Numismatic Miscellanea, Vol. I — 1892

' G. Perrot and Ch. Chipiez. JETist de Vart, t. m, p. 146.

* MB vers. DU Pkcenicier, t. I, p. law. A sentence from Mr. Renan {op. cit., p. 60) could make one believe that MoYers invented this name from MapaOfaç: it is given by Eustathius, ad Dionys. Periegetem, V.914.

“Arrian. Ikcped. Alex,, H, 13, 7; XFV; XV; Q. Curtius, IV, i, 51; Pompom. Mela, I, 12.

— 88 —

must have occurred, if we refer to the dates that we will note further on currencies, from the time of the reign of Seleucus P' Nicator and perhaps at the time of Ptolemy Soter's death.

Aradus watched with chagrin as his former colony, and she resolved to take advantage of the first favorable opportunity to claim and assert its rights over a tributary town became his rival. It followed between the two cities Phoenicians a deep hatred which broke out, in the testimony of Polybius (V, 68) from the year 219 before Jesus Christ, and which almost had an outcome terrible under the reign of AlexandVe Bala towards Tan 150 BCE. Diodorus of Sicily* recounts that Alexander Bala, requested by the Aradians, authorized the destruction of the city of Marathus, and it was no doubt, after taking revenge on their re-colony beautiful, which the Aradians had struck, in the name by Alexandre Bala, tetradrachms which appear attest to the bonds of friendship and recognition by particularity which united them to the king of Syria\

Following this catastrophe, Marathus, well that fallen from its former splendor, retained yet a certain autonomy attested by the coins that she had minted. The Aradians returned to the charge and the last of their attempts of aggression is after the year 83 before our era; it therefore corresponds approximately to

*Diode. Sic. XXXm, frag. v.

^ Duc de Luynes, in the Eevue numismatique, 1850, p. 316 and ft. XI, flg. 3; Six, in Ntm. chron., 1877 (N. S., t. XW) p. 187-188.

-■—■-g-

— 90 —

that orientalists like Gesenius \Jûdas', Schrœder', cited the Phoenician legends of currencies of the city which occupies us. In short, we we hardly have to take into account, and still we will wander with what reserve, that succinct notes of M. Vaux in 1858 \ J.-P. Six in 1877 •, Imhoof Blumer in 1883 ^ and some other writings that we will have the opportunity to quote during this monograph.

Let us now turn to the critical examination of the pieces which some authors believed they could attribute to “Marathus; then we will give the description carved out of those which undoubtedly belong to this city.

II

There is no reason, in our opinion, to attribute to Mara- thus, as was proposed, tetradrachms and staters with the name and types of Alexander, on the reverse. of which there is a caduceus symbol. If the king of Egypt whose effigy later appeared on bronzes of Marathus (see below, n** 9), door also a caduceus on the shoulder, this rapprochement cannot constitute a very solid argument^ since most of the coins of Alexander which

» Phœn. monum., pi. XXXV, 5, p. 271-274. “Study. dem,, ip. 113.85 fg.

* Die pœnizische SprackCy p. 275.

* Numismatic chronicle, t. XX, 1858, p. 84.

» JVum. chron,, 1877 (new series, t. XVII), p. 188.

* Greek coins^ p. 444.

^ MûUer. Numism. of Alexander^ n^* 1369 et seq.; J.-P. Six, in N%m. chran.f N. S. t. XVO, p. 482 et seq.

— 92 —

Nicians having been dethroned, the people of these cities began to inscribe his name on coins. The inscription k is7 {people (TAradtis) would correspond therefore to that of APAAinN which came later. She would itself have been substituted for the letters hd> and these, dating back to the time of kings, would not something other than the initials of the two words tiim *]Sn king of Aradus. In a more recent study, M. Six explains, according to the same principle, the letters sm on didrachms from Tire by xshû |w *.

Unfortunately for this brilliant scaffolding, the base, that is to say the md7 reading on the ^tater of Alexander, cannot be admitted. I know of seen the only two copies of this stater, which we reported so far. One, the very one from the col- Allier election, entered, during the sale of this medalist, in the Cabinet of France; the other is there came, later, with the Luynes collection. On these two pieces, which are from the same corner and in uti perfect state of conservation, I was able to see that if the two letters H12 are sure, it is not even from Yaîn. It would be necessary to admit this last letter, suppose it is much more smaller than the other two, and moreover, recognize him to give birth to form v. Gold Vain .Phoenician on the mon- naies of this period never have this form; he is always O or a, as proven, in addition to Marathus coins which we describe below -pennies, Gaza currencies and staters to type of Alexander they bear the name of Ace.

j

— 94 —

report here for the first time. The letters kd se clearly read in the field on the reverse of this tetradrachm, and it is difficult to accept that, on such a piece, these letters are the initials of rrm ^Sci king of Aradus.

While rejecting the interpretation given by Mr. Six, it should be added that, among the currencies to the legend kdi there is one that we cannot refuse to classify in Aradus: these are those which carry at the same time time that kd> the monogram composed of the letters AP “As for Marathus, she cannot claim none of the coins in the series: these coins date back attempted, for the most part, at a time when this city was in close dependence on Âradus and could not is going to have a monetary workshop. On the other hand, the name of Marathus being in Phoenician niDt cannot hardly be abbreviated by the two lettered nq who will remain perhaps still unexplained for a long time. As we will see, the first coins of Maraihus, to the types of Alexander, carry not hd" but a Greek monogram composed of the letters MP0f rigorous transcription of the Phoenician name. •

1. Tetradrachm to the ordinary types of Alexan- dre (Muller, n^ 1396). This piece, from the collection de Luynes, bears a palm tree on the reverse as a symbol bole, the monogram /^ (= MP©) and the date -Jv-liva {= year 30).

2. Head of Athena right, wearing a co-helmet Rinthian. Granite.

]|. AAEIANAPOY. Victory going left,

}

jr

— 96 —

acrostolium; from the left, brought back, he holds a long-stemmed twig; her chlamys is in* Wrapped around her left arm. In the field, in front of the character, the Phoenician date fll-iv4iN9 (=an33). Ar. 29. Tetradr. attic, 46 gr. 71. Brit. Museum^ Another copy which appears from the same corner, Cabinet of France. Beautiful style. 16 gr. 25. — PI. V, fig. 2.

5. Veiled head of Arsinoe I, right. Granite.

'i^. MAPAGHNHN- Beardless character, standing left, draped in its chlamys; with the right hand, he is holding Tacrostolium and he is leaning on his left arm che, on a cippe; in front of him, the date llll— Arjixr (= year 34).

Ar. 15. Hemidrachm, 2 gr. 33. British Museum \ — PI. V, fig. 3.

6. Turret head of Tyche, right.

^. Bow of ship left; above, the mono- gram M; below, --/v^-ji>x^ (= year 50).

iE 16. Coll. de Luynes. — PL V, fig. 4.

The award of this bronze does not seem doubtful to me. writer; however, the type of ship's bow is not not ordinary in Marathus and the unusual monogram lite, composed of the letters MAi could designate any something other than the name Marathus.

7“Veiled head of Berenice II, right. Granite.

^ W. Vaux, in Num. chron., 1858, t. XX, p. 84; Head. EUi num.j p. 670, Ûg. 351.

> W. Vaux, in Num. chron., 1858 (t. XX), p. 85, no. 2; Head. sut. mimorumj p. 670. Figured in Reg. S. Poole. The FtoUnAu^ K%ng$ ofEgypt, pi. XXXI, q«2.

hairless length it on the left, ace s and holding in In the field, m^su (=an73). , 1 gr. 95. Coll. d<

aice II, right.

right, surmoni

wheel, the three letl

l-AJvyv-jixtf (^an

irtaines on one of medals; they]

crude letters e) iires of this mi

As for the meaning of the to be determined, p name of magistrate

111, laureate and draped , the caduceus on

e, standing on the left right dwarf, he tiei iiche he grabs the | p, right \"^h^', = year 85), In 1

!s. — PI. See fig. 7 types, with the d

-- 9« —

IJI III NNPfNJ^yf {=:^n 86) and lep leltrw

isolated (?) M^m^ date r-^ Kid 4at9 ^r- ^ PI. V, fig. 8- I m III ffNNN^yff (== year 87) ^

The CabiQQt of France has a few other ya* pieties 4q 1^ same piece; but I omit the des- cription because U date and the isolated letters are there of an uncertain reading.

10. Head of Tyche on the right. Granite.

1^. IMAPAÇ^HNQN* Beardless^ naked figure, seated He sits on shields; his head is surrounded by uq b^odeau; with his outstretched right hand he loses a Acrostolium; have your left hand, brought back, it held a branch with a long stem and decorated with b^ndei- IçUos. In ex^rgua, the Phoenician letters ^a (zEcoy* the people); in the field, on the right, the date Greek letters GFT (= year 89). Granite.

Ar, 32, Tetradraehme, 16 gr. 55. Office of

France. -^ PL V, fig. 9.

The letter ain of the word D3r is certain, and it does not Atu^ You wouldn't take her for a Daleth; she has the shape of an irregular shape, as on the other parts 4$ Marathus, From a style point of view, there is between this letradrachma and the one we described so\m I n"^ 4« characteristic differences including sufficiently accounts for the interval of fifty^ six years which repairs the emissions of these parts. The relief of eella^ci is much flatter; do it, drier, indicates that decadence is increasing. The

— 100-—

the field, -^ and another uncertain isolated letter. Granite.

Varieties of the same types, with differences following:

III -|i-^i^-|iv/ (= an 103) and the letters ^

isolated: 4 PL V, fig. 12.

Il III -ji-^i^-jiM/ (z= an 105) and the letters y

isolated: ^

Same date — i

T

Same date (?) — Hf

- {%-,)

llllllM-jnv/ (=anl06) —

IIIIIIIM-(,N«,(=anl07) —

IIIIIIIH-|,>* (=anl08) —

PI. V, fig. 13.

î

-0

'ri]

I omit the description of some other varieties on which the date is of uncertain reading. Note that the number 100 is sometimes written in all letters nMia> sometimes by the well-known sign H.

15. Head of Zeus, right. Granite.

ijl. Double cornucopia filled with fruit and girded with the royal diadem. On the right, ;NrH4i vf (= an 1 20) In the field, a and another crude letter.

iE22.

— law -=

92. Head laut'éè of Zeus^ at âroiMi

i^. Double cornucopia filled with fruit efc girded with the royal diadem. In the field, to the left » ABPM; on the right, CAS (z=r ati 236).

itR 22. Pembroke Museum and colL de Luynès (Im- hoof-Blumer. Monn.gr. ^p. 444, n* 27). — PL V> fig. 15.

As Mr. Imhoof observed, this dëi^- nist piece, of which the legend MAPA(9Y]vck)v) is certain^ force to classify in Marathus the currencies at iix meifies types, but without bom of yiUe^ that we slv de- written above under numbers 15 to 21. However, Therefore, it is important to note with the same scholar, that after the destruction of Marathus, the city of Ara^ dus struck, to the types of Zeus and the double cdîne of abundance, bronzes which bear cor- corresponding to the period between Augustus and Domitian. Other Phoenician cities also have their currencies the double cornucopia, type borrowed from the currencies of Egypt

In the field of the reverse of the coins that we have just described, we often encounter^ besides the date, isolated Phoenician letters, whose meaning will probably always remain an enigma4 These variable letters represent names of magis- trats or emission marks similar to those found on the coins of Aradus and others towns on the Syrian coast. Otherwise it would have been dangerous, at least superfluous, to note here all the different monetary in the descriptions of the authors who preceded us. This reservation is com- mandated by the mistrust that we have conceived

— 104 —

yj/

Vf

NM2. f-fi^-fi

IIIIIIH]iv„ Mil III Mj, NM5. INlililM-ti No. 16. JvW-ji

N* 17. llyvArH-|i

W 18. IliivJvH-ji NM9. IIIIjvjvM N*20. lllllArArM No. 21. llllll|jvArM-|,v„ N*22. lllllllUivH-Jiv,

V/

Vf

Vf

v/

Vf

Vf

Vf

year 1 00.

year 403 V

year 105.

year 106.

year 107.

year 108.

year 120.

year 142.

year 143.

'• year 144.

:year 145.

:an 147.

: year 148.

The dates noted by Mr. Vaux • on the bronzes of Marathus are suspect as accuracy, as well that Mr. Six has already noticed; so we have them intentionally neglected. As for Mr. Six, he re- keeps the date 23 as certain; this date would be interesting to control since it would constitute the starting point of our series; but Mr. Six seems having borrowed from the Vaux list, and, if any So, I assume it's just the last part of a date whose first digits would be erased.

