Zeitschrift für Numismatik, vol. 24 — 1897

30. Pfenning. Like before. The asterisks are six- radiant. Different.

Beierl. T. VI, 117. Schratz a. a. 0.30.

31. Pfenning. The letter Ii between two ringlets within a pearl or diamond circle.

Studies on the history of the coins of the Dukes of V. Bajem-Landshut. gg

RF, The hand with the tree. Many differences. Beierl. T. VI, 120-123. Kuli, Cat. 102-105. cf. Thomsen, Cat. 4803.

32. Pfenning. As before, but the ringlets are missing. RF. The dog with the tree.

Schratz a. a. 0. 26. 27.

33. Pfenning. The letter Ii in the line circle without sign.

RF. Same as before.

Schratz a. a. 0. 28. Thomsen, Cat. 4804.

34. Pfenning. The letter b between two points, otherwise as before.

Schratz a. a. 0.29. 34a. Pfenning. The letter b in the building ring, otherwise like before.

K. MQnzkab. Munich.

Braunau Mint.

35. Pfenning. The letter b in the square. Rf. In the four-fold, a sign with three alarms.

Beierl. T. VI, 124. Thomsen, Cat. 4805.

36. H ä 1 b 1 i n g. The three-cornered shield in a round frame like before.

Rf. Four-stroke, empty.

Gr. 0.22. Own collection.

90 J.V. Kuli:

Starting from U06 until the death of Duke Heinrich IY. We are interested in brief notes about its coinage activity. meadows. But we think that the same thing happens in Landshut like in Oetting these five to six-pound pfennings like his Cousins in Munich') continued to shape this to a large extent Presumption confirmed by the communication that in the years 1424 - 1427 the city of Landshut on the Mint had a hand in shaping it').

What reasons motivated Duke Heinrich to create a coin site in Braunau with a bypass of Burghausen ') to be built, We are even less able to explain the activity This institution was extremely minimal under his government must have been. The two described under Nos. 35 - 36 As far as I know, types of coins, a Pfenning and a Heller, are So far the only known specimens in this country have brought their existence down to our time.

Beierlein's determination of the Pfenning is supported first on a note from a report on the coinage being around the middle of the fifteenth century, in which von Braunauer Pfenningen Duke Heinrich is the code, which in the sample 4 loths held 2 quints and 34 on a loth went^); Furthermore, on a coin order from the Dukes John IV. and Sigmund I.*^), which is also one of the marketable coins old Braunauer did the math while the individual wakes up Braunauer Rautenschild is the same in Beierlein's opinion like the single helmet, the one lily, the coat of arms of Landshut Sulzbach or Sulzbach should be presented. The The petite halfling has only recently become alone

^1) Lori I p. 33 XXXVm.

2) Bararia, Regional and Folklore I p. 1068.

3) Burghausen, with its solid military base, was considered the second one at this time Capital of the Dukes of Bajem-Landshut. Here they became monstrous Shooters guarded, except the opinion as if it had to be tested there his, has not yet been confirmed.

4) Lori I p. 89.

5) Lori I p. 8L LXXXIII.

Stages in the history of the coins of the Dukes of V. Bayem-Landshut. 91

found in many other Bavarian Pfenningen. Under the coin samples taken in 1502 by an expert, but all Bavarian Schwarzpfenninge and Heller and a large number of foreign coins circulating in Bavaria, to Munich^) were also employed, “Inglstetter Hainricher^ of which 440 pieces were sampled like the others Munich, Landshntern, Braunauer, Ingolstadt, Amberger and Passauer go to the core and through the fineness of 5 Loth Va Quint and 1 D. with the aforementioned mints also agree"

In our ^Studies on the history of the dukes' coins of Bavaria from the 13th to the beginning of the 16th century in particular from the Ingolstadt mint^), we have until now Still unknown Pfenningen for the first time look around kept, but back then, and today we are no better off, did not come to any particular result.

The use of the Ingolstadt mint for minting Duke Henry's pennies mentioned have hardly come before 1/2. May 1447, the anniversary of Ludwig YII's death. the bearded man, can begin because the same despite his rigorous approach against the old Ludwig and not only against the Ingolstadt estates and Duke Albert HI. to Munich, but also against him Margrave Albrecht of Brandenburg and his sister Margarethe, the widow of Louis VIII the Hucker, considerations had to take'). The pennies born to the five to six-pound oils and are between 1447 and the year of his death Duke Henry was defeated in 1450. Under the pennies, the one with the talking symbol of the Ingolstadt mint, the Panthers, there are also those that are above the heraldic animal the Bavarian Wecken without and with Wear edging, part of our own collection, which we partly first in the Bayer and Pfalz catalog. Coins of the

1) Lori I p. 103.

2) Collection sheet d. h. Association in and for Ingolstadt 1892.

3) Compare Krenner, state parliament handlangen UI. IV.

92 J.V. Kuli:

Haus Witteisbach p. 5/77, both variants but in our Ingolstadt stadiums at Herzog's mass parade Stephen III of the Enäufel housed and depicted. Both coins are, like numbers 10 and 11 there, with S over the Panther, Unica, and were able for this reason cannot be subjected to precise testing. The planchet but is of equal weight, stamped on one side, and covers deal with the provisions of the convention of October 31, 1395 perfect, while later from one-sided Pfenningen in none Document is more the £ede. Nevertheless, we have it on page 29 our Ingolstadt treatise, in the section Bavaria- Landshut and Henry IV, do not omit the comment can y that the pennies with the diamond over the back of the panther for Henry IV should be taken into consideration. In the meantime we also have the one-sided pennies Once and Wilhelms, but especially Alberts UI. thought about it'). If these impressions are not all failures, and yet exist without archival documentation, then ours should “Ingistetter Hainricher” in the Pfenningen with the diamond sign “It is all the more likely to be found over the panther’s back.”

Louis IX the rich. 1450—1479.

The archival material that we have about the coins The activity of this prince before us can be seen as something extremely be called big. There is testimony of the zealous Striving to correct grievances in the coinage system, which are so deeply rooted in this intervene, eliminate, for the sociale life of the people To ensure the preservation of a healthy oil currency, and thus to create the best basis for a good national budget.

On May 12, 1451, the mint master Stephan Nagelbekh^) commissioned to Landshut, six-pound pfennings for a year, the mark to 480 pieces, and four-loth half-timbers to 720 pieces

1) Beierlein a. a. 0. T. YII, 149. 150. T. YIII, 161.

2) Muffat, fieitrftge - p. 257.

Stages in the history of the coins of the Dukes of V. Bavaria-Landshut. 93

to be expressed in black color*). In the same way was Ludwig: Taschner *installed on the Monday after St. Lucemtag 1453 '), However, with the difference that it only costs ten pennies had to pay stamp treasure for each mixed mark, while his predecessor had to pay eleven pfennings for it.

The neighboring princes caused the duke a lot of annoyance, which imitated the Bavarian form and color to a lesser extent and thereby gave greedy people and traders the opportunity to bring this coin into Bavaria in large quantities and against the better local money with a great advantage to switch. The bishops of Bamberg and Passau, the Arch- Bishop of Salzburg, but especially the Landgraves of Leuchtenberg and Count Ulrich von Oettingen received serious sentences Reminders of further minting according to the Bavarian color to drain^). The Dukes of Bavaria and the Count Palatine Friedrich and Otto even united in a alliance in 1458, in which they committed themselves to each other, against everyone, ^yWho the who^ the in black color and pairish formb münfse, and we err in our money or want to do what we want egenant Pursten all faithfully helped each other and Confess with all our lands and people and all ours Pleasure should be, and waves with daily war with dukes and military forces etc."*)

Except for the pennies of Count Ulrich von Oettingen, called the “giants”, they are “the evil neckers” of the landgraves Johann and Leopold von Leuchtenberg were the most were feared, Burkard already writes about the former Zink in his chronicle states that “in the year da man zalt 1457 Graf Ulrich von Oettingen ain newe Müntz black and white Liessy the ward went everywhere in Baim and Swabia. . .

1) The Landshuter Mark rough 249.460 gr., the Pfenning rough 0.5192 gr., fine 0.1948 gr., the H&lbling rough 0.3464 gr., fine 0.0866 gr.

2) K. aUgem. Munich Reich Archives.

3) Lori I p. 86 ff. Compare Krenner, state parliament trade. VII p. 34.

4) Lori I p. 55. LVIII.

94 J.V. KuÜ!

The Mintz became increasingly evil as everyone looked for it allxifanz and its advantages The coin is so magnificent barrel full. . ."^)

Luschin has the coins of the Landgraves of Leuchtenberg sufficiently discussed by Ebengreuth*) and proven that As early as 1427, the Halser halves were among the lightest coinage in Austria. If we also the frequent "requests" from the Leuchtenbergers for courses. gave their pennies in Bavaria, despite just as many warnings Reading from the side of the Bavarian princes is how we feel sneak that the existence of this previously so respected The house was already on pretty weak ground at that time must have stood.

The information from the chronicler Burkard Zink that one... The infamous pennies that were brought into the country by the barrelful will become us by a series of written sworn statements Statements from Braunau citizens and merchants from 1458 confirmed^), who were charged with converting such coins or were therefore suspected.

The same princes who did so on February 6, 1458 vigorously opposed to the Bavarian-type expression. had agreed, soon afterwards held a mint day in Landshut, on which it was decided on March 9th to create new six-loth ones Pfenninge, thirty pieces from the Loth, in a similar form to according to the convention of 1406'^).

From the text of this new agreement we see confirmation that both in Lower Bavaria for decades how little was changed in terms of meal and grain in Upper Bavaria.

1) Hegel, Chronicles of German Cities. Y p. 222. — Yergl. spoon holz, Oettingana p. 12 ff.

2) Mid. d. Bavarian, number Society YII p. 1.

3) Lori 1 p. 35 ff. — Landgrave Johann also explains in 1448, his Wanting to shape Pfenninge as well as Duke Heinrich. K. general imperial archive in Munich.

4) E. general. Reich archive in Munich IL Fase. (1400-1499).

5) Lori I p. 58. LXI.

Studies on the history of the coins of the Dukes of V. Bajem-Landshut. 95

It bites in the same: ^^our cdlte Münsa who we princes and our previous days here in Baim were slagn on black and have slehn let Landtswerunq be ain Pfenning for ain Pfenning and have the new Münss in the same Ganckh^^. Just from the old Pfenningen of Count Palatine Otto I of Mosbacb, of a co-contestant of the convention in question bites strikingly in a simultaneous mint bid by Duke Ludwig, that the Münss is on the Sannt at nine marks Nuremberg was also said not to be nemen^' be')» or elsewhere, it is taken differently, because in a different ring It doesn't have to be set at six lots.'" ')

At the same time as the mint master Hans was appointed Part to Some on the Monday before St. George 1458 has under the acceptance of the two mint masters on the same conditions Georg Erlinger and Stephan Schärdinger in Landshut found. Except for those already in the Cionvention deed The pennies mentioned were assigned to the mint masters, each the twentieth silver mark in SValöthigen Hälblingen, 42 a Landshuter Loth going^), to mint; However, he should Plantains can be made stronger and larger by adding them, “because the Helbling that have been proposed/^ ^)

The employment of two mint masters at the same time and the same mint sounds unlikely. We take therefore assume that one of the two minted in Landshut, but the other one had to do things in Oetting, and that was the case more certain than that according to the regulations of May 9, 1458 Pfenninge bearing the mark of the Oetting Mint today still just as numerous and with so many different differences, like those with the helmet, the symbol of the Landshut Mint.

1) Lori I p. 67 LXVn.

2) Lori I p. 62 LXU.

3) Dm Landshuter Loth 15,591 Gr. rough, the H&lbling 0.S718 size. rough, fine 0.081 1 gr.

4) Lori I p. 64 LXVI.

96 J.V.Kull:

We differentiate between the coins of Duke Ludwig IX, all of them with four-stroke, in the following way:

Landshut Mint. 1450-1460.

37. Pfenning. The letter h between two florets. Rf. The helmet in the pearl circle. Different.

Beierl. 127. 128. Schalk, number Z. Vienna XXII, 37. Kuli, Cat. 107.

38. Pfenning. The letter I between two asterisks RF. Same as before. Different.

Beierl. 125. 126. Schalk 38. Kuli, Cat 106.

39. Pfenning (Schinderliug). The letter I between two florets.

Rf. The helmet in the pearl circle. Beierl. T. VII, 135.

40. Halfling. One-sided. The helmet in the line circle. Four-stroke.

Schalk 39. Beierl. T. VII, 134. Schratz 31 from the Grafenauer find is a Pfenning, which we see under No. 28 described in the coin series of Duke Henry IV have.

■

Landshut Mint. time uncertain.

41. Pfenning. The letters Ib. between florets. Rf. The helmet with line circle.

Beierl. T. VII, 132. Busson a. a. 0. p. 170.

42. Halfling^). The letter I and the helmet next to it each other.

RF. Er&nzchen(?)

Beieri. T. VII, 133.

1) The plank of this prisoner is, however, quite heavy; the However, Munsmeister were instructed in 1458 to make Zosats stronger and to make it bigger “because the Helbling the Yorgeslagen have become** — Lori I p. 64.

Stages in the history of the coins of the Dukes of V. Bajem-Landshut. 97

Oetting Mint. 1450-1460.

43. Pfenning. The letter h (as capital letters) between two stars.

RF. The dog with tree. Beierl. 131. Schalk 41.

44. Pfenning. As before, but the letter as a minuscule. Buses p. 170.

45. Pfenning. The letter h as blunt capital letters between two rings.

RF. Same as before.

Beierl. Vü, 129. 130. Kuli, Cat. 108. 109.

Braunau Mint. 1450-1455.

46. Pfenning. The letter h between two stars. Rf. The diamond shield with two crossing at the bottom

branches, decorated with pearls at the top.

Beierl. T. V, 93 under Ludwig Vn. the Bearded. Ebner, Mith. d. Bayer.Num. G. XI, p. 49.

47. Pfenning. Like before.

Rf. The diamond shield in the pearl circle.

Beierl. T.V, 95. Kuli, Cat 83-85. As a cliff 26 mm from corner to corner. Gr. 4»60. Ebner a. a. 0. p. 49.

48. Pfenning. The letter h without a symbol. RJ. Same as #46.

Beierl. T.V, 94. Ebner a. a. 0. p. 49.

49. Pfenning. The letter h between two stars in the pearl circle.

R/. The diamond shield without branches in a pearl circle. Beierl. T.V, 96.

Ingolstadt Mint. time uncertain.

50. Pfenning. One-sided. The panther rising to the right, above it left.

Kuli, Ingolstadt. Image. 34.

Zaitaekrift fltr Namianiatik. XX. 7

98 J.V. Kuli:

In a short treatise on the coinage of the dukes from Upper and Lower Bavaria in the 12th to 16th centuries and We have information about the signs of the old Bavarian mints long ago expressed the conviction that that those pennies decorated with the letter L and the Rautenschild, which Beierlein under 93 - 96 in good faith Ludwig yil. attributed to the bearded man, to Braunau should be referred to ^).

In our studies on the history of the dukes' coins from Bavaria etc., especially from the Ingolstadt mint, we had to deal with these pennies repeatedly. But after we confirm our personal superiority The archival documentation was still missing from the conception and because the constant shaking of the credible determinations of older ones Researchers oppose our position without clear evidence to the contrary strives, we had to decide whether Duke Ludwig IX. in Landshut or Duke Ludwig VII the Bearded in Ingolstadt - cf. Kuli, Ingolstadt pp. 21 and 29 - leave it open again.

A mutually satisfactory solution to this question will soon be available after the publication of this treatise of ours Franz Ebner ') found, namely because chance gave him the illustration a seal of the city of Braunau in the communications of the k. k. Central - Gommission for the research and preservation of the construction monuments, year XVI, 1871, demonstrated on which he exactly the same drawing and decoration of the building sign saw one appearing on our pennies. This small seal was used as early as 1377')^ while we have so far

1) Magazine for numismatics v. A.v. SaUet XV p. 93.

