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Zeitschrift für Numismatik, vol. 24 — 1897
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1) History of the Roman coin. p. 692 note 86.
2) That the previous name “pFora** is incorrect and more of a puppis is depicted by Assmann, Jahrb. d. Inst. VII (1892) p. 51 shown.
Tsar Manzkunde of Macedonia. I. 177
Rj, D I MAKE I AONßN in three lines in the bound below Ephea wreath (Bompois ibid. plate II 16), which Head^) also incorrectly places in the period 158-146. This Appearance of the Latin D (probably = decreto), which later became the LEG, CÄ-PR. etc. follow, proves that these imprints in the period after 148, when Macedonia was already Roman was a province. This allocation is secured by the it was said that there were numerous such pieces with D on coins of the Quaestors C. Publilius and L. Fulcinius are overprinted.
Thirdly, finally, it is impossible to use Bompois to describe the tetra- drachmas with
Vf. Laurel wreathed bust of Artemis with quiver and Bow to r. in the middle of a Macedonian shield Rf. In the 1st tied oak wreath: MAKE | AONßN and there- between the club with the handle towards 1st; i. F.r. mono gram, on volume 1. Lightning (Bompois plates I 1-3) among the autonomous Macedonian coins from Philip's time and the tetrobols discussed above on p. 170 f and assign diobols as parts. With these coins out Philip V's time they have nothing in common. Not a single one of the very numerous monograms from that series recur on them. The Oak wreath is no longer just made up of stylized leaves - de, like the coins of Philip (see LTaf.YIl - 8) and Perseus, which the Macedonians (e.g. Bompois plates I 10 and IV 1} and also nor the coins of the four Macedonian provinces (Bompois Plate III 1 - 5), but it is drawn much more true to life and formed from large leaves and acorns, very similar to in the tetradrachms with LEG (Bompois plate II 1. 2)'). With They agree with the latter, as Head*) wisely emphasizes, so completely identical in style that they are worse than
1) London Cat. Macedoni* 8. 14, 55-58.
3) For this reason alone it is possible to create these tetradrahms with Bompois with LEO the autonomous Macedonian mills and the test gongs swipe of the four components.
3) London Cat. Macedonia 8. LUX.
Ztitiokrift Ar Namkmatik. XX. 12
178 H. Gaebler:
However, they cannot be separated by a longer period of time can. Compare e.g. B. the decoration of the shield hard, dry style of the small Artemis head with the long, thin neck, which also consists of leaves and fruits- the oak wreath, the drawing of the club, etc. In all of them The correspondence between these details is so obvious that in a close temporal connection between these two tetra- drachma series is not to be doubted. But now they belong Tetradrachms with LEG, which certainly means legatus pro quaestore is to be added (cf. the coin of the Sura^)), certainly in time soon after 148, in the first years of the Roman provincial administration, and it is very obvious that the similar pieces without LEG to be assigned to the rule of Andriskos, de;* i. J. 150 Macedonia freed from the hated Roman yoke and i. J. 149 about the army of the praetor P. luventius Thalna^ der himself fell in battle, won a brilliant victory'). The laurel wreath may refer to this success which the head of Artemis adorned on those tetradrachms is. Already i. J. 148 became Andriskos after something about Ruled in Macedonia for a year by the praetor Q. Caecilius Metellus was decisively defeated and fled the country'). From this the extraordinary rarity of these tetra- drachmas explain, which seems to prove that their output coinage was only of very short duration. Not at all In this case, these tetradrachms are placed in front of the four coins Macedonian provinces, as Bompois does.
After these eliminations, the following imprints remain of the Macedonians, who certainly belonged to the first third of the 2nd century (c. 185 - 168)*):
1) Berlin Cat. 21, 1, plate II 14; London Gat 20, 87. 2y Livio's Perioch. 50; Florns IT 14; Entrop. TV 13; Orosius lY 22, 9; Zonaras IX 28.
3) Ygl. the passages cited in 2 and Yelleius 111.
4) The receipts for the individual numbers do not constitute any claim You are independent, but only form one sufficient for the purpose selection that appears.
Tsar's coinage of Macedonia. I. 179
1. M Tetrobolen and Diobole. Vf. MA | KE and club in
Macedonian shield. RF Macedonian helmet, three Monograms and a symbol.
Berlin Cat. 9, l—T^—London Cat. 9, 11-15; — Paris, Mionnet I 452, 1. 2; Sappl. III 1, 2; Cousin^rj, Yojage en Mac^d. I, plate UI 9;
— Goltz, Graecia plate XXH 1; — Bompois plate I 4. 9; —Imhoof, Magazine f. Nom. YII (1880), p. 4.
2. M Tetrobolene. Vf. as before. i2/. Helmet, without monograms.
Berlin Cat 9, 8; — London Cat. 9, 16.
3. 16 mm each. Vf. K1E in the Macedonian shield. RF helmet,
]. F. Monograms.
London Cat. 12, 39; — Paris, Mionnet p. HI 2, 4; Bompois Plate II 25*); — Sestini descr. nnm. vet. 84, 6; —Cat. Wehl 1742;
— Review nom. 1866, plate Z 2.
4. M 20mm Vf. Apollo wreathed with laurel head right. RF MAKE|
AONfiN Dreifnss, i. F. Monograms, including the same like 3.
Berlin Cat. 14, 56-62; — London Cat. 11, 37, 38; —Paris, Mionnet 1 453, 20-25; Suppl. III 8, 15-19. 21. 22; Bompois plate 1 13.
The following numbers, 5 - 20, are all on the Rf. the inscription MAKE | AONfin.
5. M 23 - 18 mm. Vf. Head of the youthful Dionysus with
Ipheur r. Rf. billy goat r. standing, i. F. Monograms, including the same as in 4.
Berlin Cat. 12, 37-42; — London Cat 11, 32-36; —Paris, Mionnet I 454, 28. 29; Snppl. UI 5, 88; Bompois plate 11 20. 21.
6. M 25mm serrated band. Vf Poseidon head with three-
zack r. 22/. Club and two monograms in oak wreath.
Berlin Cat. 12, 85, 36; — London Cat. 16, 67, 68; —Paris, Mionnet S. in 2, 8, plate III 1; Consinöiy, Yoyage I, plate m 11; Bompois plate lY 1.
7. & Tetrobolen. Vf. Club in the Macedonian shield. RF
Helmet, i. F. 1. Aphlaston.
Paris, Mionnet p. III 1, 3; Bompois plate I 5; —Cat Walcher (1894) Tai: yn 938.
1) Plate n 24 is a coin of the Botteate, rgl below p. 191, lY.
12*
180 BLOaebler:
8. iE] 15 mm. VJ. Macedonian shield with sickle star. i2/.
Helmet, i. F. Monogram^).
Berlin Cat 10, 21.
9. & Tetrobolen. Py. like before. Ä/. ship's stern;
i. F. Star or letter.
Berlin Cat. 10, 10-12; — London Cat 9, 17-22; —Paris, Mionnet I 452, 3. 4; Cousinery, Yojage I, plate III 8; — Bompois Plate I 6.
10. iR Tetrobolen. VJ. Head of a Maen ade r. 12/. like before
(i.e. same letters).
Berlin Cat. 10, 18-20; — London Cat 10, 23-31; —Paris, Mionnet I 452, 5-7; — Cousinery, Voyage I, plate HI 7; — Bompois Plate I 7. 8.
11. iE 22 mm. VJ, head of Strymon from the front. RJ. Artemis
with torch r. standing; i. F. two monograms.
Berlin Cat 11, 23, 24; — Paris, Mionnet I 454, 27; Bompois Plate I 12.
12. Egg 18mm. F/l Athens akopf r. Rj. horse r. ongoing, i. F
Monograms.
Munich; — Cat Wiciay 2573, from Mionnet p. III 4, 26 and Bompois pp. 79, 11; Sestini, Mus. Hederv. pp. 92, 11.
13.E 20mm. previous year Youthful head of Heracles right. RF horse
r. striding, i. F. two monograms.
Löbbecke; — Paris, Mionnet p. m 4, 27; — Turin Cat 2179; — Cat Welzl 1757-1760.
14.^24-20mm. VJ. Head of Strymon r. RF Trident,
i. F. Monograms.
Berlin Cat 14, 50-55; — London Cat 12, 40-45; —Paris, Mionnet I 454, 30-32; Snppl. III 4, 24, 25*); — Bompois Plate I 15 and U17.
1) Unfortunately, only the upper part of the monogram has survived. Possible Of course it should be added to B^; then the stack would be the Botteaten- Coins could be lined up on page 191, lY.
2) Mionnet calls the head of the VJ. in Volume I nPan**, in Suppl. III, Following Combe (Mus. Hunter 180, 21), “Ceres*, but it is the horned one Head of the river god Strymon with a wreath of reeds, which is at No. 1 1 tone from the displayed is provided.
To the Münskande of Macedonia. I. igl
15. M 24mm. FJT. Poseidon head with Taenie r. RF. Club
and two monograms in an oak wreath.
Berlin Gat. 12, 31-34; — London Cat. 14, 51-53; —Paris, Mionnet I 453, 15. 16; Suppl. m 2, 9^12; — Bompois Valley I 10.
16. M Umm. Vf. Macedonian shield with star. iZ/ font
in two lines and two monograms in an oak wreath.
Berlin Cat. 15, 64-66; — Munich, Sestini descr. 84, 5.
At No. 12 -16 repeat some of the same mono grams, some of which are also at No. 3 return.
17. M 22mm, F/*. Head of Apollo wreathed with laurel r. Ä/ Lyra,
1st arch, r. Monogram.
Berlin Cat. 11, 25-27; — London Cat. 14, 54; —Paris, Mionnet 8. m3, 20; — Bompois plate 1 14.
18. Eä 17 mm. Vf. Youthful head of Heracles r. RF club
and a monogram in an oak wreath« The monogram seems to be the same as No. 17.
Oxford, Wise num. BodL 8.2.
19. M 22mm. Vf Zeus head wreathed with laurel r. iZ/l horse
r. walking, without monogram.
Bompois 8.77, 3.
20. M 22mm. Vf. Poseidon head with Taenie r. RF how
before.
Munich.
The no. 3, 4 and 5 all have the monogram J^ or S or (in a single case) both at the same time. The former is, as will be shown below (p. 184), to resolve into AM0A[ElfiN]; the second, which sometimes refers to the Taking the place of the former probably means QE[aaaXovinfi]. So the coins are in the district of Amphaxitis, namely in the capital of the same, in Thessaloniki
We now come to the coinages with the on« Writings AM^AEIßN and BOTTEATßN. So far one has generally assumed that the Amphaxians and Botteates were independent Yolks within Macedonia exercised the right to mint
182 H. Gaebler:
have, namely Head, who last traded on this'), The coins of both date back to the period after 168. But it is unthinkable bar that the Bömer, the i. J. 168 all existing associations in Macedonia was dissolved and the country was given a new division imposed four arbitrarily delimited districts on a single person Yolksteil should have been allowed within one of these districts, to mint special coins in addition to those of the new classification corresponding embossings with PPßTHZ, AEYTEPAZ and TETAP- TH£. The coins with the names of the Amphaxians and the Botteates must necessarily have been minted before the year 168'). But it is now extremely unlikely that in the 2nd century B.C. BC In Macedonia there are still individual ancient peoples of some kind should have existed with independent meaning. Rather, they were the various tribes that supported the Macedonian kings as their empire gradually expanded had, in the 2nd century, certainly with the population of the Macedonian The Donic heartland has long since become one people, the Macedonians, merged. During this time there was no actual IdfAipa^^oi or BoTtsatai as special peoples who, with one endowed with a certain degree of autonomy, would have their special coins can shape. I therefore believe that we in these two Names are only district names in the sense of administrative districts have to be recognized. This view is supported by the Coins self supported. Except for the embossings with 'yi(jbq>a^iwv
1) London Cat. Macedonia S. LVf. and ice cream. so. p. 211.
2) Already MüUer, Num. d'Alex. le Grand p. 376 puts the coins with the Botteate monogram dates back to the last Macedonian period Kings. That from Müller a. a, 0. under No. 27 recorded Diobolon Philip II. with alleged Botteate monogram, which he took from Sestini, Descr. num. vet. However, the text taken from p. 134, 6 must be deleted. The coin from the collection lung Cousinöry, is now in Munich and, like me, has there could determine, not the Botteate monogram, but '^, so it's the same the one under No. In 104, the diobols of Philip II also recorded Müller's arrival. The fact that the Botteate monogram can be found on coins of Fhilipp^s Y. is incorrect. Rather, the monogram referred to here is clear on all of them Copies always have the form "K; this is also what the coin in Leake, Num. hell., kings 8, 15, 13 to correct.
To the Münskande of Macedonia. I. jgß
and Bottsatwy alone there are pieces with the inscription MAKEAONßN AM^AEIfiN and MAKEAONßN V (= Bottsatav), which without a doubt can only mean: (coin) of the Macedonians in the Amphaxitis^) and (coin) of the Macedonians in the Bottiaia. This alone makes it likely that the^e coins at the same time as those who only have MAKEAONßN and, as shown above, were minted from the year 185 onwards. A special designation of the individual districts appeared, when Philip left the exploitation of the mines to the Macedonians and at the same time granted the right to mint, apparently in the interest of one more precise control necessary for the royal officials, which collect the mining lease and the filing of invoices had to check. Those labeled MAKEAONfiN alone Coins like in the main mining district Edonis^), and although in Amphipolis^) which in the Amphaxitis and The pieces struck from the Bottiaia also have their own special name, and probably also in the mono- gram 4^, which is the no. 17 and 18 (above p. 181), one District name included. If we speak of this latter, Avoiding the uncertain trap, three parallel rows result of Macedonian coins which have the following inscriptions:
I. IL in.
Edonis District Amphaxitis District Bottiaia District
(Mint Amphipolis) (Mint Thessalonike) (Proof PeUa) MAKEAONfin AMOAEIfin BOTTEATßN
MAKEAONßN AMOAHifiN —
MAKEAONßN ^ MAKEAONßN V
^) Here you can possibly think of a municipal test gong, as G. Hirschfeld (in Paulj-Wissowa, Bealencjklop. I 2 8p. 1884) thinks, the stt tends to the view that the Münien founded a city of Amphazion (the nor Steph. Bjs. called) broom. The mints of Hyrkanis, Blanndos, Dokimion and others Pdtai from the imperial period with YPKANnN — , BAAYNAEaN — , AOKiMEnN — , HEATHNnN MAKEAONAN cannot be compared with this.
') This was due to its metal richness of age. famous Pangaion Mountains.
s) For the Münien with Strymon head Rf. Dreisack (8. 180 No. 14) use
184 H. Gaebler:
So the people of the districts have Amphaxitis and Bottiaia initially bore the district name alone, namely first written out in full, then in the monogram; became later he added it as a monogram to the overall name. Off This compilation also shows that the monogram J^, which contains the Macedonian coins no. 3. 4. 5 (p. 179). (cf. above p. 181), can be resolved into AM<|)A[EinN]^. This will confirmed by the fact that some monograms of the bronze coins with AMOAEIISSN, as Head^) already noted, on the coins with head of Dionysus i2/. Billy Goat (p. 179 No. 5), which throughout are signed with 4^, recur.
If it is already very likely after what has been said, that the embossings of the above three rows each other simultaneously are, then it can be proven in more detail. First of all, the coins of amphaxitis (on both sides of the lower Axios, bordering the Bottiaia in the west)^) applies, it has already been shown above on page 172 that the (only previously known) tetradrachmon with the inscription MAKEAONßN AMOAEIßN in the monograms and in the accessory symbol matches silver and bronze coins of Philip Y and is therefore to be placed in the time of this king. Regarding of the bronze coins
Vf. Youthful head of Heracles with lion skin right.
Rf. In the 1st or bottom tied oak wreath: AM4>A | E\QN and between them club with the handle to 1st or r., i. F. Monogram.
Berlin Cat. 34, 1. 2; ~ London Cat. 42, 1-4; — Paris, Mionnet I 462, 98-100.
It has already been emphasized above that they contain several mono-
This is what aach Head, London Cat. Maced. P. 12. Of these, however No. 12, 13, 15, 16 (p. 180 f.) cannot be separated because, as already noted there, have the same monograms. Ankh No. 11 is because of the Strymon head certainly minted in Amphipolis.
1) Head, London Cat has already done this. Maced. S. LIII and LT thought, but he pulls. P. 11 presents the explanation of Aiti^i[nolt]. 2) a. a. 0. S. LV.
3) Strabo VII 329, 11 and 330, 23; see also Polyb. V97.
On the coinage of Macedonia. I. lg5
gram with the bronze coins: Dionysus head RF. Billy goat (No. 5 p. 179) have in common, which shows that they are in the same time as these belong. The capital of amphaxitis was Thessaloniki, and this is probably where all these coins are with AM4>AEifiN and if embossed. The Tj'pen: Dionysus head RJ. Billy goats can be found e.g. B. in the coins of Thessalonica ') again. The monogram S, which some coins of the Am- phaxitis instead of the 1^ should therefore show, as already above P. 181 noted, to be explained as OEferaailoWxi;].
After the year 148 the quaestor C. Publilius coined the Amphaxitis bronze coins') with his name and the Monogram 4^, their types, head of Dionysus iZ/ billy goat, den autonomous coins of this district (p. 179 No. 5) are the same.
around the embossing with the inscription BOTTEATQN Bompois has to explain which we now turn to a detailed work on these coins') the claim put forward that Philipp Y. Bottäer from the Ghalkidike, according to who this people once did, through the first Macedonian kings was expelled from Emathia, emigrated to Emathia have returned, and of these are then, but only under Perseus, the coins were minted with BOTTEATflN *). This one alleged return migration of the Bottiaeans to Emathia Head in both Cat. Maced. S. LYI as in the Hist. num. p. 211 accepted without further ado as a fact. And yet she is cannot be proven by any evidence from antiquity. Bompois has the message, as the verbatim correspondence proves, from Desdevises-du-D6sert, O^ogr. anc. de la Mac6doine (1863) taken from where it says on p. 364: “Philippe, Als de D^m^trius, en (sc. des Botti6ens) rappela un certain nombre dans r£mathie, alors d6peupl6e, and leur y donna des terres de pröförence aux
1) Cf. e.g. B. Berlin Gftt 186, 42 iL; — London Gftt. 110, 10 ff. %) See B. Berlin Gftt. 22, 6-8; — London Gftt. 18.75; — Bompois, exam. chron. Plate lY 5.