It is generally accepted that the dates read on the coins of Marathus relate to Tere of Ara-

^ Numbers 13 and 14, along with other types, bear this same year 103. 'Num. chron.f 1858, t. XX, p. 91. ^ Num. chron.^ N.-S. t. XVII, p. 188, note 48.

lei ipr

c I ch< faith

abl

ad

fii Aradietane Tyear cotaiïiènç&it ft TéqUkoxé d»

^fifitdttips as celk of Damascus, by gxeifipUf the upper part 374 corresponds to the lower part taken between /f A fnàfé 11$ and end marfjn^ and Tyear 375 ddtnprettd

dapuift fin m^fê in jusiqb'à fin mun IIS. If, at (^a«

traira^ The year of the Aradienâ was leaving, like this from Séleacides, from Tequinoxë d^autoitiné, Tanûôa tlk eôfilprand from the end of September 116 to the end of September 110 and the year â75 from the end of September 116 to the end of êepiemhfë 117 é According to these caloulSf the Beginning of the Terd arâdieniie must be fixed either in the month of September de Tan 259 BC. J.-C.^ i.e. in the month of March of Tatl 258 BC, without it being possible, given that iios current knowledge^ to arrive at a pliia great precision. For greater convenience Studying the numismatic series, we will admit that Tan I of Tere of Âradus corresponds to Tan 259 ay. BC, that is to say in Tan 53 of the Seleu era-> cide

If we calculate from xthis starting point lea dates noted on the coins of Marathus, we we come up against obvious impossibilities. Thus^ Themidrachm n"" 7 which bears the date 73, well positive, would correspond to Tan 186 BCE; we see, on the right, a veiled woman's headdress in which we cannot ignore the head of Berenice II, wife of Ptolemy Itl Evergetes who reigned from 247 to 222 BC. It is impossible ble to admit that we find the portrait of Bérénice on silver coins which would have been struck in Marathus approximately thirty-five years after death of this queen of Egypt. With dates 100 to 108|

— 108 —

place, the philosophical era, which has its starting point in 324, on the death of Alexander; finally the Seleucid era, which begins in 312. We could still ask if Marathus did not also invent his use a special era which would start from the moment of its independence: but this hypothesis is uncertain tile, because the local era would have had about the same starting point that the Seleucidian era, like us let's see it\

The eras of 332 and 324 cannot be suitable for some of the currencies we have described higher. For example, the British hemidrachm Museum (n* 5) which bears the year 34, would fall in 298 or 290, dates when it does not exist, neither in Egypt nor in Syria a queen offering the traits we see depicted here. Likewise, the hemidrachm of Berenice II dated of the year 73, would fall either in 259 or in 251 before Jesus Christ, therefore before this queen ascended the throne of Egypt.

The Seleucid era, on the contrary, adapts, as we will see, so perfectly at all coins of Marathus that one cannot doubt that It’s about her.

N* 1. The tetradrachm with the types of Alexander with the year 30, corresponds to Tan 282 BC Christ. It was under the reign of Seleucus I*' Nica- tor (312-280) time when people knocked everywhere everywhere

* We will also remind, just for the record, to rinse study by L. MûUer on the subject of the dates which appear on the staters in the name of Alexander struck in the Phoenician cities: they are dated following an era which would begin “The year when Phenicia was delivered from Persian despotism, or perhaps from the battle above (333) or that of Granicus (334)”. Muller, Num. by Alex.,^. 80-82.

-f-* — -

— 110 —

criticism of which others will have to take account'. N* 6. Bronze to the types çiutonoRiiBS with the date

^=^%6% av. j.-a

No. 7, Hemidramace of Berenice II, with the statue 73 =31,239 BC. AD This date corresponds very well m rHne of Ptolemy son Svergetes (^47 h t%% ay. J.«-Ç.), and the portrait of Berenice II on the coins of \% Egyptian series black pet attribution above 4andQute discussion. We know that at that time the yille? of the coast of Phoenicia were under the domination^-

Lagid tippends.

N* 8. Bronze with the head of Berenice II and the 4fLtç 73 = 239 BC. AD).

^"^ 9. Bust of PtoLemy III, with I4 d«ti» 85 = 227 BC. J.-C. IYou have just seen that Pto^- Lemy III Evergetes reigned from 247 to %%% before our ^re.

1^99 years 86 [%t^ B.C. AD,), and 87 (2f5 «v. AD) that we noted on half aqx my types, also fit perfectly in them }p reign of Ptolemy III Evergetes, ejt \\ n'y c^ poî^t ji #on£[er to Ptolemy V coipa^ the veiit AI. Barcl^ @ej}d *, or to Ptolemy IV Philopalor as the pro- shyly poses Mr. Poojie'. The iconography of the X9M of ^iUeurs, in the present case, be invoked ^yac fruit; xfx^)& we know that at this time I9 coast

^ We will state here that Mr. Feuardent has already ranked first jKi^i^r^ Ar^ÎDoé a |)piece of gold, Feuardent. CoU. Demitrio. Egypt

“Eiêt: jism., p. Dd70.

» Tl^PU)Ume$, Introd, p. X|I.

— 112 —

to resort to the hypothesis of a post-gloriûcation thume of Arsinoe, as was done for others Egyptian princes. The age of Ptolemy and Epiphanes who ascended the throne at five years old, in 204, was enough to demonstrate that the year 209 fixed for the death of his mother, is an extreme limit of which he would consider perhaps to move away to get closer to the year 204. The scholars who dealt with the Egyptian series yours have generally admitted, since Yisconti % that Arsinoé Philopator is always represented without ▼oil, which made it easy to distinguish of the other two Arsinoe. The coins of Marathus, coming against this conjectural opinion, prove that, on this point, the hypothesized distribution tic of Egyptian currencies between the three Ar- sinoé needs to be revised.

From Arsinoe III, and this remark will add still a degree of certainty in our classification, the kings or queens of Egypt no longer appear in the coinage of Marathus; however, it is precisely with the minority of Ptolemy V Epiphanes that Egypt ceases to have any political action in Syria and in Phoenicia. If even Ptolemy was not stripped of his own states by the king of Syria Antiochus the Great and Philip V of Macedonia, he owed it only to Roman victories. Political history confirms therefore indirectly the chronological system that we strive to establish.

* Iconogr, Greek, t. m, p. 2^ ; Cf. F. Feiiardent. Coll. Demé- trio. Ancient Egypt, p. 62; Poole. The Ptolemy, Introd., p. Lm.

ilonooies with date 103

lutoDomes with dalcs ;92), H2 (= no), 143 15 {=^167), 147 (= of),

i lead us to the end of the !i.e. during the period of t stand on the Iron of rchus, Alexandre 1" Bain. î3 internal wars be coinage option twenty years separate in 65 of the following document: ae with the legend MAPA- c, 236 = 73 BC ;t confirm our theory last seleucidic dalc .we said at the beginning, Oienian, at the time of the [■ the Romans; it is also let us notice in passing, autonomous currencies of those of the Syrian coast, letter for a moment that all uCs and chronological as are only coincidences orte? obviously not. He happily as Maralhus e on its coins of the era

'Directory of the Society fr. di «a-

Seleucids or an era her. She kept this litive, that is to say up to against other villages n, Tyre, Ace, Tripolis i, started with emplc Seleucid, have em ;ion of events for therefore appears on the emt-century before iigui 3 themselves who, garlic! i Phoenician use of

IV

we now need the numismatics of s that we described we see a character ti vaguely designated i even seated which bind a '; on numbers 5, the character undoubtedly >is leaning on a cippe itradrachm n*10 noiis^ age: the word ay, the pei corresponds to mol AHM02 i Asian currencies

I”. The era of Tyre, dan! eaa. Aim. nvm., p. 67

jii javelin.

ice of a representation the coDsIalalion is strong that it is possible to go will be giving to this the eponymous hero of the entalion in a way QOQoayes. Marathos is idas, as son of ApoI- e Marathon in Atlantic:

Aapàeeu vioû 'A-rénoivCi. He

ï the mythology of the At- We can therefore strongly analogy, for the city mythical named after 10US, was son of Apollo; e Marathus, it is precise- ! the apoUon of letras contemporaries; he has the )uvement; the only difference- ibuls. Apollo is seated ; hand his bow, on the other sitting on shields of Efolie on the mon- acroslolium and a flower

lium recall the struggles to conquer his independence its stem, it seems to us well the hero Mara-

ierh&rd, GrUchi$cke Mythology, ollon und itart, p. 78, footnote 173

very likely were called lème parlani a rose to Rhi Melos, the gre 'he would be known| '.whose no who passed 'athum, is u who has the pi the presence ! god of the i and the marathr ives: a pn hoSpréteodi have freight utn for re ion side, the

lebras oculis su ssiB maraibro k ;ere malum polite

although he] long, and delivering Pliny,]

vxt., vni,*i,4.

■./ac, around 91 e' s, 13, V6 (in t

plant, fame it seems to us 1 s of Apollo 'the strip, nant ; he is not we failed it, i rbe plus acceni all its length Hey, talk n fig palm Egypt story

SOME LAUGH

ON Dl

»JNAIES OF AFRIQl Ft.\

Philippe Berger re( 3 archaeological {March- nléressanle on my utions of some others them. The seed point erger is discovery :e last, of an insci tnt the name of Mïcipsa TïUD [Mikipzdn), avccu

which, moreover, is s of the form of n terger brings you closer

the letters p (MN) \ [on the reverse of the monni it for types a head .1. He offers to receive first and last ■--ffN.

evialion ;i tm iUres on ammemia/cel, nn {H T) which that 'jo. From HT) means oi’”. Celtic legends of I all iel-

[uer this prin- i letters, on assent, with numinous birds, lead to of several es.

mmamleiel. jlussa).

Berfier, in the the last leg

mr. I the old

s cell legends and uncertain, asser.at the Cabinet of byNumldie, according to I encountered ir envisaged by the scholar will remember to make him Before going further, r the general table lenlale (opposite). . all currencies abbreviated M N. Cepen- shown in the table below read two other names behaved lasinissa and Massiva. that we are offered psa, can also, )ar other princes. 1 reigned not elTective- 'love of Masinissa, glorious. We con- ique of his name by 3sa, contemporary of such we read in neo- he name is undisputed great Masinissa, king So we are certain

Greek î named after Ma- called Gaia and not Catii .0; Bull cor>: kell., 1887,

er could be abbreviated by

large and beautiful coin Eastern Midi, remaining I that we must recognize lasinissa. We read the end ... niçan kammamlekel), I believe it, that the 1 royal are ]d:- we do not lom other than by its. So here we have )n in Masinissa seems to me

B this currency, of very of the king in full, lux rooms smaller abbreviated formula "p (M N) conclusion to be drawn is M. Ph. Berger gives which surely belong

can go further and 3 we have just determined ssa all currencies i bronze and lead, are distributed between that it is possible to one of them. Indeed, Mi- 6 currencies at the same that these types persist of Micipsa himself. ; bronze and lead

fliens, — who o the laureate, sometimes the pointed beard, a horse in storage you, the following categories; andes bronze coins nde integral nsSosn i' 19). — Attribution c pieces of bronze and formerly laureate, formerly laureate ï a (Muller, vol. III, p. and p. 32, n" 37 to 42 (head k Masinissa or Micip bronze and irée, and the letters n; n' 23). — Atlribuli.

bronze and ree and the letters ] a —■ Certain attribution bronze and irée and the letters h a ' — Certain attribution pieces of bronze and d, without letters in b "32 to 36).—Attribute iute that with our conn. achieve precision ent of this series i iides which subsist em opare the group r with the one who was

is progress imiiortunts oned by Mr. Berger, bronze and the same The next group includes lypes, in silver and in of aljrevialion of the name

bronze having in the MuUer, t. IM, p. 38, 3n h Hiempsal • I, to arbas. The attribution to , because of the types and t the currencies of Ju- ecUes of Gulussa and

pbique, I already did ure on the bronzes of always laureate, except group where the same voice smenls that we could face are due, without uvcs; they are too little agrees a value ico- possible, for example, •fl, to give k Masi- laureate, then to Micipsa you diademed. As for h i appears on the parts isal H (group 7), she already Muller's conjecture,

He

> previous remarks bronze coins of the n your pieces that can be , with some appearance didn't talk about currencies silver coins of pillowcase, lower than Juba 1" graphs and their classification e than that of the pieces d* note on a few: hang out with the noœs'royai n 1 (î'orf) on garlic pieces lissa, the letters i el 7 on r gives to Micïpsa and to H on classa coins of reason, in Jugurlha. At monetary gap between . is it very uncertain, > i to overthrow the system who was the most direct 3 this ranking is M.! his historical evasion on the Spain, published ten years ago ant aims not only to Numidian lilies prior to . considerable amount of me es and the others are not ii

obel of Zangroniz. Studio hisU s, I. I, p. 73 next.

s me black, I she revo ics, bound who ilay B the Ihf we have To be ir tinf

Due Cl pasp i, ave kpro] rèà di Subject^ “(p.

nt pa Irouv ositio' ideC ivcUe demo what

, p. 741 MM. 3 !r K.J

1863, p.

to the Spain of the mo

scientificiQeDt. lonnaiesdeCarIhaf )spain, sonl des p ur most, have, row of ears, and at the r al; a few ', from Pallas and the pi resettheplusTréqu Carthaginians, or

therefore opposes are equali in their possession sequential, difficult to thesis by M. Zobel, s are Carthaginians. ! fishing from the base inaies of kings nun is the currencies to the Numidian kings gurtha, Hiempsal

Zobel to the chiefs c armies in Esp; ;e classification

the examination of which re to prove it. - Take, for example

read referring to the work : H. Zobel proposes aiiUer, l. H, p. 87, no. 8 gent; p. SI, no. 126, argi :t 267, bronzes; p. lo: I. 146, n" 4.5 el6, bro;

li seriouslymei

who wears isn sounds, in the hi the name of Ve of the Nutnid rsary of Ma^j

1 cell subject verisemblan a legend pun D de Vermini son of Sypha: it's war •e, and for êli CJrl's atailc ivory reigned. E mce why'G i who seemed ) anointed struck ; l herself who not allowed to currencies. L( it's an antique iplaires conni gene.

irmioa, Sypha: alion of Mr. Z< »nt 1st narrow 3 of Vermin: he currencies (

el de Vermina ac , law like the parts. On is the same )uche el en letlrt as good as ei \princes*. , whatever they say ion father after the norl is not here with the Romans >possession of you not been conquered I had nothing to say oir Trappe mom assign the pi known to the same Carthaginian e s higher, we : registered on lesi t, is so c all other ro it, of all necessity: longeneres. everything contributes to the Vermina king has

lonnaies of Syphax, i r(t. 1I[, p. 91) oiitél appUment of his yes

B.Head. : L. Huiler, Num. of r, op. cit., t. III, p. 31

lassecylians: if there is, in the, a scientific point- him there.

which are located we give & Hiempsal or l to the principle of reading could be Spanish, In fact, no more than Ver- II, nor Hiarbas reigned pper currency in this country, improbable thesis that interpret otherwise than especially given the oils cited above. pillowcases that Mr. Zobel de Zan- r to Spain, are located ircated with a k> that Muller Spanish ivant even sees the name of Gades'. However, we ;please that these currencies do not

Roman tlique struck vefs itus Sylla, son of the dictator, commemorate the memory Sylla. One of these [ui is the copy of the head The coins of Jugurtha: uel it's an acquired point may this laureate head be

Roman public, t. I, p. 422.