2) communication. d. Bavarian. Num. G. XI p. 47. — Inspired by this experience As a result, Ebner also managed to secure the Pfenninge water at the same time to determine. Yergl. Schnepf, Mith. d. Bavarian. Num. G. VI p. 77 — Kuli, Ingol. City p. 21 note. We see from this again that, in addition to the local history the knowledge of heraldry and sphragistics for the study of old mints and the unwritten or poor written character is of the utmost importance.

3) Primbs, walks through the collection of seal casts in K. aUgem. Reich Archives in Munich. — special print d. Archive. Magazine Vol. XII.

Studies on the history of the coins of the Dukes of V. Bavaria-Landshut. 99

only knew the larger one, on which the coats of arms of the Palatinate and Bavaria stand next to each other.

Once a thing has been put into proper flow is, then one gives the other. Our unexposed Research into the Bavarian mints of the 12th century to the 16th century have recently come to our attention of documents from which we not only know the minting period this Braunauer Ludwigspfenninge experience, but also the Get to know the names of the mint officials involved. The two documents read verbatim:

1. Letter of confession from Hans Perger, citizen and goldsmith

in Braunau:

Merged like me Hannsen perger goldsmid burger zu Praunau Eyaen Graber served as the Räntmeister in Burgkhausen stat and because of my kind lord Duke Ludwig in Beyweaen the whole council at Praunau is abandoned and awarded been.

Item from the first was given to me by the named Räntmeister It was very serious that I would have to dig and dig MacJien should then go to the birth of the baby after all emergency turfft and I should also do well to know that before mine to answer the gracious Lord.

Item and so I raise the eysengraber ambt sincerely^ honest, faithful and unforgivable dealt and the eyes dug when it was time for the birth and was attended to me after the emergency has been given and so one does not coin ze The coiner dy eysen told me that it was often seen Forsaken by the guardian's petition, I replied to you too Then I kept my vow to the Räntmeister stat my generous Lord also give to my faithful and ayde I admitted guilt.

Item and when you don't have to, there is the winder

come to me and have all the eyes, whole and broken

Everyone guards and signs with his signs, which I also do

7*

100 J-V. Coolie:

keep and protect uninjured and unbroken in my custody until we have given birth to his hope.

And to announce this I give dysen writing with my aygen for memorial petition on the Saturday before St. Augustine's Day 1458^).

2. Heinrich Prandstetter confessional letter (1458).

Item records the Begem as my lord, Mr. Wilhalm von Aichperg Hofmaister did to me Heinrich Prandstetter, from only after he has some knowledge of what Pechafi the embossed people are using I would have been mentioned when I replied, later wel he know how the embossed ysens were kept when one too Braunau also had to ask how long it had been since you stopped You also have to answer who I answered the questions.

My answer to the first item is that of the eysengral). and I have given your Vesticait and other Khantzl the eysen and the betrayal with my own Heinrich Prandstetter The petition and they answered on Whitsun Day in front of Vity Ietz past.

Item my dear Mr. Hertzog Ludwig has stopped the Münss praunau closed when we camped at five and five umpteenth Jaren.

I'll also let you know later when you need to go to Braunau has been kept like the eysen.

Item when the minters stopped ze minting and feyrabent It was too late at night or during the day when it was like that You always have your embossed eyes to splendidly, as a teaser There I got the seal according to the Münssbrieff etc I replied to the miners again that it was the eysengraber I was the owner of the prize and the raiser was nothing had to send with it^ wrote with my handwriting on it with my own petschass that I on the inscription and on the Zetl drukh and with this present petition I have it Prägeysen verpetschaßet^).^^

1) K. general Beichsarchiv in Munich.

2) E. general. Confession archive in Mönchen.

Stages in the history of the coins of the Dukes of V. Bayem-Landshut. IQl

What were the causes of the rent master of Barghausen? may have, these explanations, which strikingly with the confessional letters of several others already mentioned above We want Braunau citizens to meet together to demand that not investigate. It's enough for us to know that the pennies Duke Louis IX. with the diamond sign in the first few years struck in the second half of the fifteenth century must have been made after the coin warden Heinrich Prand- stetter at £idesstatt was able to explain that the coins for Duke Ludwig had already stopped in 1455.

The hopes that one has for the good effects of the after the coin convention of so many preparations March 19, 1458, were short-lived. Duke Albert HI. began to mint pennies with very little grain to let^), and soon after his death, on March 10, 1460, received by the mint masters Christoph Rudolph and Hans Pfaff from the Dukes Johann HI. and Sigmund I. the order, in Straubing Pfenninge with a fineness of just above alb only a loth, thirty-five pieces from the mixed country to coin "Hunter Loth"). Those ugly products, underneath The names ^Schinderlings** are unfortunately known in Landshut also manufactured and have caused enough confusion'). Duke Ludwig's soldiers, who are otherwise known as good men, zncht later praised the acceptance of these coins as Refused wages and threw them into the fire. Fortunately, the dukes soon realized that with one such manufacturing would have to be stopped. On Sunday

1) Lori I 8. 74. LXXVm.

2) Lori I 8. 77. LXXX. — The planchet of these pennies weighs 0.4455 ; the fineness is 0.0609 gr.

3) The chronicler Hektor Mfilich writes: jjitem duke Ludwig to Lands- Attf and Duke Albrecht, both lords of Bairen, have started mimtz XU beat ^ ain i6 Munich ßlr ain guldin to StMt Michelstag. to imA- Neidäen was given H €6 Munich for a Guldin, the new coin was called At Augspurg aUe violentlyUch pottenf that did us a lot of good here." Hegel, Ghronikeii, Augsburg HI p. 152.

102 J.V. Kuli:

before St. John's Day on the solstice of 1460, three months after The dukes decreed the appointment of the Straubing mint masters Johann IIL and Sigmund issued a coin order in which the old six- Löthigen Pfenningen from various mint owners again as National currency announced and the monotonous scoundrels were reduced to their true value by Ve Pfenning^).

It should by no means go unnoticed that the enormous Battles in which Duke Louis IX found himself. and with him his cousins were involved in the early 1960s required the greatest exertion of all forces and not a little contributed to this periodic coin destruction.

There is still a long time left in the coin bids of both dukes parts of the country from these scoundrels and from the evil “ringen” Coin the bede, but unfortunately never from the fact that the re- If they had taken precautions, the “evil** money would be the same Value to be redeemed again as it was at the beginning from the mints has penetrated the population.

Have Pfenning No. 50 from the Ingolstadt Mint we were lucky enough to do this for the first time in our studies Mint to be able to publish. Still lies the same as the only known example in the k. Coin cabinet closed Munich, and based on this rarity the expression is likely The same can be measured in Ingolstadt.

The relationships of Duke Ludwig IX. to Emperor Friedrich lU. despite the fierce battle soon after the peace agreement, we made it the best it could be. The Emperor granted the Duke and his descendants in the usual form d. d. Neustadt am Eritag in front of St. Jakobi 1464 the right to Hungarian Burghausen, Landshut or Ingolstadt to have ducats or guilders struck at the Rhenish foot '^). The coins should have the lion on the main side Inscription “Lutwig Pfalzgrav beiy Rein'* on the lapel

1) Lori I p. 81 LXXXm.

2) Magazine for numismatics v. A.v. SaUet XV p. 93.

Studies xur History of the Coins of the Dukes y. Bavaria-Landshut. 103

Wake-up sign with continuation. the title “Hertzog in Nidern and Obern Bairn'^ bear, but the coin types, namely "d^i" Golden that is sown on the Hungarian grain^^ should come through an h, the ducats of the ordinary type with an L, and the Rhenish gold guilders with a 6 on the side with the lion be distinguished.

But Duke has this imperial privilege Louis IX neither did his son George L the Rich used^). The minutes of a coin day held by Duke Ludwig, Duke Albert IV and Margrave Albrecht Achilles of Brandenburg to Lätare held in Eichstädt in 1476 rather, it teaches us that the times are for introduction were not suitable for the gold standard. The gold guilder was A stronger alloy was added everywhere; the premium Ducats were rising and there was a fear that “that There will be an error in the guilder coin than before in the silver one Coin, called “Schinderling^^, was.''')

A certificate of the largest format, recorded by the Notary Christoph Yest on September 28, 1468 in the “front room of the castle at Burkhausen in the presence of the Duke's high officials Ludwig, is initially about the dismissal of the mint master Peter Hiezen von N^burg from prison, then from the Confiscation of his considerable property in Neuburg and Rattenberg am Inn, including his brother, the dean Johann Heating of moist cheeks when witness was e*rails'). Despite

1) There are no commemorative coins or series medals of the Dukes of Landshut Torhanden. In the Spitzer government's catalog there is a dam in 2194. board stone Ludwig IX. of the rich, and on a medal from 1831 by Neuss, in memory of the St. Martin's Church in Landshnt, Ludwig JX, and his father Henry IV are named as the builders.

2) Lori I p. 96. XCVIL

3) K. General Reich Archives in Munich. It's there too a document from Monday to St. Georgi 1474, by virtue of which a certain Beintsch, who calls himself “Mr. von der W^ajtmül, Borggrave zum Karlstein and supreme mint master of the Kingdom of Bohemia" with 18 horses enters the service of Duke Ludwig. On the ducal coin I hardly ever received these services.

104 J.V. Kuli:

Unfortunately, due to the large size of the document, this cannot be determined recognize where and when Peter Hiezen as mint master for Herzog Ludwig had been active, or whether he had a position of trust at the ducal mining and smelting office, with domicile in Rotten- mountain, had clothed. Perhaps this communication will help over time to learn more about this mint master.

George the Rich. 1479-1503.

Duke Ludwig's coinage activities were so extensive We know so little about his successor. The Agreements between Duke George and Albert IV in Munich are limited to the validation or disrepute of the foreign coins circulating in the Bavarian lands^), while about the characteristics of Duke George during his four years Twenty years of desire, nothing has been found to date could. Both princes were well aware that with the Currency of the country's old black pennies alone is not there is more to get by; their personal relationships But each other were not suitable for an agreement on one comprehensive coinage, beneficial for both parts of the country to bring about order.

Due to older regulations, Beierlein has two variants taught by an Oettinger Pfenning, which he talks about on page 49 says: “You put these Oettinger Pfenninge (the last ones are known) usually belongs to Duke George because the name However, the letter is more like an I (Jörg) than an L, and because on seals the Duke's name begins with H-G (Duke Georg) and with H-J (Duke Jörg)." We are unable to hold on to this opinion, which has been around for years long considerations for and against give reasons to correct something.

51. Pfenning. In the pearl circle the letter I between two rings.

1) Lori I p. 99 ff.

Studies on the history of the Mauzen of the Dukes of V. Bajem-Landshut. 105

RF. The hand with tree. Yierschlag. Varieties. Beierlein T. VH, 136. 137. Kuli, Cat. 110.

Duke George the Rich was born on December 1, 1503 died. The war broke out over his inheritance. Delightful Parts of the country came into the possession of seemingly well-meaning people Intermediaries, and the rich treasures at Burghausen were with “Cologne saying*” disappeared without the slightest trace of her to have left behind so much envied existence. The Ver- Minted many gold and silver za Nenburg, from which based on the defiant verses of Count Palatine Buprecht'), son-in-law Duke George, older historians know to tell, belong certainly in the realm of legends.

When in 1505 Count Palatine Frederick the Wise, uncle and guardian of Duke George's two grandchildren, for his two Wards Otto Heinrich and Philipp silver coins with the new one had the coat of arms of the capital of the young Palatinate embossed'), the same was dependent on the most economical household.

Duke Albert IV the Wise united with a firm hand at Munich the reclaimed lands of Lower Bavaria with Upper Bavaria. The law of primogeniture was introduced and a A monetary order was created that lasted a full century their solid Ginindlage has proven itself.

1) I remain Count Palatine Ruprecht. I can get a new coin...

Yergl. Zschokke, the Bavarian Stories 11 8. 503 note and 8. 506.

2) KuU, the coat of arms of Ron Neuburg and the first coins of Otto Heinrich and PhiUipps. Magazine f. N. v. A.v. SaUet XIV p. 133.

J.V. Kuil.

106 J* ^* Kuli: History of the coins of the Dukes of Bajem-Landshut.

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Literature.

Alphonse de Witte. Histoire mon^taire des comtes de Louvain, ducs de Brabant and marquis du saint empire romaiD. Tom L Bruxelles 1894. 4° p. 212. With 25 copper plates,

Belgium is particularly lucky when it comes to numismatics about it, in this respect its beautiful and very attractive series of coins have now found all-round processing, in a way that can arouse our envy, because how far we are from This goal away, how can you, to just a few Lficken, a representation of the Bavarian coins Middle Ages are still missing as well as the second part of the Posern's work, the one for the regional coins of Saxony definitely vrar. And more than that: the core of the country, that Rich Brabant even has a number of writers busy, and after the material through the thorough and extensive work by van der Ghijs*. de munten the previous one Hertogdommen Brabant en Limburg (Harlem 1851) exhausted appeared, he asked through many essays in the Revue de la numismatique Beige and its complement to Ghalon's monnaies the comtes de Hainant, advantageously known, Mr. Author dared to take a bold step, the work of his predecessor, that which breaks off in 1577, to be supplemented and offer. And just one look shows that he succeeded in the latter on the excellent copper plates, because they are missing, for example of the coins presented to us here by Johann L at von der Ghijs no less than the no. 202—207, 211, 219, 243, 254,

108 Litterat no.

255, 258 and 271-274, the latter the strange ones, from this Dukes who were nicknamed le victorieux the victory of Worringen in 1288 in Bonn, Cologne. struck sterling, which van der Chijs still erroneously attributed to that Herin von Bunde had attributed it. — But the emphasis says Mr. Author himself on the documented news that he taught in far greater detail than his predecessors and can we trust him to achieve everything? Barely brought in. Meanwhile, the documents are in storage, so They are also valuable as a supplement to the coins that have come down to us and to gain insights into the coinage of ancient times an undeniable danger that comes from overestimating their value, within yourself, which you easily fall into if you ignore it, that they too, just as the coins are not completely on us have come, and that there are also quite a few provisions They are often not implemented at all or only implemented in modified form are. This danger comes, among other things, to appear when the Mr. Author p. 87 when discussing sterling with DIDflRiaVS aOJH i2/. I Den GRäTHC doubts that he, like de Jonghe, takes, a coin union between John I of Brabant and Dietrich VII of Eleve, to whom pictures and writing point shows, owes its origin because we don't have one Have a certificate confirming the coin association. But notice then not the Mr. Author himself (p. 186) that the desire from Johanna and Wenzel that have come down to us so completely Documents of the Quarter Botdragers make no mention? one Type of coin that is found in all collections. So For this reason we will probably not have any decisive importance may attach. Of course, Mr. de Witte regarding of the imaginary sterling still to the fact that this one Duke Johann by treaty d. d. Cologne August 28, 1279 Counts of Geldern and our Dietrich von Kleve are forbidden has to strike coins with coats of arms that do not belong to them or with the name of a place that does not belong to them. We but undoubtedly have numerous club coins for which

Literature no. 109

UQs the relevant contract documents are missing, and precisely that This work introduces us to many such ideas coins known, e.g. B. those of Liège and Brabant (No. 31, 32) and those of Arnold von Looz and Johann L von Brabant (No. 275-278).

But let us leave the rich content of the book to ourselves Angen pass by. It starts with the characteristics of the Orafen of Louvain, who later received the title of Duke of Louvain and then led from Brabant. Among these is Mr. Author and begins the series with the denarii of Brussels and Nivelles with BRVOCSELLA (Dannenberg Mz. d. Sachs, and Franconian E. (No. 141) and HIVIELLA (a. a. 0. 144)) from the finds of Betekom by referring to the last documents from 1040 and 1041, in which King Henry IIL the Abbey puts the coin back, and from this he concludes that The count, as its bailiff, held the abbey's right to mint until then illegally exploited for his own benefit. The Denarii attributed by de Coster to the Orafen of Lions from the Maestrichter Finds (Dannenberg a. a. 0. 136 — 139) passes over the Mr. Apparently because he was with her poor preservation and partial lack of writing sufficiently secure. Now follow the few and rare ones Coins of the three Godfreys, I. 1096-1140, U. 1140-1143 and in. 1143-1190, of which those of the last two dukes, the beautiful and ingenious Liège style hardly let it go. Among the denarii of Gotfried I would probably be the one I a. a. 0. No. 1250 (according to the Reich catalogue IV 2574) should be mentioned; the more poor This series is the oldest coins, the less you should exclude any of them. — From the Gotfrieds to No. is headed by Heinrichs. 16 over: with GODEFRI and his Form Rf. SCVT • HEHRICI around the lion shield, it comes from apparently the time when Henry I was in the Holy Land for his His father, who was staying, took over the reign." Also Gotfried III. All three successors have the same name Heinrich, 11 90 - 1235

110 literature.