3) Nnm. chronide 1S74, p. 215 ff.
4) a. a. 08/08/218 n. 222.
186 H. Gaebler:
Colons gaulois, encore barbares, qui furent 6tablis au delk^. I have not yet been able to understand this note any further. follow. Delacoulonche in his very detailed and careful The special work on Emathia^) knows nothing about it, just as little has Papa Konstantinos of late in his own document dealing with the subject'). I agree with that Jtl(jblt Furthermore, this news is of a recall of the Bottiäer is highly unlikely in and of itself. Because this people, who were already in the 6th century BC. BC ') in the Ghalkidike immigrated, by the time of Philipp's Y. he had long been with the Chal- kidiem completely merged. Desdevises probably has it Recall of the Bottiaians after the Emathia only closed from Livy XLV 30*), where it says: tertia regio nobiles urbes Edesaam et Beroeam et Peüam habet et Vettiorum beUicosam gentem; because he says on p. 88: “Philippe, p^re de Pers6e, rappela dans leur patrie les Botti6ens (Vettiens dans Tite-Live)". This correction of the handwritten Vettiorum in Bottiorum (or Bottiaeorum), which also Niebuhr^), Delacoulonche') and Madvig') suggested 1) Memoire sor le berceau de la puissance mac6d. etc. in: Revue des soci^tes savantes Vol. IT and Y (1858).
2) 'IffTOQtx^ Tt Mal ytfoyoacf^Xfj igtwa ntgl lov nvQ^vot xov ag^alov Maxtdovtxov ßatftktiov ifioi rfe *IIfAad'ia(j Leipz. Dissert« 1888.
3) EverylaUs before 510, cf. Abel, Macedonia Gate King Philip p. 146 £.; Delacoulonche, Bev. d. soc. sav. Y p. 725. After Curtius, Greek. business III^ P. 389: under Amyntas I (540-498).
4) Maybe in connection with the message at Liv. XL 3 (=Poljb. XXIY 8), that Philip V. the inhabitants of the eastern cities (who suspected him). transplanted to Emathia and Thracians and other barbarians in their place settled.
5) Lectures on ancient regional and ethnographic studies, ed. y. M. Isler, p. 300.
6) Bev. of the soc. sav. V p. 747 note 1.
7) Emendationes Livianae (1860) p. 611.
Tsar coinage of Macedonia. I.igy
have, however, must be rejected. The name “bellicosa gens*” Rather, it suggests a time not so long ago to think of the migrated Gallic people and, moreover, to find them In Livius XLY 34 we see a Gallic chief Solovettius called'). The hypothesis of the recall of the Bottiaians by Philipp Y. must therefore be given up. They are also needed for Explanation of the coins with BOTTEATfiN is not possible. Because, as above As shown on p. 182f, we do not have the name in this inscription to recognize an autonomous people, but rather only a geographical name, essentially the area which in ancient times included the Bottiaeans before their expulsion inhabited by the Macedonian kings and on the So the name of its former residents stuck. It was on the thermal bosom west of the amphaxitis, too both sides of the Lydia, and probably reached as far as the Haliakmon'). This area is mentioned by ancient writers usually called BottttUa'); next to it is the designation nung Battla*) and in Herodotus (VU 123 and 127) also Batumlg X(iiia (or y^) '). The new home of the Bottiaeans in Chalcidice was called Bomx^^). The Bottiaians made their mark here towards the end of the 5* and in the first half of the 4th century silver and Bronze coins with the inscription BOTTIAUZN'). That's what it says Name also in the inscriptions') and in the old writings
1) See Zensa» The Deatschen and the neighboring tribes (1837) 8. 180.
2) See Niebnhr a. a. 0. 8. 291 f.; Poppo, Thac7d.-Aii8gabe, 1 2 (1823) 8. 356 ff.; Abel a. a. 0. 8. 26 o. 140; Delacoolonche a. a. 0. lY 8. 647 u. y 8. 121 ffL; Giseke, Thracian-Pelasg. 8t&mme of the Balkan Peninsula (1858) 8.22; Teoffel-Forbiger at Panly, Realenejkl.*, 1 2 (1866) 8. 2457 f.; JtiftCtffagy *AqX' y^^Q' «VC iKax«(f. II 2 (1874) 8. 218 ff.; Kiepert, textbook of the old GeogT. (1878) 8. 310; nanaxnyeiaruyt a. a. 0. (1888) 8. 20 and 39.
3) Thucyd. n 100; 8trabo Vn 330, 23; Livy XXVI 25.
4) Thucyd. II 99; Polyb. Y97; etc. Ms. Bitnow.
5) Poetic Bott^k in the oracle of Pythia to Perdiccas I, at diode. 8ic. VU17.
6) Cf. Delaeonloncbe a. a. 0. V 8. 124; Teoffel - Forbiger a. a. 0.12 8. 2458; dfiiiitaaq a. a. 0. II 2 8. 365 ff.; Kiepert a. a. 0.8.317.
, 7) Cf. Head, Bist. num. 8. 189.
8) C.I.A.I 52 0. 234; Dittenberger, 8jrlloge 60.
188 H. Gaebler:
steller'), if they come from Emathia to Chalcidice immigrant people speak. The later residents of the Bottiaia in the Emathia, on the other hand, called themselves like their coins testify, in the 2nd century B.C. Bovteätat. So will they at Scymn. 623 and Steph. Byz. see U^wgog referred to').
The silver coins minted in the Bottiaia district are men in the types with the above page 180 under No. 9 recorded Macedonian tetroboles: I. Vf. Macedonian shield with sickle star. RF. BOTTEATßN on the stern of a ship.
a) Berlin Cat 68, 1-5; — London Cat. 64, 1 and 3; —Paris, Mionnet 1470, 167; — Imhoof, Monn. grecques 66, 28. 29. 31.
Plate VI 20. 21.
b) London Gat 64, 2 and 4; — Paris, Mionnet p. III 50, 329; — Imhoof, Monn. gr. 67, 30 n. 32. Tal YI 22. 23.
It should be noted that in a number of specimens (a, e.g. B. Plate VI 20. 21) the shield appears drawn differently. The The edge of the shield only has the crescent-shaped ornaments decorated, between which no dots (•%) are inserted. This type of shield decoration is on the Macedonian Royal coins of the 3rd century and also on the tetra drachmas Philip V. the ordinary. In addition, there are occasional occurrences the inclusion of the points on^), which later become unexceptional becomes rule. Accordingly we also have the Botteate coins without considering points as the older ones. They have at times Monograms, never symbols. The larger ones (Plate VI 20) weigh about 3.60 grams, the smaller ones (Plate VI 21) about 1.80 grams. Brandis ^), who made these coins before the time of Alexander the Great
1) Herod. VII 185; VIII 127; Arißtot. at Plut. Thes. 16; Strabo VI 279; VII 329» 11 and 830, 20; Diod. Sic. XII 47; Plut. quaest. size 35; Plin. n.h! rV 11; Suidas s. Nixata.
2) The £tym. M. names a city Bottcmc or that is not attested anywhere else BoTtHit which probably only comes from the unusual form Borrcara* is closed - That the Bompois, Num. Chron. 1874 p. 219 ff. neten coins with bottaian are based on erroneous reading and should be deleted Imhoof already has, Monn. gr. p. 67 noted.
3) E.g. B. also in the tetradrachm of amphaxitis.
4) Coins, measures and weights in the Near East p. 531, see also p. 580.
Tsar coinage of Macedonia. I. jgQ
believes they are shaped, considers them to be drachmas and hemidrachms Asia Minor (i.e. Phoenician) currency. But this is if their time is correct as the first half of the 2nd century is determined, not possible. The Phoenician weight, too to whom first Acanthus after his defection from Athens i. J. 424 passed over, was soon also by Aineia, Amphipolis, Mende, Terone and Tragilos" later by Philippoi, the Ghalkidians and the Bottiäem (on Chalcidice). Alexander the Great As is well known, the Attic weight drove into the Macedonian silver coinage ^), which soon achieved extensive dominion. The only Macedonian city named after Alexander the Great still minted after Phoenician currency, was Uranopolis '), and It is unthinkable that in the 2nd century the Macedonians followed this long-abandoned currency in the Bottiaia would be, especially since, as we saw above, in their other Mfinz* Sites Tetrobolen and Diobole according to the light Attic weight shaped. According to this, those in the Bottiaia minted silver coins were issued, namely are the larger ones (3.60 g, e.g. plate VI 20) than pentoboles, which smaller (1.80 g, e.g. plate VI 21) as 2] obolenstficke grasp. So we find in the silver coinage of the Macedonians a great variety in the parts of the drachma, by becoming the royal money, the drachmas and trioboles Philip's V, in turn minted 5, 4, 2M and 2 obol pieces.
In addition to the smaller pieces with the older shield decoration (Plate VI 21) then coins of the same weight appear but is distinguished from those by the points on the edge of the shield- and also a letter (M) or on the Rf bear a symbol (tripod, Eerykeion) (e.g. plate VI 23). They are in the style of the corresponding tetrobols with MAKEAONfiN Plate VI 18) completely the same ; also the letter M in the field is common to both, and we find the above-mentioned epithets
1) Philip II had already adopted it in gold minting.
2) See Head, London Cat. Maced. 8. XXXII and Bist nom. 8. 183»
190 H. Gaebler:
on the Tetrobolen with sign RJ. helmet and on the silver coins of Philip V again (see IV, IX and X in the table on p. 171 and plate VI 2, 3, 4, 11 and 15). To these later ones Finally, a larger denomination (Plate VI 22) is included in the coinage same shield decoration and a club as an emblem on the jR/., weighing about 2.80 g, i.e. the one described above on p. 170 ff. equivalent to spoken tetroboles. The club is found also (like Dreifuss and Eerykeion) on the silver coins Philipp'sV. as a symbol'). The bronze medals with II. Vf. Athena head r. with richly decorated Attic helmet. jR/. BOTTE I ATßN grazing cattle to the right.
Berlin Gat. 69, 9-11; — London Gat 64, 5. 6; —Paris, Mionnet I 470, 169-171 with imger inscription, Tgl. above p. 188 note 2.
similar in their types to the coins of Pella \ from which Head ') rightly concluded that they are most likely in of this city, the main town of Bottiaia. Den Coins borrowed from Philip's V.^) are the types of bronze coins with
III. VJ. Youngster Paus heads to the right. with shouldered pedum. Rj. In the oak wreath: 7 and two billy goats to the right. lying down.
Berlin Gat. 68, 6-8; — London Gat. 13, 46; —Paris, Mionnet I 586, 912; P. IH 51, 334, 335.
whose types are also combined on coins from Pella ^) return.
From the bronze coins with MAKEAONfiN'S on the JR/I The following coinages are known:
1) Cf. e.g. B. Mionnet I 584, 890. These pieces with Eenle are above in The table was not taken into account because there were no tetroboles of the make-up Done correspond.
2) YgL e.g. B. Berlin Gat. 108, 21 ff.; London Gat 91, 16 ff.
3) London Gat. Maced. S.LYI.
4) E.g. Berlin; — Sestini, Descr. nom. vet. 142, 33, now in Some. See also Rj\ above 8. 172 b.
5) YgL Berlin Gat 111.47.
On the lore of Macedonia. L 191
IV. VJ, Macedonian shield with sickle star. 12/. Macedonian helmet.
Berlin Gat 10, 22; — Paris, Mionnet I 453, 11; Bompois, exam. chron. Plate II 24 (cf. above p. 179 note 1); — rhymes n.m. 1866, plate X 10.
V. Vf. Young Hera gravel head with lion skin to the right. Rf. Rider walking to the right. with raised R.
Berlin Gat. 15, 63; — London Gat. 13, 47; —Paris, Mionnet I 457, 68; p. m 4, 28 a. 30; Bompois act 11 18 n. 19.
VI. Vj, Zeus head with laurel wreath to r. nj. Waved lightning.
Berlin Gat 13, 43-48^; — London Gat. 13, 48-50; —Paris, Mionnet I 453, 12-14; — Bompois plate 1 11.
No. IV corresponds completely to page 180 under No. 8 recorded bronze coin with MAKEAONfiN and is doubtless from going on from the same time. No. V is apparently the coins of Philip V. with the same types *). The guys from No. VI can be found on coins from Fella '); the Zeus head of the VJ. The style is completely consistent with the Poseidon head p. 181 No. 20.
After the year 148 the quaestor C. Publilius, VTie in the Amphaxitis (with ^, cf. p. 185), as well as in the Bottiaia Bronze coins with his name and the district monogram (B*), whose types: Athenakopf Rf. grazing cattle and Panskopf Rf. two billy goats from the autonomous coins of Bottiaia (P. 190 No. II and III) are borrowed. On the other hand, it seems from 158-148 the district mint in Pella went out of action to be being; At least there are no coins yet MAKEAONfiN TPITHZ appeared.
Finally, if we look at the result of the previous If we summarize the current investigation, it has shown that
1) The following M&nse of Cat., No. 49, is not Macedonian, but ▼on Selenkeia in Syria.
2) E.g. Mionnet S. HI 254, 656; — V^ilde, Sei. nnm. Plate I 7; — love, Gotha nnm. P. 104 (with incorrect address). See also 22/. above & 172 a.
3) See Berlin Cat 111, 58.
192 H. Gaebler: Tsar Coins of Macedonia. I
that the Macedonians, probably i. J. 185 y. BC, by Philip V. received the right to finance and exercised it in several mints some of which are coined with special district names were provided. As such they have Inscriptions AM
Berlin. Dr. Hugo Gaebler.
Smaller acts of compassion
Again the rare English coin.
In the XIX. Volume of this magazine, pp. 289 and 290, appeared Tone me a message about an English coin. In a row which I recently received from Sir John Evans at Nash Mills, Hemel Hempstead in Hertfordshire in England, the President the London Numismatic Society, an interesting one letter. Sir Evans refrains from making a final judgment about the coin in question, since he has not seen it. However, he tends to think that it is a penny of Edward the Be- connoisseur, noting: “The inscriptions on his coins are often very irregular, and ^LF£ED ON LYND was one of his mint masters.^
Leipzig, March 11, 1895.
Dr. Karl Walcker,
FriTaidoient of political science at the University of Leipzig.
EdtMhrift tar Nsmitmatik. XX. 13
ITecrologist.
It's a long series of deaths in our circle Professional colleagues, over whom we have the sad duty today report:
I. On June 26th B.C. J. (1894) is proportionate in this The Grand Duke was young at the age of 54. Revision Council E. Wunderlich left this life in Schwerin. A lawyer by profession, he managed the law on a part-time basis Schwerin brought together three coin collections, the Grand Duke's liche, that of the Association for Mecklenburg History and the of Duke Johann Albrecht of Mecklenburg. Furthermore has He demonstrated his love of coin studies by working on a large one Numerous coin discoveries have been made that are not in our magazine Vols. 18 and 20, in Vols. 43, 44, 46 and 48 of the yearbooks of Club for meckl. History and Vol. 2, 3 of the v. Höfkenschen Archives were printed. He leaves the reputation one who takes care of the collections entrusted to him, scientifically striving and highly opposed coming, kind man.
IL In February d. Js. another of ours fell asleep Employee, the K. E. Notary Dr. Franz Kupido to the city Liebau in Moravia, in the 60th year. Some works from his Spring contains volumes 3 and 5 of the Berl. Bl. f. Coin studies, which about The extremely important Rackwitz treasure is in our 16th volume printed. He has a not inconsiderable coin collection
necrologist. 195
Immortalized bequeathed to the ^German House^ in Brunn, because he upheld his Germanness, whose oppression was caused by slaves attacks have brought him bitter complaints in recent years. pressed asked. Now he rests from all worries and struggles.
III. On March 3rd d. J. is in his home on earth worth in front of Limmer near Hanover, where he had lived for many years had, the Dr. jur. Hermann Grote at the age of 92 passed away. Certainly none of our readers are had no idea of the magnitude of this loss, But only he who has the same love can fully appreciate it penetrated into medieval coinage like the immortalized man, made a detailed study of his writings.
The usual task of someone who works on a fresh one The crypt has to unroll a picture of the life of the deceased we overstated it, because Grote took the opportunity of his coin collector's anniversary in 1867 tells us his own life story. counts (Münzstudien VH, 145), he told us how he, from starting from heraldry, was led to collecting coins, how, after reaching maturity, he took the pen in his hand, what obstacles he experienced, and especially politics made him turn away from medical science for a long time. This explains the wide gaps between the different periods of his numismatic activity. Because, apart from small precursors, they are mainly Mainly two companies in which his strength is fully expressed folds: his "Blätter für Münzkunde"", in 4 volumes 1835 to Published in 1837 and 1844, and his “ Coin Studies *”, of which 8 volumes, the 6th unfortunately only incomplete, from 1857 available until 1877, and which is followed by a 9th, which Contains family tables for numismatic use. Both Magazines, if you have them at yours, also from Grote himself emphasized and partly intentional irregularities
13*
196 necrologist.
seem to be allowed to call it that, to a large extent, that Coin stages predominantly from Grote's pen. In them is his life's work, as far as our science can counteract it. has stood, decided when we are still in the beginnings of the numismatic - sphragistic display and the Leipzig “To add sheets for coin enthusiasts*, to whom he served from 1877 to In 1881 he presided as editor. Since then he has rested, and also the hope for completion with the first issue the 6th volume of the coin studies canceled Swabian older coinage history has not been fulfilled; the if also No matter how spry the eighties were, it probably no longer has the same possessed the necessary joy of creativity, and after selling it his coin collection, now an adornment of our Berlin Museum seums, about which he wrote briefly in the Coin Studies Vol. VII, 365-378 reported that the required material was also missing.