! of Hercules aieni descem 16 of Jugurth produced on r the glory part town of Cirta, ; which Juj ype ne saurail a ne comballi nger who ser lonelar rom is sure to have of find ■garlic prevail « like loules Muller to the r ;ene, that we do not them that we are the others to, otherwise that s diFTerenls king latria of these ric and uon 1 lous ne saurio higher, coins ca larque que 1 agne, the only read, do not prove inaiesdeCorii are not part in cerlaint

Carthaginians in Espagi 'tance of the entire trade we could do it again particularly striking q

types of these currencies innate cities punished dère, Malacca, Gadès. . 1 by Zangroniz se lrom| Carthaginian nuns and it treasures of Mazam 3nter at the first month( line in Spain (218-21 larlbaginoises born are p buried Numidian kings they are barely anl construction of Carthage p; this Roman coin 'we and de Cheste don't know bed took place before arrival

but only, since ;, that it took place before Numidian rums of Africa [who were able to transport ; two African treasures > I would be wasted effort if ner. Who knows, however, didn't tell at the time i Sertorius, ally of chi 1 mercenaries recruited in about Spain?

m

1. — COINS

[urel published in 1 a currency of C ; can, I believe, be[ a great truth given by Muret: RTVS HONOR. Head . î of Honor, COI family romans TTIVS M.... VS IIIIVI rbedeP. Sittiusà di 1 beveled. — Cabi reverse idea! det e placing i first Eriel, we manage iC reading including Mure )uria of Dardel has :p. SITTIVS MVG. S- Piece who must if i (tius.Mug... naked, qh senate as permitted. ule decreed decurion ies from Africa; dock ;onlre here for the pi In the epigraphy h

■■t pi. He, n* 10.

luapecunia; he is more . muni currencies •elected by: from sehatûs

I am registered on this tory for having taken civil wars of the who, by taking ipagne company by 1 and the Pompeians. tnran46 before Jesus- new colony received Juvenalis Honoris and nt the types of Hon- piece which is, by color B to Cirta, although she We also understand- garlic held close to the heart of ie of its founder, rabion, (they of Masi-

line the name of the qua- monetary issue; Hardware guide, including 'The new currency : definitive nature, the Publius Sillius, at

;e bearded Jupiter,

, 30""". - PI. VI, that one 5; we poi t bieo to ition all two m* I restored as out îctemeni ï of P. 1 nianus, i i, is not , from the E

reverse i r[o] D(eci

;vRM.... ] mou dan mages of Tullensii pauper he is fat rma don arteia, e: naies doi from the mod

a pro death as aiUon.

ize of the same series i but he was badly publicized lenl, after hesitation, summer, it is true, rectified of the medal is to ncomplete and uncertain. '. Müller: IIVIR. Head of P. Sillii

: Rome; above ui. e of Florence '.

medal with the restore, to the right, api VS IIIIVIR- On the reverse,

[DEC] DECVR (D^CTi This is that of the Jack

œnus to be reconstituted I old and small bronze, ^ lary made in the name el the colony of Cirta no parts are similar ital, the form of letters their rapprochement read more than their attributic as other currencies iiblius Sittius, in rais' us to Caesar, cums in

iS (attribution to Cirta), and S

tive to Curubis).

DO 7i; Cf. Mucet, in the Ri;

ntl pa Do ree I d

key Itrt 1p

of I

— 140 —

. BATVS PRAEF. Head of

■e, right.

m bronze, 23"'. Edge e

dailles. — PI. See fig. 4.

-CN. STATI. UBO. PRAE

on the right.

^CERDOS- Hook and prae

, bronze, 21". Enbi edge

first only of this

the three are from the iiiêm< external appearance, the mèi thick and bevel cut, e in the city, we will not know approach and consider them ! same workshop and at nm :'i.e. under Augustus re.

;us Batus, whose name r ;es, is qualified as praeft municipal is not mentioned! mi from no author. C ise conservation of both name seems certain to us Read one or the other of these

who suggested reading about VS, ABBATVS, ARBATVS, /S'. We cannot know ï ending with — bath î, Probatm, Fabatus, J is very complete and pre

ii'i fpigrapkique, faac, I, of I8i

theirs, Batus, although Latin, is only one common in Africa. ragusta, in Spain, qualified ;>rfle/ec/u* Caii •probably I duumviral prefect. This Spain rather than we have a certain number the names or even the ef- with the names of various Ffètes or duumvirs, oe ; to UD magistrate the qua- i that this title is assei are from Spain. As for 1 of Mr. Batus, she auG pronounced and we must tatus itself, because and the imperial or divine, published by M. Roberl reported here pai could just now recli' ilarcus Batus, and us! see propose a new igende which appears below /AGAXA. T. TIRO. AED.

aé to a soldier, in Siliui lerary mentions a Jnliu evue arckeol., nov.-dec, 1881

1886 (vol. VI), p. 40.

sedes two copies of state of conservation which H]uer as arguments iphie which concerns us. He iit of Statilius or Statius,

recognized just now ! Published Sitlius. for a long time in addition been classified in Space', to Spain for a few

no workshop name, !es to circulate throughout

Consequently, the piece of i; he supposes that Agrippa,

traits, obtained the title of igua in its place tr this reason, is entitled attributed to Carthago Nova workshop, which carry the lales. Eckhe! and others e of Cn. Statius Libo to

jtions is not scientific- remains open to hypo- ins dare to solve the problem ui appears as duum- isaraugusta', and a Tiro piece of Carthago Nova

p. 316; Sestini, Sfedagh'eAisp.'

iciiM forSIad'us ouS(at»fius. Eipagne, p. 201.

ACCHIUS JUDAEUS.

I.

All antique dealers know coins The Roman Republic, on the reverse of which depicted a king of the East kneeling next to 1 camel that he holds by the bridle. This king tends, the pleading hand, an olive branch, peace icon; he is dressed in wide pants maxyrides that ancient art gives common- it to the Parthians and which we see carried, ore today, by the Orientals; on his ules he has a large coat which recalls the we Arabs, He is bare-headed, with hair X long; careful observation of a Qd number of copies of these funds which are not rare, allowed us to note that wrsonoage thus figured, is sometimes hairless c youthful traits, while other times

n

has a long beard and the appearance of an old man (i). The camel that appears next to its master is covered with a saddle which offers variations. Borghesi ingeniously recognized there sometimes Vepkipptum or centuncidum, the war saddle from which the Arabs could from high, % ^*^' following the expression of Appian (2), shoot their arrows at the enemy; sometimes the wooden pack or sagma, made for the hunters charging blocks, and on which the camping equipment and food, hence the camels were called sagmarii and otierarii (3).

The inscriptions that accompany this type curious, divide these funds into two groups, and prove that they were struck in Rome by two different characters and a few years of in- tervalle. Some, in fact, bear the legend: M ■ SCAVR • AED • CVR ■ EX S ■ C ■ REX ARETAS. {Marctis Scaurus, aedilis curulis, exsena- you consulted. Rex Aretas.) There is no doubt possible regarding their interpretation and ex- plication of the table in miniature including the inscription gives us the key. These funds were minted

(1) The Duke of Luynes thought he noticed that somefbii the person- nage is wearing a pointed tiara. But naut we did not succeed in discover this interesting particularity on any of the very numerous money that passed before our eyes. See A.-H. di Luîmes, in the Revue numismatique of i858, p, 384.

(î) Apmah. By reb. Syr., XXXLI.

(3} BoNCHESi, Complete Works, (. Il, p. 1K6; Cf E. Babbi.oh, if annuals of the rcanai'it republic. X. I". p, 120.

tatus constdto) by the editor scaurus, and the type represents :as offering his submission Scaurus is placed with ne 696 (58 BC): ! these currencies which bring we played in Syria during We know, in fact, Scaurus, lieutenant of Aretas's final incursions : weapons and to pay a nts: it was Scaurus who Arabia Petraea. Some in Rome and invested with was responsible for the broadcast example of most t the Roman Republic, s that he had hit, probably 1 tribute from Aretas, a type two exploits in the East, netary whose interpretation also specifies that we can if there is a small group jr which the words RËX registered. But the type and t remained identical,

'(offers a type and a legend: which ir one of the ancestors of Mr. Scsurut, I'll take care of it here.

so that the coins on which we read rex Aretas, effortlessly explain those where these two words are omitted.

The second series of our funds bears, on the reverse, a legend quite different from the one that comes to be explained. It simply reads these words: BACCHIVS IVDAEVS. The law teaches us that these coins were struck by the aedile curule Aulus Plautius. Here, moreover, is the full description of these parts that it is to explain: A ■ PLAVTIVS AED ■ CVR ■ S ■ C. [Atdus Plautius aedilis curulis. Senatûs consulted). Head of a woman on the right, surmounted by a crown wall mounted.

Rev. BACCHIVS IVDAEVS. Age-old character noodled in a suppliant attitude, holding left hand a camel by the bridle, and the right hand, an olive branch.

The magistrate who had this medal struck, Aulus Plautius, by order of the Senate, as aedile curule, fulfilled this office in the year 700 of Rome [54 BC J. C.): its denier is therefore later than four years with the pieces of Scaurus from which he reproduces the reverse type, minus the legends.

Who is this Bacchius Jitdaeus who appears on the reverse? of our medal in place of King Aretas? More- several scholars have sought to explain it, and if they have not found, in my opinion, the real solution the problem is maybe they went there search too far. It seems to me to be very simple,

— U9 —

as we will see presently; let's remember first the main hypotheses which were proposed.

The scientist who came closest to the truth, is the Duke of Luynes, and those who are who came after him made the mistake of condemning too much absolutely his opinion. He sees in the word Bacchius the Latinized Hebrew name of Aristobulus, the Jewish king son of Alexandre Jannée and competitor of his older brother Hyrcanus. We know that this prince, in the very war which results in submission of Aretas, was taken prisoner by Pompey and taken to Rome in captivity with the Nabataean king. In the hypothesis of the Duke of Luynes, the name Aristobulus' Hebrew must have been 'p2 Bticchi, or liTpn Btccchiou, a word which the Romans would have says Bacchius. No evidence of antiquity, it is true, does not make us know the Jewish name of Aristobulus, but, adds this scholar, we know that the Jewish princes of this time generally had two names, one Greek or Roman, the other Hebrew. “It therefore seems permissible to recognize in the Until now unknown Bacchius, the ArivStobule defeated by Pompey, and to believe that the medal of the Plautia family represents on one side the head of the city of Jerusalem personified, on the other Aristobulus defeated, surrendering himself to Pompey, and depos- his title of king” (i).

(i) Duc DE Luynes, in the Revue numismatique, i858, p. 384.

Abbot Cavedoni, to whom we owe so much new insights into Roman coins, issued, in an early writing, the opinion that Bacchius Judaeus was a Jewish king of some district of Arabia Petraea. He bases this conjecture on a passage from Diodorus of Sicily in which the histo- nothing Greek reports that Pompey submitted < Aristo- bule, king of the Jews, Aretas, king of the Nabataeans and a king of the Arabs (<« b«i).« ■njii.im») > (i). In a second work, the same author offers a another hypothesis. He recalls that Josephus (2) lists the vanquished of Pompey a certain Silas the Jew {m^ i i.uAi»), tyrant of Lysias in Coelesyria, and he seeks, consequently, to identify tify the Greco-Latin name Silas with the Hebrew name Buckki (3). Finally, later, after the publication of Duke of Luynes, Cavedoni says that we could admit that Bacckius is the Greco-Latin name of tyrant of Lysias who was called Sela in Hebrew (4). But he also makes light of this conjecture than the previous ones, because he hastens to add that Silas is rather a name derived from Silvanus, and that the tyrant of Lysias subdued by Pompey in his victorious march from Damascus to Jerusalem, was a character of too little importance for deserve that his image appears as a monographic type

(1) Cavedoni, Appendix al saggio, p. 145.

(a) Job.. Ant.juJ., XIV, 3, 3.

(3) Caviimni. Ragguaglio de' ripostigU, p, 1 1>, note 96.