— 1248—1261, and therefore offer no information regarding separation low difficulty. Some that differ in size and style The younger Gotfrieds can then be viewed without hesitation Henry I, because from then on they become more and more valuable and size. Among them is the strange denarius BAH (bandum or banniera) DVC liOV to mention the one earlier, reading on the HJ, NVOII • HAR, according to Herstal, or (B. Serrure) moved to Arnhem (HARN Voll); if there- against, according to Picqu6 (p. 40), this transcription is rather HVÖII • HAH is probably the mint in Hanaut with this researcher to search. — A series begins with Heinrich's L Coins began, which were next to the ducal coins accompanying, show a more urban character and partly- has no writing, partly with the first letters of the cities Antwerp, Brussels and Thienen (Tirlemont) or the name the mint master Bastin, Gerard, Gilo (or Goli?), Franco and Bollinc are provided; We also have these from lions and Yilvorden, as well as perhaps from Haelen and Maestricht, while others, with eagles and with a ship, did not commit themselves to anyone Let the location be allocated. The opposite is the pennies, which represent the Duke on horseback or his lion shield, sometimes labeled DVX, H • DVCIS or BAST. Den The decision is made by some, who are Mr. Author on the basis of Inscription ALIT (Alitia) and H (obilis) V (idua) of the Aleyd of Burgundy attributed guardianship over the period 1261-1267 theirs and Henry III's. led underage children. Herewith The small denarii also come to an end, which is because of their tiny size resembles the ringlets of a coat of mail (cotte de mailies) and therefore named mailles

Under Henry III. second son John I (1267-1294), as a result of his older brother's renunciation of power passed over, the coinage took on a different reputation The English sterling was worth four old denarii (weight 1.40 gr.) introduced as a third of the French turnover, which last but first under this duke of the same name

Literature. m

successor was pronounced. Here too follows the second one Johann (1294-1312) a third of the same name (1312-1355), and in the absence of sufficient evidence of documents, as well as finds that only insufficiently relate to ours known (p. 209) are extremely numerous It is difficult to separate the character of these three dukes of the same name; the Mr. In this respect the author has mostly followed van connected to the Chijs. John I's mints are Antwerp, Brussels, Dalhem and Leuven, as well as the aforementioned Bonn as well as the Dutch Dordrecht (No. 254); In 1291 he welcomed her but go into Brussels and Leuven, where he has 40, employed 50 minters there. His son Johann II increased it the number of coiners is around 200 and has in Antwerp, Brussels, Genappe (No. 309), Maestricht and Rolduc minted, among others. the first whole and half turnoses, gavaliers and scheide coins in billon noir. We also got the first Stal (pied- away), it is made of bad silver, and Mr. Author concludes The remark is that such pieces belong to the minters Patterns were used, whereas those in the Ordnances were more common (pp. 171, 181, 194, 205) mentioned thick coins (thick pennincs) in gold or good silver as gifts to people of rank, which were close to coinage, were handed out be. — John III. Government is notable for its Introduction of the gold coin, which was called Florentine (with St. Johann Bf. Lily) and Klinkharts (chaises d'or) appear while from one another gold coin with the image of salvation. Servatius only one copper test shot (No. 336) came to us. Under him and his daughter Johanna and her husband, Wenceslaus of Luxenburg, the coins reached their highest point Perfection and truly artistic value, not just that Gold coins (moutons, doubles moutons, gold Pieters, cavaliers and Florenen with S. Servatius), but also certain silver coins, like the tourelles or Schuerkens (so called because of the church above the shield, which was viewed as a barn or barn) and the Brijmans with the image of the Duke in full armor,

112 Literature.

■

which, in the author's opinion, takes its name from this representation, So brijdgom (husband) derive. It is also noteworthy that that the so-called doubles moutons are also mentioned in the documents by no means double the simple moutons, rather instead 2 x*.70=9.40 gr. weigh only 5.80 gr. After her death Her husband (1383) Johanna minted gold and silver and billon noir continued, partly in community with Philip the Kühnen, Count of Flanders. Her great-nephew Anton of Burgundy first stood in for her as administrator (1404), then after her Death (1406) as an inheritance, with which the land came from the House of Lions passed to the House of Burgundy; in both properties as He shaped Ruwaart like a duke. His son John IV. (1415-1427) showed so little concern for his duties as a ruler grew that the estates felt compelled to support the government for a few years his younger brother Philipp Count von St. Pol, whom he also appointed as his successor (1427-1430) had. With the not a few stamps that come to us from these three periods of time, this volume concludes we because of the abundance of well-made, interesting material Highly recommend it, confident that no one will let it go will lay, without having any wish with us, quite soon second volume the Brabant coin history about the target, that van der Chijs had set himself, the year 1577 came to an end guided to see.

H. Dannenberg.

A note from Bishop Johannes Tnrzo of Breslan.

£b is an old piece of experience that is not good for you thnt to deny the existence of a mfinze head, even if not a single piece of it can be proven I objected to this when I wrote about it in my book the Silesian Middle Ages declared it probable that that the Brealan bishop John V (1506 to 1520) from the The privilege of the gold coin granted to him by Maximilian does not exist Used, so I didn't leave us any ducats. I had to pay for this carelessness: as in the previous one In the fall a document from Bishop Johann actually appeared, it did It took a lot of strokes and a lot of money to acquire it. And now to the point!

The gold coins of the Breslao bishops of the 16th century year- Hundreds of them all bear the inscription KVNVS CAESARIS MAXIMILIANI, who was the first scholar to deal with who worked on these pieces, M. Hanke (1706) and Dewerdeck (1711) incomprehensible, remained. Since the diocese has the right to coin money Hanke believed that it had been in possession for much longer - since 1290 those words were a confirmation of the same by Maximilian to interpret, while Dewerdeck has no explanation at all

Zcitwkrin rai HaniHutik. XX. g

214 F. Friedensburg:

tried. It was first published by F. W. von Sommersberg^) in 1729 dated August 31, 1515, in the cathedral archives in Breslau. found document by which the emperor bestows the bishop omnimodam et plenam auctorüatem potesiatem et facuUatem cvdendi fdbricandi et faciendi legales et veros ac indu- bitatos et justos in materia et pondere ducatos aureoa et ßorenos^ in quorum latere uno eaprimi debet aancti Joannis Baptiste efßgies, in altero vero insignia dicti episcopatus^ que sunt, ut accepimus, lüia sex, ita camouflage, quod in altero latere inscribantur hec verba: Munus Cesaris Mcusimiliani et in altero ponatur nomen episcopi pro tempore existentis. Kaspar Ursinus Velius, the negotiator, sent this letter of the bishop, on March 24, 1516 with a letter to Silesia, which shows that there was a lot of effort and costs to finally gain the privilege, and that the bishop originally except his name and title the words: Ecce agnus dei had been incorporated into the stamp want to know that the emperor had insisted on his Names can be seen mentioned, if not the imperial eagle or imperial apple would be represented. It is advisable to use the appropriate ones Passages reproduced here with insignificant cuts:

ÄUatum is tandem with me, diis gratia est, privüegium toties flagitatum literis meis atque eapetitum . . . (Privilege est) amplum et non vulgaris notae, nisi non probetur ab Ämplüudine vestra Caesaris in hoc constans voluntas, utpote qui noluerit aliter Privilegium elargiri, nisi vel informula cudendorum nummum aureum aquüa eaprimeretur vel pomum, qux)d vocatur, rectius orbem iUud appeüarim, effigiaretur aut potius nomen suum, Quare cum Amplitudo vestra cuperet altero latere imaginem Baptiste Christiani preferri, ne vel globus Caesareus vel aquüa locum Hlum preriperet — si nomen Caesarianum in nsQkipsqia circum"

1) Newer impressions of belly in the 56th report of the association for the Museum Schles. Antiquities, where also the letter from Ursinus mentioned below Yelius is communicated, and Ton Friedensburg document book No. 101.

A ducat from Bishop Johannes Y. Tnrzo of Breslau. 115

scriberetur^ quo loco scitum illud in aacris: Ecce o/gnua dei ponere . . . Amplitudo vestra constituerat^ non adeo ineptum visa fiit. Until 1894, no such ducats were available Johannes Turzo became known while we were talking about his Their successors are quite a considerable number - almost all years are represented - own. The assumption seemed It therefore stands to reason that the bishop is informed of his new rights didn't make use of it, perhaps because it was obvious to him- compact character did not appeal. That was in August 1894 in Hülst, a small town in Zealand, a find of 320 pieces Gold coins made, according to the communications of the Lord Auction directory published by J. Schulmann in Amersfoort for the most part from Angelots of Henry VIIL, Kronen Franz' L, Real and half reals of Charles Y and Philip I for Brabant and Flanders existed, but also a large number, in part extremely rare coins from a wide variety of countries and gentlemen contained and whose most recent piece was dated 1586, which is why it was assumed that the treasure was at the siege in 1591 the city was buried by the Spaniards. Among the to The auctioned coins were also numbered 279 listed in the catalog, the ducat pictured above, whose more detailed description and explanation is based on the simplicity of the representation and the clarity of the drawing superfluous It should only be mentioned that the sign on the main page is in the upper half the coat of arms of the diocese, in the lower half contains the family coat of arms of the bishop himself. Remarkable is also the fact that the transcriptions start at the bottom left, and the use of Roman numerals for the year — neither of which were otherwise detectable in Silesia at that time — , Furthermore, the inclusion of the bishop's family name in the Inscription that is neither on the dime nor on the thaler Johann's also appears in this gentleman's shaped showpiece Successor Jakob von Salza only relies on that Gold medals while working with Balthasar Promnitz and Kaspar

116 F. Friedensburg;

Logau appears again on the coins. Next to it is given the wording of the privilege surrounding Ducaten and Florene summarizes, to explicitly state again that our piece is a Ducat is. The city of Breslau also received ducats at that time, while Florene were minted on the Reichenstein until 1522, to then give way to ducats and Breslau in 1531 made an attempt to mint Rhenish guilders: a monetary Historically interesting change, which shows that one too At the beginning of the 15th century in Silesia it was unclear which one System of gold coin one should follow.

But the strangest thing about this ducat of ours is: the year 1513 itself: it misplaces its coinage by about two years before the privilege in question was issued.

There is not the slightest reason for this piece to be half to think it's wrong. Apart from the fact that the find as such and the ducat's belonging to it are well established. are believed and that a counterfeiter is using this item chose to gain more precise knowledge about the power of his This shows that the works would have been dated Express the coin as unambiguously authentic. It's the same strong style in letters and images, like those of the same time Show ducats from the city of Breslau, which also have exactly the same five- leafy florets as a sign of division and an equally shaped one Use A.

So we have to explain the coin as it exists search. There can be no doubt that we use it as a kind of test piece, shaped in the expectation of the apparently long sought after and promised imperial pardon, have to look at. Although perhaps the one above reproduced entrance of Drsinus' letter refers to the between the date of the document and its delivery to the Agents have been lying for three quarters of a year, but that's possible assume with certainty that between the application for the privilege and its granting also take a longer period of time space has passed. And what Ursinus said about the contents of the

A ducat from Bishop John V Turzo of Breslau. 117

BegnaduDg writes, proves that the emperor from the beginning of the Negotiations on the attachment of the finally fixed Transcription: Munus Caesaris Maximilian! placed particular value has ^). But then nothing stands in the way of the assumption that Bishop once discussed the matter in 1513 Completion was believed to be close and in anticipation of the imminent arrival The meeting of the privilege with the minting of ducats has begun let. Since it turned out to be premature, he will already Have the finished pieces moved in again. One Such a premature coinage would not be unheard of in coinage. history, especially that of Silesia. Duke Joachim Friedrieb von Liegnitz-Brieg already had ducats in 1600 allowed to be beaten, although he only had the corresponding privilege in 1601 acquired'). Was this Duke's haste due to that he discovered the Reicbenstein gold mines in 1599. had advertised, the return of which was most advantageous Hess also seems to be able to mint his own gold coins the ducat of Johannes Turzo had similar circumstances thanks. Bishop Johannes Y. came from a through family that got rich from mining and proved accordingly speaking also to mining in his spiritual principality, where you can find especially in the area of Freiwaldau and Zuck- coat on gold dug, a lively interest. The documented one Material that we have to judge these conditions '), However, if you recognize that at least at the beginning of the 16th In the 1900s these gold mines were not very profitable,

1) On gold coins and copper modaiUs of GioTanni II BentiToglio, Henn of Bologna, (1494 to 1509) appears to Tom in 1494 from the inscription: Manmiliani imperatoris munus (Gatalog Rossi No. 106 fg., copies in the KgL Cabinet), but I don't have a copy of the corresponding privilege can determine.

2) Vol. 18 p. 180 d. Z

3) See magazine f. business and antiquity. Silesia Vol. 19 8. 47^., stone beck business d. schles. mining ßd. 2 p. 107 fg. None of interest here News from Rhonius Dissertatio de Johanneis Yratislaviensibus, Heyne documented history d. Bisth. Br. Vol. 3 pp. 324, 725 and in the article stated there

Completely worthless essay by Herber in the statistics of the Breslauer j

2 lg F. FriedensburgrE. Ducat d. Bishop Johannes Y. Turzo y. Wroclaw.

but that they still hoped for better yields. Just The coin is commemorated only once in these documents. On January 1, 1518, the bishop gave the work Christoph Behr from Krakow for his mines for eight years an exemption from the tithe owed to him, which only after At the end of this period, payments will be made in the old manner should: “The other - says the document - is goü^ silier^ copper^ bley, stoU eyaenn or wellerley ertzt^ may they suit you best nocz and fromen arbten^ schmelczenn and candellen . . . it became then the reason why we have so much gold silver and metal to ours muncz and superiority need to do so [hetten]^ that's how we tell the trades according to vrirdenn, like sunjs the local khauj^ in Breslaw to the same ctime would be, with ready money, good gang-happy muncz good- lichenn beczalenn.'' There is no more to be found in this place either as the expression of the intention, the yield primarily for the to utilize coin. This type of use was so closer than in neighboring Reichenstein back then A fairly significant yield also went into the coin: The Turzos were also at these mines alongside the Fuggers financially involved as the dukes' main creditor ^). That we There is not an equally rich lineage of the Breslau bishops Own gold coins like those of the Dukes of Münsterberg- Oil, is therefore exclusively from the less favorable state of theirs To explain mines, and that's how you can do it after that appearance of our ducat only remains that John V. from his "Privilegium regale et splendidissimum" as stated in the document is called, has not been used.

Diocese 1825 § YlII p. 23/24. The Breslau cathedral archive also contains^ like me Dr. Juugnitz kindly informs us that no more coins Archival materials relating to minting. In the magazine a. a. 0. P. 48 is a Princely mint, the current parish, mentioned in Zuckmantel, but missing the information about when and where this message comes from.

1) Magazine f. business and antiquity. Silesias Vol. 28 p. 294 fg.

F. Friedensburg.

A minted coin of Antonia and Inlia,

the daughter of fear.

Opposite bust of Antonia to the left. Before (ANT)fiNIA-

rYNH. Everything in pearl circles. Rs. Inlia, as Venus Victrix, standing to the left, in the On the left a laurel branch, on the outstretched on the right hand holding a goddess of victory who is about to to place a laurel wreath on the princess. Right: GYrATPI . lEBAZTOY. Left in field LE. Everything in pearled circles. — Bronze. So far, as far as I know, no coin has been announced. who, in their types, use these two princesses agreed. The interest of our piece lies primarily in a positive expansion of the area of numismatic knowledge. The coin is in medium-good condition and is finer and more delicate work. There may be doubts about the correctness of the allocation do not exist. The head on the front with the characteristic Her braid is unmistakably that of Antonia, and if the first three letters of the name are the same If you have missed the target, the mutilation can only happen as ANTfiNIA. Behind rVNH — a rare condition Drawing that according to Rasche') only on coins of the younger age

1) Rasche, Leiicon anirenae rei nomariae retoniiD, tom. II, p, 1558.