We could now look at the fruits listed here, his industry and his own, until near the end of his biography led by his literary activity let it suffice, just to avoid the appearance of what follows we only follow the general voice, which praises as well as blames If the measure doesn't always hold, a little more detail is required. going to what Grote has achieved for coin studies, especially since a superficial judge could easily think for one as long as life is, not restricted by any professional duties that's a bit small. Yes, of course, non multa sed multum. You just have to realize how it happened with Grote's first Appearance around our science stood for how little it was the German medieval coins, which were mainly Mostly Grote's work was considered, and so little of them was present, while lucky finds and avid collecting In these last 60 years we have had something that was unimagined at the time and yet for the most part already scientifically exploited abundance of these monuments, from which it is no longer the case It is difficult to derive the rules that govern our science underlie. That's why in the sheets for coins
necrologist. I97
There is a noticeable effort to keep the small supply by selling to increase the publication of previously unknown pieces, as well numerous miscellaneous works and, written by others, essays on tikes (mostly from both orotefends), as well as here and there Modern. But Grote's summary spirit also appears here already in larger treatises, such as those on the Bremen, Different Westphalian, Utrecht and Luxembourgish coins, his sense of scientific method in his approach sentences on numismatic systems (Vol. I, No. 26 and 35) and the one about “the coinage of the Middle Ages” (Vol. II, 8. 133) out. But those were still his apprenticeship years; see matured After more than 20 years, we started studying coins begin, in which he writes some essays about ancient coins- expected, almost alone, only with occasional employees Word led 9 and himself, from his studies on monetary history, Apart from monetary theory and heraldry, almost exclusively with that German Middle Ages, where he was not, as in the teaching rich essays on the systematic arrangement of modern Coins (Münzstudien VII, 241) Questions of a more general nature arise discussed, and they are mostly monographs about western Falish and Rhenish coin series, treatises, just like that well collected as independent writings, such as here, according to Art a magazine, could have appeared. These coins layers from Münster, Osnabrück, Hervord, Arnsberg, Lippe and Waldeck, from Berg, Jülich, Isenburg, Sayn, etc., to Form and content equally perfect are undisputedly part of it Best that our literature has to offer and never will be become obsolete, the future should also present us with so many lazily give gifts. It is no less grateful to acknowledge that he tackles completely new, as yet unknown objects that he treated von Cappe so badly Series of coins from the Westphalian donors from his errors And if it is true that uncovering one Error is more meritorious than discovery of something new, that's how it is Grote deserves special praise because of the successful follow-up
198 necrologist.
wise that so many of the things shown in our Thaler cabinets led the oldest thaler, e.g. B. that of Hanover in 1482 from Bogislaw X of Pomerania in 1498, that of the Grand Master Albrecht, but especially the one who preceded everyone in age Dietrich von Mainz was never present in 1438, but but only for real gold guilders or smaller silver coins are traced enlarged in the old coin books; man read the striking evidence in the essay about “the Monk's writing thaler in Arend's coin book *" (Münzstnd. I, 412). And how many other old prejudices has he taught us? free! How even Lelewel struggles so often without success with the deciphering of coin inscriptions, of which the one with the Grote armed with Alexander swords proves that they are only the It comes from the writing skills of its creators and has a meaning no more give than were intended to give; like What he says about retention is instructive and accurate the imperial name Otto on the oldest Westphalian denarii, what he said so often outside the Cologne mint applied S. Colonia, which he also explained about coin imitations says, and especially his warning, not everywhere and to explain transcriptions from considerations of constitutional law, which were definitely far from the case for the old stamp cutters. All of his sayings, about which one can read Coin Studies I, 188; IV, 59; V, 158, 163, 173 to 176 belong now the cornerstones of our science.
That he also works in the related areas of financial knowledge who has achieved great things in science and heraldry can do so here can only be hinted at; Even the layman will have his treatises about the Prussian coat of arms (Münzstudien Vol. H, pp. 501 - 776) and his history of the Weif family coat of arms (Vol. III, pp. 287 - 410 a. a. 0.) as well as his from Berliner Kauf- team with a prize-winning monetary theory (Vol. IV, 2nd Abth. and pp. 113-144 a. a. 0.) take it with interest. And to another independent work, the Hanoverian one Armorial book, he was probably justifiably proud.
necrologist. 199
However, it would be an exaggeration if one wanted everything to be great ever expressed, accepted as unconditional truth. But No one has confessed his own error more easily than he e.g. B. Coin Studies Vol. III, 271 Note that all two-sided high- Hohenstaufen denarii with the name Friedrich from Friedrich II. came from, a. a. 0. Vol. YII, 193 note, the erroneous interpretation of the R0L58HiRHD86 on the well-known Ortenburg denarius, ibid Vol. VIII, 121 note the assumption that the Ottonian originals always the name OTTO and only the surnames ODDO write; and his theory developed there on pages 80 to 88 from the strong re-coining of the Bavarian denarii in Poland He has, without, of course, giving it up completely, ibid on page 165. significantly weakened. We just see that he is his person allows us to take a back seat to the matter, and therefore it touches doing so when we are happy and willing to use other people's earnings everywhere seen recognized, not just by Mader, whom he rightly deserves the most ingenious connoisseur of medieval coinage (Münzstudien Vol. V, 104), not just with Thomsen, to whom he was responsible his first reference to subsequent coins praises (a. a. 0. Vol. ly, 59 note), but also in Eöhne (Vol. I, 390 note.), with whom he would otherwise argue sharply, often irritated by him. goes right. This selfless love of truth comes from Grote from the hot urge for knowledge. That's why he's looking because exhausting the object everywhere does not jump rarely in the most diverse, seemingly foreign areas to that of the politics that moved him so powerfully. In order to But that's why his writings seem so invigorating and stimulating, because they reflect to us the whole, alive human being schen v^ieder, him whose thirst for truth has every shackles hated and told him to live his life according to the Horazi schen mea virtute me involvo probamque pauperiem sine dote quaero. He was just a character who valued external honor and advantages. partly never looked for it.
200 necrologist,
IV. Orote's compatriot, Oleicb, in his old age, on March 23rd. J., 86 years old, died in Hanover Supreme Court President a. D.A.v. Werlhof brought, known as a former collector of ancient coins, as well as the author of Handbook of Greek coinage (Hannover 1850) and as translator of Cavedoni's biblical numismatics (Hannover 1855). He was a sensitive and kind man Unfortunately, his twilight years were due to his increasing weakness Eyes clouded and cloudy.
H. Dannenberg.
Selected Roman faces and medallions the municipal coin collection in Frankfurt a. H
(See Table VII.)
From the rich holdings of the Frankfurt municipality Collection of coins, especially the ancient section only a little has been published so far.
While the Frankfurt coins, which the cabinet has, the majority of which have already been published') and also the subject of a soon-to-be-published book collective publication by Messrs. E. Fellner and P. Joseph, Only a few of the antique coins in the collection have so far few edits found.
Also the ones discussed below, shown on Table VII, The Roman medallions formed have remained unknown until now and should therefore know from the following description') - be made commercially accessible.
1. M. Aurelius.
Bronze medallion (diameter = 37 mm, thickness •» 4 mm, weight -> 40.04 g.).
1) Especially by Rüppell in the older years of »ArchiTS fOr Frankfurt's History and Const* ; also in the association's communications for History and Alterthamskande za Frankfurt a. M.'^ An exhaustive one Overview of the papers published in magazines etc. up to 1885 cations offers Grotefend's “Yerieichnis von Abbandinngen and Notisen lor Pushed Frankfurts** (Frankfurt a. M. 1885).
2) I am grateful for numerous suggestions and suggestions in this regard the god of Hemi Prof. B. Pick in Gotha.
ZtHMkrift Hx Numitnifttik. XX. 14
202 Dr. F. Quilling:
The medallion from the Glock collection is unfortunately poorly preserved; especially the back partly so hackneyed, but partly also because of the unreasonable Cleaning has become so indistinct in expression that a safe Determination of the transcription and the figurative details only could be made possible with great effort; at least lets consider the following to be assured:
AVRELIVS CAES ANTON AVG PII F teenagers Bust, dressed, facing left. Rf. TR [P]OT XI COS n^). Female figure (it seems helmeted, i.e. Pallas) standing to the left, stops in the stretched out R. a lightning bolt, in the left (as it seems, Arm resting on a pillar a cornucopia. In front of her a high altar with a snake coiled around it; behind her an olive tree on which the owl sits; in front of him at the bottom the oval shield. The two existing descriptions of ours so far Medallions differ significantly from the one given here, but they don't agree with each other either.
The following can be found in Numophylacium Olockianum p. 47 Notes:
"AVRELIVS . CAES . ANTON . AVG . PII . F. Caput Au- relii juvenile nudum. P.M.TRP , XXVIU, Pallas stat coram ara, d. tenet fulmen, sin. Cornu copiae, cu- bitu columnae nititur, adjacet clypeus & noctua arbori insidet'^ In contrast, Rüppell's description reads: Obverse: AVRELIVS . CAES. ANTON. AVG. PH. F. Youth
Half-length portrait on the left with paludamentum.
Rv8. TR .POT . XI. COS. IL Pallas? or priestess after
standing on the left, in the right a sacrificial knife, in the left
a cornucopia. On the left an altar with a sacrifice? Right one
Laurel tree on which an owl sits; under the same (un-
1) The medallion then belongs to the year 157 AD.
Mfinzen and medallions from the coin collection in Frankfurt a. M. 203
clearly) a large oval shield? Glock p. 47. . . there are others Description^^
From the final remark it follows that Mppell in his determination of the medallion in conscious Contrasts with Barckhaus, the author of the Numophylacium Glockianum, located; the difference between the two descriptions Exercises can be briefly stated that Barckhaus Illustration of the back (in the description of the main page does it agree with Bfippell) is correct, but the transcription is wrong misinterpreted and Rfippell the other way around. This striking one The fact may be explained by the fact that the medallion as long as it was still in Glock-Barckhaus's possession, the original appearance is no longer preserved, not yet through was damaged after reasonable cleaning; so Barck could house the figurative details even easier and safer known as Rüppell; the transcription, however, appears to be from the beginning to have been in the current state and through that cleaning did not appear to have suffered significantly; she could the in People who are more experienced in reading inscriptions can recognize Rüppell more correctly than Barckhaus, who was less familiar with practical numismatics.
The depiction on the back of our medallion is extraordinarily interesting, in fact probably the only one so far kind, especially through the sometimes quite extraordinary ones Attributes that are attached to the main character and the type their connection. The shield and the snake-encircled one Altar offer nothing irregular, the former consistently Attribute of the battle goddess, the altar peculiar to her Characteristic as Hygiea, as Salus. On the other hand, they are unusual the lightning, the pillar and especially the cornucopia. We want discuss these attributes in more detail in the order listed.
Lightning as an attribute of Athena (i.e. the modification of the spear-wielding to lightning-wielding type) first appears in the Coins of Macedonia under Antigonus Gonatas^); from Roman
]) See Fnrtwinglej in Roschar's Lexicon of Mythology I, page 692.
14»
204 I>r. F. Quilling:
It can only be found on coins of Domitian, who is known I had a special fondness for Minerva in particular^) and picked her up His coins depict Hessian emperor more often than any other.
Our medallion therefore offers the first example of a Minerva with lightning on a non-Domitian coin or medal').
The attribute of the pillar, which Minerva has on the medallion is given is far more unusual than that of lightning. “The soft direction of praxitelic art that Gods like to lean on, had on the formation of the "Athena has little influence."')
Minerva supported on a column or pillar is in In fact, a unique representation of its kind to date; these
1) This preference of Domitian for PaUas arises precisely from one thing Looking at his coins in the most obvious way. Cohen girl imp. I count a total of 680 pieces; 190 of them, i.e. more than a fourth part, bear depictions of Pallas. Pallas is met with lightning and lance on the following coins: Cohen I. 472. 27. PaUas busts on the following:
483. 142. 151. Cohen I. 513. 521-524.
485. 166. 516. 544.
501. 351-354. 520. 607-609.
502. 362. 526. 677—680. 507. 441-443.
517. 557.
518. 583-585. 520. 603. 604.
Furthermore, the Reyers inscriptions imp can be found on the coins. viiir, IMP. X, IMP. XI, whose known “une prodigieuse quantity” exists, from 94 Pallastjpen (which Cohen arrives at) has a total of 18 times the type of miner especially with lightning and lance.
By the way, Domitian also liked to present himself in this way. put, cf. e.g. B. Cohen I. 512. 509-515.
2j Rasche, Lexicon universae rei numariae II pag. 1189 says: «Minervam enim etiam cum fulmine effictam ostendit Livius L. XII.^ Livii Hb but as is well known, not received. After kind communication from Prof. Dr. A. Riese appears to have posted this note on a very fleeting note on Liv. XXII. 1, 17 to be based where Jovi donum fulmen aureum and in the next line Minervae ex argento dona can be mentioned.
3) YgL Furtwängler a. a. 0. Page 703. The use of the column Phidias' Parthenos is too different to think of anything what influence could think from this side.
Munieo and medallions from the Mnnzsammlang in Frankfart a. M. 205
Addition is typical for Securitas, next for Providentia; also at Salus, which is perhaps due to the snake surroundings She finds herself inclined to think about the wounds of the altar a few times (e.g. Babelon, monn. consul. I, 106. 8; Cohen, mM. imp. I, 334, 230 etc.). A mixture with the Securitas The type can hardly be assumed, although here and there Pallas Types on Roman coins from the inscription “Securitas^” are gliding, such as B. on the Caracalla coins Cohen IV, 202. 562—567. The reverse description here reads: “SECVRITA8 PERPETVA Pallas debout ä gauche avec l'^gide sur la poi- trine, appuy^e sur un bouclier et tenant un sceptre."
On the other hand, one must take into account that such Columns or pillars are often, arbitrary, especially in medallion pictures. lich added, occur as a support or accessory'). Absolutely In this case, our figure must be given some kind of support, like can already be seen from their posture; she would without one those fall over ^) ; we come to the question of what kind this is Support is, later back again occasionally a short one Consideration of the attributes that Minerva has on our medallion are allocated, in their entirety.
The most striking of these additions is apparently the filling horn. It is typical first for Fortuna, then for Aequi- tas and Moneta and finally in approximately equal proportions Partition for Providentia, Liberalitas and Annona.
About our representation, Minerva with the cornucopia, know I only have a single - and very dubious - analogue,
1) See connoisseurs in the “ Jahrbach der Kanstsanunlongen of the Austrian Reichish Kaiserhanses'* I, page 82 to No. 25 and plates Y, 8 and 19.
2) The upper body slouches slightly to the right as a result of leaning If you step back, a beautifully curved line is created. Oh, otherwise it is The composition of the lapel representation of our KedaiUon is very excellent artistically carefully thought out. The olive tree with the owl, the shield and that grone Füllhom on the right side, which is very strongly emphasized will require a strong Qegenaccent on the left side; this one is offered in the most effective way by the high altar around which the snake winds (which stretches out the field similar to the tree branches on the right- fills) as well as through the outstretched right arm with the powerful lightning bolt.
206^r. F. Quilling:
namely the relief image of one of Montfaucon, L'antiquit^ expliqu^e Vol. V, 2 (Paris 1722) pl. 168 lamp shown. It says in the text on page 219: “La Minerve suivante est une figure panth6e des plus charg^es de symboles qu'on ait encore vues. Minerve assise sacrifle sur un fiutel charg^ de fruits sur lequel est un sei^pent, symbols d'Esculape et d'Hygiea : hurry tient d'un bras (left) la corne d'abondance et le timon, symbols of fortune. Sur son dos est le paon de Junon et derriire eile le dauphin de Neptunec. On voit devant eile la foudre de Jupiter, la lyre d'ApoUon, le caduc^e de Mercure, les tenailles de Vulcain, les pavots de Ceres; et si Toiseau qui est percb^ sur un des pavots est un pigeon, c'est la colombe de Venus."
The lamp, as already noted, makes an extremely strange thoughtful impression; the yulcan tongs are in the most sophisticated way used to cover the sprue opening, the small column The one on which the lyre stands seems very modern Delphin is apparently added with the rudder in mind; The fruit on the altar that Minerva offers is also an ingredient not, but feeds the serpent that entwines him; the whole The unmotivated sphinx to the right of Minerva's chair is, of course, Just a misunderstood armchair support, similar to e.g. B. on the buck side of the Geta coin CohenMII, 153. Plate XIIP).
This monument therefore bears such clear traces of the Fake in itself, that it is in no way an explanation our representation is to be used; rather we will have to look for an explanation from this yourself and You might find it by looking at all of them Attributes given to Minerva and the nature of their connection.
Before I give my own view on this, I will introduce a similar attempt at interpretation; which Dr. Gaebler in Berlin send your kind regards to Hess. He writes: “I believe
1) When it comes to illustrations, I prefer to quote from the first edition by Cohen with its beautiful engravings than after the second with the bad zinc prints.
Hünsen and Medulloos of the Mfinzsammlaiig in Frankfurt a. M. 207
that we have a pantheistic (or more correctly syncretic) have to recognize the representation. It was particularly popular with the... Romans had a connection with Fortuna, which was associated with several goddesses took place. Also on the medallion in Bede I interpret the depiction as Minerva-Fortuna. The “pillar”, on which the goddess leans with her first arm is most likely Apparently it was the rudder, which I was too I therefore prefer it because the contour is not vertical, like it would be necessary for a pillar, but something diagonally, from top right to bottom left. Are very similar the two attributes (rudder and cornucopia) attached to the Spes-Fortuna on the coins of Aelius (Cohen II, 264. 63. 65.)''. I therefore cannot agree with these statements. close because they do not understand the attribute of the altar with the serpent. let it be clarified. In my opinion, the Bevers image gives us the Medallions depict Minerva in her capacity as
1. Promachus, Nike (shield, helmet, lightning bolt),
2. Hygiea, Salus (snake-encircled altar),
3. Etesia, Giver of Goods (FtUlhorn).
Olive tree and owl need no explanation and the for The explanation given for the other attributes also does not come with the explanation taking the cornucopia to characterize Athena Etesia, which is not yet known in this use; alone
The difference is probably small, whether Athena in this capacity
*•
with ears of grain in their hands or with a cornucopia in theirs Arms are depicted (cf. Boscher in his Lexicon der Mythology I, page 684); in both cases there is an approximation to the type of Annona, which has both attributes appears equipped.