I4I See the 7'AnaHrHS of GeneeiiK, p. 141?.

with that of King Aretas (i). talien cannot bring himself to opinion of the Duke of Luynes. head of a rounded woman, is rather Cybele than Jeru- Bele appearing on several under the Roman Republic Secondly, Aristobulus e under its Greco-Latin name, m under an unknown Jewish name Judea. Furthermore, his name nt Judas already carried by the t Bacchius is, according to him, a ;reco-Latin and non-Jewish. In î, Cavedoni finds nothing to return to his first ; assuming that the expression e the BwOiit •kfiAt, unnamed, which we suppose to be of religion in Arabia Petraea, would have dependent on Aretas the /aume extended to the

:, for its part, that this B*«iiii also with Bacchius Judaeus, s Sceniti confined in the

tttino archeoiogico neapolilant), i858,

lower part of Mesopotamia (i). Finally, . Mommsen is content to reject opinion i Duke of Luynes for two reasons. The first, st that the title of rex would accompany the name of the i Jewish, as it accompanies the name of Aretas; second, Aristobulus made his submission )n to Plautius, lieutenant of Pompey, but to Jmpée himself (2). These arguments do not would not be very solid, because it is enough for Plau- js took a direct part in the submission Aristobulus, under the orders of Pompey, to confirm the presence of the Jewish king on the coins he later had it struck in Rome as aedile irulate. On the other hand, the names of the ancient kings of ome, Numa Pompilius and Ancus Marcius figu- Bt on coins of the Roman Republic imîUe Marcia) without the royal title being year. It is also possible that the Romans had considered Aristobulus rather as high priest ue as king of the Jews, because he combined this Double dignity, and in the Hebrew legend of ;their coins, the Hasmonean princes did not take ent that the title of high priest and not that of )i.

Finding myself in the presence of such diverse opinions >when I was led to deal with the question for my >description of the coins of the Roman Republic,

(1) BoRCHEsi, in the Giornale Arcad., l. XLI. p. i3î.

— 453 —

I thought I had to agree, with reservations, with the opinion of the Duke of Luynes, who seemed to me the most rational nelle. It is certain, I then wrote in substance, that the medal alludes to the submission of the Judea by Pompey and his lieutenants, at a con- quest important enough to be paralleled with that of Arabia Petraea on Aretas. However, the only event of the Syrian campaign which responds to these conditions is the defeat of Aristobulus and the capture of Jerusalem, and Plautius commanded in this campaign an army corps under the orders of Pompey (i): from then on, the opinion of the Duke of Luynes seems very likely (2).

But there is a long way from probability to certainty and there remained in my mind a doubt resting on this fact that giving Aristobulus the Jewish name of Bucchi or Bticchiou is a purely hypothesis arbitrary. It is undoubtedly the same reflection which recently hired Mr. Théodore Reinach to pose, in turn, a new conjecture and to suppose, like Cavedoni, that Bacchius is the romanized name of some dynast of Palestine or southern Syria of which Plautius will have completed the submission. “There is no doubt,” he said, “that Bacchius jfudaeus be no more principle or less Jewish from Syria, whose submission had was the work of Plautius; the texts do not speak to us

(1) Dio Cassius, XXXIX, i6; Cf. Plut., Pamp. XLVII. (3) E. Babblon, 0/7. ctt.f t. II, p. 324.

not of this character, but we s: of the passage of Pompey, there existed of Lebanon, several dynasts of the middle between the leader of brigam of them, mentioned by Josephus, was Wouldn't Bacchius be everything if Latin translation of this Greek name? Mr. Reinach adds:

This ingenious hypothesis rejected in turn for different in the text of Josephus, does not authorize Dionysios was Jewish; on the contrary: as relative of Ptolemy Fil names that have nothing Hebrew pa of Dionysios, and the precaution which to warn us that Silas, the tyrant Jewish, perhaps implicitly contains than the tyrant of Tripolis whose time is not Jewish. The submissive sios is, like that of Silas too unimportant to merit Roman coins, in particular of Aretas the Nabataean. Finally, dai Roman, the name ofZ)îonjvsi«sestt that we would not understand for]

(i) Th. Rediach, Les »

(a) Cf. Jo»kp«i, Attt.jad.. XIV, 3, 3

he of Bacckius who is : kings or others They are called Dionysus ^nborn in the authors with the form Dionysus ec the Bacckus translation unrecognizable ndus, r the hypothesis of Mr. Rei- again, the solution of my turn, propose a ; the monetary legend they have in vain, just the enigma.

: the Romans imagined uifs was a kind of the Dusares of the Arabs, really widespread and talk to him for a long time look at the historical evidence s Table talk, con- justify this assimilation Greco-Roman sacchus, than what we know ises of the Jews cannot LUX Bacchus celebrations ;she the Jews do not eat trait being, to Plutarch,

1 wild boar killed Adonis while hunting, and he added For the Jews Adonis is none other than Bacchus. prolonged eun of the Feast of Atonement which •of the Feast of Tabernacles, has no other purpose than :ite the Jews, through prolonged deprivation, drink more copiously, under tents of ; and grapevine, the essentially bacchanalian festival endanges, which fell at the same time as jrandes Dionysiacs, and in which we often reads the libertinage of the Greeks and iains (i). The great ceremonies in the Jews processionally carry : with myrtle, palms and thyrsos do not ■Are they not bacchanalian pumps? Like the Bacchanals, we dance and we sound the pette to honor the god of the Jews, and the Those who play the zither are called Levites,

which comes, Plutarch claims, from aj™; or >t of Ei'ic, one of the mystical names of Bac- . The Sabbath itself is no stranger cchus because rxee>-^ and b^(u<, are expressions nymes. The costume of the high priest, his tiara ï bells are ideal for a bridge the Bacchus. These are the main reasons invokes Plutarch to assimilate the god of

to Bacchus, and Tacitus {Hist. V, 5), relates the prejudice. We even thought we were seeing a direct ort between the name of Jehovah Sabaoth

ixAETZ, Hist. Jews, trans. Vogue, t. He, p. tiS.

— <57 —

(Jehovah, god of armies) and the name of Sabazios given to the Phrygian Dionysus (i). A legend reported by Pliny (2), places the tomb of the nymph Nysa, the nurse of Bacchus, in the Decapolis, at Scythopolis, a city which hence took the name from Nysa.

Different historical events may have, in to a certain extent, contribute to accrediting the belief which Plutarch and Tacitus made echo. This is how it was claimed that when An- tiochus IV Epiphanes captured Jerusalem and desecrated the temple, he had found in the Holy Saints, a donkey's head, Bacchic symbol (3). This what is more true is that Nicanor, lieutenant of this prince, undertook to raise a temple of Bacchus on the location of that of Jehovah (4). At time of the domination of the Lagides, a farmer general of taxes in Judea, Joseph, son of Tobit, had established in Jerusalem a festival in honor of birther of Bacchus. The historian Josephus relates that while Pompey was in Damascus, Aris- tobule, wanting to conciliate his favors, offered him as a gift the golden vine of the Temple, which weighed five a hundred talents, and this golden vine, which was to pass for a Bacchic symbol, was deposited in Rome

(1) Val. Max., I, III, 2; Fr. Lenormant, art. Bacchus, in the Dict. antiques. gr. and rom. of Daremberg and Saglio, t. I*', p. 600.

(2) Plin., Nat. hist, V, 18. 16.

(3) Graetz, Hist. Jews, t. II, p. 87.

(4) II Machab., XIV, 33.

î temple of Jupiter Capitoline after having in the triumph of Pompey (i). Finally, on ) Jewish families we see, as habitual types- your bunch of grapes and other symbols that )hands naturally took for my Dionysians.

', it is a long-established fact that hands imagined that the god of the Jews n Bacchus particular, a temple of Bacchus was commonly : Biao:<:» or Bacchdum, as we designate names of Herctdeium, Hereum^Artemisium, 1 terms of the same formation, temples :ule, of Hera, Artemîs or other divinities, iple of Jerusalem was therefore a Bacchemm :two of the Romans.

pontiff in charge of a Baccheium is its or the Bacchius, the Latin word being only the ription of the Greek term and offering the variants ites; Bacchius, Bacckdtis, Bacckeus, as :c we have: Bùz^t. Bi^,.«c(, B«;t or "which is the heart of Bacchic fury, > we find it mt used to designate the priest of us, particularly in this landscape of the Thé- \tStace:

f,i.rHt,Ant.jud., 111; Cf. Gr*etz, Wiir. rfM Jui/i, t. He, p. Mo.

— 459 —

*t

... cultor Bacchaeut Acontea Phegeus

Jam vacuum telis, geminoque in sanguine ovantem

Cominus together small.

(c At the moment when, with empty hands of arrows, Aconteus applauds himself- knows of his double victory, Phegeus, priest of Bacchus, rushes at him and strikes him with his sword. »

Stage, Theb., VU, 6o3 to 6o5.

The Romans often designated pontiffs of a deity or the members of a college constituted in honor of a god by the adjective formed on the name of this god and taken substantively. This is how it is constantly discussed in literary texts and in inscriptions, Martenses or Martiales, priest of Mars, of Venerii or affiliated with the cult of Venus (î), Herculanei or pon- tifes of Hercules; we know that the name of Herculiiis was taken as a nickname by Maximian Hercules. Ser- vius (2) calls the priests of Pavor and Pallor, Pavorii and Palloriij terms similar to that of Bacchius designating a priest of Bacchus.

Moreover, the name of b^^^c* b^c^k^c or Bacchius, often refers to Bacchus himself, and the words hiuixa, B«e;.iû«. Bmex^f B«e;fi«« for indifferent employees for each other, for example, in the Tragedy of Euripides' Bacchae. The priests

(1) MoMMSSN, Inscr. reg. neapol., n» 4616. Cf. J. Marquardt, Rûmische Staatsvenvaltung, t. III, p. 317. (3) Servius, ad jEneid., VIII, 285.

of a god are called by the same name < of which they not only take the no costume and attributes. The priests ( Pythian are the n«.«; in Sparta, the loans Leucippides, women of the Dioscuri, s themselves Leucippides (i); in Athens, I of Boutés and Bou^ygès carry 1 same of these heroes (2). To designate t of Bacchus, we also said bi Bacchius, and u«ï>f, Baccktis. This is how it is inscription mentions an ii«;!«, as i

god: hkixf fu Bi»>;i» «; ipfu/i««If», x. r. ). (3).

, Another inscription found at Smy starts as follows: ; vfi tiit=ikt '>■ ><

Ahïïwï nxjiniy «iti /■miiv Ui^iav Ai^ùlicv || l»]|tni> ïiv Si. ttijn^ft-j Ati wwifcv tïï £>e.«Sï i» BAKXOS TOT «EOV,

Aristophanes' scoliate in the room Knights expressly gives the defined boasts: b«z»v.; -h i

:/7« «ci ni< aioVvf «V( c: >..:«« «^vi. (5).

So, here are some very positive texts B~xt< is given as designating the p'

(0 Pausanias, m, 16, 1.

(i) See ScRŒBANM, Greek Antiquttéi, trans. Galuski.

(3) Kaibel, Epigr., 811, 8j3. On coins of S Lydia, with the effigy of the Emperor Gallienus, we encounter the strategists called Al^. touiitfMzes and Av^. 'Aixiisni *ài£iayr seem to allude to a pious brotherhood in I Bacchus. Ihhoof-Blumer. Criechische Munjen, p. 717.

(4) Corp. Inicr, Grtec-, n" Sigo.

(5) School. in Aristoph, Equit,, 409-

— «61 —

Bacchus. The word Bkxyjnç was therefore quite natural- ment used in the same sense (i). In the feminine, the B«xx«f are the Bacchantes, the priestesses of Bacchus, just as the b«c;c« are the priests or the Bacchants; it is in this sense that we must hear this adage which relates to the mysteries of Eleusis: -jacénxioêcti fi*v «»cî, ^kxxet ^t mi:9i, « Bcau- suddenly take the thyrsus, but very few are Bix:^“”, that is to say truly possessed of bacchanalian fury or Bacchants (2).

From the above, it follows that the registration BACCHIVS IVDAEVS on the minted currency in Rome by Tédile Plautius, means quite simply- lies and without torturing the words, “the Jewish bacchant, the pontiff of the Jewish Bacchus", that is to say the great priest of the temple of Jerusalem, and it is he who monetary type represents kneeling, a twig olive tree by hand. The expression Bacchitis Judaern is analogous to that of Martiales Larini or that of Mercuriales Capuani, for example, employed commonly in Rome to designate priests from Mars to Larinum, or those from Mercury to Capua.

It will not now be difficult to demonstrate

(1) An inscription found in Athens and kept in the British Museum tannic mentions a kvk9,fM Btaix'ioj Kt^ofAviou^ but I believe that the word Béucyteq is here a proper name and does not designate a pontiff of the Bacchus of Colophon. C. /. Att., II, 652; Cf. Dittenberqer, 5>^/- lodge, p. 5 10.

(2) Plat., Phaed.t 38; Clem., d'Alex., Stromat.^ I, 19 (p. 372 of the Potter edition).

that this high priest is none other than this is what I believe I can do ters of certainty to the hypothesis; Luynes. Allow me to rap political events already said that the Maccabees and the born were invested with the double d priest and prince of the people or those of them who made fra[ took, in the moneta legends kakkohen kaggadol c high priest >. nation can be seen on the currencies pontiff-king of the dynasty, Jean Hyi discontinuity, even on those of the princes, Antigone, who reigned from our era: important note, very contemporary with the campaj and the coins of Plautius. After t( with his brother Hyrcanus II, Aristobul supported by the Romans, placed sui high priest and crown soon recognized that he was only the against the Romans, he wanted to resist sowing of its States. After more was taken prisoner, and Jerusalem knew! of a seat. Twelve thousand Jews perish the Temple; Pompey entered the £

(i) Vq^f aurce poini, Dion Cassiui, t. 1I[,

uif, what no mortal had done high priest except (i); this fact alutle nickname of Hierosolymarius. The igious of this war and the siege of the temple help to explain of the high priest on coins after the capture of Jerusalem, Pompey Lieutenant Scaurus finish the war .s and conquer Arabia

he from Pompey to Rome took place shortly av. j. C. Among the kings of the East who :har triumphant we saw Aristobulus of his family; the name of Aretas also read on the list of princes ipossessed. Aristobulus and Aretas are 5 two unfortunate heroes who appear re struck in Rome in memory of these memorable, by Plautius and Scaurus. s is represented beardless and the pontiff- he has a long beard: that is, apart from ; currencies, the only particularity gue, and on this subject, it is important to note ies to the legend REX ARE- sometimes read the beardless character and bearded ringing; the same observation ;, it seems, for the type of denarii ^IVS IVDAEVS. It is undoubtedly necessary

i.Hiat.desJui/s.t. II, pp. igS « next. (irad. franc.)