120 E. J. Seitmann:

Agrippina, ^'KAAYAIOY • FYNH", occurs - at least it did APOYIOY confessed.

The depiction and inscription on the back page is complete received and therefore needs what their allocation to lulia means. goes, no further meeting.

When I picked up the coin, which had been ignored for a long time and... promise, had been lying in the corner, the first time a more precise one When I examined it, I felt tempted to do the same thing, hers According to the entire habitus, certain series of Ionia (Smyrna) are assigned. But I immediately noticed the dating LE, and this pointed to next to Alexandria. That the two letters are LE, is secured by its complete clarity. But disagree The reasons for this allocation are so important that the same should be done from the beginning Seems out of the question, because the coins of this city As is well known, they differ in a very characteristic style, and their uniqueness extends to the planchet ling, the edge of which is cast in the bronze coins of this period always has a sloping edge.

About where else the coin could have been made However, assumptions can be made. Within the Sphere of Egyptian influence, in Palestine and parts of Syria, the symbol L appears on the coins of some cities from the imperial period, for example those of Caesarea, Gaza, Neapolis, Sebaste, Nysa, Gadara and Damascus, and by me the style of our coin with those shown in the illustrations in De Compare Saulcy's "Numismatique de la Terre Sainte", it seems to get somewhat close to certain coins of Nero, which in Caesarea (Plate VII, 5), Sebaste (Plate XIV, 7), Nysa (Plate XIV, 9) and Gadara (Plate XV, 2) minted have been.

Otherwise, as is well known, the letter L appears on many Ptolemaic coins, mostly minted in Cyprus. Against Only ETOYE can be found on coins from this island from the imperial period. Mionnet at least doesn't know of an example with L.

Ultimately, LIA should be based on two copies of the well-known

An unknown coin of Antonia and Lulia, d. daughter of d. Augustus. 121

Bronze coin from Nemausus with the tied crocodile come, one of which is in Berlin, the other in Paris cabinet is located'). The latter is of rather rough workmanship; the former of better style, and both seem within the to have a wreath on the palm of that LIA. Professor of Sallet but admits the possibility that the supposed letters of the Berlin specimen may be formations of some wreath leaves could'). Because of the rougher factory, perhaps still unknown Reading the inscription in the Parisian wreath seems safer Coin. Be that as it may, our coin fits of course- Least of all after Nemausus. The style remains like this Ultimately, questions are the best touchstone, and from a stylistic point of view The allocation to Palestine also appears from this point of view or Syria as a stopgap measure. The delicacy of the work, which the lapel in particular demonstrates its microscopic finesse, does not speak for belonging to those districts, but rather them points more towards Asia Minor proper, where finer Hellenistic artistic taste in the first century AD bloomingly unfolded.

One becomes the coin most naturally the desire of the Claudius, for which the use of the rYNH (which, as noted above, otherwise only occurs under this emperor) says LE would then indicate the year 45 AD.

1) See Friedlaender, Berliner Blatter for Münzkunde II p. 277 and 0. Hirschfeld, 'The crocodile figures of Nemausos*', Vienna Stadiums II p. 320.

2) ZeiUchrift für Numisfttik XU p. 377.

E.J. Seitmann.

Coin finds in Pommem and Meklenbnrg.

. (Plate in u. IV.)

The soil of Pomerania and Meklenburg is so extensive in turn gave us two coin finds, whose memory is preserved deserves to stay.

A. The Denarftmd von Züssow.

It is the money circulation of the third decade of the XL year hundred, which is reflected in the small one described below treasures that were discovered in 1893 in Züssow, Greifswald district. forest, has been lifted, the time limit results from the Pennies from Knut and the Merwanid Dirhem No. 75; in the entrance This means that there are no coins from Conrad II and of his contemporaries, but we must point out that No. 40 said ver- be meadowed. There will be a short list, noting to the detailed description in my book “The Germans Coins of the Saxon and Franconian Kaiserzeif" (Berlin 1876 and 1894) are sufficient.

Bxem

1. Verdun. Bishop Haimo, 990-1024. Obol. Dannenberg II, plate 64, no. 97.1

2. Dinant. Otto III Dannenb. I 171. 1

3. Huy. " " 223. 2

4. Cologne. Otto I ji 331, of whom the Larger part (18) very worn. 21

5. Cologne. Ottol. Dannenb. II 331b (with tricorn hat). 1

6. ^ Otto III. (ODDO). Dannenb. I 334 2

7. Similar, but unrecognizable. 5

8. Heinrich IL, with Eopf to the right. Dannenb. I 354. 1

H. Dannenberg: Mons finds in Pomerania and Meklenbarg. 123

Bxem

pure.

9. Hedgehog Duke Dietrich of Upper Lorraine, 984—1027.

Dannenb. 432.2

10. Trier. Heinrich IL Dannenb. I 462. 2

11. Deventer. Heinrich U., with ad), Dannenb. I 562. 2

12. Thiel. « Dannenb. I 578. 3

13. Saxony. Duke Bernhard I, 973-1011. Dannenb. I 585 (with KopO. 1

14. Saxony. Duke Bernhard I, imitations of the same Pfennigs. Dannenb. I 1298. 16

15. Saxony. Duke Bernhard IL, 1011-1062. Dannenb.I

589 a (with cross, Rf. ball). 6

.”

15 a. Similar ones, lighter and more careless in character. 26

15b. Still others, almost unrecognizable. 27

Because of the same factory, the following is to be added here Pfennig with deceptive writing.

16. DNHOVENHHX short cross, ref. due to embossing unrecognizable. 4

17. Bremen. Heinrich IL Dannenb. I 723. 1

18. Dortmund. Otto III (with face). Dannenb. I 745. 1

19. "HeinrichIL (crowned head on the left). Dbg.1,749. 1

20. Dortmund. Heinrich IL (diademed head left). Dannenb: I 752. 1

21. Mainz. Otto in.? Similar to Dannenb. I 779. 2

22. "Heinrich IL (cross, /{/. church). Dannenb. 1785. 1

23. " " (Byzantine bust). Dannen- mountain I 788. 2

24. Mainz. Archbishop Willigis (975-1011). Dannenb. 1802. 2

25. Worms. OttoIIL Similar to Dannenb. 1844, 844a, 844b, as usual very poorly developed. 7

26. Würzburg. Otto HI. (OTTO IMPE). Dannenb. I 856, 1

27. Erfurt. Archbishop Aribo, 1021-1031, or Bardo, 1031—1051. Dannenb. I 877 or 878 or 879. 3

28. Augsburg. Bishop Bruno, 1006-1029 (V VI). Dannen- mountain I 1027. 1

29. Augsburg. Heinrich IL Dannenb. I 1032a. 1

124 H. Dannenberg:

Bzem

plare.

30. Regensburg. Duke Heinrich IL, 985- 995. Dannen- berg I 1069 g (Münzmeister co IG). 1

31. Regensburg. Duke Henry IV, 995 - 1002. Dannenb. I 1071g (VVIC). 1

32. Regensburg. Heinrich IL (Head, Rf. VECCHO). Dannenb. I 1077 b. 1

33. Locally indeterminate. Otto III (Nijmegen? Namur?) Dannenb. I 1159. 3

34. Whether Ol of the same ilk. Dannenb. II, Tf. 93, 1734. 1

35. Otto III and Adelheid (with head). Dannenb. I 1164. 1

36. “ « y, Dannenb. I 1167 (the usual lish type). 16

36 a. Of the same kind, smaller and worse, mostly

with a ball on each side of the elk. 60

37. Countess Adela? t 1017. Dannenb. I 1237. Indistinct. 2

38. Theophilus, Michael and Constantin VIH. Dannenb. I 1240.1

39. Otto III IMPERAT Rf. SCSPETÄVS. Dannenb. I 1261a. 1

40. Imitation of Egbert L of Friesland. Dannenb. 1 1301. 1 This miLn is causing us a great difficulty,

because, as I certainly believe, it is Egbert L's penny (1057 - 1066) No. 523a imitated; At least that's what she is 30 years younger than those shown in the other data taking excavation time. So you don't have to assume that the treasure collected around 1025 was about 35 years old later experience propagation by this latecomer has? an occurrence to which I a. a. 0. Vol. II pp. 524, 525 pointed out as an exception.

41. Oldest VTendenpfennig, from the 10th century. Dannenb. I 1325. 1

42. Similar, with thick balls around the border. — Berliner Coin sheets p. 1805 no. 72.1

43. Wendenpfennige Magdeburger Art. — Dannenb. I 1330-1332. 85

Historical finds in Pomerania and Heklenburg. 125

exem- plar«.

44. Reversible pennies with a narrow rf. wide cross. ancestor lich Dannenb. I 1350. 2

45. Reversible pennies with a standing saint. RF Cross. Dannenb. U, Tf. 97, No. 1804. 1

46.England. Ethelred, 978-1016. Hildebrand type A {Rf. small cross). Hnntingdon SEPINE.

47.England. Ethelred. London BO....

48. , , “EADMVND.

49., “Winchester CYNA.

50. , , Hildebrand type. B 2. (hand). Lon don OSCYTEL.

51.England. Ethelred. Hildebrand type. C (with CRVX). Bochester EDSICE.

52.England. Ethelred. Hildebrand type. Gb. Ipswich? declining. Flat.

53.England. Ethelred. Hildebrand type. C. London EADMVND.

54.England. Ethelred. Hildebrand type. D. London CODRIC.

55.England. Ethelred. Hildebrand Tjrp. D. Lincoln? : CDLOELHI.

56.England. Canute, 1016-1035. Hildebrand type. E Lincoln OSFERB.

57.England. Canute, 1016-1035. Hildebrand type. E Stanford CODPINE.

58.England. Canute, 1016-1035. Hildebrand type. K York COLCRIM.

59. Ireland. Sihtrikm., 989-1029. (Hildebrand-Ethelred Type. D.) EDYRICM • OD VF

60. Italy. Pavia. Otto IMPERATOR iZ/. AVGVSTVS and PAPU.

61. Italy. Pavia. Otto IH. TERGIYcoGE A/. IMPE RATOB.

62., Verona. Otto II

126

H. Dannenberg:

63. France. Ludwig IV, 936-954. Langres. Gariel Vol. II 309, Part LV, 12

64. Orient'). Samanids. Ismail ben Ahmed, 902, eshShäsh.

65. "y, Nasrll him Ahmed, 301-331.

66. ^y, ,, " " 939 Samar- cand.

67. Orient. Samanids. Nasrll ibn Ahmed, 940 esh Shash.

68. y, y, Nuh I ibn Nasr. year and month location unclear.

69. Orient. Samanids. Nuh I ibn Nasr, 945 Samarkand.

exem- plare.

70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 76.

« ". 956 Abd-el-Melik ibn Nuh, 959.

»» » » 1» ,) Samarkand. Bujiden. Baghdad, 947.

“ Muizz eddaula, 951, el Ahw&z.

Mervanids. Nasr eddaula abü Nasr Ahmed, 1011—1061.

76. Orient. Zijarids. Washmegtr. Gorgan.

77. Feral Dirhems. 4

78. Roman Empire. Vespasian. RJ. SPQR in the wreath. 1

79. Unrecognizable. 32

together 395 There are also two planchets prepared for embossing.

Among the fragments were those above The coins listed also include those from Regensburg, Duke Hein- rich IL, ECO Dannenb. I 1074a, by Boleslaw III. from Bohemia by hand Rf. Church gable and ONO, by Jaromir, 1003—1011

with +IH N08TER around the image of the Savior, and the

Danish half-bractate depicted in Köhnes magazine. Vol. II Tf.IX,4.

As usual, the coins were accompanied by hacksilver, namely 92 pieces of chopped up jewelry, but also an un- veryth neck ring made of triple wire thread and a round one Silver plate of 6^^ cm diameter and \cm thickness.

1) according to found. Message from Dr. Useful for Berlin.

Münsfnnde from Pomerania and Meklenbarg. 127

»

B. The Witten find toh Woidegk.

To those in my Pominer coin history pages 11 - 24 Finds of Pomeranian coins listed here are also new that of Gross-Cordshagen ^) joined and joins him contemporaneous ones described below*, which in this Spring (1895) in the town of Woldegk (in MekL-Strelitz) has been lifted. He deserves more than just a description because of the many new things it brings, but also because despite the merits of Masch, Max Schmidt and others Recently also Wunderlich has been involved in editing the Meklen Burgenian finds have acquired our knowledge of the Meklen- Burgenian medieval coins are still quite incomplete is, but especially Evers's coinage history for this older times is so completely inadequate. And since it is particularly Because I was so lacking in illustrations, I got them Don't let the effort get to you, keep the found coins in their main all kinds of drawing, artlessly but faithfully, and so on on the attached two boards, similar to what I have in mine I have done the writing cited, the entire find to the eye to represent; only the Prague groschen from Charles and Wenceslaus IV. (No. 37 and 38) have due to lack of space and as well known no recording found.

Our little treasure delivered a total of 261 coins, the vast majority according to Witten^ which two major pfennigs (six pfennig pieces), 19 bracteates (two pfennig pieces) and 28 Prague groschen along with a false one were included. It is these strangers who give the find its peculiar give a distinctive character. Apart from them, we have it only with Mecklenburg as the location and with Pomerania do, which two countries in the Witten period only one numismatic formed a matic whole.

The following description should be preceded by the remark: send that they only take into account the clear copies, because

1) Pratted ron £. Bahrfeldt in the Baltic Studies 1894, p. 227.

128 H. Dannenberg:

Incomplete reproduction of the characters in the font separators and Other unsafe pieces promise no benefit.

I. Meklenburg. Friedland.

1. S HOfteTTt: VRaDeiiR» the crowned meklen- Burgish bull's head, with neck and beaten out Tongue, in the left field a ringlet. Rf. ^OIVITRS: WRßUQVGli. Cross with a star in the middle Circles. — 11 pieces. Plate III No. 1.

Vol. VII of this magazine. p. 190 no. 21 (discovery from Lübeck), Vol. IV d. Z. P. 188 (discovery from Arnsberg). Bahrfeldt, Cords Hagen No. 27.

la. Likewise, but HRGßOPOIil. - 1 piece.

Vol. VII d. Z. P. 191 No. 22.

Since these stem whites are more worn than the following ones, May they do so to them in their old age. Let's assume that The smaller towns were eager to follow their own influences the larger ones that set the tone and which we know about from the documents are partly informed, the above would be adapted Witten falls into the ninth decade of the XIV century.

2. Likewise, but without the ringlet next to the bull's head. Rf. l aiVITKS l HÄGßOPOIi Cross with a star at every angle. — 3 pieces. Plate III No. 2.

Vol. IV d. Z. P. 188 (discovery from Arnsberg).

Gnoias.

3. (half lily) OIVITffiS (half lily) HRGßOPOL Grabs). Rf. (half lily) HOftGTR (half lily) 6a06IiaßSIS cross, in the middle of which is half Lily in a circle. — 4 pieces. . Plate III No. 3.

1) The Qreif appears on all of these found coins, as well as most of the time on the Pomeranian coins, facing left (tone of the left side); see mine Pominer's history of influence p. 7.

Münsfande from Pomerania and Meklenborg. 129

3 a. Likewise, but (half lily) aiVITffiS: etc. Rf. (half Lily) H0ß8Tffi: etc. — 2 pieces. Schwiesow (Berl. BL I p. 290) gave us these coins in eight, Remlin (Vol. XVIII p. 218 No. 7-9 d. Z.) in nine copies delivered (see my Pom. Coin Case Tf. H 17 and L 271). — The The lily used here in the cross and to separate the writing is clearly the city symbol of Gnoien. That this city, by the way, despite its name as a Meklenburg city, not that Bull's head, but leading the griffin, is explained by the fact that it belonged to the Bestock lordship, which died out after this house, 1323, to Henry II the Lion, Prince of Meklenburg, came.

4. Similar, but the cross with a yier leaf through it broken, in which a point, behind moneta the half lily. - 2 pieces. Plate m No. 4.