In this case the column is either considered meaningless Accessory (see above) or perhaps even more so than that attribute to explain what also applies to Salus solely on the behavior Images of Roman coins can be found here and there (see above). The Decide which of these two explanations of the pillar which preference should be given remains doubtful."
208 ^^' ^* Qnilling:
2. M. Aurelius.
BroDze medallion. (Dm. =37 mm, thickness = 5 mm, weight ^
50.05 g.) Fortunately, this medallion is preserved a better one than No. 1, so that legend and representation length can be seen with certainty:
M AVREL ANTONINVS AVG GERM SARM [TR P] XXXI Adjunct. bearded bust, dressed, facing right. Rf. IMP Villi COS III P P; in section CLEMENT] A AVG. M. Aurelius standing to the left in the paludamentam, placing the right arm on the stoop, in the lower left holding a lance; given to the emperor A female figure is kneeling to the right a large one in both hands (reaching head height) holding the) oval shield, which rises below; before her a helmet on the ground. In this case too, Barckhaussche and the Rüppell's description, here too they agree do not match ; as with No. 1 Rflppell reads the legend safer, while Barckhaus recognizes the representation more correctly. In the Numophylacium Glockianum it says p. 47:
^MAVRELIVS. ANTONINVS. AVG Caput AnrelU senile barbatum and laureatum.
IMP. VUII. COS. HI. P • P • infra CLEMENTIA-AVG.
Fig. muL genuflexa clypeum offert Imperatori pala-
datus stanti, dextra intergum rejecta, sin. hastam
tenet, adjacet globus pro pedibus figorae gennflexae.*"
In contrast, Rüppell describes the medallion as follows:
Obverse: M • AVREL • ANTONINVS • AVG • GERM - SARM • TB-
PXXXI. Brbid wreathed with laurel. n. Right
with paludamentum.
Revs: IMP. Villi. COS. III. P.P. in the section: CLEMENTIA-
AVG. The emperor standing to the left, his right up
placed on the chest, in the left a scepter. In front of him
Coins and medallions from the coin collection in Frankfart a. M. 209
a kneeling Germanic who presents him with a large vessel is enough. Glock p. 47. . . thinks the vase is a shield."
Rfippell then reproduces the legend completely correctly, on the other hand, the description of the illustration is on the back of the medallion is pretty much inaccurate in everything.
Particular emphasis should be placed on the fact that not a Germanic, but a female figure in the kneeling The final shape can be recognized, as Barckhaus correctly pointed out. noticed, and that she is not holding a vessel, but a shield.
The fact that a woman is depicted results from the strong Emphasis on the hips and stomach area as well as the type of Hair style in long braids that fall down at the nape of the neck. The misconception that the figure is resting on the left knee supported vessel, may have arisen from the fact that the on the hand placed on the upper edge of the oval shield for the first moment to resemble the neck and mouth of a vessel seems that further the lower part of the shield is through the left leg of the kneeling figure is heavily covered and only very little with part of the margin next to the left Shin bone comes to light, which makes him look ugly way cuts.
By making the whole lower part of the shield light disappears from the eye, and only the upper one, which passes through the The hand placed on it also covers the neck and mouth. Seems to be seen, comes to consideration, can easily be the It gives the impression that the figure is standing on its left knee a vessel.
Nevertheless, there is absolute certainty in that of the Objects held by a kneeling figure can be seen as a sign.
The representation is exactly the same as that which often found on large bronzes of various emperors; at- For example, the piece is:
Cohen, Monnaies imperiales ' I. 510. 490. cited, whose Original mine in one of the copies in the Frankfurt collection is present.
208 ^^' F. Quilliag:
2. M. Aurelius.
BroDze medallion. (Dm. ==37 mm, thickness = 5 mm, weight ^
50.05 g.) Fortunately, this medallion is in good condition a better one than No. 1 , so that legend and representation can be seen with certainty:
M AVREL ANTONINVS AVG GERM SARM [TR P] XXXI Adjunct. bearded bust, dressed, facing right. Rf. IMP Villi COS III P P; in the CLEMENTIA section AVG. M. Aurelius in the paludamentum standing to the left, placing your right arm behind your back, in the lower left holding a lance; given to the emperor A female figure is kneeling to the right a large one in both hands (reaching head height) holding the) oval shield, which stands up at the bottom; before her a helmet on the ground. In this case too, Barckhaussche and the Rüppell's description, here too they agree with each other does not match ; like No. 1 Rüppell reads the legend safer, while Barckhaus recognizes the representation more correctly. In the Numophylaciom Glockianum it says p. 47:
“M. AVREUVS. ANTONINVS • AVG Caput Aurelii senile barbatum and laureatum.
IMP-Vmi • COS . in . P. P. infra CLEMENTIA -AVG.
Fig. mul. genufleza clypeum offert Imperatori palu-
datus stanti, dextra intergum rejecta, sin. hastam
tenet, adjacet globus pro pedibus figurae genuflexae.*^
In contrast, Rüppell describes the medallion as follows:
Obverse: M • AVREL • ANTONINVS • AVG • GERM • SARM • TR-
P-XXXI. Brbld wreathed with laurel. n. Right
with paludamentum.
JRt?": IMP.VnnCOS.ni.p.P. in the section: CLEMENTIA-
AVG. The emperor standing to the left, his right up
placed on the chest, in the left a scepter. In front of him
Coins and medallions from the coin collection in Frankfart a. M. 209
a kneeling Germanic who presents him with a large vessel is enough. Glock p. 47. . . thinks the vase is a shield."
Rfippell then reproduces the legend completely correctly, On the other hand, the description of the illustration is on the back of the medallion is pretty much inaccurate in everything.
Particular emphasis should be placed on the fact that not a Germanic, but a female figure in the kneeling The final shape can be recognized, as Barckhaus correctly pointed out. noticed, and that she is not holding a vessel, but a shield.
The fact that a woman is depicted results from the strong Emphasis on the hip and abdominal area as well as the type of Hair style in long braids that fall down at the nape of the neck. The misconception that the figure is resting on the left knee supported vessel, may have arisen from the fact that the on the hand placed on the upper edge of the oval shield for the first moment to resemble the neck and mouth of a vessel seems that further the lower part of the shield is through the left leg of the kneeling figure is heavily covered and only very little with part of the margin next to the left Shin bone comes to light, which makes him look ugly way cuts.
By making the whole lower part of the shield light disappears from the eye, and only the upper one, which passes through the The hand placed on it also covers the neck and mouth. Seems to be seen, comes to consideration, can easily be the It gives the impression that the figure is standing on its left knee a feeling.
Nevertheless, there is absolute certainty in that of the Objects held by a kneeling figure can be seen as a sign.
The representation is exactly the same as that which often found on large bronzes of various emperors; at- For example, the piece is:
Cohen, Monnaies imperiales ' I. 510. 490. cited, whose Original mine in one of the copies in the Frankfurt collection is present
210 Dr. F. Quilling:
Here too, the description incorrectly talks about one “Germain a genoux'% the kneeling figure is still a lot here clearer than with the medallion due to strong emphasis the hips and long hair style are marked as female; she holds a (six-sided) shield standing on the ground as is the kneeling figure on the back of the medallion; only in the position of the shield is there a difference between the depiction and There is a difference in the position of both pieces, namely that There is no shield on the back of the Domitian coin as with the medallion of Marcus Aurelius, almost entirely from that left legs of the kneeling figure are covered, but (until on a narrow edge strip) is completely visible, so that any misunderstanding appears to be impossible.
Finally, it is unnecessary to discuss two points: 1. the type of figurative representation on the back of our medallion. 2. The question as to what act of grace This depiction refers to the Kaiser.
In the reverse images of the Roman coins, which a Property of the emperor under whose reign they were defeated are, are intended to embody, must be distinguished in each case, whether this property is represented as such, abstract, or in their activity, as a concrete phenomenon. The type of Glementia representations are far from being among the most interesting. most interesting and instructive; nevertheless, his delivery delivers following through Roman numismatics, some noteworthy valuable results, one of which is the presentation our medallion easily inserts; they will be brief below stated:
There are clearly 4 types groups separated from each other namely:
1) Basehe, Lexicon universae rei numariae I, 2 contains far more cle- mentia types (s.v.) as Cohen; I have my examinations in the meantime only its medaiUes imperiales was taken as a basis (2nd ed.)i ^ Hurry up often based on sources who are too uncertain, such as Goltz etc. and one A review of the individual cases would have taken me too far.
Coins and medallions from the Muni collection in Frankfurt a. M. 211
a) dementia as a goddess.
b) dementia as a personification of a characteristic;
a. pure type,
ß. Mixing with other types.
c) dementia, embodying an action, symbolic representation position.
d) dementia temporum^)
a. based on type b. ß. new, independent type.
The list given here also corresponds to: Essentially the chronological order of the types. On the We encounter the goddess in the oldest coins under consideration dementia (type a) or a representation of the temple, which
1) The dementia temporum type does not belong directly to the area of our considerations and is here only for your convenience listed with; He is very much based on the Augnsti type of dementia to the type b) ß. This is how we find it Gallienns (Cohen V, 357. 102): “dementia with a scepter, on a
S&ole trimmed to the left.** Taeitus (Cohen VI, 223. 16-18) 1 The same type, but dementia with Florianus (Ibid. 241. 7. 8.) / crossed legs.
In all of these cases, a strong connection is appropriate the Securitas type; One such example of the Yirtus type is probably Cohen YI, 228. 15 (Tacitns).
Since Tacitn (Cohen YI, 223. 20.) a new type appears, viz that of a symbolic act, which from then on is responsible for dementia temporum found throughout: The emperor in military garb with an eagle or crane-crowned scepter (sometimes the crown is missing or even that whole scepter) Yon Juppiter (also with scepter, in cloak) receives the Globe with a Yictoria on it. We encounter this type in: Probtts (Cohen YI. 264. 87-101) Carus (Ibid. 352. 13) Nnmerianus (Ibid. 369. 8. 9) Carinns (Ibid. 385. 19-21) Dioeletianus (Ibid. 417. 18-20; here in place of the imperial scepter
the sword) Mazimianus Herc. (Ibid. 496. 30-33)
In one case (Taeitus; Cohen YI. 223. 19) the emperor receives the Bullet not from Jupiter, but from Roma.
212 Dr. F. Qttilling:
the Senate of Divus Julius and the dementia Caesaris together sam erect Hess. This temple can be found with the surrounding writing GLEMENTIAE CAESARIS on Caesar Cohen's coin m^d. imp. L 16. 44; the bust of the goddess in front view a shield as a background (similar to Moderatio etc.) on the Tiberius coin Cohen I. 189. 4 with the inscription GLEMENTIAE.
From the representation of the goddess dementia to the re- giving the personification of dementia as one in particular The emperor's outstanding characteristic is only a small one step; also the inclusion of a goddess dementia in the Public worship happened after Caesar's murder purely for the purpose of being one of its most beautiful features To express it, to embody it, to personify it.
The personification dementia appears on the coins typical (type b. a), similar to Juno and (in the first period) Yesta, as a standing female figure with patera and scepter; individual small deviations (only a bowl or instead Patera and scepter two bowls etc.) are not considered. We find this type on the coins of:
1) Hadrianus Cohen II. 122. 215-235.
2) Antoninus Pius “II. 283. 123-126.
3) M. Aurelius "III. 6. 20.
4) " " " III. 6. 22-26.
5) " " " III. 6. 28.
6) " " " III. 36. 358. 359.
7) Albinus "III. 416. 6.
This type, however, is already becoming proportionate earlier (earlier than is the case with other personifications tends to be) either blurred by the fact that the for him characteristic attributes of dementia with others entirely or partially interchanged, resulting in mixing occurs with other types, or because the position and The posture of the figure itself undergoes a change (type b. ß). The following examples will illustrate this claim:
MÜDzen and medallions from the coin collection in Frankfort a. M. 213
We encounter a deviation from the pure typas- only on the coins of
Yitellius (Cohen L 356. 7 — 11): “dementia with branch and scepter sitting to the left'\ (Similar to that later Lady Justice type; Until then the same too with bowl and scepter as attributes; the branch perhaps taken down by “Fax”). It The coins of the
Hadrianus (Cohen II. 122. 212): “dementia besides a decorated fire altar with bowl and Scepter standing to the left (no leaning to a certain type, but addition similar to at Vesta.)
Hadrianus (Cohen ibid. 213. 214): “The same type, but simple altar and dementia supported on pillar'^ (Not based on a specific type, but rather gift, similar to Vesta or Securitas, Felicitas).
Anton in US Pins Cohen II. 282. 122) and
M. Aurelius (Cohen III. 6. 17 - 19): “dementia after standing on the left, holding the bowl with the right, grasping the garment with his left hand*'. (Based on the Spes type.) Later than the custom discussed above, to embody characteristics of the emperor through personifications, If another procedure that pursues the same purpose occurs, namely the reproduction of an action which has these properties shaft involved, a symbolic representation. (Type c.) Im Contrasts with others exist for the Clementia type only two, both belonging to M. Aurelius, the Cohen III coin. 6. 27 and our medallion^).
1) BMche is missing a. a. 0. with Benifoog anf Eekfael (Gatalogns Hiuei Caatard VindoboneDsis numomm Yetamine. Vindobonae 1779 II, p. 229) avMoreover, the following medallion to «clementu avg. imp. vi. cos. no. s.c. Imp. palndatofl stans, s. haetam, prae quo mnlier gennflexa cum Bcnto
214 I>r. F. Quilling:
The coin depicts the emperor in the toga with a lance and shield; in front of him a figure kneeling, imploring his mercy; tacit presupposition (otherwise the same thing will result to express that the emperor lifts the kneeling; cf. the similar coins with the reverse inscription RESTITVTORI ITA- LIAE etc. e.g. B. with Hadrian) it is of course that he too really be gentle. The depiction of the medallion is well known; it is more concise than the one just mentioned due to the attributes the kneeling figure; she hands over the shield, lying on the ground the helmet, obviously the personification of a defeated country or a conquered city that asked the emperor for mercy asks.
Already with representations of type b, property persona- fications, one becomes despite the generality of their character in some cases an allusion to a certain experience can think of an event that particularly emphasized the emperor's clemency made it clear; you will have to think about it with such concise representations as our medallion.
Gennanico. J&, max. mod.^ In contrast, Eckhel says a. a. 0. under No. 288 the medallion is described as follows: ^m. avrel. antoninvs avg. ... Caput laureatum. R/, clementia avg . . . Imperator paludatus stans s. hastam prae quo mulier seminuda genuflexa cum scuto Gennanico. M. m. m.** Here so the letters imp are missing. vi. etc., how quickly Eckhel received it Large bronze of the same type listed in 289 (Cohen in. 6. 27). has. Eckher's description of the MedaUlon is the correct one Viennese copy identical to the one in Vienna; yon dem cos. iii. p. p the On the back, clear traces are still visible even on a plaster cast, which I thank the kindness of the director, Dr. Thanks to Mrs. Kenner in Vienna; At the same time he kindly tells me about the medallion there The following with: “Unfortunately the piece is in quite poor condition; I think it This was already there when it was found and was very badly rubbed Patina appears to have been removed by force. On the Vf. shows up in the name of antoninv the imprint of a stamp jump. It's the same Piece of old property, which Eckhel has in the Cat. Mus. Caes. describes; a second The Imperial Collection does not have a copy. The weight is 49.58, diam. 37, thickness 5mm. I have it in mine because of its poor condition Pnblication in the yearbook of the art historian. Collection of Ah. EH., Vol. I not au^enonunen.*
Coins and medallions from the coin collection in FranHart a. M. 215
It belongs to about the same period as the three above (page 212) under No. 5 and 6 listed coins of M. Aurelius (Cohen no. 28, 358, 359). These fall into the year 176 AD, the medallion dates back to 177 AD.
As is well known, in the spring of 175^) had turned to the wrong one Reported that M. Aurelius, the commander-in-chief, had died of the Roman provinces on the Parthian border, Avidius Gassins, raised and the inhabitants of Syria and Egypt, especially the drawn into the movement by Antioch and Alexandria; he was murdered in August of the same year; M. Aurel gave immediately to the Orient to suppress the uprising, but did not try to achieve this with fire and sword, but through gentleness and generous forgiveness; anyway Faustina and the Senate severely chastised the party members Cassius demanded, the emperor ordered him against it The persecution initiated by the Senate on the family should be halted and punished the inhabitants of the cities of Antioch and Alexandria almost not at all
It is certainly obvious in the reverse depictions of the three The caps mentioned, but especially that of the medallion, are a play on this event, and in the kneeling female Figure a personification of the inhabitants of Antioch or Alexandria.
That also happens otherwise, without any immediate reason to do so in M. Aurelius (as well as in Hadrianus) the Glementia Types according to the compilation given above found incomparably more often than with any other emperor, has its reason only in M. Aurei's preference, especially these of his properties, which he even compares with those of the Caesar and Augustus used to compare, particularly important to see*).
1) Durny - Uertsberg, history of the Roman Empire. II. (Leipiig 1886.) Page 554ff.
2) Yaleatius GaUicanos (Script, hist. Aug. ed. H. Peter. Leipiig 1884. L p. 93, 94.
216 ^^' ^' Quilling:
3. Gordianus III.
BroDze medals (diameter = 35 mm, thickness = 6 mm, weight « 49.35 g) with a solid, 41 mm wide Messiogrande.