I in this irregularity, an example of with which the monetary workers of :interpreted the types that were given to them : I would not dare suggest recognizing the :s Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, both great- : kings, in the beardless and bearded types of ie Plautius. Whatever we think of this rite, it does not seem likely to the thesis that we have just developed nsists in recognizing on currencies the be from Jerusalem.

;st, if I'm not mistaken, the real explanation- he legend Bacchius Jtidaeus; this inter- 1 offers that spicy side of resting on isse that the Romans had of the god , and it is at the same time so natural and 'me to the ordinary simplicity of legends res, that we can, with good reason, be surprised has occurred to any of the scholars here have taken care of this little problem smatic.

)N PHRYGIAN DU DELUGi

deal with biblical exegesis have tones eti ]you find a large number of dispersed peoples lu globe, there is a tradition relating to ui >Dedation which would have, in primitive times } entire race of men or even di it is full. This is called the universe the flood. Far from me the thought of repreudn .ion which seems exhausted, so much has been written to oneself is the discovery by Georges Smith of the ta' 1 containing the Chaldean account of the flood. J< , try to demonstrate that on a specific point- : problem, the one concerning the delugf

too stupid to conclude, and the basis of urally a monetary type very often ,é: I want to talk about the reverse of currencies . of Apamea, which represents the patriarch Noah floodwater.

: of the modern ones, I will refer mainly to rançois Lenormant, The Origins of Rhisloire is which a long critical study is con- to its traditions among different peoples. before speaking of the Phrygian flood, after having recs of Ogyges and Deucalion:

diluvian tradition was national as Apamea would read his nickname of Kibolos or

91 and volume 11, pp. 1 il56.

1

— 166 —

“arche”, claimed to be the place where Tarche had stopped*. IconioD, for its part, had the same pretension*. This is how the people of the country of Milyas, in Armenia, showed, on the summit of the mountain called Baris, the remains of the ark ',qQe Pilgrims on Tararat were also shown, in the first centuries of Christianity^ as Berose relates that on the Gordyean Mountains we visited in his time the remains of the vessel of Hasisatra (the Chaldean Noah).

» In the second and third centuries of the Christian era, as a result of the syncretic infiltration of Jewish and Christian traditions which penetrated even the minds still attached to paganism, the priestly authorities of Apamea of Phrygia had coins whose design is the open ark, in which are the patriarch saved from the flood and his wife, receiving the co- lomhe who brings the olive branch, then, next to it, the two same characters taken out of the chest to regain possession of the earth*. Surlarche is written the name of NQE, that is to say the form same as the name of Nôa'h in the Greek version of the Bible, known as the Septuagint. Thus, at this time, the priesthood pagan of the Phrygian city had adopted the biblical story with its very names, and P had grafted on Taucian tradition indi- gene.”

Thus, according to this thesis, there would have been among the Phrygians, people said to be of Japhetic origini a special tradition and National Flood, which would have merged with the Iraditioa biblical after the latter had penetrated as far as Phrygia

1) one. SibyU.y L t. 261 et tutv.; Gednn., Histor. cmpend., U, p. iO,«d. of

Paris; see. Ewald, Jokrbùchar der bibUschen Wisseuschafi, i854, p. i and 49. On the name of Kibôtosporlé by the city of Apamea, Slrab., Xïl, p. 576; Ptolem., V, 2.25; Finally, Hisl. nat., V, 29. ^ Steph, Byt., T*' Mvtov.

3) Nicol. Dii^n&sc. ê^ Josejpii., AnUq. JmàL, 1,3, 6.

4) S. Jean Chrysost., Deperfect. carit, t. VI, p. 350, ed. Gaume. 5)Eckhel, Doctr, num. vet,, t. 111, p. 134-139; Charles Lenormanl, in the

Melanfes dnrché^îogîB of RR. PP. Martin and Cahier, l. YOU, p. 1 W €l suhr. ; Madden, iVumwm. Chronicle, 1866, p. 173-219; Fr. Lenormanl, La mùnnaie in VantiquUé, t. III, p. 123 and Buiv.

^dli^MMa

^

S

r

avefi Ifis idefis jewéo-cbr^lianncs. l,^ doclriq^ of the iélfxg» phrygi is admitted not only by the ezé^ètes and the corameiit

It seems that we must bow to a judgment at the unanimous and also formal. I will be sent to the Cxpoi Foss the reasons which, according to me, establish that there is never lion lijiiiioft/ii/f ^u flood among the Phrygians; that the myth that ^ attributed to this people as a heritage of r^^Lce, a v^ei legeu^ 4^ family, is in reality only the biblical story, and q the latter did not point out, had Pbrygia, iiso merge with a^l t[:a,diiion which does not exist..

First of all, we note that the tradition of the flood Pitrygia, at rej)oquo do J,a ^ominatjuu roiuaine, is loc^j^e dd.pfljwéc. .This vijle.en received the sujnQjga of jtCiSuriî, the caff-,

i) Orçyseii, jt(«iui>e de i'A^tiiismi'^.lraiJ.^n^cUé-J^dei^, l. 1)^ y,. 7i> 2) Tli. Reiai^ch, The currencies ^*uit)i;s, pp. 71 el "1%.

_ 168 -

:he ; on the neighboring mountain, they showed the remains of I, and this is where the famous lique de l'Arche, where Mr. Ramsay recently undertook archaeological sites'. Now, what was the origin of Apamea? he city was founded on the site of ancient Celaenae, Antiochus I^ Soter, in honor of his mother Apama, wife of ucusP'Nicator. It was a colony created and emhelished, like

others, by the first kings of Syria who populated these is new by transporting there, willingly or by force, part inhabitants of another generally very distant region, t by this system that countless Jewish families in the Se, from Babylonia and Mesopotamia were exiled in e, in Armenia and in various regions of Asia Minor. . to attach the colonists to their new city and to attract very, they were granted tax reductions and exceptional places. We will not insist on these weapons

known, but it is important for our subject to at least recall ishing of the Judaic Antiquities of Joskphe (XII, 3, 4) in The Jewish historian recounts how Phrygia in particular repopulated by the Jewish settlers installed there by Antiochus III on id. The king of Syria writes to Zeuxis, the leader of his armies in ie and in Phrygia, which he believes necessary, to maintain these born in obedience, to transport two thousand families there es of Mesopotamia and Babylonia (ài:ô ■«)( UtaoïzoxxiUaç IiSuXovCx; 'Ioi>îa£fi)v of^ou; Bwy^fouî o'jv èmçxeuîj (iSTaYcrj-eTv). Antio- ) adds that he experienced the loyalty and devotion of the iaih cause and that he wants to reward them for it. He wants them to live } their new homeland, that is to say in Phrygia, following their )res laws; “let them be given places to build on, land r cultivate and plant vines, without them being obliged, mt say years, to pay nothing for the fruits that they will collect. will provide them with wheat to live on until they are aé their first harvest; “We recommend it,” adds

See Bulletin critique, 1890, p, 196. H. RaiiiiBay published the result of ouilles daDB les Trantacliona of Ihe Aberdeen eeciesiological Society, 1890.

- 169 —

the king to take such great care of them that no one has the boldness to displease them.”

The Jewish colonists installed in Phrygia, by the Seleucid princes, remained there and multiplied there under Roman domination. Apamea, in particular, contained in the time of Cicero, a very large Jewish population; Cicero estimates the price to be 100 pounds quantity of gold intended for Jerusalem, which was confiscated by Flaccus on the Jews of Apamea and, remarks M. Th. Reinach, “being given the ratio of the values of gold and silver, this sum corresponds to approximately 350 kilos of silver, or 50,000 half shekels, quantity so considerable that it must represent the contribution of several years or extraordinary donations*. No need to in- read more: the population of Apamea, at the time Roman, was largely Jewish, and she obviously descended ment of colonists installed in Phrygia by the kings of Syria.

From then on, the reader will understand that our goal here is to de- show that what has been taken for a Phrygian tradition of flood, is only the biblical tradition implanted in the country by Jewish settlers. To admit a tradition truly Phrygian^ it would be necessary to prove the existence of this ancient tradition subsequently to the arrival of the Jewish settlers, or to note that this tradition presents itself to us with particularities that would not have the biblical account. We will see that this is not the case, and that on the contrary it is the genesis story alone which forms the basis of the so-called Phrygian legend.

First of all, we will note that before the foundation of Apamea, that is to say before the arrival of the colonists Jews in Phrygia, we find in this country no trace of tra- statement relating to the flood. Droysen's conjecture reported above and which assumes that “the legend must have ^/^ imported of GelaBnae, where it will have come from Babylon", is not based on any foundation and it was only inspired by its author by an idea preconceived. No such memory attaches to the city of

1) Cireron, Pro Flaeco, 28,

2) Tb. Reia&cb, Jewish coins, p. 72-73, note.

— 170 —

Celaenae who was to become Apamea; never the nickname of Ki^tùxàç is not attributed to him.

Applied to Apamea, the name of Ki6G)t6ç, is it encountered from February time when the city was founded by Autiochus I", would not prove nothing in favor of the Phrygian myth, since* Apamea was a largely Jewish colony; it will not be useless however to observe that this name of Ki6(ùx6ç appears for the first times in Strabo (XII, 569); we then find it in Ptolemy (V, 2, 25) and in Pliny {Hist. nat.j V, 29), Thus, it is not used by the authors only in the Roman period, that is to say at the time when the co- Jewish land was the most prosperous, and where it undoubtedly showed already the so-called relics of the ark*.

The literary testimonies on which we rely to affirm- Wed the existence of a Phrygian flood are no more conclusive. All are from a low period and they give no details characteristic which distinguishes the Phrygian tradition from the biblical tion. We first cite the Sibylline Oracles; but if we let's open this famous book, an incoherent collection of fables from all times and in all countries, we see that the passage which concerns the flood of Apamea is only an amplification tedious of the biblical story; Noah is the hero; when he left the ark a speech is addressed to him to urge him to repopulate pler the earth: Ncoe TCeç'jXaY(i.ive, m(rcà, S{xaic, etc. In short, it is not need to engage in a very in-depth critique of the text to demonstrate that we are in the presence of a biblical amplification of a rhetorician from the early days of the Roman Empire*.

We still cite the testimony of the Byzantine historian Cedrenus > which, in our view, has no more authority than the Oracles of the Sibyl, because we recognize, at first glance, the in- exclusive fluency of the biblical story, without the slightest infiltration foreign.

1) In the time of Strabo, Apamea Cibotos was, after Epbese, the most important city trader of Asia Minor. Cf. Droysen, History of Hellenism, vol. H, p. 7«3.

2) C. Alexandre, Oracula Sibyllinuy lib. I, verses 261 et seq.

3) Cedrenus, Hist. eompend.. H, p. 10 (Paris ed.).

to

r

It will not be indifferent to our thesis to recall another legend which was also current in certain parities of Asia Minor and who, while appearing, at first glance, indigenous and original, has no basis other than the text of Genesis. According to Snidas and Stephen of Byzantium, it was said that at Iconion had reigned, a little before the flood, a holy man named An- nacos on Naanacoa, who predicted it and occupied the throne for more than three hundred years. However, i) it is obvious that far from being a national hero, this Annacos or Nannacos (the Assyrian Ammna&i) is only the biblical 'Hanosh with its three hundred sixty-five years of life in the ways of the Lord*.

As for the monetary type which we have spoken about and which we in- also evokes as a palpable testimony of tradition

Phrygian of the flood, I will not stop there for long, because it there is nothing new to say about it. It appears on medallions of bronzes which bear on the right the effigy of Septimius Severus, of Maerin and Philippe père, and the best comments that were given are those of Ii^ckhel* and Charles Lenormant V Instead of recognizing Deucalion and Pyrrha, as wanted

l)Slepb. Bifi., T* 'Ixtviov; Suidas, V Nnwaxct.

2) This is what Buttmann recognized first, from the Mythologut, t. I^ p. 176 et FOLLOW. ; cf. Fr. Lenormant, The origins of history, t. I, p. 441.

3) Doctr, num. vet., t. III, pp. 434 i. 139.

4] In the PP Archeology Mixtures. Cahier and Martin, pp. 190 to 202. I owe the photo which accompanies this notice & robUgeanee from my friend H. Théodore Reinacb.

— 172 —

again HioaDet, Charles Lenormant clearly demonstrates this, especially based on the well-established registration Nfl€, which it we must see Noah and his wife, that is to say an allusion to the flood biblical. There is the raven and the dove; Noah and his wife are

presented twice, first in the ark, then outside,

ime this commonly happens in anti-representations s, notably in the bas-reliefs of the sarcophagi where the principle , 1 hero is featured several times, following the developments and successive episodes of the myth, although no separation physically indicated between the various scenes. The mon- ts bear, under the reigns of Septimius Severus and Hacrin, the india: EHI AmNOSETOY APTEMA - T ■ AnAMEnN.etsous lippe father: In MAVP-AAEZANAPOY- B • APXI- AnAMEON s Artemas, agonolkete for the third time; or, underMarcus ■elius Alexander, high priest potar the second time). The spring The interest of the publication of Charles Lenormant is to B know a bas-relief sculpture, catacombB Rome, which represents, with greater development, scene, identical, in all respects, to the monetary type of A- lee.