So rare here, this variety was so common at Schwiesow, where they have 84 pieces, and at Remlin, where they have 232 pieces occurred (Plate H 18 and L 265 Pomm. Coin case).

Guestrow.

5. aiVITffiS Dm DWGEUi the Werlesche bull's head (without neck fur). Rf. $ßO»8TR * 6VSTR0W Cross, in the middle of which is a point in a four-leaf. - 1 piece.

Plate m No. 5. Eyers, Mekl. coin box II p. 19.

5 a. Likewise, but OTiaT DRI DWaRLa. RF MOUaTÄ GVSTROWa. - 1 piece. In both ways the font separators are unclear.

6. S QIVITffiS ; DRI S DWaUüa the same bull's head in Trefoil. Rf. V HOHaTffi J GVSTaRO Wa Kreuz, whose vertical bar is formed by two leaves is, in the middle a point surrounded by a circle closed. - 1 piece. Plate HI No. 6.

Z«fto«hrifl for Nanismatics. XX. 9

230 H. Dannenberg:

1 copy was found in Aach by Remlin (Vol. XVIII d. Z. P. 221 No. 10, Tf. L 300 Pomm. coin case), while in the Schwiesower specimens (Berl. El. I p. 286, Tf. H 1 Pomm. Coin store) the transcription of our Rf. on the Hf.y the our HJ. on the Rf.

The following Witte without a city name is of the same character, which will therefore have to be included here. As far as I know, still nowhere described.

7. : aiVITKS S Dßl ° DWGEUia. RF. VOIVIT^DIli: DWaRLa, otherwise like No. 6. — 1 piece. Plate III No. 7.

Malchin.

8. ® GIVIT. Dßl. DWGRIia the Werlesche bull head, one point on each side. Rf. ® HOßaTffi: HÄliGIima»* Cross, in the middle of which is a point Four-leaf, a dot in the left upper corner. - 1 piece.

Plate III No. 8. Occurred near Rust (jahrbch. d. V. f. mekl. Gesch. XV p. 350) and Remlin (Vol. XVIII of the Z. p. 219, see Tf. L 278 Pomm. coin box).

New Brandenburg.

9. saiVITÄS°HÄß6ß0P0 the crowned Meklenburg Bull's head, with neck fur and knocked out tongue. Rf l HOßaTffi l BRKßOaPO Cross with a star in the left upper and right lower angle. — 6 pieces.

Plate III No. 9. Also in the Lübeck Finds (Vol. VII of the Z. P. 190 No. 20.)

9 a. Likewise, but with BRTSßüaBO. - 2 pieces. As in Arnsberg (Vol. IV p. 188 d. Z.).

Parchim. 10. aiVITffiS Dßl OaWGEUia the Werlesche bull's head. Rf * HOßaTffi : PÄRGIiaH cross, in the middle a rosette in a circle. — 1 piece. Plate Ill No. 10. EversU 20.

Hönzfonde on Pomerania and Heklenbnrg. 131

The letters R, b, 8 and H of the city name are poorly educated

Rostock.

11. "/HOßaTÄ^ROSTOKaei the griffin. Ä/l ♦OIVITÄSS WRGüOPOh Cross with a dot in the Yierblatt — 2 stacks. Plate m No. 11.

Similar to Evers II 390.

IIa, Likewise, but ® HOßeTK///ROSTOKaa. Ä/. VOI- VVTKS i HKGßOPOL. — 12 pieces, with tea font separators that are not clear.

On two of the same rnOßSTÄ instead of HOHeTÄ; the M in different designs on the same coin not a rare occurrence on the Wittengeide.

With Schwiesow and Remlin in many varieties to many represented by hundreds. Minted after 1381.

12. ^ JßOnaTR ° ROSTOKOe the griffin. RF. ©QIVI- TTiS l UKGüOPOh the same cross with a star in the right lower angle. — 6 pieces. Plate III No. 12.

13.: HOßGTR ; ROSTOKdan the griffin. Officer iCUn- TäS V H3t6ßOPIi the cross, in the middle of which Star in the yier leaf — 1 piece. Plate III No. 13.

13a. Likewise, but { HOßSTR J ROSTOKOeß. iJ/ ♦ (nVITÄS///H3r6ßOPOL. — 1 piece.

13b. Likewise, but ROSTOKOat R/. VOIVITIES; H2t6ßOPOIi. — 13 pieces, with partly not German common distinguishing marks.

The following Witte can also be accommodated here: City name withheld:

14. ®aiVITÄS:HÄ6ßOPOIi the griffin. RF: «OIVITOS: H2C6ßOPOIj Cross, in the middle of which is a point Four-leaf - 2 pieces. Plate HI No. 14.

9*

132 H. Dannenberg:

So except for the Moneta Rostokce of the Rf. exactly like No. 12. Wunderlich therefore has this coin (vol. XVIII of the Z. p. 215 No. 36) is easily classified near Rostock.

15. ♦ HOßQTÄ ; ROSTOKQäßS the griffin. iJ/.^QlVI- TäS J HÄGftOPOL sign with a crossbar gridded ground. — 1 piece. Plate IV No. 15.

Also in Lübeck (Vol. VII of the Z. P. 189 No. 9) and in Remlin (Vol. XVIII p. 216 No. 55, see also volume L 263 Pomm. Münzgesch.) occurred while she was missing from Schwiesow; her seems as rare as the similar Greifswalder common.

This is also where the following one-sided two-pfennig piece comes from to be referred to:

16. The griffin in blasted edges. — 6 pieces.

Plate IV No. 16.

Dannenberg, Pomm. coin box No. 344a, Tf. F 24 and J 4.

Although I have a. a. 0. this one at Schwiesow and Remlin Bracteates found, although doubtful, for ducal explained in Pomeranian language, but now I would like to, due to the composition of our find, this view in favor of give up Rostock. Because even if in those two finds the ducal Pomeranian Witten were particularly numerous came and therefore favored that allocation, so Here, on the other hand, they are almost completely absent, and it is therefore fine more likely that we will have partial coins with this many Witten Rostock appeared as the Duke of Pomerania have in front of us. However, the griffin also appears on these Greifswalder Großpfennigen mentioned below (No. 25-27). and Witten, and that was probably what determined Wunderlich, she when describing the Remlin treasure in this city series (Vol. XVIII p. 222 No. 4), but we have it from her here (No. 28) as in Remlin's already the Eopf bracteates, and it It's probably not acceptable that we visit Greifswald with two people like that. consider different coins of the same value (double pennies),

Mfinzfnnde to Pomerania and Meklenburg. 133

Rostock, which is certainly not behind Greifswald but left empty-handed. From here, but not from the factory, I think I have to make the decision.

The following Witte presents no less difficulty: Site in Meklenburg to be looked for, but difficult to prove will be.

17. QP/ITffiS Dßl (D?)WeRIia the Werlesche bull's head. Rf. *eiVITTtS HÄ6ßOPOIi cross, in the middle a star in a circle. - 1 piece. Plate IV No. 17.

As cities of the Lords of Werle give up theirs Witten Güstrow, Malchin, Parchim and Teterow can be seen, as Meklenburg, on the other hand, Friedland, Gnoien, Neu-Branden- bürg, Rostock and Wismar, but not a single one names itself at the same time Meklenburg and Werlisch. This would only be possible since then Year 1436, where after the Werl line died out Property was united with Meklenburg; since then there would have been one Formerly Werlische Stadt, probably at the same time as civitas Magnopolensis can describe, similar to gnoias, that too civitas Magnopolitana was, nevertheless, because of its membership in the former rule of Rostock to the griffins that belong to it bet on his coins. Alone, as in the final words will be presented, our little treasure is hardly in 80 years later, this means of information was laid down If it fails, there will be nothing left but counterfeiting think, including the somewhat reddish shimmer of the coin and the false Prague penny to be mentioned below So it will be a similar thing with our wit. like the one who has the name Rostock on the Hf. and that of Güstrow on the Rf (Eab. Thomsen 6894).

Before we move on to the Pomeranian components of the find is still due to the complete absence of the so common Coins from Wismar point out, while except for the so rare Teterow, all other Meklenburg towns have their associations here. have found contact. I have this striking appearance

134 ^- Dannenberg:

I have already stated for Remlin (Pomm. Mfinzgesch. p. 21 note), But I can't give a reason for this, especially not spatial distance, and yet one can hardly just Assuming coincidence, however, in the composition of our MQnzfinds a large, probably not always according to fee plays an appreciated role. Also among the 1680 coins of Schwiesow finds, of which 903 were Meklenburg Wismar was only given three pieces.

II. Pomerania.

Herzogtham Stettin. S vantibor III. , 1368—1413, to 1404

with Bogislaw VII, alone since then.

18. * HOftaTÄ ° DVaiS ^ STBTI the griffin, below him a ringlet. Rf. * HOßQTff l TRePGTOW Cross. - 1 piece. Plate IV No. 18.

A remarkably beautiful coin, one of a kind Tf. XIV 346 of my Pomeranian coin history through this Complete DVQIS instead of the ambiguous DVG. It therefore probably dates from the time of Svantibor's autocracy be, although the beautiful stamp cut might encourage to schedule them earlier. But the impeccable preservation is contradictory a settlement before 1368, i.e. an allocation to Svantibor's Father Barnimlll., 1345-1368. With the Remliner Witten (Vol. XVUI d. Z. P. 237 No. 6) they must not be confused, because this has a star in a circle in the middle of the cross.

Duchy of Wolgast.

19. ° H0R8TÄ : DVQ' W0L6 Greif. Rf. :;BasseDia. TVS°DQVS cross, covered with a quatrefoil, in which is a square with one point. - 1 piece.

Plate IV No. 19.

Except for the sign in the middle of the cross like plate XV 359 Pomm. Coin history.

Mine finds in Pommein and Meklenborg. 135

20. l HOßaTR o DVff o WOIiG the griffin. Rf. l DevS or IHoROHIRQ TV Cross with a rose in a circle in the middle. - 1 piece. Plate IV No. 20.

Tf. XY 360 Pomm. coin box

20a, Same, with oHOnaTÄoDVff WOLßffi. Rj.

D&VS o m o HOHIßa TVO. - 1 piece. Similar to Tf. 360 a of my Pomm. Coin history.

Anklam.

21. * HOUaTR : TJtHGIilM Lüie, next to the Unks a Period. Respondent: DaVS Uß: ßOHiaa; TVO Lüie. - 1 piece. Plate IV No. 21.

From the Witten Cordshagen la and Ib as well as mine Copies Tf. VI 174 Pomm. coin box in little things yielding. These rare lily whites were not one-day fly, as long as only one specimen was known, for example could believe. The Demmin lily on this Anklamer Oe- rather, the explanation is similar to that of Stralsund Beam on the remaining Anklamern and the Lübischer Kopf the people of Qreifswald. By the way, we encounter this as a badge Lily also on the following Witten.

22. (Lily) NOßaTÄ l TKKGLIHa beam. RJ. l DaVS: Iß: ßOHma TVO cross with a LiUe in the right Upper angle. - 1 piece.

Dannenberg, Pomm. coin box VI 176.

22a. Likewise, but: HOßaTÄ ; TffilGIilHa. — 7 pieces.

Plate IV No. 22 a. These are probably before 1381, but the following ones are between Beaten in 1387 and 1389.

23. o HOßaTffi ; TffißGLIH beam. Rf. oavS J Iß ; ßO Hißa l TVO cross with a circle in the middle a point. - 1 piece.

Similar plate VI 178 Pomm. Coin history.

X36 H. Dannenberg:

23 a. Likewise, but °lI0aaT2C and anter the ray

Ringel. Rf. % DflVS l m % KOHIße TVO. - 1 piece.

23 b. Same, but °H0ßaTK:TKß6Lma. - 1 piece.

23c. Likewise, but %° HORaTÄ TKßGIilH. Rf. % DaVS l

m^ßOHmasTVO the point in the circle Imprint not sure. - 1 piece. Plate IV No. 23c.

Similar plate VI 178 b Pomm. Coin history.

Demmin.

24. SHonaTÄ^DaHmanS lily, ä/ : QIVITKS : DVQ'S VOLGA the griffin. - 1 piece.

Similar plate VIII 192 Pomm. Coin history.

24 a. Likewise, but DanmeaS. - 1 piece.

24b. ", ♦ HonaTÄ ° DamaaRS. Rf.^wvi-

TÄS»DVa'°W0L6. - 1 piece. Plate IV No. 24 b.

24c. : HORaTTC ° OanmaRS the lily between two

Ringlets. Rf. l GIVITT^S % DVG' • W0Ii6 the griffin.

- 1 piece.

Greifswald.

25. Grosspfennig (six-pfennig piece). ® HORGTÄ 1 6RI PaSWO Greif. Rf. ® DA— LÄV-DaH— 080 long cross of bar shield in gridded field.

— 2 pieces. Taf, IV No. 25.

Probably struck after 1395, since in that year the City signed a contract with Anklam and Stralsund regarding coinage “big pennies”, 144 pieces from the 121 mark (Stavenhagen, description of the city of Anklam p. 455).

26. Witte. HORaXÄ GRIPaSWÄLT the griffin. RF V DR %° liKVDaH V DeO the bar shield in gridded field, on a short cross. - 1 piece.

Plate IV No. 26.

Similar plate VIII 209 Pomm. Coin history and Lübeck Find (Vol. VII of the Z. P. 192 No. 32).

Coin finds in Pomerania and Meklenburg. 137

From the large number (47) of the Witten with the flag Coat of arms on long crosses dividing the inscription are there the fewest are clear in all parts, only the following highlighted:

27.: HOaaTK l CRIPeS where the griffin Rf. . DA - LÄV— D8H—DQO on long cross the same bar- shield, above it two rings. - 2 pieces.

Similar plate VIII 210 Pomm. Coin history.

27 a. Likewise, with 6RIPQSW0L. - 1 piece.

27 b. Likewise, but S HOHQTÄ: GRIPeSWO, under which

Grab a ringlet. RF also under the shield two

Ringel. — 5 pieces. 27c. Same thing, but GRIPeSWOj. - 2 pieces. 27 d. Likewise, however: HOHÖTÄ l GRIPQSWO. Ef. • Dff —

LÄV—DaH-DQO. - 4 pieces. Plate IV No. 27 d. 27e. Same thing, but GRIPaSWOL. — 8 pieces. 27 f. Likewise, with GRIPÖSWOi. — 9 pieces. 27g. Likewise, but • HOäQTä : 6RIP8SW0. - 1 piece. 27 h. Other similar 15 pieces evade more detail

Description. —— Weight of 10 pieces 9.66 gr.

28. Bracteate with crowned head in a blasted edge. - 2 pieces. Plate IV No. 28.

Was also with Remlin (vol. XVIII p. 221, see also plate J 1 Pomm. coin history).

The dispute is known as to whether the bracteates with pre- downward-facing crowned head in Lübeck or in Greifswald are at home^), but now there is probably no one who isn't also granted the latter city a share. The development Divorce has to be made on a case-by-case basis and is often the right decision heavy, but here it seems light, because as with the same coin from the Remlin find. Surprisingly no indication thought to choose Greifswald because There is not a single written coin among all 1,785 pieces of the same was from Lübeck, the same reason leads us here, ours

1) DanneDberg, Pomm. Ifumstory 8. 62fgg.

138 H* DaDoenberg:

Hohlpfennig for a Greifswalder Doppelpfennig, half to explain the Witten. Like the crowned head to the coins of Lübeck and Greifswald was common, according to the beam from Anklam and Stralsund, the lily to the Anklamers and Dem- miners and the beam shield to the people of Greifswald and Rostock; the effort of small coin stalls to conform to the coinage of larger ones connecting was widespread throughout the Middle Ages. Who without the transcription, the above-mentioned Witten would be from one be able to distinguish between others?

Stralsund.

29. • HOßQTffi : SVRDeßSIS the ray. Rf. ® DQVS; m nOHUlQ TVO Cross with the ray in the right Upper angle. - 1 piece. Plate IV No. 29.

Similar to Dannenberg, Pomm. Coin history, plate X 259.

29a. ; HOÄÖTffi c SV»D8fiSIS beam. Ä/. DeVSoino ßOH. . . TVO cross with the beam in the left upper angle. - 1 piece. Another worn example shows the beam in ink lower angle.