This medallion, like the previous ones, also comes from the Glock's collection and has not yet been published, although already a number of copies with very similar representations is known The preservation is very excellent and that's why the description absolutely undoubted and certain:
IMP GORDIANVS PIVS FELIX AVG. adjunct. bust with shield and scepter n. 1. On the shield in Re- ran depicted: The Emperor on horseback n. 1., followed by a soldier; in front of the rider Victoria with wreath n. left. (= Cohen Y. 29. 84; Grueber, Roman medallions in the British Museum [London 1874] p1. XLII, 1; Fröhner, Les medallions de Tempire romain [Paris 1878] p. 188.) Rf. ADLOCVTIO AVGVSTI. Gordianus, accompanied by the Praetorian Prefects, on a dais to the right standing, speaks to four at the foot of it towards him- standing soldiers, the third with a shield, the fourth of which is armed with a lance and shield, while the first two appear to be weaponless. In the background (from 1st r.) are a standard, a standard, a legion eagle and a horse (with the front part) visible. (= Cohen V, 20. ^ and Grueber, R. m. pl. XLI below.) As a result of the good preservation of our medallion also the two descriptions that exist up to now, the Barckhaussche and the Büppellsche, right.
In the Numophylacium Glockianum it says pag. 48 f.
"IMP. GORDIANVS. PIVS. FELIX. AVG. CaputGor- diani Juvenis laureatum, ad pectus sinistrorsum spectans, d. hastam, sin. clypeum, in quo Imp. eques praeeunte Victoria conspicitur, tenet.
Coins and medallions from the Mfinzsamrolnng in Frankfurt a. M. 217
ADLOCVTIO . AVGVSTL Imperator in suggestu cum praetorii praefecto stans adloquitar cohortes. Est nummus contorniatus circulo ex aere flavo circumdatus eximiae elegantiae et raritatis'^ Rflppell simply writes:
y^Averse = Cohen IV. 146. 181.
Revers = Cohen IV. 144. 173.
Embossed from two types of metal. RR."
Our medallion belongs to the series of pieces which according to Kenner's very likely guess^) the year 242 AD are to be assigned and refer to the opening of the campaign against the Persians; the embossing in two different metals, which has existed since Commodus is not noticeable.
4. Caracalla.
Large bronze (Cohen No. 236) with folded edge.
I couldn't determine where the piece came from; It is not listed in the numophylacium Glockianum The library files contain no mention of this.
The style of the hammered edge is a well-known one Roman and Greek imperial coins are more common. The purpose of such treatment is not yet clear- posed; Recently F. has recognized Gnecchi^ in these pieces Forerunners of the Contomiates. That they at least regarding the external form were usable for the same purposes as these, will not be denied. In addition, it seems for Gnecchi's conjecture the circumstance to speak (friendly colleagues) sharing of Dr. Gaebler) that just the big bronze of the Oaracalla with the representation of the circus often appears edited like this.
1) Connoisseur, Roman Medailloiu (Annual Book of Kuntthiftorifehen Samnüiingen of the Supreme Imperial Haose Vol. 1-3; 5; 9; 11.) Vol. m, 8. 17 (No. 102-104).
2) BiTisU italuna di nomismatica YDI (1895) pag. 2a3ff.
Z«itaclkrifl ftt HumiraMtik. XX. 15
218 I^f* ^* Qui ill ing: coins and medallions d. Coin Collection in Frankfurt a. M.
5. Pertinax Caesar.
When I go to Schiasse the well-known one by A. von Sallet excellently and exhaustively discussed^) Alexandrians of younger Pertinax from the municipal collection in Frankfurt - If I depict it once, it will only be done for the purpose that has been achieved so far the only existing graphic representation of the same (from the Hand Dardels) is a device specifically designed for playing coins. particularly suitable mechanical reproduction on photographic ways to set aside.
1) Magazine f. Numism. I (1874) page 314 ff. and plate IX, 2. Afterwards Text and illustration in Cohen, M^d. imp.^m, page 397.
Frankfurt a. M.Dr. F. Quilling.
Syllable coin of a Bactrian king Antiochus.
Bearded head with diadem L, the Parthian kings
somewhat similar, unclear writing at the top. Ä/. .A^IAEß^.MTIOXOY. Standing raw figure from the front
with long diadem ribbons, dressed briefly, in his left hand
holding the bow (probably Apollo). Bottom right K
or k. iit. 3. Good silver. This well-preserved one from the Berlin Coin Cabinet recently The raw coin purchased is almost the same in shape and style exactly the not rare, also, the custom of the late period contrary to silver coins, often minted from good metal but the inscription YPKGJAOY on the head and on the back an often very wild epigraph that seems to refer to the Correct pieces PAH0POY MAKAPO, but mostly completely different and probably completely meaningless is to wear ; a smaller variety has the head on the front and the top on the back writing YPKCJAOY and the front part of a horse. The According to Wilson, the location of these coins is in his Ariana antiqua Kabul, in the northwest corner of Western India. In the YPKCJAOY one rightly has the genitive one Proper name, therefore probably of the ruler, the Hyrcodes
or Hyrcodes, presumably, a name that is related to other Asian ones
15*
220 A.V. Sallet:
name has similarity, so with that of a Parthian tributary King Hyrodes, who belonged to the dynasty and from whom we have copper Coins with Parthian royal head and YPGJAHC BACIAEYC own (see Mordtmann, Zeitschr. f. Numism. III p. 224 f.); Orodes and Herod are similar. The Arsacid Orodes I becomes also called Hyrodes by Plutarch. What the PAH0POY MAKAPO is unknown, perhaps it is the name of the gods, but One shouldn't think of the Homeric /laxag, blessed, although this is precisely the case with a late Bactrian royal mint the poetic and Homeric sounding name: wqavvovvxoq ^Hqccov 2dxa xoigdyov finds ~ if, as I certainly believe, this reading is correct (see Gardner, Catalog of the Bactrians Coins of the British Museum, Introduction p. XLVII). — When who ruled Hyrcodes is unknown; the style is perfect crude, bad and careless, his coins seem to be the best pictures of the apparently very late silver pieces of the Sah dynasty to be the Sinha kings. — Now suddenly the above comes described, in style almost the same as the raw Hyrcodes coins similar piece to this, which is completely clear and undoubted to us, A king is completely correct except for an inverted N Antiochus, who has nothing to do with a Syrian coin lord has to do^), but in the northwest of Western India later time, probably around the first century BC, must have lived.
As far as I know, at such a late date there is a political one Connection of the ending Syrian Empire or even the minor Gommagen rule with Bactria or Nothing is known about India, but there is a Gopie with Syrian characteristics our piece definitely not, and a simple barbaric one, without Thoughtfully made gopie, a crude imitation, shines at The correctness of the inscription is probably completely impossible.
The strange piece is therefore completely mysterious for the time being,
1) A standing Apollo with a bow is included as a back page Syrian (and similarly with Greek - Bactrian) kings, but very different from that on the coins of the Hyrcodes.
Silver coin of a Bactrian king Antiochus. 221
it seems to be evidence of a very late, probably quite ephemeral to be Greek rule in the Far East; at the German The inscription's accuracy and almost flawless correctness will be appreciated be forced to believe that at that time in the Area of Kabul really a Greek or as Greek king Antiochus, who, however, how the previous lack of its imprint and its late appearance a single coin seems to prove only a very short time may have existed as an ephemeral ruler.
A.y. Sallet.
about the value of monnmeiitaleii and litterarisolien
Sources of ancient metrology.
Anyone who has ever read an ancient writer or when researching ancient rains or when he is at Measuring statues or determining the contents of ancient ones If you want to convert the modern value into the old one, had the opportunity to deal with ancient measures and weights to employ will find that only in very rare cases full agreement has been reached in the common manuals has been, rather, usually so many different ones Views exist than are even expressed. And who then, in order to advance to independent judgment, or to delve deeper into the individual metrological literature searches, it becomes clear from the abundance of contradictory things Views the image of limitless confusion and that little consoling result that a knowledge of the real former conditions are almost impossible. It exists Therefore, as things stand today, not one unfounded aversion to anything related to metrology related.
The uncertainty and the fluctuation in determination ancient measurements are caused by an incorrect interpretation judgment on the source material; Too much is always expected of him been. You never limited yourself to that, carefully to choose as a basis what can be considered absolutely certain, from there in gradual penetration to new results nits to get to, but it prevails in the way you do it
1) Inaugural TorleBung, held in Berlin on March 4, 1896.
E. Pernice: Value monument. n. litt«rar. Sources of ancient metrology. 223
The way she has commented on the sources is arbitrary unheard of for any other field of antiquity is; one usually cares for oneself using the rich material available select what relates to the hypothesis to be put forward fits, and a proof is ready for everyone who knows the things is not closer, must be convincing; just a shame that one with another piece just as convincingly the opposite can prove.
It seems to me to be a duty of methodical research Therefore, this should be stopped as strongly as possible. Because Metrology is discredited and its beautiful and highest Final goal, the history of ancient world trade and world kehrs, is put at a point that when we take a step I think I have done double what I have done to him moving away from us and finally disappearing into the misty distance that threatens.
But in what way we use the monument that has been preserved to us have to use literary and literary source material, how much or how little it can teach us and what results problems have to be solved so that on the newly prepared foundation ment a better and safer building will rise, that should happen in a short time features and illustrated with a number of examples become.
The bulk of the monumental material consists of weights. There are thousands of them preserved, Greek and Roman, and among the Greek not only Attic, but from all parts of Greece and the islands. But it The first question that arises is: which pieces are we allowed to play? use for our purpose? If we use all of these as weights should accept what has ever been spent on it, then we would soon be in the greatest embarrassment. Because everything that couldn't be explained better was as Weight good enough. Terracotta cones with any brands, Pencil sticks whose use could not be guessed were allowed pass freely through the line as weights. No one thought about it.
224 E. Pernice:
that terracotta is unsuitable because of its changeability Material is - only a single safe weight has been determined so far knows, an Attic mine according to its inscription, in weight of 429 g - and that pieces of lead have a characteristic must have a feature that identifies them as weights. One of the most instructive examples of faulty explanation, even in the corpus inscriptionum latinarum has found its way in the following. At various times in Pompei, lead pieces in the form of truncated pyramids found with the Inscription 'eme habebis' or more rarely 'for cave malum\ This Pieces are generally equal in weight and will last between 500 and 350 g. It was now concluded that these pieces are really weights and give them the Attic Mine weighing 436 g, and thus won the hand ice* historically very important result that in Pompei the Attic weight was almost as widespread as the Roman one. But yes the fact that all pieces are approximately the same size, had to warn against this explanation. Because the parts missing entirely; It would be about the same if we only had kilos"- weights would be in use, but of halves and quarters would not be discussed at all. But if you... Comparing find notes, you notice that the pieces are almost Always found in several dozen in stores are. Why did the traders need so many goods of the same weight? weights? And what is the meaning of the inscription 'eme habebis'? For one item fits them well, the other too ^for cave malum', 'Don't steal from me, otherwise you'll feel bad', but not for a weight; because the declaration at Overbeck Pompei^ p. 280 ^buy and you will have, of course, the ones with these things "Weighing weighed goods" is not very obvious. This one Pieces are nothing more than lead that was for sale and that it was cast in pieces of approximately the same weight sell more easily and without further weighing can.
But such examples are not isolated and they should be
Value monnment. n. literary. Sources of ancient metrology. 225
teach that initially only such pieces come into consideration can bear a name for what they represent should - and there are enough of them. But now that's yours Values according to designated pieces at least in Greece to have an image that has a specific character for each value. racteristic form, we can also use those weights use those that only have the picture without any indication of value, and thus complete the ranks. But further we should methodically Don't go, in any case, when we're out the weights provide proof of a metrological conjecture want to bring.
Now you start after the material in this way is prepared to examine the weights for their heaviness, so it turns out that they are all inaccurate, not you external influences alone have become this, but from the beginning made in this way. It's hard to believe how far Error limits are set; that a weight of around 100 g should weigh, is 5-10 g too heavy or too light, is whole ordinary; this increases in a corresponding way larger weights, and even those which have the name carried by one and the same state controller significant to each other in their amounts.
Now those who were bold enough have just aas these irregularities the most important facts castles; so it was stated that just like with the coins Reductions or increases in weight standards had taken place, it was found that a whole series of different weight standards in use at the same time were, yes, that gradual transitions from a norm into which others have to be established. But you took it into consideration not that weights are completely different from the coins. must be acted upon. That which is typical for the coinage system is and finds its full explanation here, does not apply without teres for weights that are used for small traffic on the market are designed to meet your daily, certainly cheap needs
226 E. Pernice:
of the Attic and Roman citizens was weighed. Man has no bearing on this purely theoretical approach Possibility of practical implementation thought How can in Small traffic has several different weight standards at the same time. walk right next to each other, how can one of the usual require a common man to learn the seven different weight systems - because so much are for Athens during its The heyday had been confirmed - in my head, and how can because at all reductions and enlargements take place- find? At what times did the weights drop, and how did one learn that again there was a decrease or an increase of the weight had taken place? It's a well-known one Fact that the weight used in the market tends to have exceptional stability. That leaves observe each other again and again in old and new times. If If the money is worth less, you get fewer goods, but What you get is paid with the unchanged weight. weighed. The Roman pound, for example, which probably was introduced in Rome at the same time as silver coinage, has taken care of the reductions of the As, unconcerned about the changes of the silver denarius with iron strength held from the beginning, and even into the late Byzantine period it was the usual market weight. Major breakthroughs Of course, changes can also be made in weight think and have taken place often enough for example, the replacement of the pre-Solonian weight system through the Solonian, the introduction of the Roman confessional system important in Athens since the beginning of Roman rule Abolition of the Italian pound, which was created by the Roman was set; but the amounts once introduced have changed certainly kept constant at their height.
So it remains: the things that have come down to us from antiquity Weights come are really inaccurate, 4ind because they are inaccurate are, they are for the finer determination of any weight standards not to be used. There are only a few weights
Value monoment. n. literary. Qaellen of ancient metrology. 227
which are more carefully crafted; you can also use the holy gifts calculate weights, d. h. those kept in the temples were maintained and to reweigh the received valuables full votive gifts were used, and in many, but Not in all cases also those issued by the state with the Aichstamp provided pieces; they serve to identify which ones Norm is the basis for the weight, but an exact size The determination cannot be based on them either. Must here just the coins come in.
But if the weights are so inaccurate, you would think then it is not at all necessary and worthwhile for them to pay special attention, then they would come over- no longer considered for questions of metrology. That is not right; but there are points of view and Results of a completely different kind that arise from dealing with the weights than what has usually been achieved so far has. But the fact that these are no less important is a the best way to prove it is to play. It affects the weight nature of Attica during its heyday. The usual teaching of the The classification of the Attic weight system is that at the The top is the talent, the sixtieth part of the talent is the Mine, and this breaks down again into fifty staters or a hundred drachmas (for the stater is twice the drachma); the Drachma finally has six obols as pieces. This input division is considered completely certain, there is never any doubt raised against it, and yet it is only half correct; teach that The inaccurate weights are convincing to us. If you name- lich looks at the many hundreds of weights that come through If stamps and symbols are identified as Attic, one finds that that the unit, the mine, is often represented and encountered the drachma from the twenty-five drachma piece down to the Drachma and its parts, the obols, everything as usual classification can be expected. But that's not the end of it end. Because next to this row is another one, you is superior in number of pieces, and it is based on the
228 E. Pernice:
same weight base, but shows a completely different classification and is also built on a completely different unit. The Finds in the Persian rubble of the Acropolis have taught us that these unit was just twice as heavy as the others Row, the mine, and that they are exactly like double the Drachma Stater was called. So there were two in Athens Systems built on the same weight base next to each other here, one light and one heavy. The lightweight system had as the main representative the mine, and as parts the drachma weights, their talent was sixty times. The heavy system was built on the stater, which was twice the size of the Mine was, and the stater fell apart, like the securities of the Weights prove in thirds tQivfifiOQta^ quarters %6%aq%i^ik6qw^ sixth tjykiiqixa, eighth ^(iniiaqva and so on; the talent, That which belonged to this beihe was therefore twice as heavy as that which formed sixty times the mine. Man This juxtaposition of two weight systems may seem confusing find ; but we just need to remember that A completely analogous relationship in today's weight traffic exists; we calculate according to a heavy unit, the kilo, and after a light one, the pound that is half as heavy as the kilo is; both units have their specific subdivisions divisions. And in Babylon there was a great talent and one heavy mine next to the light talent and the light mine in use; the light ones weighed half as much as the heavy ones. It is precisely this connection with Babylon that speaks for the right activity of this for the understanding of the Attic weight system important observation that can only be made by studying the weights has been made possible.
Even for Italy, the weights can be seen despite their Imperfections allow us to draw important conclusions about trade history. But we don't win this alone by dealing with gravity of the individual pieces, but rather by looking at them the value label they carry. Already years ago a set of Pompeian weights because of their strangeness
Value monument. and literary. Sources of ancient metrology. 229
The inscription caught Mommsen's attention. This The most important of them is a large stone weight with the writing 37. The very fact that the weight is not one round number of units weighs — who would these days Weight of 37 kilos - there is something special here expect; expect 37 Roman pounds are not meant here, that is We know from the excessive heaviness of the piece, rather The piece weighs about 37 Attic mines, and 37 Attic mines correspond exactly to half a Roman Gentner. So it it is quite clear that in this weight one has half the Roman Centumpondium wanted to express in Attic weight, namely borrowed for those who calculated by Attic weight, and The fact that there were such in Pompei is due to the lively trade the city is no wonder. A different weight shows the document 33, also an abnormal value for a weight drawing, it weighs exactly 33 Roman pounds and these are 25 Attic mines equal. So here you have the reverse round number of Attic mines due to the irregularity of the red mix pounds expressed, but also to calculate according to both weight systems. The examples of this type that Mommsen put together at the time Naturally, something significant has changed for Pompei today. increase; but they are not limited to Pompei alone. But it is possible in all places where chance tells us received a larger number of weights, in addition to the one Native Romans use the Attic weight system Reason of pieces like those just mentioned to prove in Pompei, in Rome, in Aquileia and probably even on the Rhine, where it may have come from Massalia.