.insî, coming to settle in Apamea, under the first kings lucid, the Jewish settlers brought with them to Phrygia ■ national traditions. Little by little, they located them in ' adopted homeland, and it is these biblical memories, more less altered and Hellenized, that modern historians have for ancient legends of the Phrygian race. He doesn't know no longer be a question, in our opinion, of syncretism and reciprocal of the Puenne tradition and the Jewish tradition, s the influence of Christian ideas. It's the legend everywhere e kept by settlers as a precious deposit, and translated them in image, at a time when they were already completely enized, on the currencies of their powerful and rich colony, number of monetary types, in different cities, can be explained [in the same way, through mythical or historical memories ;ials to each of them, and in this regard we will point out here coin of Etaea in Aeolis, with the image of Lucius Verus;

- 173 —

it bears, on the reverse, a still unexplained type, which, plastic- ment, is not without analogy with that of the coins of Apamea.

It may be objected to us: If the Jewish settlers trans- brought the biblical tradition to Phrygia, how is it that these settlers claimed that Noah's Ark had stopped in Phrygia, at Mount Berecynth or on the neighboring mountain of Apamea, while the account of Genesis places, on the contrary, The event “in the mountains. of Aràràt”? But it's easy to respond to such an objection, because the place where the ark was not precisely fixed in the biblical tradition that, and these are only ancient Greek and Latin interpreters of Holy Scripture who located the Arftràt of the flood in Mount Ma5«is in Armenia.* Jewish tradition was so vague at in this respect that the mountain where Noah came out of Tarch is placed in twenty different regions. Most Jewish settlements in Orient naturally maintained that the highest mountain of their neighborhood was that of the flood^ and if the Jews of Apamea claimed to show the curious, in Roman times, remains of Noah's ship, similar wrecks were preserved in the Gordyean Mountains, as well as in a neighboring locality of Lake Van and in another located on Mount Massis'.

To account for these variations in Jewish legend, and of the contradiction of these memories which have the same origin, we could invoke a large number of analogous phenomena logues in the mythological traditions of the Greeks and Romans. A host of localities where the cult of Bacchus was in honor, for example, claimed to have given birth to this god and showed in their neighborhood the cave where he was born, or many memories of his childhood and the nymphs who had high. Did a colony of Thracians carry the cult of Bac- chus in the island of Naxos, soon after, the inhabitants claim that the god was born in their midst, and You show the pious pe-

1) Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 274.

2) Fr. Lenormaot, op, cU,, t. II, p. 3.

3) See especially regarding all these locations, Fr. LeDormant, op. cU»j i, II, pp. 1 and Buiv.

— 47i —

lerius the places which sound! cuinin^ having reteati of the first se^ wailing.

We have also seen, in the Middle Ages, many cities offering simultaneouslymeat to the veneration of the faithful the holy body of a even jnartyr, or so dispute the honor of locating his legeoda. It was like this in all the tepipas. It is a recognized fact that weary settlers sought to revive in the country where they settled were, the fatherland that They had left, giving names who were dear to them and to which they were accustomed, to the places and to new objects which had some analogy with water

of yesteryear.

ELA&ABALE, SON OF APOLLO

M • AVP ■ ANXnNINOC ■ KAIC ■ AïïOAA ■ V ■ «VCCp ■ Busta de the emperor Elagabalus, on the right, laureate head, open chest of the armor and paludameptum.

^ Rough legend. Emperor Elagalabe standing, ci^ cosUflM military, the paludamentum on the shoulders; from the itmii gaackf he leans on a baste, and with his right hand he binds a hook with which he is about to make a sacrifice. Pans the icbamp, h left, a rough date, perhaps There (year 4).

Bronze coin, minted in Alexandria, Egypt.

All the interest of this medal which is part of the jcolleixtioi) Démétrio, at the Athens Museum, resides in the legend: ïfâpKOf AûpijXioç 'Aruwvi'vîî Kaïï2p, 'AitsXÀiùvoç ulij, EiffeS'^ç. For the first first time in numismatics, we see a prince, king Greek or Roman emperor, proclaim himself in his official titles, son of an god; Ëlagahale is called fik

• naked ^

A very recent publication gives current interest to this monetary legend: I want to talk about the doctoral tbëse by Mr. Abbot E. Beurlier: The imperial cult ^ its history and its or- ganization since Auffuste jmqu'd JtÀStimen (iaSo^ Pari^f Tborin, 1891). Mr. Beurlier's in-depth research shows us trent the oriental origins of Tapotheosis; k Imitation of kings successors of Alexander, the Roman emperors became gods by ascending the imperial throne, and they are represented with the tributes of various deities. But on their currencies, they never bear the names of particular gods like Zeus, flecle, Apollo, or the title of son of these gods, although the authors and sometimes even the inscriptions reward them compJai- Sammeni of these proud qualifiers. If the titles of Seéç and div2is are common in Monetary Printing, these are the alone by which the official apotheosis is manifested, although numerous types are, on the contrary, the obvious reflection* Calignla, for example, in her bouts of dementia, takes a turn k round the names of Hercules, of Castor, of Pollux, of Tropbonius, of Amphiaraus, of Bacchas, of Mercury; he adorns himself, on his shoulders monetary coins, costume and attributes of these characters dhrins, he calls Jupiter his brother, but these names never are attached to the aien in the legends of its coins. jDomitian wants to be known as the son of Minerva and he writes to the procurators taking the title of God, but none of his plays call him /itfus Minervœ. If its Alexandrian coins give it the title of eSOY YtOZ, it is by allasioo to his father Vespasien who became divus^ and not to designate him as the son of a God of Olympus^ Likewise, Diocletian and Masimiea Ercules do not take on their coins the nicknames of Jovim and A'Herculius^ although they appear there with the attributes of Jupiler and Hercules^ This silence 1

A^ currencies will appear etomiaiiisi one thinks that it is of sur- official names to which the emperors valued even more than the warrior nicknames that currencies often give them, even though they deserve them so little.

More than anyone else, Elagabalus valued divine honors and he was keen to be identified with a god or to pass for

]

^ 176 —

son of one of them* He was god — a sad god — but “you are mon- naie s ^ Greek or Latin/ do not give it the divine title, to Excemplion of the one we are making known today. If he often proclaims himself priest of Elagabalus, the god of Emësa of whom he had introduced the cult to Rome, Sacerdos dei Solis Elagabali^ he does not dare to arrogate the name of his favorite god to his coins.

The bronze from Alexandria which gives Elagabalus the epithet of son dApolloUy therefore reveals to us, by itself, a new encroachment and unusual in the deification of emperors. Why is this fact did it occur in Alexandria, and why did Elagabalus proclaim himself ii son of Apollo, rather than of another divinity? that's what it is easy to explain. The god of Emësa, Elagabalus, whose emperor was the supreme pontiff, was none other than the Sun itself. Ground ElagabaluSy as the medals and inscriptions say; gold, the Sun is the son of Apollo. The coinage of Alexandria identifies the emperor with his very god, and this official identification has no reason to surprise us, given that it presents itself on a coin minted in Egypt. The ancient Egyptians saw were born in their Pharaohs, the incarnations of R&, the god Sun, the supreme leader of their Pantheon. The Lagides, heirs of the Pharaohs^ benefited from the same honors, and were con- stunned like the living manifestations of the Sun; one of them is designated, in a text cited by M. Beurlier, under the name of son of the Sun, ulcç tou 'HXCcu. The Roman emperors, succes- cessors of the Ptolemies, also passed, in their turn, for incarnations of Rft, and it is this form that the imperial cult. It is therefore quite natural that a currency of Alexan- drie describes a Roman emperor as uioç 'AxiXXcovoç; we find we will even see that this title is only found once times on currencies, while divine qualifications ana- logues are so frequently given to kings and emperors by historians or on lapidary inscriptions.

AliOKRS, IMP. A. BURDIN BT C^; 4, RUB GABHIBR.

5 GOLD OF ATHENS

of gold coin that he used with some I). With SB penetrating criticism and a& e1) legislator of numismatics number of authors older than seen, in various museums, pieces of esL his skepticism that the piece Qlascow, which had just been published very authentic urlanl, do not instil worse no confidence, and he reserves his Judgment until he was able to see the original itself. In truth, he adds, Aristo- phane, give his comedy of Frogs, park' of a mon- naie of Albenian gold, but it is out of irony, and the context proves that in reality this currency did not exist at all. The scoliasle of Aristophanes, in the Knights [Z), also makes allusion to the gold coins of Athens which would have been minted Swords with gold entered the mines of Launum. Now, says Eckhel, it is obvious that the scholiasle is wrong, since the mines of the Ltturium have only ever provided money. After this inquire, adds the Viennese scholar, I will not be blamed not to reject the authority of Pollux who also alludes to Athenian gold coins (4d. Other testimonies of antiquity relating to the coinage of Albènes are unanimous in

(1) Eckhel, Doetr. num. r«. t. II, p?06. (2] Combe, Hunter Museum, pref. p. 9.

13) Eckhel refers to his school around 1091; these are terminated the scoImi du Ter» 1093. See Scolia graeca in ArUtophantm, ed. Kdot, p. 70. (4) Pollui, IX, 53.

— 1T8 —

cite only silver and bronze coins, and ( allusion to gold coins, it is clearly in( git of foreign currencies, like the darics the lampsacenes, which were current in Athens. '. cydide (II, 13), to roccasioa of the misfortunes of Peloponnese, wanting to appreciate the reserve the State, says that it consisted of six thousand ti coined and in five hundred talents of gold and silver This passage implicitly implies that coined gold.

When he wrote his great work on I^s n born, Beulé had to ask the question again, putting mcnts new that time had little h little devoted an entire chapter to the currency of After having given himself the pleasure of mocking Eckhel for tick, Beulé announces that at the time he writes, no longer permitted: Athens coined gold, and all the European elections have copies swimming. It is therefore for Beulé, less assertive to determine the value of gold and EU currencies born and the time when they were struck. According to pieces are classified & successive eras d'.^thenes; they will, without doubt, always remain his, but he has no doubt that the gaps still which we are forced to note in the following chr this coinage of gold, fails to be co discoveries of the future, there are, he says, the eras, from the century of Pisistratus, from the century from the century of Alexander; there would even be p century of Alexander belonging to the new style From this principle, Beulé applies the classiflca to gold logic that he established for money, “because,” he says, “i because Greek art could not have two systems same time and in the same branch of art. • Beulé's theory was adopted without conti

(1) Baulë, Coin! d'Alhentt, p. 64^65; t. auau what di in the Revui ntimiimatigue, new. aer. t. V[|[ (1863) p. ITf

— 179 —

scholars, notably MM. Moramsen (1), Fr. Lenormanl (2) and Fr. Hultsch (3). But today, she no longer seems to have the same credit. In the remarkable introduction which he placed in head of his catalog of the coins of Attica from the British museum tannic, Mr. Bafclay V. Head admits only two or three epo- ques in the coinage of gold and Telectrum in Athens: it looks as probable Tatlribution to Athens of coins of electrum from the start of the coinage, at the start of the sixth century; he places an issue of gold coins in the year 393 BCE, under the administration of Conon; the third finally is from Tan 87-86, during the alliance of the Athenians with Mithridates. We are far, as we can see, from Téparpil- chronologically proposed by Beulé; that's a big point acquired, but is there not reason to reach even more pre- decision and to determine more clearly the circumstances in why this coinage of gold occurred? This is what I suggest me to review here.

1

We have generally agreed, since Beulé, to attribute to Athens a hecté of electrum, of thick flan, which carries for type an owl in profile on the left; the reverse is occupied by a hollow square divided by diagonal lines in relief. We know of around ten copies of this small medal from the beginning of the 6th century: their weight ranges, depending on the degree of conservation, between 1 gr. 44 and 4 gr. 29 (4).

The owl which forms the type of this currency, notes Beulé, is entirely reminiscent in its style of the silver coins of the

) Mommsen, Hist. of the monn. Roman^ t. \, p. 78.

Fr. Lenormant, Money in Antiquity, t. I, p. 178. ) Fr. Hultsch, Griech, und rœm. Metrology (2* ed.) p. 223.

This medal is tiguré in Beulë, p. 19, and in Barclay V. Head, At- ^' pl. I, 1.

— 180 —

time of SoIod; it is, as on the latter, rounded k left, while later the owl is almost constant- lies to the right. Then, after expressing some hesitation in its attribution, i because of the shape of the hollow square of the On the other hand, Beuté reassures himself by relying on the authority of his vants such as Boeclch and Ch. Lenormanl, and on the example of cabinets of Paris, London, Turin, ob the piece in question is classified in Athens. He attributes it to the century of Soloa and Pisistratus (1). Hence comparisons of the kind of those in which Beulé excels, between the issue of this currency and the Solon's relations with Croesus, Alcmaeon's journey to court of the king of Lydia, the taste of Pisistratus for magic and his desire to imitate Croesus who had coins minted of gold, the greater shine given to the new monetary system of Solon.