29c. Ä HOHar Ä SVHDQHS beam. Ä/lÄDÖVS^m; ftOHina TV Cross with the beam in the left upper and right lower angle. - 2 pieces.

Dannenberg Pomm. Coin history, plate X, 259 b.

29 d. Likewise, but the beam in the upper right and left

Lower angle. - 1 piece. All of these dates from before 1381.

30. • HOneTK J SVftDÖßSIS beam. Rf. Ä DQVS J Iß J R0HII16 X TVO Cross with a star in a circle, in left upper angle of the beam. - 2 pieces.

Plate IV No. 30.

Similar pomm. Coin history plate XI 261. Between 1381 and minted in 1384 (or 1387).

Coin finds in Pomerania and MeUenburg. 139

31. ♦UOHäTÄ SVßDGlSIS beam. RF. ♦!” OmS TV Da ♦ VS beam. - 1 piece. Plate IV No. 31.

Similar a. a. 0. Plate XI 263 and in the Lfibeck finds (Vol. VII of the Z. p. 193 No. 40-43).

From the year 1403 and following.

32. HOI10TÄ SVßDaiSIS beam. Rf. OaV— Sm — EAR — STV long cross with ray in the left Upper and right lower angles. - 1 piece.

Plate IV No. 32. Similar pomm. coin box No. 264 and (from the Lübeck Finds) Vol. VII d. Z. P. 193 No. 44. Minted 1410 and later.

33. ♦ HOKaTÄ : SVnDeüaSI , i. f. ecWges jß. RF

: OaVS : m : ßOHma TVO, i. f. same 81. — 1 piece. Plate IV No. 33.

Pomm. Mttnzgeschichte Tf. XI 271a and Lübeck find (Vol. Vn 193) No. 46.

34. On both sides the beam in the Schüde + HOßaTff : SVHDeßSIS. Ä/. • DQVS : m : nOHIHS TVO. The Inscriptions begin at the top left edge of the shield. — 11 pieces.

Pomm. coin box Tf. XI 267.

34 a. Likewise, but the inscriptions start at the top right

edge of the shield. — 3 pieces. 34b. The same, but the transcriptions of the Hf begin.

on the right, that of the radio operator on the left. ~ 1 piece. 34c. Likewise Rf. TV instead of TVO. The transcriptions begin

right at the top. - 1 piece. 34 d. Likewise, but SVftDenSI and TVO. The transcriptions

start at the top left. — 7 pieces. 34e. Likewise. The transcriptions begin on the right

upper edge. — 6 pieces. 34f. The same, but the transcription of the Hf. begins on the right,

that of the RF on the left. - 2 pieces.

140 H. Dannenberg:

34g. Likewise, but T instead of TVO; catch the transliteration on the left. — 1 stack.

34 hours. Likewise, but SD8VS. — 4 pieces.

34 i. ^ « SVßDeUSIS and jnaVS instead of D&VS.

- 1 piece.

34k. Likewise, but + H0ß8TÄ : SVßD8KSIS , above which Shield a point and under the left line of the a ringlet. Rf. * DSVS ° ffi J ßOHma TVO, dot and ring as on the Hf. ; beginning of Transcripts on the right. - 1 piece. Plate IV No. 34 k.

341. The details are less recognizable remaining 13 pieces. —

Weight of 10 pieces 9.14 gr. 9.50 gr., 9.60 gr.

35. Bracteate (Zweipfenniger), with beam in blasted Verge. — 5 pieces. Plate IV No. 35.

Was also at Remlin (see Pomm. Münzgesch. No. 276 Tf. J 68).

36. Bracteate (double penny). The flag on the left, below her the beam, everything in a radiant band. — 4 pieces.

Plate IV No. 36.

Dannenberg, Pomm. coin box Tf. XXII 275a.

How our find differs from other similar ones parted that he received the coins of the Hanseatic cities of Lübeck and Hamburg and Lüneburg as well as that of Wismar are completely eliminated Conversely, he has in front of them the abundant availability be made of coins

III. Bohemia,

because it contains 28 Prague groschen, namely

37. by King Charles, 1346—1378 (Voigt, Bohemian Mz. U p. 128 no. 4). 1 piece.

38. by King Wenceslaus IV, 1378-1419 (Voigt, Bohemian. Mz. II p. 101 no. 1)'). 27 pieces

and also a copper one, i.e. fake.

1) Voigt's Zntheilang based only on the tercius of the transcription to Wenceslas III. 1305-1306 has long been and generally recognized as erroneous.

Coins found in Pomroern and Meklenburg. 141

Only at Dölitz could these widespread pennies, four in number, concern (see Pomm. Münzgesch. Tf. Q 44), In addition, a fragment was found in the large Arnswald^ (Pomm. Coin Case Tf. N 65). They may be worth three Witten have been taken.

The time in which the recovery of our treasure falls is reflected in the long reign of King Wenceslaus do not take away its coins, but you expressly deny it Used condition at least requires a longer period of circulation. More important to determine the intended point in time, the rays are sunder Witten, whose formative period is largely can be determined from the documents we have kept, namely We therefore know of those with long ones who share the transcription- the cross (No. 32) that it was minted in 1410 began, and here as with Schwiesow and especially in Remlin's Witten, which was so abundantly found with that We are allowed to have city coats of arms on both sides (our No. 34). attribute an even later date of origin. This guides let us now look at the third decade of the 15th century. Century, that is about the same time that we found the Lübeck finds, to Schwiesow and Bemlin'), but it seems to be the case after the last two, they were a few years younger than the Lübeck man. There's a certain probability that we like ours Woldegker between those of Lübeck and those of Schwiesow and Remlin, especially because in Lübeck the Stralsunder with the coat of arms on the main and back Missed, those with Schwiesow and Remlin as well made up such an important part of the find here.

1) Pomm. Monz history pp. 19 and 20.

H. Dannenberg.

The coin types of Athens in the 6th century BC BC

(Devil VI)).

After it was recognized that the so-called coat of arms coins should not be allocated to Attica, but to Euboea ^), has an extensive discussion arose about whether and which Attic types belong to the Solonian period^). Almost all more detailed investigations go into discussing these Question from the tradition about Solon and the Peisistratids and only secondarily take into account the stylistic characteristics characteristics of the certainly Athenian coins. My path is an inverted one; I want to try the experiences first, which is based on the study of type development Ginech coins can be won, used, and then the results are consistent with historical tradition bring.

1) The panel is based on impressions of copies of the Berlin Mint cabinet, the determination of which I thank Dr. Gaebler thank you.

2) Cf. £. Curtins, Hermes X, p. 215ff. Imhoof Blumer, Monthly area d. berl. Acad. d. W. 1881. P. 656. U. Koehler, Mitth. d. Athens. Inst 1884. P. 356 ff.

3) Of such treatises, which are more or less detailed I call this question: v. Prokesch East: Abhd. d. berl. Academic 1848.—£. Benli: Les monnaies d'Athenes. Paris. 1858. — G. Rath Donor: 99 subeme coins of the Athenians. Weissensee 1858. — Imhoof Blumer: Monthly report. d. berl. Akad. 1881. I. — J. G. Drojsen: Session area. d. berl. Akad. 1882. U. — U. K5hler: Mith. d. Athens. Institute 1884. — B.Y. Head:Historianumornm. 1887. — B. Y. Head: Brit. Gat. 'Attica'. 1888.— E. Babelon: Revue des ^tndes grecques, II. (1889.)—Howorth: Numism. Chronicle. 1893. — B. Y. Head: Numism. Chronicle. 1893. — E. Babelon: Revue numismatique. 1895.

H. von Fritze: The Mänztjpen of Athens in the 6th century. 143

Recent research has laid the foundations for the expansion of a type-historical investigation by the Classification of all Greek coins in a chronological cal system^). Of course, this leaves it to subjective opinion There is room for maneuver when it comes to stylistic questions. defiance This has succeeded in providing reliable clues overall. win that fully satisfy our consideration^). You put it based on the same, two of them are particularly suitable for us here Interesting facts that I would like to explain in more detail reservations; namely, firstly, that the beginnings of the double-sided Minting hardly exceeded the middle of the 6th century BC. BC can be pushed up*) and rather the second half of the century, then - and this is not sharp has been emphasized enough - that the representation of human types also only begins to appear on the stamps around this time. The Athenian tetradrachms exhibit both peculiarities with Pallas's head and owl on, and without any historical ones Nobody would think of putting it in the tradition to move up at the beginning of the 6th century. However, through her biased, some numismatists believe, especially among them Head, imagine these series of coins were created by Selon to have to, and he meets the throw-in of the double-sided Coinage*) with the question: why should Athens not be included in this? be addressed?*) A question that does not answer the objection would be invalidated, but in itself completely justified. Head Admittedly, the claim will hardly hold up in his opinion

1) It is shown in the excellent catalog of the British Ma- senms; in a similar way by B. V. Head in his "Historia nomornm". nnd in the 'Coins of the Ancient8\

2) On the chronology of the Greek Münsen, see P. Gardner, Nom. Chron. 1879, p. 222: We can arrange all the series of money issued by a Greek city in chronological sequence without any risk of seriousness error, except in details.

3) Droysen already highlights this a. a. 0. P. 1202.

4) Nomismat. Chron. 1898, p. 244 (Howorth).

5) British Cat. *AtHca\p. XVD; etc. So. Chron. 1893, p. 253.

144 H. from Fritze:

can if he makes a comparison with the development of types other cities undertakes, at the hand of those from him self-established chronology. The most suitable ones for this are probably the series of cities that approximate the assumption allow the same stages of development^). From Corinth e.g. B.. we know that it was among the first sites of the Greek Chinese motherland introduced coinage and a whole A number of Corinthian coins provide a good overview about the changes in the factory and choice of symbol. Head cleverly distributes them over the following periods*): The oldest pieces of thick factory with Pegasos and a dem Aeginetic-like incusum come from the latter because of the 7th century. He probably shares it the time of Eypselus (657-625). They flash coins with them the same type, only a Swastica incusum instead of the Aegine According to him, tables would belong to the era of Periander (625-585). be attributed and these embossed images will now remain for around 100 years. Around 500 the head of Pallas appears on the back, while the front retains the Pegasos. In real terms Conclusion Head distributes the coins with Pegasos and Incusum because of the amount of types from different stems pel over a long epoch ^). The dating of the first Pallas According to him, heads is primarily based on stylistic principles Comparison with similar heads of the same period. Dem I completely agree with the approach, but not with the equation

1) I can only agree with Drojsen (a.a. 0. p. 1202) when he emphasizes that that the transitions from one-sided to double-sided pr&gong are not everywhere will have taken place at the same time. On the other hand, however, it is developing Coinage of the Hellenes largely followed the same principles with the exception of small local peculiarities. Preferably you can put those cities in parallel with each other whose political influence drawings have been handed down.

2) Brit. Cat. 'Corinth etc.' p. XVin ff.

3) Brit. Cat. 'Corinth^ p. XYIII 'from the large number of specimens of different dies which have come down to us, it is evident that this coinage must have lasted a long time.'

The coin types of Athens in the 6th century. 14 5

of all the guys he brought in. The next analogies However, the Phocian women's heads undoubtedly lend a helping hand those of Aphrodite on Corinthian drachmas. A relative There is also a connection between this and the oldest heads the Syracusan pieces. Absolutely not, but I can help him agree if he sees everyone in the Brit. Cat. 'Corinth' pl. II published Atbena heads with those in the Brit. Cat. 'Attica' pl. III shown

- it is the series with the oil leaves on the helmet of the goddess

— puts it on the same level as those selected there Corinthian silver coins are clearly differentiated Developmental stages, essentially two at one others following. I count the former No. 1, 2 and 13 too, while the rest belong to a later group. For The eye is particularly characteristic of the older one Almond-shaped, as if placed, without any organic connection with is depicted on the face and none or only very weakly shows suggested details. (Cf. our Taf V No. 5. 8. 10.) This Eye of the younger heads is carefully modeled by the Eyelids are detached from the eyeball and have sharp outlines (Plate V No. 12 - 14). The Pallas heads like this one Athenian coins, which plate V no. 15. 16 are pictured, in this and in other respects they are roughly the same. But the older ones find it completely corresponding types in the Athenian heads of Pallas first period. Examples can be compared on plate V No. 3. 4. 6. 7. 9. 11. See also Triobol in Brit. Cat'Attica' pl.II 9, which the Corinthian pieces a. a. 0. pL II 1 and 2 and preferably 13 are to be put aside. Even if the Corinthian ones Pieces have an extremely flat relief (Plate V No. 5. 8), However, the Athenian ones are more pronounced, but they are solved Even the latter are not as sharply separated from the bottom as it is must be confirmed in the following groups (cf. Plate V No. 3. 4. 7. 9 with 15. 16). This is opposed on both sides the eye just marked, on both sides the clumsy and thick one, protruding nose, as well as the same bulging lips, whose raised angles cause the affected smile; here

2«lto«hrifl for Nnmumstik. XX. 10

146 ^* ^0° Fritze:

like the round, protruding chin there. That's finally it too often the same and also very similar in their execution. common hair style that falls on the forehead and temples- the smoothly cut strands lying close together exists (cf. Table V No. 3. 4. - 5. 8. 10). The Corinthians Heads show the mass of hair falling from the back of the head tied together at the bottom. Obscured on the Athenian pieces it is partly the neck shield of the helmet; but it's definitely missing the knot tied at the bottom. Apart from these clear ones Similarities that are also evident in the angle of view speak, you can already notice one among the Corinthian types undeniable progress against the oldest Athenian tetra- drachmas. I'll come back to this later. P. Gardners Words ^) about the Athenian heads of Pallas, which Head used to describe tion of the still raw original type, but pay attention so well our Athenian, as well as the Corinthian stamps. — And Now the former were supposed to have been created almost 100 years before these? Since Solon, Euboean currency was used in Attica ^), the same as in Corinth. Following the Euboean trade policy'). Solon the future of the Attic people, and this did not lead only to the north of the Aegean Sea, but also gen West to Sicily, where Corinth also had its important had relationships ^). under such circumstances at least Dangerously the same stages of development also with regard to the external to accept the endowment of the mint for Athens and Corinth, I think it's close enough. In my opinion these are- such considerations cannot be easily dismissed, as has rightly been said regarding epigraphic concerns.

1) Types of Greek coins p. 84: 'The head of PaUas is important as one of the very earliest works of Athenian art. The projection of the nose, and the size of the almond-shaped eye, pass the custom of even archaic art and belong to the yery infancy of local design.^

2) YgL znerst Mommsen, Mon. Born. Ed. Blacas J, p. 29 ff.; p. 73 sq.m. and most recently R. Weil, Arch. Anz. 1894, p. 75.

3) See Köhler a. a. 0. p. 151ff. Lehmann, Hermes 1892, p. 553ff.

4) See Busolt, Qriech. business IV, p. 262.

The coin types of Athens in the 6th century BC 147

happened^). — I would like to add one more thing. If Head with Gardner the crudest specimens of the Attic tetra- drachmas as examples of the most childish beginnings of Athenian art and local drawing, these attempts are easy to put others aside. Among those from the Arcadian There are several oldest didrachms found in Herea, which, in terms of primitive reproduction, hardly falls short of those stand. Compare Brit. Cat. 'Peloponnesus' pl. XXXIV, 1-3. Head undoubtedly places this with Becht in the time between 550 and 500 BC. A distance between them and the Attic archetypes to assume even 50 years is mine impossible.

Everything therefore points to the time when the Atti- The stamp with Pallas's head and owl is only from the second half attributed to the 6th century. But what about now? the historical data? It is unthinkable to assume Solon have made an av^tftg ro(Ai(f(Aatog, a law against Counterfeit coins given without a specifically Attic coin was present. That's why I think that only European cial money could have been courant in Attica since about the time of Solon be '), to be rejected a priori. But that is just as certain Fact - and it is to Head's credit that this is finally sharp to have emphasized ^) — that Hippias did not introduce any new types has led. The pseudo-Aristotelian note (Oecon. H, 5, p. 1347 Bkk.) says as clearly as possible that the same thing, i.e. h. that previously coursing, money, which Hippias demanded, immediately was issued again*). Heads more combinations,

1) Head, Brit. Cat *Attica', p. Chron. 1893, p. 253 in Opposite tu Imhoof-Blnmer a. a. 0. p. 656.