This point of view, first put forward by Mommsen, has also proved fruitful for a second series of Italic weights. proven in cash. From the literature we know of a mine that... weighed one and a half times the Roman pound and f^m VvaiUxf was called. But the same mine is just as often called /i«va n%o3i€(Mix^ and there can be no doubt that they,
230 E. Pernice:
after Egypt was incorporated into the Roman Empire, taken over from there and because of their comfortable behavior- nisses to the Roman pound was continued as (Avä ^haXmtii. If we now see that a piece of weight is labeled V^ carries and that it weighs V^ Roman pounds, it is clear what is wanted here. One pressed through the piece of 1)^ pounds the ykvä HtokefMcix^ or (ivä ^haXt»^ from. The same is the case with a weight marked 4*^, which has no specific Anyone would hardly have made them with a special intention just 4^^ Roman pounds, which represent three of these mines. And so it goes; yes, even the talent of this mine is ours preserved in two copies from Pompei.
I believe that with such observations of metrology and the history of trade is of far more use than with Hy- potheses that are based solely on testing the severity of individual Weights are based, which are probably the right thing in individual cases meet, but can never be brought to evidence.
What is true about the reliability of the weights is still true far more about the reliability of the hollow dimensions obtained. The statement that a certain measurement vessel can be made from the preserved precise determination of the Greek and Roman hollow dimensions do not investigate, is not remotely sharp enough; it can be perhaps with vanishing exceptions, in general cannot determine anything from the hollow dimensions to determine the size. It almost sounds like a mockery when, from an authentic Attic measure, that with an Athenian image of Pallas and the Athenian owl is stamped and bears the inscription df^kociov after it It has been proven that it does not fit into the range of hollow dimensions is to be classified, it is said: But this probably belongs Despite the Athenian stamp, the vessel is of a different size system on\ What kind of dimensions should we use? What It's useful to have Attic prize amphoras, which you like and often use. than has to check their content? Her size is like one Overview of the examples shows that it is not at all constant It doesn't get anywhere if you go through a row of them*
Value monoment. and literary. Sources of ancient metrology. 231
Average amount calculated and this for an Attic measure^ namely the meter. Because how do you know? we that these amphorae really represent the Metretes should? You certainly don't have these vessels at the price distribution simply poured oil up to the brim, but Measured into it with smaller measures until the prescribed quantum was reached. What use is it, to check the real measuring vessels for their contents, where we Don't even know how much they should be filled? Above all But what use is the study of the Maasstic tables to us? You form the main material for the hollow dimensions. On the market In every city of antiquity there was the possibility of con- trole of the market vessels is given by such a measuring table. It consists of a strong marble block supported on two pillars rests, and the normal dimensions are in these cuboids one after the other carved in; These dimensions have holes at the bottom, around the what has been poured into them can be easily let out can. These monuments, of which there are about a dozen so far are discovered, promise because they, like multiple inscriptions prove to contain standard measurements, a specific one for metrology interpreting Oewinn and they are doing their best been evaluated. Not only do you have the holes with the painful measured with the utmost precision, but you even have if Pieces of the marble had been broken away, stereometric calculations measurements were not spared in order to determine the content of the measurements. What kind of results are that can be obtained from such content regulations can be explained using two examples become. The most famous Maass table, i.e. h. the one who has so far been used most for metrological purposes came from Gytheion in Lacedaemon. He contains ffin measures, one of which is the xoSg, a second, the 9/i*»xot;v is mentioned, then a ^fkhxtoy and two xatvXat. The exit Measuring the Ghus now revealed a certain ratio Maasses to the Aeginean Hecteus and the Aeginean again Hecteus stands in a certain relationship to a baby
232 E. Pernice:
Ionian measure, the Maris. So it turned out that the Ghus of Gytheion is equal to half of the Babylonian Maris - an important interrelationship between Lacedaemonic and Babylonian measurement system. And further from the outside Measurement of these hollow dimensions then became the contents of others lacedämonis/^her hollow dimensions calculated on the measuring table are not present. Very similar conclusions can be drawn very briefly lichly derived from another monument, which too Kosovo in Bulgaria on the site of ancient Nikopolis ad Istrum was discovered in Lower Mösia. Than you bother When I tried to measure the heavily fragmented stone, I was amazed one wonders that the walls of the carved masses were not smooth, but completely irregularly processed, and regretted that the soils of the individual masses were always in barbarically penetrated. Also the content of this Measurement is now related to the Babylonian system been set, because the one called l^cv^g ^^n9(<^). contains exactly as much, or just a little less, than the Babylonian log set by Brandis at 0.56 liters. These are results as they appear from the consideration of the measurement tables can be won. They are all wrong. Because No measuring table in ancient times looked like it does to us has come over. Rather, all measurements had original lich bronze inserts. This can be assumed from the outset take, but can still be explicitly proven for each individual become. If the dimensions are processed internally so irregularly are, these irregularities were caused by the bronze Use hidden. And if the floors of the mass at that The monument just mentioned was barbarically penetrated, that is This is done so that the bronze inserts can be moved around so it was easier to steal. A Maass table that I used to use Tripolitsa, the ancient Tegea, still shows in several measures at the points of connection the remains of the bronze filling, likewise another at the Naxos, and at the table from Gytheion is the bronze insert on the largest measure, the
Value nonument. q. literary. Qaelleo of ancient metrology. 233
Chus, still clearly visible from its remains. So were the dimensions are much smaller than what the monuments show us, and the beautiful relationships with other measurement systems fall continued. You don't know at all how big the dimensions actually are. should have been. What we learn from these monuments can, is very modest. In the best case, namely then, if there are inscriptions on the individual masses, find out we can, as the respective measurements were called, otherwise From the content we can only see how the structure of the Measuring system may have been, in how many subdivisions the largest measure fell apart, in what proportion the individuals Measurements stood in relation to each other, and finally how poured the maximum* content of each measure must be taken into account.
And what about the length measurements? ^The few listed found foot scales or images carved in stone Such scales do not give reliable values of the foot, which they represent, and moreover it is almost exclusively Roman foot measure, which has been preserved in this way.' This one The sentence pronounced by Hultsch is completely correct, and that Determination of length measurements from these monuments is therefore was rightly rejected because of its unreliability; because they actually make way for precise metrological investigations vary significantly in their amounts. But what for which such imprecise weights apply, this also comes into play here. costume; There are simply other aspects that make the collection The development of these monuments is also worthwhile and produces extensive results promise. For example, we see from the tombstones red mixer craftsmen who, in addition to all their other manual work, tools also had the foot measure immortalized on the stone, that these measuring rods depend on the length calculated elsewhere of the Roman foot only differ by millimeters; one laid obviously value the most accurate replica possible, and we can expect that it has always been this way. If an on the tombstone of a carpenter in Florence a measure A staff is depicted, which is essentially the measure of the Roman foot.
Timelift for Nvmboiatics. XX. 16
234 E. Pernice:
loan, but has a length that differs from that of the old Italian Elle nar differs by an imperceptible amount, must You wouldn't believe that this craftsman is still in the area Imperial times served the ancient local measure and in it once again see proof of the tenacity with which this once existing measure was retained and lived on Survival, which is best achieved for the hollow dimensions by the of Galen testified fact is illustrated that one still in In his time, a measure was used for certain things based on the Italian pound, which was abolished 400 years earlier. rested?
A second monumental source for ancient longitude mass was obtained from the preserved buildings. For Italy is mainly Pompei. the surrounding Nissen's thorough and careful examinations ensure that Thank you for achieving very important results here, which exclude any doubt as to their validity. Off measuring the thickness of walls and the length of threads private and public buildings it was found that up to a certain period in the history of Pompei, namely until to the Sullan golonization exclusively the Oscan one foot was applied, which was then gradually replaced by the Roman has been repressed; same observations are also made on the ruins of other Italian cities. At However, in all of these studies it should be noted that Oscan foot that one could expect in Pompei was constructed based on the measurements, but rather its length We already knew this through literary tradition known, given as his relationship to the Roman foot was. So what was done here was purely metrological, not that As far as the historical side of this research is concerned, a testimony to the Literature supported and corroborated by monumental evidence, but also the most precise amount of the oski- gained from a white foot.
The situation is different with the measurements taken at the ruins
Value is monumental. ii. literary. Sources of ancient metrology. 235
Greek temples were made. From the peri- Three barrels were calculated behind each other in the Parthenon, according to which it should be built, one of 308 mm, one of 296 mm and one of 327 mm, and each of these feet was valid proven to be safe. It is claimed for the Heraion of Samos been that the axis widths of the columns on the long side the common Greek river, which are on the narrow page, on the other hand, according to the philatelic foot. The temple in Aegina is said to have 48 feet of 316 mm at the lower stage in the front be long, 96 feet by 313 mm on the long side, with the arte- mission in Ephesus the royal cubit and the Ephesian foot have been used side by side. So like that Athenian merchants accepting a side-by-side deal There are always several dozen of several weight systems Weights should have been carried with you in order to make them different To serve expecting customers, the architect always had to be equipped with several scales. That's not it probably and the compilation of just these few Examples that can be multiplied at will show how little reliance there is on such calculations. With the same one Ease with which one can use unmarked pieces of weight detect every ancient mine and drachma without difficulty can, you can make every required foot out of the buildings calculate, and it will always appear as if this calculation had been handed over by the ancient builder It couldn't have been intended any other way. It is So far no remedy has been found, at least none that deserves unconditional recognition, according to which it is possible would be, the measurement underlying the ancient temples without More to guess. You like the large dimensions of the Temples like the lengths of the steps, the Gella, the height of the Choose columns and their ax widths as the basis, and in them recognize a round sum of feet, or the small archi- tectonic members such as the pearl bars, kymatia, the individual ones Parts of the architrave, the frieze, etc. and they as so and so
16*
236 E. Pernice:
explain a lot of dactyls - the two methods do not have each other proven. Rather just like the weights only come into question come when an inscription tells us what to imagine, ^The ancient buildings can only be protected with sufficient security to use the information for metrological purposes if we are at the same time there are timely inscribed measurements about it, how many feet long this or that part of the building is. Such Lucky cases will naturally occur rarely enough, and only so far is the Erechtheion in Athens, whose measurements have been handed down to us in this way. But that one Profit is also a very unique one. Because from these Dörpfeld has certainly calculated the footing. the one according to which this building was built, and this One result is more valid than hundreds of others from measurements resulting combinations that even in the best case scenario cannot go beyond a certain probability can.
Only a little remains to be added about the literary sources. add. Metrological texts handed down from antiquity are on a larger scale for the first time in a clearer manner Weise in the most meritorious and excellent edition the metrologici graeci was published by Hultsch. First Since this issue we have heard about this strange tragedy- you can get an idea of the nature of the genre. The writings about measures and weights go back to the beginning of ours time calculation and they are once a generally practical arose from a technical need: people wanted the opportunity have been introduced throughout the Roman Empire since Augustus Roman measures with the national measures, which are always there next to held, to compare; but above all it is the medical niche science that made this literature stand out called out. The highly complicated recipes that come to us in... preserved in the medical writings, they actually put it presupposes that these writings were accompanied by auxiliary tables where you can find out about the measurements and weights used
Value modoment. a. literary. Sources of ancient metrology. 237
could orientate. Galen mentions authors several times who... Measures and weights were written - there is no doubt about that been a doctor - and he also indicates that he himself engaged in such work. From some of the metrological However, it can also be proven from the tables that they serve as are intended to be recipe books, and almost all of them are in hand- writings from medical professionals have come down to us. How to in Middle Ages such auxiliary tables for understanding the recipes was needed, it was certainly also present in ancient times
If you now take a closer look at these metrological treatises If you look, you will notice without difficulty that she is in are in a very sad state. One of them are half complete, the others are sparse excerpts others are, as can clearly be seen, overworked been. For example, a still unedited text of the Va- tican library in its original version before Nero been written; because the calculations are based on vomero- African denarii were employed. But it is from a later hand Instead of the pre-Neronic denarius, the post-Neronic denarius was used been. Of course, errors crept in the text loses, even if it remains one of the most important, significant in value. We can do the same things with many people of the edited tables. The reputation that the old one has enjoyed medicine in the Middle Ages, the medical metro* causes endless harm to logical literature. You can under these circumstances the metrological treatises really trust, use them as harmlessly as is required in metrological happens so often in literature? Aren't here yet to solve completely different tasks? In the excellent prole- gomena, which Hultsch sent ahead of his edition, are source studies that show the relationship between the individual Tractates relate to each other only to a small extent Extents have been made. And yet that's the only way on which we can hope, this literature really to use with a clear conscience. In many cases, free
TInedirte Roman EaisenQünzeu.
For this, table Vm.
I have said and heard collectors of Roman imperial coins. It takes a long time to hear that there are hardly any casual events left in this area. possibility of discovering unknown coins. When will you hear? one of large bronzes with new types? How rare is one Medium bronze with an unedged lapel! An unknown Aureus still appears occasionally; but you have to have one have a deep stock market to be able to acquire such rarities - Rarities especially, their authenticity, because of the coloring and the corrosive effects of time are almost inaccessible metal, is not always beyond doubt. On There is a lack of a certain kind of unedited imperial dances not at all. Just look at auction catalogs you can soon enough read something like this: “TR*POT.I etc. Cohen: TR.PII etc. Unedirt^. Or: “IMP. CAESAR etc. Cohen: IMP. CAES etc. Unedited". Such coins probably have a for- I have the right to call myself unedited; but it would be foolish for her to For the sake of such petty deviations, they should be particularly highly valued, and I therefore do not mention varieties of this genus.
However, there are still ice coins that... really deserve to be called unedited, and indeed must they may be more numerous than is usually assumed. Because if only a small private collection of imperial coins like mine (of less than a thousand pieces, which also not from a scientific but from an amateur standpoint points of the collector, who is far less rare than beautiful.
3. J. SeltmaDii: Unedirt« rOmiache KauermünzeD.
241
holding pieces snciit, is constructed), if such a collection If the lung can have a small inedited area, it must be included Large private collections are and should be represented more numerously This will cause other collectors to reveal their unknowns Rarities for published publications would be the main purpose of this lines reached.
I give the coins in chronological order, as follows:
1. Titus, medium bronze. T-CAESIMP-AVG-F.TR.p.COS-V!. CENSOR. His laurel wreathed head to the right. RF: IVDAEA ■ CAPTA. Judaea to r. under a palm tree sitting on a tank. Behind her: helmet, standard and 4 shields. Also in front of her: 2 spears and 2 shields. Beautifully preserved and patinated.
Cohen only knows the coin with a helmet, standard and Shields behind the Judaea.
2. Domitianus, Kleiti bronze. Rhinoccros with double horn to the left. Rf.: SC in a laurel wreath. Submission Panel VUI 1.
The SC has a not uncommon well-known variety Description IMP-DOMITAVG-GERM. Another, less common ordinary, has a laurel branch between the S and C. The coin is new with the wreath.
3. Traianus, Uenar. IMP-TRAIANOAVC-GER-DAC-P-M- TR-P. His laurel-crowned bust to the left (the uncovered breast seen almost from the front), with the tip of the robe on the left shoulder. R/.: COSV-P-P. S.P-Q (ROPTIMO )PR1NC. Arabia, with branch in the R.
TInedirte Roman Kaisermüiizeu.
For this purpose, Table VIIL
I have said and heard collectors of Roman imperial coins. It takes a long time to hear that there are hardly any casual events left in this area. possibility of discovering unknown coins. When will you hear? one of large bronzes with new types? How rare is one Medium bronze with an unedged lapel! An unknown Aureus still appears occasionally; but you have to have one have a deep stock market to be able to acquire such rarities - Rarities especially, their authenticity, because of the coloring and the corrosive effects of time are almost inaccessible metal, is not always beyond doubt. On There is a lack of a certain type of unedited imperial coins - not at all. Just look at the promotion catalogues Soon enough you can read something like this: “TR*POTI etc. Cohen: TR.P.II etc. Unedirt^. Or: “IMP. CAESAR etc. Cohen: IMP. CAES etc. Unedirt"*. Such coins probably have a for- I have the right to call myself unedited; but it would be foolish for her to For the sake of such petty deviations, they should be particularly highly valued, and I therefore do not mention varieties of this genus.
However, there are still ice coins that... really deserve to be called unedited, and indeed must they may be more numerous than is usually assumed. Because if only a small private collection of imperial coins like mine (of less than a thousand pieces, which also not from a scientific but from an amateur standpoint points of the collector, who is far less rare than beautiful.
E. J. Seltmann: Uoedirt« rSmische KaiBennGaien. 241
looking for lasting pieces, is built) on which such a collection luag can have a small row inedita, so they must be in Large private collections are, and should be, represented in greater numbers This causes other collectors to reveal their unknowns The main purpose of this would be to publish rarities lines reached.
I give the coins in chronological order, as follows:
1. Tito's, medium bronze. T.CAES.IMP-AVG.F-TR-P-COS.V!. CENSOR. His laurel wreathed head to the right. RF: IVDAEA ■ CAPTA. Jadaea to r. under a palm tree sitting on a tank. Behind ibr: helmet, standard and 4 shields. Also in front of her: 2 spears and 2 shields. Beautifully preserved and patiuirt.
Cohen only knows the Mfinze with a helmet, field badges and Shields behind the Judaea.
2. Domitianus, small bronze. Khiuoceros with double horn to the left. Rf.: SC in a laurel wreath. Submission Plate Vm I.
A not uncommon well-known variety has the S - C with the Description IMP-DOMIT-AVC-GERM. Another, less common ordinary, has a laurel branch between the S and C. The coin is with the wreath.
3. TraianuB, denarius. IMP-TRAIANO-AVG-GER-DAC-P-M- TR-P. His laurel-crowned bust to the left (the uncovered breast seen almost from the front), with the tip of the robe on the left shoulder. RF-. COS-V-P-P. S-PQ-{R-OPTIMO)PRINC. Arabia, with branch in the R.