Let's examine the currency in question from two points of view metal and type. Beulé says it in gold, while recognizing that this gold is of very low quality. He even ventures the surprise nante reOesion which follows: ■ We will notice, he says, how much the color and nature of gold are different on this coin and on the coins of subsequent centuries. She is as pale as the so-called electrum, and perhaps the quantity of silver does it relate to the quantity of gold in this mixture... The cities the richest altered the gold to a barely believable extent. » (3) If Mr. Mommsen had not given the sanction of his great authority in the opinion of Beulé i-elative & the currency which we occupies (3), I would consider it superfluous to refute the pas- wise that we have just read. What Beulé calls the so-called electrum and which would only be gold whitened by an operation fraudulent, is nothing other than the white gold of Herodotus (xpwoàç Xeuxi;), which were naturally lapped by the sands of Pactole and the mines of Tmolus, and which was used to manufacture in particular the coins of Lydia and those of Cyzicus. The ancients were not

(I) Beulé, Monnaiet d’Alhénet, p. 65; cf. Boeckb, Die StaaUhaïuhaltung > Aiktner. L. I, p. M (2-Al.). (S) Beulé, op. cit. p. 66. note. (3) Mommaei. Hello. of the Roman coinage, t. I, p. 73.

* ;

— 181 —

not as naive as Beulé wants to believe: the currency of trum circulated for Velectrum and not for pure Yor. We know perfectly well today what the relative value was of Telectrum in relation to gold. Cyzi-'s electrum stater that, for example, of the weight of i6 gr. 45, had, in the com- thank you, that the value of a darique of pure gold of 8 gr. 40. We account, according to the chemical analyzes of the Duke of Luynes and the very recent research by MM. K. B. Hoffmann, Green- well, Percy Gardner and Barclay Head (\) as in Telectrum of cyziceneSjthere is only about 46 per 100 of gold, that is to say say a weight of gold of 7 gr. 58, and 54 for JOO of silver, i.e. one silver weight of 8 gr. 85. The relative value of Tor and art people were, it is true, subject to fluctuations in trade and production, but its variations are not well considered bles, and it can be admitted, in a general way, that in Athens, in the 4th century, the weight of silver was 8 gr. 85 was equivalent to gr. 64 gold. By adding gr. 64 with the actual weight of gold, 7 gr. 58, we obtain, more or less, the exact weight of the Darique. Thus was calculated, and never, in antiquity, a piece of electrum was not admitted into commercial circulation for a gold coin of the same weight.

Moreover, it is recognized by everyone today that metal of the currency attributed to Athens is not fraudulent gold- altered, which never existed in ancient currency, but from Telectrum in the same way as the cyzicenes. Its weight is identical to that of the hectés of Cyzicus itself, and of the others electrum coins which supplied, in the 6th and 5th centuries, the trade of the Aegean Sea (2). This weight, as Ta recognized M. U. Koehler (3), represents the sixth of the Euboic stater,

(1) Hoffmann in Numismatische Zeitschrift^ t. XVI. p. 1 et seq., (Vienna, 1884); Greenwell, Electrum coinage of Cyziciis, p. 15 et seq. ; Percy Gardner, The exchange'Value of Cyzicene Staters in Isum. chronicle, 1887, p. 185 at 190: B. Head, Electrum Coins and their specifies Gravity, in Num, Chro- Nice, 1887, p. 277 to 308.

'"!j Greenwell, Electrum coinage of Cyzicus, p. 123. n®» 165. 166; Head, i ectrum coins and their specifies Gravity, p. 14 and pi. XI, n* 45 et seq. ; cf. I 18, n" 70 et seq. (Extract from the Numism. chronicle, 1887).

3) Mictheilungen des hais, deutsch. Institutes in Atfien^ 1884, p. 359,

— 182 —

the third of the drachma, and it does not agree calls the onciea allic system, which produces by third party in the establishment of its d admit that at the beginning of its coinage, key, had long been the center of iu ble, issued electrum currency, su of the big cities of the island of Euboea? Mr. U embarrassed to believe it; he concludes that he is po of electrum was minted in Athens before pias, and he supports his opinion on the ty carries the piece, and at the place of finding trum in question having been found in ê and Mr. Head after him, that from the moment towns of Bubee, such as Cbalcis and Erétrif naies of electrum, nothing stands in the way of this participated in this coinage.

Regarding the location of the Irouvail of argument in the present case (1) and the i electrum piece the argument that Mr. In laughingly Tail argue against attribution silver anepigraphs which, in Beulé Athenian coinage. Although these pieces found in Atlica, it is today ( of Euboea (2). It is with these currencies of silver to the type of Pegasus, which one o long Syracusans, because we meet them definitively established that these are p Acarnania or southern Italy, merce, The presence of silver coins i fields of Attica proves that these r Athens and nothing more. They were there again as will be later the staters d( that, from Phocaea, of which it is so often made descriptions of Attica.

(1) Didn't OD bumi found in Altica of no Cynqu*. for example! See Oreanvell, Euctrum

(S) Imhoof Blumer, The eubot monetary system Numitmati^ue Society,” (lim. 1882, p. PO, 10!

— 183 —

The owl guy himself, who appears on our mon- born of electrum, does not constitute a very solid argument for establish that it must have been struck in Athens. This owl is turned to the left, while it should look to the right; sound style has nothing in common with that of the surely atheistic pieces. niennes; finally, this same owl and this same hollow ear are noted on a didrachm and an obol which, according to Tavis de all today are from TEubée (4). Without stopping at the o- pinion of Mr. Barclay Head, who proposed to classify these pieces silver in AthensB Diades ('Â6Y)vat cd AiàSeç), town of the tip northern part of File, founded by a colony of Athenians (2), I can't wait to get to the more acceptable attribution, recently formulated by Mr. T. Jones. This scholar very ingeniously noticed that the name XaXxtç was given to a particular species owl litter, whose plumage is copper color (xaXxé;) The bird yjiîhi.li; is mentioned in particular in this passage from riliad (xiv, 290):

"Opvtôi Xtf upt) èvaXt'YXtoç, "îivT' èv îpeaaiv XaXxiSa xixXiPiGxouai Oeoi, âvBpsç Se xùiJLivStv.

“Like the screaming bird that inhabits the mountains

And that the gods call x^^-^^*i I^^ men xùfjLivStç. »

In the scholia of this passage, the word xaXxiç is given as synonym of y^auÇ; Suidas defines it as follows: XaXxfç, eiSo; cpviou ^ Y^*^Çi ®^ ^® scoliaste of Arislophanes gives him the same sense (3). Mr. Jones therefore attributes the didrachma with which he deals at Chalcis of Euboea, since the owl was, originally, the type speaking of this city. We also find the seal on the coins of Phocaea, the pomegranate on those of Side, the apple on those of Melos, the rose on those of Rhodes, Pan on those of Panticapaea, the crab on those of Acrugas, the rooster on those

(1) Imhoof-Blumer, The eubotquet monetary system loc. cit. p. 103.

2) Barclay V. Head, Catalog of Greek Coinsj Attica^ Introd. p. xiii; Central 6 eece^ ft. xxiv. 18, 19; Hist. numerum, p. 302. On Athense Diades, see U. fi ihler, Delisch und atlische Bund, p. 196.

3) School. in Aristoph. Aves^ around 261 (ed. Didot, p. 2 16).

1

— 184 —

of Himera (^piepa), parsley on those of Selinunte^etc. Let's add again, as an example of the speaking type, the coins of Velia in Lucania, to the type of the lion. Mr. de Witte ingeniously de* shown that the lion is the ethnic symbol of the Veliates, their town having originally been called Helea, and the word iXsii^nQç si- gnifying undion^ according to a special meaning indicated in the Great etymological (1).

Mr. Jones' arguments regarding didrachma and Tobole to the type of the owl, can, according to us, apply question from point to point our hecté of electrum: it seems to us that this piece must be definitively classified at Chalcis of Eu- gaped; and besides the rapprochement of the type of the owl with the name of yjCkfX^^ it will not be superfluous to add that, according to tradition collected by Strabo (x, p. 447), the city of Ghalcis claimed to have been founded before the Trojan War by a Ionian colony coming from Athens under the leadership of Pandora, son of Erechtheus; after the Trojan War, Cothos led to Ghalcis a second colony of Athenians. Athens and Ghalcis having an original parentage, there is nothing surprising in the fact that the two cities had the same mythological traditions and the same monetary types at the beginning; similar facts are so common in Greek numismatics that it would be superfluous list examples.

Finally, let us recall that Ghalcis, like Eretria, had positive- originally, a coinage of electrum in the system of Gyzic staleres. Parts are attributed to him with certainty of electrum which have, on the reverse, a hollow square identical to that of rhecté which concerns us; the weight is the same too; the guy only one is different: it is an eagle devouring a hare (2 gr. 86), a flying eagle (i gr. 42) or a wheel with four spokes (4 gr. 40) (2).

The hecté to the type of the wheel was also attributed in the past in Athens. Beulé (3) speaks of yet another gold coin in

(1) J. de Witte, in the Numismatic Review, t. lU, 1838, p. 8.

(2) Brilish Museum, Central Greece^ pi. xx« 1, 2, 3; Head, Uisi. number, p. 303; U. Koehler. MilnzfUnde auf Euboea^ in the Mittheilungen d, arck deutsfih. Institutes of Athens, t. IX, p. 359.

(3) Beulé, Coins of Athens, p. 66 et seq.

— 185 —

ith a hollow square on the reverse. This piece in the Welz de We sale catalog] would have been destroyed, Beulé supposes, because lleobeim would have let themselves be ignored ps he declared all the monniiiiesd'c to be false

gold coin, or more likely electrun authentic, it must be returned to the Ëi silver coins of the type of the ossicle qi

also, formerly, wrongly placed at the top of the inoc

we can now conclude that Albënes n ilectrum: at least, all currencies itlribuait Beulé, believing them to be in alternating gold aonnaies of the Island of Euboea, like the pieces t the same guys and that Beulé looked ennes. The only piece of electrum we had in Athens because of its type of 1 ime of Gbalcis, whose cbouette constituted

a period of more than two centuries which Pisistratides to Alexander, Atbënes necess 'to be the richest and most flourishing city commerce had taken on an extraordinary extension 1, popular everywhere because of their good al eursystem, were universally received s, on the coasts of Africa as well as qi pe or Asia. Numerous registrations r abounded in the Atbenes market, but (

:. eubofçue, ùp. cit., p. i

— 186 —

the eye always, let us be pleased to say it, in the form of esj foreign or ingots. We were surprised at this fact; we refused to admit that the commercial capital of I& Greece i not coined gold. Beulé (I) finds it surprising that under the nistration of Conon and Pericles, Athens, so rich, fù provided with gold coins; he believes there are later discoveries in ferool discover, in small quantities however, since inscriptions from the end of the 5th century which appear in the tr of the Parthenon, with gold ingots, cyzicenes, sta of Phocaea and Lnmpsacus, never speak of stu nttics. Forced to declare that the century of Pericles is the sterile in samples of gold coins, Beulé dispers chance, from the end of the 5th century until the death of Alcxnnd in the Lamiacal war, the few gold coins of Athens we know: he attributes a domi-stalère to Pericles, although in a speech that Thucydides takes from him (2), Pericles n( among the treasures of the Athenians only coined silver gold bullion; for reasons of style, he believes poi give to the time of Philip and Alexander the slalëre, the I and the quarter of a staler. Athens has struck again, according to him, gold coins after the death of Alexander so as not to surpassed in magnilicence by generals such as Lysimc Ptolemy and Seleucus.

Fr. Lenormant is not far from sharing complete Beulé's opinion: he states that there was, although exceptional ment, “an Athenian gold coin, and we have some, specimens from various eras, all of which fit into period of which I have just indicated the limits", that is to say '. of the 5th century and most of the [V. (3)

I believe that this thesis is erroneous in every way. We already fighting it in the name of the monetary doctrine of the anliq by demonstrating that the coinage of gold was exclusively from the invention of the darique, a privilege of the king of P

11) Coin! of Atkenei. p. 67.

(B) Thucydides, II. 13; cf. P. Poucart, The Golden Victory of Acropoh the Butl. by Corr. hell.. «vril ))<88. p. ?83. (3) Fr. r^nornisnl, La mo'inaie daitt rAnliquitt, t. I.p. 178.

— 187 -

Greeks and chiefs of Urmes, in the East and in the in the B^gean Sea, had been accustomed to the rise 1 king; he also had it, later, a privilege of emperor's lily in the Roman world, gold that we encounter in self-coinage capital of certain cities of Asia Minor, the from other countries washed by the Aegean Sea, nt than one might believe, an exception to that aque always possible to establish historically, B are coins struck by kings, with , there are many currencies issued in moments of army leaders, usurpers; or again, and 'only in the low period, that they were struck [to the Romans of the time of the Republic, to the are from Orient. We are of course only talking about } pure gold and we leave aside the currencies of e- golden stulëres of Lampsacus, Cyzlcus, Glazomenus, , are only military coins struck by Greeks, during the Peloponnesian War, in the .the where they stayed with their troops: these ge- it war in countries where we were used to gold risk in commercial transactions, and the but being, in general, one daric per month, it ipper, to pay these troops, a currency which, e of the great king, would have the same regal character and ; the same favor on the public market: later many will not do otherwise. As for the inciners lexandre, if they hasten to strike the mon- i for good al'Grmer that they are invested with rights We will not multiply, here, the examples which Toborate this doctrine: cases of derogation are 3r that we cannot explain them historically- not rash to admit that it is because the We are lacking. Coming back to .\lhënes, it 9 reason to be surprised by the extreme rarity of the mon- r in this city: it is the opposite which would be Lthenos complied, like all the others Rece and Asia, the monetary doctrine of anti-

equity which reserves for generals at the d.eleuri island kings, the right to coin gold.