2) This is how 68 Droysen a. a. 0., p. 1203 'as a possibility. The The alternative offered to him is already Köhler a. a. 0., 8. 357 note 1 not mandatory.

3) Num. Chron. 1893, p. 247 ff.

4) The often quoted passage reads: to

148 ^- ^^° Fritze:

whose purpose is to save the honor of Hippias, have for me nothing convincing. He infers correctly from the text In our place, fraudulent manipulations of the tyrant (various financial tricks and frauds), but keeps them without reasons for slander and thinks they are his made slight stylistic changes to the coin the people didn't notice and that was the reason for that become slander. (For cf. Hist. num. p. 311.) This The latter seems to me the most unlikely of his entire leadership and I consider Howorth's doubts to be valid justified.

How now to resolve this dilemma? If you want to be the first following experience gained through the study of the development of Obtaining coin sculpture means constructing a type of coin, who precedes the one with Athena's head and owl, so can this one only an owl on the front, a quad on the back carry dratum incusum^). Now the surprising thing arises The fact is that these are not only among the 'coat of arms coins' pieces occur in silver^), but also in electron*), whose U. Köhler a. a. O. S. 359 six counts. The reasons which has so far been an allocation of these electron sixths to Attica contradicted, the metal and the currency, Köhler is able to refute^), without of course coming to a different conclusion come as: “The possibility seems to exist that the one-

1) Already dent 6 a. a. 0. p. 15 interprets the passage in the same way correct way.

2) a. a. 0. p. 241. His encouragement regarding the Solon money But I can no more agree with his judgment about the psendo- Aristotelian message.

3) I also found this idea in Beul6 a. a. 0. p. 20 an- interpreted: Äthanes aurait eu la chouette, comme Egine la tortue, comme Gorinthe le P6gase. See also the fleeting information in v. Prokesh East a. a. O.P. 13.

4) Fig. on Valley V No. 1 and Brit Cat. *Centre Greece' pl. XXTV, IS. 19.

5) Fig. on plate V no. 2, also Brit. Cat. 'Attica' pl. I, 1.

Bump^ a. a. 0. p. 64. KaiuXoyos tup a^jf. yofiKT^droDv t^g ffvlXoy^s *AX. Mi' XtTonovkov, Tftf. IV, 67.

6) Gold coinage in early times is found in Aegina and Euboa

The coin types of Athens in the 6th century y. 149 BC

side-embossed electron and silver coins in Athens Hippias are defeated^. The provenance of those six electrons pieces now turns out as follows: two are certainly from Attica, two are almost certain and the location of two is where they were found unknown. Why not get the silver pieces with the owl should separate from the * Euboean coat of arms coins, I see no reason. Because it was recognized that the Solon reform in a transition from Aeginetic to Euboean coinage system existed, would be a connection to the one he created The style and manufacture of the money are very similar to the character of Euboea of course. The presumed allocation of these pieces to Athenae Diades by Head ^ has little internal probability ity, and in this feeling he himself is already away from it- came^). But even if you take the 'coat of arms coins' with you the owl is transferred to Euboea because of the similarity of its technology wanted, the electron sixths with the owl in the left Form of the incusum in a peculiar way from that of 'Heraldic coins'. In any case, this circumstance shouldn't be resounding, from this point of view it is in no way if Euboea and rather Athens? I don't care Reason before, the coins with owl and incusum Athens in particular to withhold Selon'). Head also comes along a more definite view when he speaks of the 'coat of arms' coins' with owl says (Brit. Cat. p. XIII): which by reason of their type, the Owl, might be and have been with almost equal probability assigned to Athens. The Electronhekten also writes he . probably Athens, but with all reservations of a 'doubtful point'.

pointed out (Köhler a.a. 0. p. 360. Head, Eist. n. p. 803, 810, 881 f.), likewise the third of an amount that can be established here and there in the Euboean currency. You sift out compensating pieces for the transfer with ftginet. funds.

1) Hist. num. p. 302.

2) Brit. Cat. 'Attiea\p. XUI.

3) The style also easily fits into these approaches. See BeuU a. a. 0. p. 29. The long Athens offer his solution. Series with Owl plenty of material.

150 H. Ton Fritze:

E. Babelon thinks differently, based on his statements in the fievue des ^tudes grecques 11 p. 124 ff. I have to go into it briefly. In his opinion, Athens did not coin Electron, and in last issue of the Revue numismat. p. Iff. does he want the exit Minting of this metal only in Asia Minor, namely the between Miletus and Eyzikos. In both cases In my opinion he seems to be going too far. Only the former requires discussion in the context of this paper. Correct Babelon emphasizes (p. 127) that the Attic Hects Electron and do not represent artificially alloyed gold. But he overlooks it above-mentioned evidence of ü. Koehler that the Euboean- Attic system knows the division into thirds and this fact is always if nothing speaks against the allocation of the pieces to Athens.

Against the first main reason for this provision Coins, the found facts, Babelon claims, prove them only that this money was circulating in Attica, not that it was Attic money, and as evidence he cites the Syracuse Pegasos coins and the Euboean coat of arms coins. Safely powerful full support of his view; but with those the agreement leaves mood of the type, style, technology and factory There is not the slightest doubt about Corinthian coins, In these cases it was proven that the abundance of It is impossible for Athens to belong to different types. Both However, reasons no longer apply to our electron sixths. Because a- Sometimes in Athens we have the owl as our heraldic animal, and that The next thought must be the sixth for Athenian a reason for the allocation of the 'coat of arms' coins was not available in Athens. On the other hand, it has to be for the owl another city coat of arms can be proven, like that of Corinth for the Sicilian Fegasos coins. Babelon believes this to have actually found it. Of course, he rejects what he once said Head wanted Athenae Diades to provide a hypothesis for this M. T. Jones to accept. This draws on Iliad XIV 290:

The coin types of Athens in the 6th century BC 151

His conclusion is: x^Ax^g is identified with xvikkvdkq. In the Scholion at this point, as well as in an Aristophanescholion and in Suidas HVfA^vötg is interpreted by yJiav^, consequently the owl (x^il»^) is the talking coat of arms of Chalkis. For that speak that according to Strabo X p. 447 Chalcis as Ionian Colony of Athens from the time before the Trojan War referred to. This explains the same myths and coin types of both Cities. The whole, in itself very artificial interpretation stands and coincides with the explanation of the bird xt)/iA»vdK ; strangely Pliny is not taken into account as a witness who gave him h. n. X 8. 10 as accipiter nocturnus, night hawk. This testimony weighs the same weight as me, if not heavier than the scholiasts and Suidas, thus making the assignment to Chalcis impossible. But even more: those of Babelon for Chalcis are also accepted Known types: eagle flying, eagle devouring rabbits, four- spoked wheel, are all repeated in the later ones periods with small variants; an owl comes to none time ago. In short, I can hardly see a safer way of doing it Claim than that with which Head introduced Athenae Diades and gave up again ^). — But also Babelon's comments More generally, I don't think it holds up. In the Revue numismat. 1895 p. 4 he raises the question of whether It is conceivable that, for example, B. Electron metal from the Pactolos or the mines of Tmolos to Athens. Cyrene, Corkyra or I brought it to Tarsus to mint it into pieces are only found sporadically in the coin series of these countries momentary phenomena proven. We have no concerns to answer the question in the affirmative. The very fact that the Hellenic Cities on the west coast of Asia Minor at the time of the invention of the Coin centers of Greek trade were even there before

1) In the Kev. num. 1895 p. 41 Babelon renounces division the Electron-sixth of ChaUds to move them to Lebedos, that after 190 BC adopted Attic coin types. Everyone misses this guess Stutzen, as well as the date of the electron coin in the first half of the 5th year B.C. BC

152 H. Ton Fritze:

the seaside resorts of the Matterland began their great upswing, must support the suggestion that this will be the case when the finance is created We looked for support in those and only after regulating the counter* mutual relationships to firmly shape their coinage came. This, it seems to me, is also the explanation sporadic appearance of electron money in the Greek motherland land. These were just tentative attempts with the one on the the metal that dominates the coast on the other side. For Athens in particular is the connection between Solon and the Alcmaeonides and Lydia witnesses what even Babelon does not overlook. If he now further (p. 3) thinks that most countries would prefer to have in coined with the metals that the country itself offered them that is certainly correct. But it doesn't have to be right from the start to have been the case. An analogue may be found in the surrounding It can be seen that Athenian artists were in the earliest times Time of the marble from Faros and Naxos served and only then came to Attic quarries for their purposes to search. — But even further. Her. I 50 names among the Gifts from Eroisus to the Delphic sanctuary ^fAmUvd^ta Xsvxov xQ^

The coin types of Athens in the 6th century BC BC] 53

This is true to a certain extent. But it's closed keep in mind that firstly the owl is posed slightly differently, then but also the coin field is so much smaller than that of the Attic Tetradrachms, and finally a temporal difference between lies in both characteristics, which completely change the type. can explain coming. As for the Electronules themselves, So their assignment to Selon was entirely acceptable in terms of style fit; The electrons from Asia Minor offer points of comparison. pieces of Greek cities from the same period.

But the question still remains open: who has Pallas? Head placed on the coin on the obverse, the the owl on the back corresponds? Do you see yourself in the? older Greek history, as can be seen from the sparse Traditions relating to coinage show that a Tyrant has rendered the same service, Pheidon von Argos'). This presumably and the consideration that the beginning of coinage in the Hellenic motherland in the epoch falls, which is under the sign of tyranny, has Head caused the type change in the Corinthian series to connect the Kypselid^), and that, like me believe, not without great probability, since those lines can hardly be arranged differently in time. Should the thought now the two-sided coinage in Athens and thus the introduction of the Attributing Athena's head to Peisistratos is not something for have each other? It seems to me that there is only one support for this view just the thought that the tyrant himself is dealing with the city is closely linked to the goddess personally. For the innovator of the Panathenaic Games, who was at Athena's side on the acro- polis made its entry after the expulsion and her on the Castle built a magnificent temple, it would probably be fitting that he now replaces the image of himself and the city's patroness Their symbol adorns the main face of the coin. One

1 ) The message about Uippias discussed above also shows that the Tyrannis dealt with coin issues; Here, of course, not in a praiseworthy way.

2) See Brit. Cat. p. XVniff.

154 H- ^^^ Fritze:

gain important indirect confirmation ^Yir from a note of Herodotus (I, 64): JIs^^ofAivtav di xäv ^A^tivaionv ovtta d^ JlfKJiifiQatog %o tqitov

XOVQOKfl TS 7loXloT(fk^ Xoi XQVf*^'^^^ CVVodotCi^ %ÜV fA€V aVtO'd'SVy

%mv ds ano 2tQVfiovog n6v%mv. Busolt recognizes correctly (Gr. Gesch. I*, p. 556 f.) that this is about recycling the mines of the Attic Laurion and the silver-rich, of Peisistratos newly acquired Strymonland (cf. Her. V, 23). The increased caused by the tyrant Silver mining in turn has an influence on the state coin highly likely, especially if you have the long rows of Attic tetradrachms from now on remain typical of Athens. More on this an interesting passage from Aristotle's Politics (A^^valmv nohtsia ed. Blass p. 33, line 13, chap. XXII, ed. Kenyon' p. 90). It reads: htk 3i tgitat fieta taikcc N$xo(Aijdovg ä^x^vrog, because i(pdvfj tä ikhaXXa tu iv MaQWVslq^ xal neq^eyivBto t^ noXsi td" Xavxa ixavov ix twv s^mv etc. That we do it with an Attic Demosth shows that Maroneia has something to do with it. or. 37, 4 and argument. ; cf. Harp. u. Suid. We learn that this Attic mine was only discovered in the time of Themistocles {iipdvni only in sense of evqi&fi possible; cf. Eenyon a. a. 0.), a proof of how the utilization of the country's own products only proportionately started late. The one given to me by E. Curtius is very appealing. expressed the assumption that the Attic Maroneia got its name from the Thracian place of the same name. The link For this purpose there is the acquisition of Strymonland, which has already been mentioned by Peisistratos. Similar name transfers are available Colony formations are extremely common and can also be detected in other ways. The Rühm, the two-sided embossing, was one of the first Having used cities would also remain with this dating Athens preserved. But everything else also fits together so unequivocally forced towards each other. As we saw, the introduction falls human types in this era. The stylistic progression step that can be seen in the first heads of the Corinthians

The coin types of Athens in the 6th century BC BC] 55

Goddesses in relation to the oldest Athenian Pallas types can now be explained quite naturally, since those appear around the turn of the century In the meantime, this period of misfiring is not possible is great to capture the ancient characteristics To explain the formation of the facial parts, but just big enough to the development of the Corinthian types documenting ability to blur shapes with un- safe lines lead to a self-confident and firm body design of the face. Be able to make the same progress we see in the Attic coins themselves, their youngest Specimens from the first period also developed into more skilled Dai*- position. Compare plate v. 15, 16. But also a The objection expressed by Head (Num. Chr. 1893, p. 249) now falls continued. He says you can get the spherical Athenian coins Don't go down to Hippias because of the large number of different ones Stamps must belong to a longer period and the same not until about 477 BC. BC may have been struck because around this time already the series with the oil leaves on the helmet of Pallas gin. But it was already around the middle of the 6th century The issue of these tetradrachms began under Peisistratos, so they fit into a sufficiently large period of time. The above-mentioned didrachms from Herea, the oldest, like already noticed, soon after the middle of the 6th century BC. BC to be considered would be the earliest Athenian tetradrachms not just stylistically in terms of the primitive, childish ones Execution, but also close in time. Let's ask so Peisistratos as the founder of the double-sided coinage Athenian coin, the fraudulent Hippias's enterprises shed new light. His father had changed the stamps; the more easily the son could do without it To arouse suspicion, to take a similar measure pretend to take advantage of it. —

Berlin. H. von Fritze.

A contribution to the erage of the coinage of the dentsolian kings

in cities with an antonomous coin.

In the eighth volume of his coin collections, the recently lost deceased old master of German numismatics, Hermann Grote, an essay on “The coinage law of the German kings and the authority of the Sachsenspiegel^^) published, in which he this authority as the least possible, even as none at all seeks to represent existing and the possibility of a royal expression in cities with autonomous mints. Dannenberg, who already mentioned in the introduction to the first volume of his ^German coins'' from a view previously drawn up by Grote about the coinage rights of the German kings'), leads in the introduction to the newly published second volume the content of the above-mentioned essay and explains it for “instructive, if hardly convincing”. He supports it one, all coins struck in episcopal cities, which the name or image of the king without that of the bishop show, even after the award of the coinage privilege for royal to explain physical characteristics. This* is from the point of view of practical numismatist is certainly the right thing, but can know- only appear economically justified when in the legal and constitutional conditions of the time the historical The basis for this has been found and reliable examples have been attested. This question has been discussed many times, but not yet have been brought to a decision, and above all they have

1) Coin Studies Vol. VIII p. 313 if.

2) Coin Stands Vol. YIII p. 38 £f.

Dr. J. Cahn: A contribution e.g. Question d. Coinage rights of German kings 157

As far as I know, the conclusions of Grote's essay are one No refutation found yet. Let us therefore overlook Next, look for the existing literature on this subject Reason of the sources and coins to find out for yourself how it is with this, especially at the time when the Sachsenspiegel was created, have hold.

Waitz comes in his systematic treatment of the German recording history also applies to our question speak ^), but he leaves it open. There is only one thing that suits him as he showed that the German kings never stopped to coins. Eheberg takes the right of German kings, in outside cities of the empire to coin coins when they are present fact^). He also speaks of a competing one royal and episcopal coinage, which was in use for a long time Strasbourg is said to have existed. However, according to the wording the document of Otto II dated April 10, 974, by which the Bishop of Strasbourg received the unlimited right to coin money'), There can be no question of the existence of such a thing. Also We are not entitled, as Eheberg does, to usurpation of the coinage law on the part of the secular greats without further ado increase, as any award certificates are included in the entire There is no lack of secular archives from the earlier Middle Ages can be preserved.