242 ^' ^' Seltmann:
and pipe (?) in the L., to the left. Next to her is a camel. Submission Plate VIII 2.
This appears to be the only example of a silver coin of the Traianus appears to be with his head to the left. The bust of Kaiser's is a very nice style.
4. AntoninusPius, medium bronze. (IMP.)CAES.AEL.HADR. ANTONIN VS. AVG • PIVS • P • F. His laurel-crowned head
after r. Rf.: TR. POT COS. Uli. In the section: S • C.
The emperor on a horse striding towards 1st. He is be- dresses with tunica and faludamentum, introduces in the L long scepter and opens the extended right hand like greetings and welcome. The lapel is in raised, Executed in a fine, medallion-like style.
Cohen gives under no. 953 a large bronze with the same representation and the reverse inscription TR. POT. xnn • COS . DIL It is very likely that this latter is on my coin said the same. The writing has been retouched at this point, as well as the whole coin has been slightly reworked.
5. AntoninusPius, small bronze. ANTONINVS • AVGVSTVS. His laurel wreathed head to the right. R/.: DARDANICI. Female figure according to 1., holding a branch in the R. Submission Plate VIII 3.
This small, inconspicuous Unicum is of outstanding quality numismatic meaning. It belongs to the class of numi metallorum, of which only 70 specimens have been known to date have been. EckheP) has already heard of these interesting ones Memorial tokens (I hardly want to call them coins) were traded. Later Lenormant^) wrote about them and most recently R. Mowat^) describes the entire well-known series in detail. spoke. All previously known pieces of this genre are developed under Traian and Hadrian. This is that
1) Doctrine number. vet. VI, p. 445 ff.
2) La monnaie dans Fantiquitä, I, p. 239 ff.
3) Revue Numismatique, in. S., XII (1894), p. 373 ff.
Unedirt6 Roman imperial coins. 243
the first and only thing that reminds us of the direction of Antoninus Pias is preserved.
Allow me to make a few comments following this Excellent and thorough work by R. Mowat. about that Both the presence and absence of the SC are the same To explain reverse, he says (a. a. 0. pp. 394 and 395): “II y a donc eu succession dans les deux r^gimes de propri6t6, c'est-ä-dire transfert de Tun a l'autre, vraisemblablement par voie d' hangings, soit pour des convenances particuliöres , soit pour des facilit^s administrative. Les mutations de ce genre ne sont pas sans pr^c^ent. Strabo, au livre III, chap. II, 10, nous apprend que les mines d'argent d'Espagne avaient cess6 d'appartement k r£tat, pour passer aux mains des particuliers*^ etc. etc. I Please note that such a sale to private individuals involves one state act exchange of mines between the Senate and has nothing in common with the emperor. Mowat then gives be- knew examples of such a change of ownership of entire provinces between Emperor and Senate.
He further states that those districts have little copper, in contrast to other metals, produce, and finally means, the genuinely Roman character of the numi metallorum as a colonial coins can only be explained by assuming that have that the coins themselves were first minted in Rome and then been exported to those districts; or the stamps are In any case, it was made in Rome while in use which took place in the provincial coin. The latter He prefers explanation.
A third explanation seems possible to me, viz that the coins or Just remember in Rome for Rome (and Italy) have been pronounced'. Mowat feels apparently to use a concise English expression serve, “on the horns of a dilemma^ between the Roman Style and the colonial inscription, which the latter uses which seems to require pieces for the mining districts. By he now strives to do justice to both points of view
244 ^* ^' Seitmann:
he gives everyone the same weight. The question is whether he is with it do right.
I am, as I already said, in relation to Roman Numismatics not connoisseurs and scholars, but only lovers beautiful coins. My limited experience so far has me taught that for the distinction between colonial and Roman coins the style is the decisive factor, and if we look at the reverse of a coin of non-Roman style find an SC (I remember, for example, the long row of bronzes, which are assigned to Antiochia Syriae), we consider them as colonial. Of course, this does not rule out the possibility these coins from the provinces, especially if they go to were carried out on Roman foot, through trade were able to find their way to Italy. That would e.g. B. from the numerous Roman - Hispanic coins of the first year hundred AD apply. But the stylistic rule applies in one direction, it must do the same in the other be valid. That is: if coins are not -Roman Character - initially - intended for colonies, so were those of Roman style - initially - for Rome and Italy was coined.
That to me is the most general point of view in this Question. A second, also of a general nature, is this: from large and rich mining districts (if they are their own own coins at all) one expects more than small poor- blessed pennies. This rule is determined by everyone's experiences Times confirmed.
I now turn to the lapel inscriptions, as- that moment after which the coining of these pieces has so far been relocated to the Danube areas, so find I have two different cases for the most important word, depending on- which it stands in unity or majority: MET ALU or METAL(LIS). Should you add numus or moneta to the former? think? Or are they locative cases in the singular and plural? One or one would have to assume the other if one were to
Unedited Roman ice coins. 245
Wants to relate inscriptions to local characteristics. I can Of course, I can't recall any parallel examples - call. On the other hand, I add the label METAL • PANNONICIS or MET AL.AVREU ANIS a verb in the participium perfecti of the passive voice at - in the sense of "opened" - then I have one good Roman numismatic phrase based on the pattern of SIGNIS • RECEPTDEVICTIS.GERM and similar phrases. The genes tive form METAL! VLPIANI would then differentiate itself by adding one Add a noun (e.g. opening). The limitation of the coin field with such small planchets should be sufficient explanation of those omissions. But the question is how Verse inscriptions need to be understood or supplemented, seems to me, in relation to the stylistic point of assessment, as a significantly subordinate one. Due to the genuine Roman As I have already said, I have to agree with his character View that these coins serve as a token of remembrance were issued for the opening of mines. If they were copper mines, they were, by virtue of Senate privilege, senatus consulto, but in other cases by imperial decree let open. Since those metal-rich districts are just starting Copper is disproportionately poor, so are those with it Pieces marked with the Senate seal are correspondingly rare, and we Of the 71 pieces, we only have two with the S C. That's why we same lapel — METAL! * VLPIANI — both with and without find the Senate seal, there is little to contradict this declaration. There were various mines of this name (MET ALU •VL- PIANIDELM and METAL!. VLPIANI. PANN). So they could also those different coins very well come from separate come. Certainly the Metalla Ulpiana included one wide district" in which metals of various kinds - once Copper, which is rare there, could also be found.
I also want to note that my coin is from Italy comes and was probably found there too. 6. Marcus Aurelius, small bronze (a little about the usual size). M • ANTONINVS • AVG • GERM • TR •
246 ^- J- Seltinann:
P. XXIX. His wreathed head to the right. Ref.: UBERAL. AVG. VI. IMP. vn. COS. III. Liberalitas stands after 1. turned, with cornucopia in the 1st arm and tessera in the first elevated right. Submission Plate VIII 4.
7. Marcus Aurelius, small bronze. M • ANTONIN VS . AVG • TR. P. XXVIII (?). His wreathed head to the right. R/.: IMP • VI • COS • III. Goddess of victory, with a wreath in her raised hand Right and tropaeum on the left shoulder, to r. striding. Submission Plate VIII 5.
8. Severus Alexander, large bronze. IMP • ALEXANDER • PIVS • AVG. Head of the emperor with laurel wreath right. 22/.: Laurel wreath, within the same:
VOTIS VICEN NALIBVS
cosni.p.p
S-C Submission (the R/,) Plate VIII 6.
Presumably a Unicum. In gold (Vienna) and silver (Paris) the coin occurs; but without COS-III« PP.
9. Severus Alezander, medium bronze in beautiful condition and with light green patina. IMP • CAES . M. A VR • SEV . ALEXANDER - AVG. Lauded bust of the emperor with the paludamentum to the right. R/.: MONETA • AVGVSTI-S.C. Moneta standing, turned to the left. She holds the scales in her right hand and the cornucopia the left. In front of her, on the floor line, a metal heap.
As a large bronze, this coin is quite common.
10. Gallienus, silver quinar of excellent condition. IMP • C. P. LIC. GALUENVS • AVG. His head with a laurel wreath after r. Rf,: PAX-AVGG. Fax is turned to 1st, a branch in the raised right hand, diagonally in the left holding a scepter. Submission Plate VIII 7.
11. Numerianus, small bronze. [IM]P NVMERIANVS • AVG. Bust of the emperor with crown of rays and paludamentum
Unedited Roman imperial coins. 447
to the right. Ä/. : GENIVS • EXERCITI. In section KAA (?). The genius, turned to the left, stops in the A patera on the right and a cornucopia on the left.
12. Licinius the Elder, small bronze. IMP. UCINIVS • P . F • AVG. Bust of the emperor with a laurel wreath after 1., Seen from the back, with a smaller shield and spear and the sword belt over the bare shoulder. RJ. : SOLI • INVICTO. COMITI. In the field: S . F; in section tarl. Sol naked after 1. with the coat on the 1. shoulder, the Right raising, in the left earth or celestial sphere. Submission Plate VIH 8.
The front is different from Cohen's (No. 161 to 163) described small bronzes with this reverse (tSte lauröe k droite; cough laurä, drapä ou cuirassö ou drap6 et cuirassö k droite).
Of the highly interesting types of Julianus Apost^ta, which refer to the reintroduction of polytheism, I have the following Inedita:
13. lulianus Apostata, small bronze. DEO • SARAPIDI. Bust of Sarapis with Modius and crown of rays from. Ref.: VOTA.PVBUCA. Isis on a throne, from shown front and r. looking, sucking Horus. Submission Plate VIII 9.
The obverse with the bust of Sarapis from the front Connection with this lapel is new. U. lulianus Apostata, small bronze. DEO • SARAPIDI. Un- bearded bust with rays and modius to the right. Rfr. VOTA • PVBLICA. Isis and Anubis standing after 1. The former with the sistrum in the right and a handle vessel in the Carrying left. The latter leads with a branch in his right and Wand of Mercury (?) in the left. Submission Plate VIII 10. The reverse of this excellently preserved coin has so far only been known in connection with Helena (Isis) head and VOTAPVBUCA on the obverse (Cohen, Helena 37). 15. Helena, wife of Lulianus, small bronze. VOTA. PVBLICA.
£248• J. Seltmann:
Bust of Isis after 1 with the lotus over her forehead and sistrum in the raised right. Rf.\VOTA . PVBUCA. Isis with Horus, as in No. 13th Fig. Plate VIII 11. The coin cited by Cohen (Helena 7) with this Rf. has the inscription ISIS on the front cover. FARIA. 16. Theodosiusl., small bronze. D.N.THEODOSIVS.PF.AVG. Bust portrait with diadem and armor facing r. Ref.: SPES* REIPVBLICAE. Emperor with labarum and globe of in front, a tied enemy kneeling after 1 placing right foot on back. Submission Plate VIII 12. A coin of Theodosius with this reverse was until now unknown.
Following on from the above coins, which are mostly small are bronze, I would like to mention a long-known small Bronze should be mentioned because it seems to me that the types of have been essentially misunderstood until now; I mean those Small bronze with the famous legend lO • lO • TRIVMP. around the laurel bush. The same was assigned to Domitian the, and Cohen describes the back as follows; “Deux Fers k cheval au milieu d'une armille terminöe par deux tStes de serpens''. Godmother ^) remarks: “Soleas equornm vel quidquid illud est, neque enim liquet, serpentes complectuntur; qui aut check den tiam inter virtutes bellicas vel principem, aut gloriam, aut aeternitatem apud Aegyptios significant^ Of course they have practical Romans in their great simplicity Such cute quibbles don't appear on coins at all set. EckheP) speaks of “duo parvi arcus velut equorum soleae inter duos angues coäuntibus caudis". Rasche') says: “Duae figurae, quae soleas ferreos equorum refeiTO videntur, in medio armillae cuiusdam e duobus draconibus vel serpentibus in circumlum flexis compositae^.
1) Imperial Rome. numismata (1671) p. 8, n. 2.
2) Catalogus musei Caes. Yindob. II, p. 560, n. 9; cf. doc. nam. vet Vm, p. 316.
S) Lezicon uniYerBae rei nuin. yetenun Volume n 2, p. 794.
Unedited Roman ice coins. 249
My collection contains a copy of this small bronze ^) in very nice condition, and by doing the same with the above Comparing explanations of the types, the following emerges: the Subject, which Cohen and Rasche called Armilla, Eckhel and Godmothers are called snakes, there are two on the mouthpieces barbaric Erieg trumpets held together by a bandage {nccQyvxsg). This instrument is found as a symbol of triumph Roman coins are known to be common, either in stretched form Shape (like the tuba), or curved (like the gomu). That- The same either runs into a griffin, or - like on ours Coin - wolf head out. An example of the curved "dqyv^ we have on the back of a contemporary medium bronze of Domitian, which is in the 1st edition of Cohen, Vol. I, Plate Xyill 462 is well illustrated. The two objects which until now have always been referred to as horseshoes, are probably phalerae made of precious metal, like this as a badge of honor and badge by the mounted leaders barbarian may have been carried by hordes of armies. Phalerae this Form would not be an inappropriate badge for the prince Rider. Yes, I shouldn't be surprised if that's the case horseshoe-shaped epaulettes of the German officer of the same company thank you. The objects on our coin resemble the horseshoe down to the smallest detail; you can do it yourself Nail heads differ, and the studs occur sharply and clearly demarcated. But something happens It definitely proves its decorative character, because the whole thing Surface is marked by a strongly marked, raised serpentine line permeated. That a tortuous increase of this kind that can reinforce and secure the iron's engagement in the ground, is unthinkable. Only straight notch cuts would serve this purpose, jagged or cone-like approaches serve. So by me too I am forced to realize that this serpentine line is not not to use, but to decorate, it would probably not be too bold if I
1) Recorded plate YHI 13.
ZeitMhrift fllr HaniunAttk. XX. X7
250 £ • ^' Seltmann:
further conclude that the supposed Hafeisen are not such are, because wanting to decorate a horseshoe would be self-evident not occurred to the most sensitive knight of the anvil.
Archeology textbooks claim that the Romans Horseshoes of the now usual shape were not known. Antiquity Originals would not be available, and since we have neither pictures nor still work on paintings depicting the subject find, one would have to take the word as it stands, namely- lich: soleae quae indutae sunt, i.e. as a kind of shoes made of leather or other material (solea spartea) that suits the animal was attached to and over the hooves as needed. Mentioned the writers also use the solea ferrea, that's just what they mean an iron plate-like reinforcement of the shoes.
As far as the lack of antique pieces of evidence is concerned, so It is to be feared that this will not be the case in the future either will be remedied soon. A Roman horseshoe 1 skill Curiosity collectors, for example, with a copy “from Sweden” "zeif" serve? I doubt it, because among the decomposing ones The effects of earth, air and rain weather and decay the iron quickly. But it probably won't happen at all Weathering, because precisely in the place where the animal falls from the hoof, on the country road (used for field work Yes, cattle are used), you'll probably soon find someone who doesn't disdains to lift the same. That the fine arts Showing us unshod horses doesn't seem unnatural either. We know that the Greeks were still riding horses in Xenophon's time. Horses didn't put on horseshoes, but rather duixh the hooves systematic exercise on stony ground in particularly tried to harden the riding arenas as much as possible. bridle and But reins have always been used. Nevertheless brings us the best sculpture* (think of the Parthenon reliefs, for example) Riders on unbridled steeds. Art separated from that alive - beautiful body all dead, superfluous accessories as disturbing, and how much more insignificant than the reins would be the iron under the hoof for the pictorial representation! If
Unedited Roman imperial temples. 251
but exact science considers such reasons to be valid doesn't recognize it, I can only express my regret. conclude that the iron plate, the solea ferrea, is still there has not been discovered. Anyway, our coin brings that Evidence that the northern barbarians in the first century after Christ we knew our horseshoe in its best form and needed, because although, as has just been shown, not actual horseshoes, those phalerae can only be made according to the pattern be formed by such. Question based on this fact I asked whether it was likely that the Romans were missing there should be where Gauls and Germanic tribes reigned. However, that means solea a sole, and if this sole was made of leather, so Because it was supple and light, it could wrap around the entire hoof cover. But how do you think about the iron sole or Plate? In my opinion it would have to be clumsy, heavy,... to have been loose and sliding. How do you set up the pre-manufacture such a plate from wrought iron? Cast Plates would have been unusable because of their brittleness. beings. It would certainly be very difficult to produce if so the perfect leveling and smoothing of the proportions wide surfaces can be achieved by using the hammer But if it were to be successful, short use would be everything spoil, because the horse grabs, striving forward, naturally with the front edge of the hoof into the ground. The iron would quickly wear off and the animal would have to then wander around aimlessly on an inclined plane. But what speaks most strongly against the theory of iron soles, is the formation of the hoof surface. Please note that a A good part of it consists of the elevated home ray, and this raised part makes the attachment a flat one Iron sole impossible if the hom beam is not in the middle is released. But if the center is removed, it remains but only the edge, i. e. the usual horseshoe, left. Nonetheless It should and must have been that way, just because Boss, right Maulthier calceatus vel solis indutus est. Well, for all that-
17*
252 ^- J* Seitmann:
For the same reason, horses in England needed hoof protection wear, which consists of solid iron sole with upper leather, because, In English, “the blacksmith shoes them” or he “ythut”. give them shoes^.
Based on what has been said, I believe I am justified in reaching this conclusion to be that the Romans, if they already (especially for train- animals such as oxen, which tread evenly with their soles) real shoes made of leather or other material used, and also knew a solea ferrea, which in all essential respects, as our coin shows resembled modern horseshoes.
Returning to the latter, I also note that their Allocation to Domitian through the presence of another Small bronze is secured to the head on the front of the emperor with the inscription IMF. DOMIT . AVG • GERM and on the back the laurel with lO-IO-TRIVM? leads. Both pieces are therefore certainly on the occasion of the same triumph been coined, and ours, as usual, gives a representation Provision of loot from the same. In consideration of the The die cutter chose a small area of the coin field rounded objects that fit into the narrow space easiest to customize, namely the personal badges of the enemy leader, surrounded by the instruments that called the whole army to battle - a simple, practical and at the same time a significant choice.