The few gold coins of Athens that 1' the striking confirmation of this theory. In the; by grouping them, we will see, from the point of view of: the color of the metal, the concord parrait of the normal graduation of the divisions, we see: well we were wrong to scatter these pieces in i OF two centuries: they all belong to monetary and are of the same date.

1. Helmeted head of Athena on the right.

A. A6E. Owl on the right; behind, a c

olive shoot; in front, the calalhos. JV3. — Stater, 8 gr. 60. there are three exi binei from France, and three others at Bril

2. Helmeted head of Athena on the right.

A. A6E. Owl on the right; behind, a p in front, an olive branch.

N i 1/2. — Hemi-itater, 4 gr. 30. Two exeir net from France.

3. Helmeted head of Athena on the right.

R. AdE. Owl from the front, wings outstretched. P/. i i/i. - Quarter slalhe, 2 gr. 18. Cabin

4. Helmeted head of Athena, right.

A. A6E. Owl standing k left; behind<

olive; in front. the calalhos. Neither. —effectclet t gr. 40.tabinel of France.

8. Helmeted head of Athena on the right.

A. A8E. Two owls facing each other, the head i

created by an olive shoot. fi/. 1, — Hecle, i gr. 45. Cabinet of France bleed this hecle by considering it coi

(J) Barclay V. Head. Britith .Viw.

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Pericles and as an anterior k the hemi-sta- . under No. 2 (Ij. VLbéna on the right, standing on the right. eeté, gr. 73. Cabinet de France and museum

realize this from the table above, normal series of gold coins only one int the weight should be around 2 gr. 90. We re one day; on the other hand there are two varieties- Regardless, there is no doubt that all t have just described are contemporary: style and, on all of them, the type of the reverse is en- a hollow area which is only the old square , gradually towards complete erasure: distinctive scrapings of late coins orThe now to determine at what time under what circumstances this emission exlraor- 3 gold took place.

nt beyond 2> year of the 93* Olympiad (July- u Peloponnese, which had lasted for so many years- born more fury than ever. In Athens, a strategist replacing Alcibiades; h s had replaced Lysander as navar- !3 skirmishes, Callicratidas who commanded ï on the coasts of Ionio, managed to block c defeated, in the port of Mitylene: Athens B. It was then that the Athenians, who had alheurs, resolved to silence the greatest hastily build a new fleet with urces of the State.

, says Curtius, to draw widely, to save .resor of the goddess Poliade, We went as far as i in currency the golden statues of the goddess

3ull. to correspond. hellMiqua, %. VI (1881}, p. 210. mUmatih, t. V (1878), p. 3 and pi. 1, 4.

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of Victory, and everything that was in the vesl Parlhéon, made of metals, with the exception of a crown was delivered to Hellénolames and carried from Ift to the MoDoaie no doubt also the other Treasury comp.irliinenls qua the last capital of the city (1). » In his < ceate on the Golden Victories of the Acropolis, M. P. E established that these statues, mentioned in an inventory Sorriers of Athena before the Peloponnesian War very probably ten in number, and only two of them were not converted into currency; the average weight one of them was two talents of gold or about 52.4( my (2). Thanks to these extraordinary resources, a hundred vessels, making up the last fleet of Athens, p sea: the battle of the Arginuses was won in the month of ber of the year 406, that is to say in the third month of 1: born from In 93* Olympiodes, under the archonship of Gallias.

The fact that we have just reported is attested form by the scholar of Aristophanes who affirms, according to H( and Phiiochorus, that under the archonship of Antigenes, we fi Golden Victories to convert them into currencies testimony is confirmed by that of Demetrius of AI< (“pi 'Ep\i.r,is.iaz, § 281), who wants to give an example malica! of euphemism recalls the ingenious equivocation to had once used an Athenian orator as teacher people to bring the Golden Victories to the crucible. Speak to destroy would have been impiety; the subtle orator proposed to use it: t Let us use, he said, the Victories of allies in this war ■ (4).

It will not be useless to recall here, to confirm monections, that already in the year 4:^0, during the invasion of I by the Peloponnesians, Pericles, seeing Athens at

(Il Curlius, Hitt. grergire. (rail. Boucli^-Leclercq. l. 111, p. (87.

[2) P. Foucart, Let the gold ricloires of the Acropolis, in the Bull, d, hetUnique. erril l8S9. p. S9l and S93.

13) School. Arhtoph. in Ran. Fri 720, p. 296 of the ed. Didol.

(4) Sv/xf-n'à/iiOn: TiU Ni^iii; <■"{ tôï ssii/joi, Beulé who knew recalls that Quialilien dil dana the equivocal rnSme Eens: Victoriis esse (IX, 11, 92). Baulé, Monn i'Athinea. p. 70-71; P. Foucart, Op

— 191 —

BS, had also, according to the testimony of Thucydides, spoken of possible reason to mint coins with temple gold ,. Foreseeing the invasion, Pericles, known as Thucydides, engaged :citizens to take courage, by giving them the details of ^sources: they receive approximately GOO Inlents per year Lone their allies, without counting the other returns, and they still in the citadel 6,000 talents of coined silver, had received 9,700, but the rest had been spent on !s of the citadel and for the siege of Potidaea: it does not , not Tor and uncoined money carried as an offering individuals and by the people, nor all the sacred vessels have at the pumps and games, nor the remains of it other riches of the same kind that could not be less than 800 talents. He added the rather substantial treasures

other temples that we could use: what if ;s resources do not overflow, we could make use of with which the statue of the. goddess herself; he read that this pure gold weighed 40 talents and that it could be removed if he observes that if, for public salvation, we used Therefore, they would have to be replaced in their entirety > (1). 'e of antiquity like that of the Middle Ages is filled critical instances of the same kind, where, to provide fssities of war, we bring to the Crucible the treasures and itos of temples or churches.

phane, in the passage from his comedy The Frogs nor cited since Eckbel, and from which we have drawn, as we do

erroneous conclusions, alludes to a currency ihënes: it is, the scholiasle tells us, the broadcast which had i07, in the midst of the serious circumstances that we have

higher, and in which the Victories were melted mport to quote the poet's passage in full: “I have noticed that our city behaves towards the good and i citizens, as towards the old silver currency and such a gold coin. These pieces are of excellent title it, certainly, the most beautiful of all coins; popped and well-sounding they are current everywhere, in

7dida, Ptloponian War, II, xiii.

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Greece and among the barbarians. However, we do not use it more and we prefer these nasty copper coins, recently issued and so poorly struck. This is how we act respect of citizens: do we know them to be well born, moderate, brave, honest, educated in the exercises of the gymnasium and in the liberal arts, they are the target of our outrages; we use on the contrary, this collection of foreigners, slaves, poorly born people and not worth much better, arriving yesterday and of which Athens once would not even have wanted for expiatory victims. Insen- ses! change your behavior; employ the honest again people..." (1) Bœckh and Beulé did not interpret this step* in this way* wise from the comedy of Frogs. In the sentence: tàpxaiov vé- {xuixa xal To xaivbv xpw^fov, they see an antithesis between the old silver currency (dpxaiov v6[jLtff[i.a) and the new gold currency (xaivbv yj^^cio^) of bad quality which would have been struck for meet the costs of the war (2). < Aristophanes, says Beulé, blames the Athenians who prefer to their old silver currency pure people, well struck, well sounding, miserable brass struck from the day before and from a bad factory. Athens melted a certain number of Golden Wins to cover the costs of war; but, whether the gold intended for statuary was less pure in title, whether one had deliberately mixed a quantity alloy too strong, the new currency incurred the blame by Aristophanes. However, the poet himself teaches us that she was in great favor, perhaps through an effect of patriotism tism. In any case, it had to be removed later, as soon as

(1) Aristoph. Ranœ” around 718 to 733; cf. Barclay V. Head. ffist. rium,, p. 31^, note. Here is the main passage from Aristophanes' text:

ii Tf rkp'/^xXov và/JLÎsux /aè ro xoctvôv ypxtsivj,

OUTI yko TO^rOtS'tV OU^CV where X!X(êdï;/SU/£8V0(|,

xaè juiévoii ôpdùiç xOTTsèvi xat nixtaBaviaftivoii ?v Ti roast "E/zifjçt xai tocç îxpBipoiat Travrax^^'j Xf»«û/*s^' whereSkvy à/ià ro'ùroiç roîç ttovripoU X&ii TS xxl Ttoûviv xoTtitoi r& xscxcffru xôfifiari...

'2) Boeckh, Die Staatshaushriltung der Athener, 2* ed., 1. 1, p. 33-3L

— 193 —

of the Republic Furenl restored to meiU state alëres el divisions of slaleres which dalenl of ■are one liter very pure. We could score ide, the so prosperous administration of Conon, and

the time of this counterfeit currency of Antigène ;ircu)ation” (1|. Thus, according to Beulé, we would have

407 a Causse gold coin, and no ex- bad money would not have reached To support such an Ihèso, he relies on coliasle which we will talk about later. A. Barclay V. Head rejects the interpretation that >said above and that Mr. Six had, the prc- ement suggested; he agrees with the opinion of like him who was struck in Athens, in 4U7, a with a little gold and a lot of copper, then, the metal of the gold coins of Athens which we

is of very great purity, he also thinks none of the altered coinage of 407 arrived today ime after the war, under the administration of

regained its former splendor, it was at this moment 94, that he places the issue of orca coins us i thus serve as a reflection of prosperity

commercial development of this period (2). i arguments of feeling and which are not based on it solid: this coinage of gold was so little> the result of commercial prosperity, that

flourishing in its history, this city does not show genl, metal which the um. To fully understand the passage from Aris- happy to remember three essential facts:

!8 gold coins was only temporary and it the summer of the year 407, under the archonship of Anligèae

Hellanicus).

lieid'Ai/idnet, p. ~0-"l.

Md. Hùt. numerum, p. 314; AUica, Introd. pp. XXVIl ei

— I9i —

2. The first bronze coin to have Athens, dates back to the year 406, under the she Tul created immediately after the d (ScoliasLe on Frogs, v. 7S3).

3. Aristophanes' comedy, the Grenoi for the first time in February 40â, months after the first edition of the (Argument of the Frogs).

By paying attention to these dates, we exp meant Aristophanes. When he speaks, these are an excellent title which we no longer make old silver coin and leraf issue of the year 407. He adds that we prefer to copper, that is to say the auxiliary currency c to broadcast for the first time in 40G. Ai with regard, on the one hand, to the good currencies of good citizens, on the other hand, currencies intrinsic and bad citizens; in Athenians find practical and more ( money copper coin worthless i

As for the scholia of this passage, they [ view, I am willing, to condemn this ma' liasle says that Aristophanes speaks of a monm mixed a lot of copper (2): it therefore seems Boulé el Barclay Head their interpretation but read the following line: the scoliast c the explanation he has just hazarded that he

(1] Il ni'eiil ai-'ivftlile Je cilei- ioi le (^-moifriiage island who wrote to me that in relisniit the lesfe ii'Ari*(opbKne. he

Mr. Head returned to Mr. Jelil's car. Or a cm i

than Mr. Kuinacli. had managed to establish a ftatii family mont, ilans le vers 711', opiiosé two categories of cilo

— 195 —

JB: iûvatts S’âv %a.î ib xaXxoOv Xtfsw ■îmfip

ixén;. “It could be that the poet lll

? aiivre struck under Cttllias [1). » C’csl

I who, alone, am in the void; the sco-

iiaste realized that he could not be quoslioQ

of a faded gold currency, which no longer exists in antiquity.

quile (2); he rectified himself and resumed to give

a more rational and natural explanation, and there was

reason.

Thus, the gold coins that we described above represent the coinage of the summer of the year 407: they were struck with gold from the statues of Victories consecrated created in the temple of Alhena. These are military currencies issued at a time of political and financial crisis. When the public misfortunes which had necessitated the temporary issue porary were averted, Athens hastened to comply to its ancient tradition by no longer coining, by fleeing metal precious, than money: it was in the same circumstance that copper currency was created, a spiritually comprehensible novelty adorned by Aristophanes to men of no means and upstarts.

It is now important to talk about the famous Athenian statere, in the name of Mithridates, who seems, a priori, to protest, too, against the monetary doctrine on which we rely. By publishing for the first time, in 1863 (3), this gold coin

iWScol. ArUtoph.inBan.1th\éA. DiJol, p. 2i6.

(1) See on the purity of gold Ae% itionaaie» antiques, F. LenormanI, La mon- born in Antiquity, I. I, p. 187. The false golden souls, consecrated by a I conien daa« the Hecatompâdon and mentioned in an inventory of the year 398, do not i ivenl only be recognized as the work of forgers and not as a rnofficial meeting. C. I. Or. n" 150, § 38; cf. Lenormant, ep. cit. t. 1, p. ÎZ6- S ;. fe 3) Reem numitmaligu”, nour. air. I.VI11. p. 176.

which brings forth the names of Mithriilate EupaU of Aristion, the leader of his followers in Alhè ■ We are far from Lemps where Eckhel nor gold coinage in Alhèncs. > This slalèro, elyle, known until now, is the repeat small proportions, of a tetradrachm of that (!). yi so we knew the drachn that Bculé, she will be! identical to the state the legends and the module.

The golden bowl that aroused enthusiasm at the Cabinet of Medals with the collection then the Berlin Museum acquired one bable, but not from the mother corner (2). Here is 1 remarkable pieces.

Helmeted head of Athena, right (new A. AeE. BASIAE. MIOPAAATHI APISTIO