta6iQvo(, etc.

On the other hand, it was demonstrated above that the word 'A^eûv medals, invoked to reject the identification of ''A6t)vo( with the inhabitants of Aba, does not really exist and that it must have been simply false readings of Pellerin and Sestini. In- end, for the ethnic *A6e6ç given by Stephen of Byzantium, if we please refer to the text cited above in the footnote, we will see that the geographer of the end of the 5th century AD does not pro* poses only as a conjecture based on the formation of eth- similar genres: SOvaxai iï *A6eùç tb èOvtxbv 8tà rbv s{6ia(jiivov xotç Kapixoïç TÔicov, wç 8e(Ço[jiev. Therefore, why should we not see- we do not in the word ABHNÛN of our inscription, a correc- tion to the hypothesis of Stephen of Byzantium? Why the 'ASyjvoC Would they not be the inhabitants of the city of Aba? The ethnic is training as correct as that of Ta6iQvo{ for ha- bitants of Taba, and that of SaXv]vo( for those of Sala of Phrygia. A material detail alone prevents us from being absolutely af-

firm on this point. According to the arrangement of the epigraphic text that published by Mr. Gatti, and which we have scrupulously reproduced happily I noticed that the space between the word and the next one, ABHNÛN, is larger than between the other words of the same inscription and, moreover, that the letter disappeared in largely as a result of a breakage. I wondered if the mutilation is not a little greater than it seems Tô- be in the text of the Nottzie, and if it does not extend, on the stone, to the beginning of the word ABHNQN; in a word, if we should not restore [T]ÀBHNÛN, well-known ethnic of the Carian city of Taba which was very flourishing in the first century BC. I asked Father Duchesne to do share my scruples with Mr. de Rossi, and I will be allowed to transcribe here the response I owe to the friendly intervention of Father Duchesne:

“Mr de Rossi writes to me: Mr Gatti copied the inscription on a tracing, the stone being hidden by the owner. In the cal- that, the T cannot be seen, but there is space: it is very pro- bable. »

• I therefore regret, due to the ill will of the holder current registration, not being able to definitively decide this small point of epigraphy and onomastics. What makes me sup- pose that it is rather, perhaps, in the inscription, the habi- both of Taba and those of Aba, it is, in addition to the rectification bring to the hypothesis of Stephen of Byzantium, that the others peoples listed in inscriptions found in Rome are all peoples considerable and important in their number and their influence, Âba, whose existence rests solely on the monkhood of Herodian, was never more than a locality without importance political tance, and its presence alongside the Lycians, the Laodi- Ceans and Ephesians would be difficult to explain. Taba, at on the contrary, was a very considerable city, populated, according to Strabo, Phrygians and Pisidians, and who, at the time of the campaigns of the Romans against Mithridates, struck in great quantity of silver and bronze coins with legend TABHNÛN and even AHMOC TÂBHNÛN, legend to be compared to text of the Roman inscription.

— 329 —

Post-scrlptum. — Shortly after the publication of the article which pre- gives way, on Aba de Carte and Mr. Gatti inserted a note in the Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità (February 1888, p. 134), in which he says he only knew the inscription through a stamping, and he adds: “It has been conjectured by Mr. Babelon that the first first letter of the word ABHNON could, on the stone, be pre- transferred from another letter. Verification done, we must recognize that this letter, which did not come to stamping because of the mud which the stone was covered, actually exists. The next lesson is therefore certain: O AL'HH-o; 6]TABHNflN- Mr. Gatti has, moreover, republished the inscription, in the Bullcttino délia Commissione archeologica communale di Roma (1888, p. 138), and he gives as the correction that I have presupposed is unmistakable. As a result, what I indicate, in the preceding pages, as a conjec- very probable nature, is fully confirmed and bears all the characteristics of scientific certainty (See Review of Greek Studies and April-June, 1888, p. 256).

330 —

ADDITIONS 1:T CORRECTIONS

P. 4. Instead (the: has the same as Gharax," read: "as Charax said. »

P. 264. The alleged numeral mark ^1 that I took for the number 21 is in reality the letter rf (n), which has a particular form on the coins of Aradus.

TABLE OF M,\TIKRKS

Pages. Foreword

1. Alabaiida and Anliorlio, towns of (]arie.Extract

from the Revue /lumismatique, 1890, p. 417 to 434). there 18

2. Four bronze medallions, from Western Asia:

Gyzicus, Ephesus, Acinonia (Extract from the island

Numismatic Review, 1891, p. 20 to 39) 19 to 32

3. Coins of Cyrenalqia (Extract from the Revue

numismatics, 1885, p. 389 to 400) 33 to 43

4. On the numismatics of the cities of Asia Minor

who bore the name of Comana ("Extract from the

Numismatic Review, 1886, p. 439 to 451) 44 to 50

5. Marcus Annius Afrinus, governor of Galatia

(Extract from the Revue numismatique, 1887,

p. 109 to all8) 57 to (>G

6. Tetradrachm of Ere trie (Extract from the Revue

numismatics, 1887, p. 212 to 219) 67 to 74

7. Unpublished Nabataean coins (Extract from the

Numismatic Review, 1887, p. 371 to 377) 75 to 81

8. Tarcondimotus, dynast of Cilicia (Extract from

the Numismatic Review, 1887, p. 378 to 381). 82 to 85

9. Marathus (Extract from the Revue numismatique,

1888, p. 497 to 527) 86 to 117

10. Some remarks on African currencies

and Spain (Extract from the Revue numisma^

tick, 1889, p. 393 to 408, and p. 502 to 513). 118 to 144

11. Bacchius Judaeus (Extract from the Belgian Review of

numismatics, 1891, p. 5 to 24) 145 to 164

— 332 —

12. The Phrygian tradition of the Flood (Extract from

the Revue de V histoire des rcli«;ions, t. XXIII,

1891, p. 174 to 183) 1G5 to 174

13. Klagabalus, son of Apollo, coin of Alexandria

of Egypt (unpublished memoir) 174 to 176

14. The gold coins of Athens (Extract from the

Review of Greek Studies, t. II, 1889, p. 124

at 148). 177 to 201

15. The Victory over the gold coins of Alexander the

Grand (Extract from the Memoirs presented to international congress of numismatics, held in Brussels in July 1891) 203 to 217

16. Aradu& | Extract from the Revue numismatique ^ 1891,

p. 283 to 314 and p. 402 to 432) 219 to 282

17. The coins and chronology of the kings of Sidon,

under the domination of the Achaemenid Persians (Extract from the Hel- lenic, t. XV, 1891, p. 293 to 320) 283 to 3 19

18. A coin of Massinissa, king of Numidia

(Extract from the Archaeological Bulletin of the Committee historical and scientific works, 1891, p. 253 to 255) 319 to 322

19. Aba, city of Caria (Extract from the Revue des

Greek Studies, t. I, 1888, p. 88 to 93) 323 to 329

Additions and corrections^ 330

Planchks: I. Alabanda and Antioch of Caria.

II. Medallions of cities in Asia Minor.

III. Coins of Cyrenalca.

IV. Nabataean coins. — Tarcondimotus. V. Marathus.

VI. Coins from Africa, Spain and Sicily.

VII. Victory holding the stylis of ships.

VIII, IX and X. Aradus.

XI and XII. Coins of the kings of Sidon.

End of the first one. skiië.

ALABAMDA AND ANTIOCH

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