The small commemorative coin is probably to celebrate Triumph was struck over the Chatti. The ones you just called coin of the same time gives the emperor the title Germanicus. As is well known, Domitian took it after the Chatti War (84 AD).
Postscript: An acquaintance who is quite good Memory pleased, told me that he was in the National Museum noticed an ancient horseshoe from Pompeii in Naples. Me myself (although I have often been to that museum).
Unedited Roman ice coins. 253
I don't remember anything about it, but in order to get to the bottom of the matter to come, I wrote to a friend in Naples who was around Greek-Sicilian numismatics earned Dr. Ettore Gabriel. I initially received the following answer: “Non essendo riuscito I brought the Museum of Naples to the Ferro di Cavallo, mi sono rivolto al prof. Sogliano. Ma per veritä egli mi have the same I don't think I've seen anything, but I believe it's true Fede alla sua asserzione, perchä il Sogliano 6 assai competente in this case pompeiane. Perö mi have the same che and dodici or tredici anni fa, fii rinvenuto negli scavi un pezzo di bronzo che aveva the form of a mezzo ferro di cavallo (perch^ Taltra meti non c' era) e che egli rimase in dubbio se fosse o no ferro di cavallo. This article is also from another magazzini di Pompei ed occorrerebbero lunghe ricerche per trovarlo**.
Not satisfied with this, I asked for more detailed information the shape and nature of the fragment, and he wrote me then, me follows: «Questa volta ho fatto, col conservatore del Museo, longhe ricerche per trovare il noto oggetto, ma in- yano. Egli per altro ha potuto rispondere alle mie domande, e mi assicura, che V oggetto era di ferro, di una grandezza tale This means that it is possible to reach the foot of the cavallo (al piü di un asinello). Aggiunge poi che V unica cosa la quäle potrebbe far Sopporre che fosse ferro di cavallo, era una piccola ripiegatura ad una delle estremitä (f) la torment corrisponde a quella dei ferri di cavallo che si fanno oggi^. On our tessera are These tunnels on the solea ferrea are unmistakably German. lich. By the way, I don't attach great importance to the present present ferro as evidence of the correctness of my application view. But as far as it can be taken into account, it seems to speak for the same. Maybe it's in the small one Museum at the porta marina in Pompeii. Probably had my friend noticed it there, or somewhere else, and was later mistaken only in the locality
London, April 1896.
E.J. Seitmann.
To the Münzlninde of the Foütos, of Faphlagonia, Tenedos, Aiolis and Lesbos.
(See Tables IX and X.)
The following sheets contain additions and some Corrections to previous work. As a new addition to the numismatic matics depicts the city of Sebasteia on the Halys, with one on the era backdating the time of August. Of the The sea deities should be highlighted in the written coin images with crop scissors on his head, Ma or Enjo^ Zephyros(?), Hermes as a discobol, ApoUon of Sinope, the double ax from Tenedos as a cult object, Apollon XQficti^QMg from Aigai, Sibyls, Dionysus OalX^v of Methymna and the deified and heroized men and women of Mytilene.
Pontos. I
The indeterminate coins of the Pontic Empire, which I
“Greek coins^ 1890 pp. 40 - 45 and 248 compiled
I have some new ones to add:
1. Br. 15. — CTE right. Ef. CTE Arch not suitable Gr. 2.57. M. S. Plate IX No. 1. This piece is similar to CKOn., a. a. 0. p. 41, 21 plate IH 15, completely similar. Another variety shows the name F. Imb oof -Blnmer: Zar Hünsknnde d. Pontus, v. Paphlagonia, etc. 255 AINP) and a fourth AnOAAb)'). So this is what it is about apparently just magistrate names. 2nd Br. 20. — Rose; right M*. RF star with eight rays between two small ones Crescent moons. Gr. 7.50. M. S. Plate IX No. 2. 3. Br. 19. — Likewise, with M or similar on the left. Gr. 6.60. M.S. The rose is one of the mfinz images from Phanagoria ') ; also the star appears on coins from this city^). It lies hence the suggestion that the coins No. 1 were minted. 2 and 3 Phanagoria, in which case you too completely related leather helmet coins would be awarded, little- at least the no. 23-25 plates III 16-18 of my records. From The first one even shows the same thing, even in the same position Monogram like No. 2 in one variant.
4. Br. 17. — Head and neck of a horse to the right.
22/ Drawn bow with arrows laid out; underneath
Crescent moon and behind it in a round counterstamp
Star with six rays.
Gr. 3.2a M. S. Plate IX No. 3.
The image on the back is a stamp type
completed overprinting; Unfortunately, the earlier type is not possible
recognize. At Pontes Euxeinos you can find the horse bust
Coin type from Tyra'), Pantikapaion') and the south of
Phanagoria living Sinder'). A decision for the
1) Greek. Münien pp. 42, 22.
8) Blancbet, Revue Nam. 1S92 p. 57, 3.
3) Cat. Brit Mos. Pontos Plate I 6. After Koehne, Mus. Kochoubey I P. 399, 6 the rose also appears on the top embossing of a button coin Phanagorites.
4) Mionnet Snppl. lY 416, 8 n. 12; m.S.
5) The ant. Hünsen North Greece I Plate XII 11 n. 12.
6) Koehne a. a. 0. I plate YI 22.
7) Cur. Oiel, Kl. Contributions inr ant Nun. South Nussia, Moscow 1886, TaH 1 15 n. 16 and Y 8-6.
256 F. Imhoof-Blumer:
one or the other of these places is even less possible trelSen, as the last provenance of the coin (Smyrna). points specifically to the north, and the drawn bow, although a rare type may occur here and there. Be- As far as I know it is only known from a copper coin Eerai in Pisidia^) and an indeterminate one in the Paris Eabinet Silver coin ^) classified at Apollonia in Thrace, whose I subsequently depicted it here on Plate IX No. 4 give. Perhaps finds of other similar pieces will convey the sentiment of these bow coins.
n. Amisos.
On the bronze coins of Amisos with the image of youthful Mithradates Eupator in a leather helmet on the VJ. and the quiver and AMI^OY on the 22/. ') is therefore brief here to come back because Theodor Reinach's interpretation of the heads and thus the dating of the coins has been challenged is^). According to him, these coins show the portrait of Mithra dates n., according to which they so, since the head is only in young people Ages appears in the middle of the 3rd century BC. should belong. The only reason for this alleged Beinach leads what he considers to be a lack of correction Probability indicates that during the reign of Laodice (120-111) coins were minted with the portrait of her son- that are.
There are two things that contradict this assumption: firstly Lack of any trace of urban or dynastic copper coinage in Pontus before the last decades of the 2nd century *)i Furthermore, the unmistakable identity of the inscription form, the character
1) Greek. Coins p. 169, shown Monn. grecqnes pp. 395, 70.
2) Mon. grecques p. 395, 70 a.
3) Greek. Coins p. 36, 7 or 8; Plate III 1-3.
4) Reyne Nom. 1891 p. 376 note.
5) Only the older coins seem to be an exception to this To do Phamakeia with the Zebn bull, which may be soon after The city was founded by Phamakes.
Tsar Münskande the Elder Pontos, v. PaphlagoniaDi Tenedos, Aiolis a. Lesbos. 257
the letters and weights of the coins in question with those of other coinages of Amisos and the Pontic ones cities from the earlier period of Eupator '), and, in writing, even with tetradrachms of Mithradates Philopator and the Eupator.
I can therefore, with full conviction, in general and without any new speculations about the possible position of the to give young king space to 111, confirm what I ^^Greek Coins"" pp. 37 and 39 about the heavy quivers coins from Amisos.
Shows a new type modeled on the Ephesian one the following coin: L Br. 12. — Head of Artemis with laurel and quiver to the right. Rf. AMIZOY r. Standing deer to the right; in the back basic palm tree. Gr. 1.85. M.S. In the setting of the first year of the era of Amisos at 31 d. h. Autumn 32 to Autumn 31 BC') agreed At the same time, Ramsay') and Kaestner^) also agreed. Hereafter the date ETI (85) of a coin with Claudius*) falls into this Year of death of the emperor 54 AD, and is the description of one London coin to be corrected as follows: 2. Br. 20. — OEOC CE 1., BACTOC r. Head of Vespasian with laurel on the left; including grapes. Rf. ETOY|C AP| AMIICOY on four lines in an oak wreaths. Brit. Mus. Cat. p. 21, 84 with supposedly Galba. On another copy it says 6E0Z ZEBAZTOZ 1st and a bunch of grapes behind his head. The is on both pieces
1) See X. B. Cat. Brit. Mus. Ponto8;^Plate. UI 2, 4, 6, 10 and plate 17 4 and 5, where the latter are also dated to the time of Enpator.
2) Oriech. Mfinsen p. 33/84.
3) Asia min. p. 194 n. 441.
4) De aeris 1890 p. 41/42.
5) Revue Nom. 1891 8. 243» 23 Tal IX 3.
258 F-Imhoof-Blumer.
Head unmistakably the Yespasians, who took over the government in Dec. 69 took over. Year AP (101) corresponds to Fall 69 to Fall 70. The title &€6g appears to be Yespasian and Titus and later Traian^) to have already received the title of Augustus. 8. P. 25. — AVT.KAI.TPA.AAPIA|NOCCEB.n.n.Vn.r. head of the emperor with laurel to the right. R/. AMICOV EAEVeEPAC ETOVC and in the Pir section (163). Seated Zeus Nikephoros with naked Upper body to the left, Nike with wreath on the right to the right, the left hand on the scepter, the feet on one stool. Gr. 8.61. M. S. Plate IX No. 7.
4. P. 22. — Vf. as above, the bust with robe.
Rf, AMICOV EAE|VeEPAC ETOVC and in the Pir section. Seated Tyche with veil and tower crown left- there, in the 1st arm the cornucopia, the right hand on the control rudder, this one on a horned youth Supporting head from the front.
Gr. 5.20. M. S. Plate IX No. 5.
5. P. 22. — Vf. like No. 3, the inscription is not interrupted.
RF label like No. 3, type of No, 4. The croissants
of the head each have two tips. Gr. 5.54. M.S.
6. P. 22. — Vf. like No. 4.
Rf. AMICOV EAEVIOEPAC ETOVC and in the PHP section.
Same type; the head to the left with just one
visible Hom. Gr. 5.50. M.S.
7. P. 23. - AVT.KAI.TPA.AAPIIAMOCCeB.n.n.Vn.r. Breast.
Image of the emperor with laurel and robe to the right. RF. Same as No. 4. The head to the left, with a horn on each side
with two points from and behind. Gr. 6.19. Vienna. Mon. grecques p. 227, 4. Here
Plate IX No. 6.
1) Qriech. Münxen 8. 47, 33 and 34.
On coin studies d. Pontos, v. Paphlagonia, Teltedos, Aiolis and Lesbos. 259
8. P. 22. — Vf. like No. 4.
Ä/ AMICOV EAEVjeEPAC and in the section Pir Der- same type. The head to the left, with what appears to be two croissant. Gr. 6.03. Brit. Mus. Cat. p. 21, 85 plate IV 7, where the Description “(female?) head (of Gaia?)*” is. The same type appears on copper coins of later times again, but with a bearded horned head at the steering wheel rudder, e.g. B. on coins with Caracalla'), luliaDomna') and the following:
9. Br. 35. — AVT . KAI. M. AVP. | ANTßNINOC. Bust portrait of
bearded Caracalla with laurel, armor and cloak to the right. 22/ AMICOV eAeiVeePAC er. and in section CW (248). Tyche with veil and tower crown, on one Throne with high backrest sitting to the left, cornucopia in the first arm, the bechte at the rudder, this up supporting a horned head to the left. (Here is the beard is doubtful.) In trade. 10. Br. 35. — AVT0.K.A6KM.KAI.KAA.BAABIN0C. Bust portrait of the emperor with laurel and mantle to the right. i2/. AMICOV 6|AeveePAC and in section Cie (269). Same type; the head is clearly bearded and horned. In trade. From the way it is presented and from the location and meaning from Amisos seems to emerge that the horned head, on whom the city goddess supports her rudder, not as the personification cation of a river god (Lykastos, Iris or Halys), but as that of the sea, the Pontos Euxeinos, is to be understood. One
1) HoimaieB greeqneB 8. 226, 8 plate m 92, where the horn is more than one Locke resembles and the head is erroneously inscribed with Zens or Smrapis became.
2) Drexler, Nam. Timeline XXI, 1889 p. 19. At the beginning of a fifth coin with Hacrinus, Greek Hünien p. 49, 41 plate lY 7, the head is missing.
260 F-Imhoof-Blnmer:
Similar images can be found on a number of coins from Tomis from the time of the emperors Maximinus, Gordianus and Phi- lippus, where the standing city goddess, with veil and ealathos, Scepter and cornucopia, one foot on the bearded Pontus sets, who emerges from the sea or swims with a characteristic headdress of the sea gods, the Erebs scissors, is shown'). As crab claws are certainly also those on the Amisen coins no. 5 and 7 are described as two-pointed to interpret the written horns of the head. They appear on Coins also as a feature of Oceanus^) and probably with Rightly believed to be GdXaaaa goddess on a bronze of Phrygian Laodiceia: Bn42. — A.V.T.KAI.M.AVP.Ce. I ANTßNeiNOCCeB. chest image of the bearded Garacalla with laurel, shell and Coat to the right. Rf, eniA.AIA.nirPHITOCACIAP.r and in section AAOAlKEfiN NjefiKOPfiN. Standing Ge in Double chiton and veil to the right, in the r. Poor cornucopia and behind her sprouting ears of grain. Against the goddess Above is Thal a SS a left hin, in the double chiton, but with exposed r. pumice; two erect ones on the head Crab claws, oar in raised left hand and behind her a dolphin facing downwards heads. On the outstretched free hands of the Goddesses who almost unite, Cara-
1) The ancient coins of Northern Greece I plate VII 5, 15, 17, 19, 20, 22, and here Plate IX No. 8 after a coin with Philippas innior and Sarapis head on the Vf, at the museum in Bucharest. The declaration was this The Yon Tomis coin image first has Syoronos, Ephem. arch. 1889, p. 95, plate n 13 given.
2) On coins clay Tyros (Mionnet Y 448 » 734 and Babelon, Cat. Ach^mönides p.347 and 349 give imperfect descriptions), of Hadrian (Cohen II > p. 198, 1109/12) and on contorniates (Sabatier plate XII 6 n. 7). I have the coins from Ephesus and Alezandreia with aK6ANOC not seen; Incidentally, the latter is according to Mionnet VI 845, 2420 note. identical to Suppl. YI 151, 477, d. h. with that of Ephesus, and bad received.
Tsar Manskande the Great Pontos, v. Paphlagonia, Tenedos, Aiolis n. Lesbos. 261
calla in the winner's costume and with the crown of rays to the left, bowl in the right and the left on Scepter. Under the emperor eagle with unfolded Wings on a laurel wreath from vom, head to the left.
Brit. Museum. Plate IX No. 9. Cf. Mionnet IV 328, 768.
The Thalassa with crop scissors seem, except for the knew coins from Perinthos^), also those from Eo- to show rykos. Here it is a standing goddess in double chiton from the front, the right hand stretched out, the oar in the left and holding Aphlaston. Mionnet describes her with a bull head'); like the cast of Mionnet Suppl. VII that I have Plate II, however, shows that the head is human. lich, with hair hanging down on either side and, like it seems to be with crop shears or even, according to Leake, with a shield and shearing a heirloom to cover the head').
11. P. 21. — AVT.KAI.TPA.AAPIIANOCCEB.n.n.Vn.r Eopf of the Eaiser with laurel to the left.
Rf. AMICOV EAEVeEP|AC ETOVC PIE (165). Standing Naked Apollo on the left. Laurel branch in the Right y the 1st arm on a tripod, around the a snake coils.
Gr. 6.05. M. S. Plate IX No. 10.
lU. Coma na.
1. Br. 21. — Eopf the Ma or Enyo with crown of rays and Robe approach to the right.
Rf. KO|MA^ r. above;(6). Owl as an attribute of the goddess. N|^^ The whole thing is surrounded by a laurel wreath give.
1) Cat. Brit. Mas. pp. 157, 58 with illustrations, n. Berlin pp. 215, 47.
2) Mionnet m 576, 190 and Snppl. YH 205, 222 and 206, 227. 8) Nmn. Bright. Snppl. p. 41, 1.
262 ^' Imhoof-Blumer:
Berlin. Fox, Greek coins 11 plate I 5. Here plate IX No. 11.
W. Drexler also has the given interpretation of the types suggested ^). The symbol in the field is not the letter C, but the number <;, a date that, assuming the year Autumn 34 to Autumn 35 AD as the first year of the era from Komana, which corresponds to J. 39/40^).
2. Br. 30. — AV.K.A.Cen:. | CevOVHPOC (see above). Bust portrait of
Emperor with laurel, armor and cloak to the right.
Rf. lePOKAICA . I KOMANeCJN and in section 67. BOP (172). In the middle of a temple front with four columns the goddess Ma or Enyo standing from the front long chiton and peplos, the head with rays surrounded, the right" to someone standing next to her Shield supported, the club in the first arm. In the temple gable eagle with closed wings to the right Fight with a snake.
M. S. Plate IX No. 12.
On a larger scale, without the temple, is the goddess from Eomana by a coin of the same year from the Hedervar Collection, which has been published many times and is now in the Paris Cabinet^).
3. Br. 30. — Vf. with the same stamp.
RF label like No. 2 with A instead of A. Temple front with four columns, without statue. The gable is in the Interrupted in the middle by an arch.
Löbbecke.
1) Magazine f. Well. Xm 1885 pp. 285/286.
2) Oriech. Coins 8. 35 is erroneously 41 d. h. Fall 40/41. Domestic This date is also possible because according to the year of the Nerra- coin the Aera Autumn 35 could begin.