Dannenberg, who, as mentioned above, was responsible for the allocation of Coins to the kings are quite favorable, ultimately represents There are two questions that are doubtful: 1. What do you have it for? To look at coins that were neither of the emperor nor of the bishop (or abbot) image or name, but usually that of one Carrying saints? 2. You also have them according to their character coins appearing as imperial, which although before the acquisition seem safer bishop's coins, but after the issuance of the

1) Author Ge8ch. Vol. VIII p. 326.

2) Eheberg: The older German coin system and the house companions shaft. In Schmoller's political science research, Vol. II.

3) M.G.D. 0. II. 72.

158 Dr. J. CahD*.

Coins minted in episcopal cities are considered imperial or should it not rather be regarded as episcopal?

In the review of Dannenberg's book^ ), Prof. Bresslau points out that with coins that do not have the name of the bishop, also to an embossing of the relevant cathedral chapter can think; However, one will have to be careful in this regard must, because an exercise of the mint law on the part of the chapters can only be proven for the XIV century.

If I now look more closely at Grote's essay on this The right of the German kings to coin money and the authority of Saxony mirror, I have to apologize in advance- send that I dare, the statements of a researcher to counter what is so extraordinary for coin studies has accomplished. It would be presumptuous to sing his praises here; against it One may well regret that he took up this work a field in which he was more than a modern lawyer, because as a historian I tried to find my way.

The author of the Sachsenspiegel was convinced from the start must be what he said about the German kings' right to issue coins said to have been invented at the time, he looks for reasons which could make this invention probable. About this he draws on the privileges that Philipp August had in the year 1211, supposedly awarded to the French mint corporations on the basis of claims which arise from the edictum Pistense would have derived. Eike now has these privileges from Repgow and concluded from them, vcreil to the checkered For a long time the kings coined coins “in palatio”, now he too must German king issued the right to mint at the place of his stay allowed to practice. But the reader is expected to do even more the attempt to get Otto IV's certificate for Archbishop Albert of Magdeburg from 1209, through which this right was expressly stated is attested to be eliminated as insignificant. Archbishop Albert The claims of the Sachsenspiegel are said to have been known and

1) HiBt. Magazine Nene episode vol. IX.

A contribution to the question of the mint law of German kings. 159

feared that the king would one day be attacked by him promised, but in reality non-existent, want to exercise rights; that's why he was in the year 1209 of this “let the promise be made that he would new theory of exercising the right to coinage against himself at least never want to put it into practice^!^. There should be first the Sachsenspiegel already existed at that time. Grote be- claims (p. 327) that no one now doubts that that it was created around 1180, but precisely the the most influential researchers in this field, such as Schröder different view. Rather, the writing time falls between 1215 and 1235. 1215 was Eike von Repgow, the one at all is only mentioned in documents between 1209 and 1240 free lord and was only in the position of ministerial in 1218 (his so-called free judges), whom he describes in his work pays special attention. Both the Treuhandga regis Heinrici of 1224, as well as the peace established by Frederick II in 1225 He knew the Crusaders (Saxony Sp. n, 66; I, 28 and II, 7) '). So it is at least very risky, with an original customer from the year 1209 already shows the influence of the Sachsenspiegel increase. However, every historian must make the following argument Dismiss the grotesque: “Because the Archbishop of Magdeburg Already in 1209 he knew something that he had not learned from any other source than could have found out from the Sachsenspiegel, he must the latter must have been present before 1209').^^

But can we all follow the Saxon mirror so much? Knowledge of the constitution of his time denies that we, like Grote says that his work says nothing at all about constitutional law can learn in the Middle Ages? — Grote himself once warns against ours. modern views and concepts refer to conditions to transfer past times. Then you should too not for the beginning of the XIIL century. by a “famous youth”

1) ft. ft. 0. p. 821.

2) See Sehröder: German Legal History» 2nd ed. p. 622 ff.

3) a. a. 0. p. 327.

160 Dr. J. Yawn:

ristenfakaltät in Magdeburg'^ speak, at which the “scholarly Schöffenstuhlassessor'^, the “Professor Eike von Bepgow his esprit des loix, wrote his contract social^^'). The idea, Comparing Eiken with Montesquieu and Rousseau might be a good idea be "witty and perceptive", as its author himself says^), But for the sake of this we must not be our main source completely sacrifice medieval constitutional law; on such real things, Like the coinage law, the author's creative imagination will develop probably hardly extended.

Let's take a closer look at the sources and their text Grote is missing, without prejudice. In the Sachsenspiegel it is called it Book ni, Art. 60, § 3*): “In swilche stat the kung comes within deme rtche, you are ime ledic munzce unde zoL" And im Schwabenspiegel finds this place to be even more important. confirmation in the words: “En swele stat der kiunig kumet, diu in the rube lit, that is you wile and he there inne lit, diu munzze And the customs and the judgment are sin*)".

These words do not sound at all as if they were the result fantastic combinations. What connection? they should even have had with Carolingian capitulars, but they did were intended for completely different constitutional states is not quite understandable. Rather, they coincide excellently the principle of prayer that was generally valid in the Middle Ages: In All granted regalia rest in the presence of the king. The But coin, like customs and court, is always included in the regulations. galien enumerated, and this is their property through a lot of documents and legal passages have been proven. Well says Grote, if there really is such a thing, it has to happen German kings had passed, a hint of this in the many preserved coin award certificates can be found in the form a reservation, a clause; the fact that

1) a. a. 0. p. 320.

2) a. a. 0. p. 329.

3) Edition WeiakeHildebrand p. 115.

4) Schwabenspiegel, Land Law § 133.

A contribution to the question of the law of German kings. Ifil

that this is not the case proves the non-existence of this right. But also in the numerous immanity awards from 9th century, through which spiritual lords and founders received an autonomous jurisdiction, there is no such thing trace of such a reservation of royal rights, and have not yet the kings everywhere they went, including in in cities beloved by the bishops, court was held? Mentioned could one Such a reservation can only be made once a king has been elected. temporarily expressly renounced it. This happened in Years 1209 on the part of Otto lY. to Archbishop Albert from Magdeburg. The place in the known document dated May 19th of this year literally reads 0: “Porro cum Romani Imperatores et reges antecessores nostri in omnibus civitatibus et oppidis ecclesiarum imperii durantibus curiis imperialibus in iUis accipere consueverint theloneum et monetam et in suos usus convertere, nos propter sinceram dilectionem, quam ad memo- ratum gerimus archiepiscopum, eandem consuetudinem eiusque debitum prorsus abolere decrevimus et tam Magdeburgensi civi- tati quam universis oppidis ad ipsam ecclesiam pertinentibus illius onus obsequii liberaliter in perpetuum relaxamus. In terris quoque ubi ex antiquo Magdeburgensis numismatis per- cussio currere consuevit, statuimus nee theloneum nee monetam ant per nos aut unquam per alium aliquem nisi de voluntate et consensu ipsius archiepiscopi et successorum suorum ponendum.'^ It cannot be expressed more clearly what happened to a king with regard to coinage law. He moved to a city with an autonomous coin to hold ceremonial court there, (because curia imperialis by no means just means Reichstag, cf. Du Gange), then customs and coin fell to him for this time. It is It is almost unthinkable that the archbishop would attack the king here gave up a right that never actually existed, because then the latter would not particularly refer to it have that his ancestors on the throne possessed it. Also

1) Origines Gnelficae UI, 639.

ZeitMlirift ftu Namumfttik. XX. 2|

162 Dr. J. Cahn:

Otto IV's reign was certainly not conducive to this, to invent new royal rights.

Especially from the time when the Sachsenspiegel was created We still find the first half of Frederick II's reign further evidence of the existence of this right. &red yourself prints a passage from Frederick's contract document with the spiritual princes from 1220, according to which the king, although he gave up a lot at the time, even explicitly this right reserved: Inhibemus ne quis officialium nostrorum in civitatibus eorundem principum jurisdictionem aliquam sive in theloneis, sive in monetis seu in aliis officiis quibuscunque sibi vindicet, nisi per octo dies ante curiam nostram ibidem publice indictam et per octo dies post eam finitam. Although says Grote, this is just one jurisdiction, but It is clear from many analogies (e.g. the Strassburger City law) that the owner of the report of the coin also whose income was collected. Here is the first time of it Speech that this right of the king applies to the time of the eighth day before his arrival to eight days after his departure.

About the actual exercise of this right too still in the XIY. Century give us several places of different Metz chronicles for the years 1353 and 1385 testify, which F. de Saulcy in his Recherches sur les monnaies de la cit6 de Metz printed^). So say the records of Philippe de VigneuUes to 1354: “Durant que Tempereur Charles Fut ä Mets Fan precedent 1353, the fit faire monnoye d'or et d'argent; c'est assavoir florins d'or en guise de petits florins, oü He is part of an empereur and also has an eye, etc d'argent estoient k la faQon d'un big tournois, oü il y avoit d'une part la moiti^ d'un empereur arm^ tenant son glaive en sa main and de l'autre un aygle, et son nom estoit en escrit autour, et valoit ledit large d'argent double deniers et le florin 9 gros 6 deniers monnoye de Metz et fit laditte monnoye hucher ^)

1) Metz 1856, p. 23 and 24.

2) publish.

A contribution to the question of the right of infusion of German kings. Ig3

devant le palaix par un sien Chevalier; et en jeta ledit Chevalier en voye, apris ledit huchement fait, une grande poign^e d'icelui ArgentO".

This very specific information cannot come from the be in the air. Further mention this process two other Metz sources, the chronicle of the local Gölestiners and the diocese's fiefdom register, written in 1385. The former says of the royal right: ^Quand il lui (the king) plait d'y venir, the fait faire parts monnoye comme il veut et en share fleur comme il veut. This monnoye doit courre huit jours The venue and its location are in the city and during the day apr^s son all^e, et this monnoye doit on passer k parts vaillance qu41 le veuf That these are just translations from the Sachsenspiegel are, like Grote a. a. 0. p. 329 claims, should will probably be difficult to maintain.

Can no longer believe in the existence of the law are doubted, the question now arises as to how we can imagine its practice until the XIII. century to think about. It is clear that it was merely a question of giving to the king for the duration The income from coins and customs flows to the Hoftage let. At first glance that would actually be against one speak royal expression on such occasions, and Dannenberg also accepts that^). But precisely the one mentioned Purpose requires us to create our own new form for each case to be accepted by the king; because income from the coin At that time, regal could only take the form of confiscating the current ones Coin and issuing a new one, through the associated with it

1) As far as I know, such coins have not yet been produced found, given the extremely small number in which they were minted, prove nothing against this position. At least for the mint of the guilders an analogue in the guilders of Karl lY. with the king from the front and the Lions present. (P. Joseph, the Bretzenheimer Fund, 22. Fig. 14.) It It therefore seems to me that there is no compulsion for the latter, although they only do so Bear royal titles because of the character that differs from that of the Florentines, as Joseph wants to set after 1355.

2) Vol. IT, p. 512.

11*

164 ^^' ^' Cahn:

Bills of exchange and treasury can be obtained. Another one The king had no way of making use of his rights. However, this does not mean that these new ones Coins are therefore always considered royal due to their mint had to be labeled, but probably for the majority of cases be the probable. Because of recent research Menadiers on these questions has shown that it is the Princes in the Middle Ages were not so completely indifferent as to how the dies of their coins looked like; In any case, Grote goes far if he sees the choice of them as completely accidental and of the dependent on workers*). The combination may also Such a large crowd flocks to the court camp King, especially when he called a Reichstag or to one Armed forces prepared for a more intensive form have^ as Beyschlag noted. It should therefore come as no surprise if we speak of individual cities more royal than episcopal have denarii; because after the often very small number of We have to assume that the pieces preserved in some cities In normal times the coinage continued until the 13th century. century in it was a very little significant one.

However, we must by no means imagine that the kings would have carried coins with them on their trains. That's forbidden the monetary conditions of Germany at that time, in which the coinage had become entirely territorial. They ruled in the XIII. Century alone on the Rhine line, e.g. B. in Cologne, Strasbourg and Basel very different coins systems that the royal officials always had to deal with first need to adapt. That was already impossible because of them The way in which the coin rack is laid out in most cities- was practiced, because you could see the corporations Do not force household members out of their rights. Rather the king had to do so when he exercised his rights wanted to be familiar with the coins that existed on site every time. operate facilities.

1) a. a. 0, p. 329,

A contribution to the question of the coinage rights of German kings. 165

It is perhaps of interest, especially from the time when Sachsenspiegel had just emerged, a special case Exercising the royal right to mint money in a city with autonomous coin.

In the turmoil that followed Frederick II's accession to the throne preceded by the civil war that the throne dispute between Otto IV and Philip of Swabia the royal rights, as in many other things, also in the Coinage has been partially forgotten, smaller dynasts, such as B. the Counts of Tübingen and Württemberg had usurped the right to mint our own coins'), and the disorder that already exists in the German monetary system land existed had been increased. On the big ones Days that Frederick II then called to discuss the situation He also wanted to put the empire back in order, to control the abuses that have arisen here and to control the royal to protect legal rights. Already on the day in Frankfurt In 1234 the emperor was against the unjustified existence of coins intervened'), and at the ceremonial imperial assembly Mainz in 1285 he finally made the following decision^): “Statuimus firmiter omnes monetas post mortem divae memoriae Heinrici imperatoris patris nostri omnino cessare, ubicunque et a quocunque fuerint institutae, nisi qui tenet eos prout justum est, coram nobis ostendebat se from imperio de jure habere. Quicunque vero monetas injuste tenebit tanquam falsarius puniatur.^

It is probable from the outset that the same emperor, who so energetically protected the rights of the empire, even from the what else about the right to mint in cities with an autonomous mint that was left over, I made use of it. That he just I believe it was done at that time on some Alsatian denarii to be able to prove.

After that Reichstag, Emperor Frederick moved in December

1) Beysohlag: Yersach of a Münigeschiohte Angsborgs. p. 155.

2) H. G. L. L. n, p. 201. S) H. G. L. L. n, p. 315.

166

Dr. J. Cahn:

1235 from Augsburg to his Palatinate Hagenau in Alsace, to spend the winter there^). We'll find him there without interruption until March of the following year being. He stood with Strassburg and its bishop Berthold during this time in very busy traffic. It existed then a small difference between the emperor and the bishop over one thing Fief, which the former had from his ancestors in the diocese owned. At the beginning of February they got together to talk about each other to discuss this matter amicably. Then the emperor moved At the beginning of March over to Strasbourg to be present there the Archbishop of Mainz, the Abbot of St. Gallen and many to bring about a solemn comparison with others.') Er stayed in Strasbourg for most of March and, according to the contract document, took over the goods on which he was entitled had the right to receive a fief from the bishop; suppressed at the same time he the coin that existed in Schlettstadt wrongly.

I associate the following three denarii with these processes: bond, which, for its time, through special beauty of the Stamp cut excellent, unmistakable work of the same workshop, indeed all three were made by the same hand seem to be.

1) KBPeRKTOR. Crowned bust from the front with a scepter and orb. RF HKGGNOWe. Three-towered building

1) Inde Imperator se contulit ad oppidum Hagenowe in quo hiemavit. Ann. Col.

2) See the certificate from Böhmer reg. imp. Y2143.

A contribution to the question of the coinage rights of German kings. lß^

building with a portal. Angel 1st Els.-lothr. country coin collection. Nettle collection.

2) IflttPeRKTOR. Crowned bust from the front with a scepter and Beichsapfel Rf. ÄRGeNTINffi. Three-towered building building with a portal. Angel 158. Els.-lothr. country coin collection.

3) ePISCOPVS. Bust of the bishop from the front Crosier and book. RF, ÄRGeNTINK. Three-towered Building with a portal. Angel 161. Els.-lothr. State coin collection. Collect Nettle.

The weight of these denarii varies in those preserved Specimens between 0.75 and 0.95 gr, which makes them apart of style, in the first half of the XUI. century become. Because that was through the first Strasbourg city charter fixed normal weight for the episcopal denarii of 0.97 gr was with minor deviations up to Heinrich von Steel corner 1245-1260 retained. The equality of the stamp The cut of these three pieces is extremely striking, especially if you look at the buildings on the other side of each other compares. The execution of the inscriptions is also very decorative. lich and clean so you can see how special care was taken this stamp was used. They are small in their own way Masterpieces from the Strasbourg mint at the time.

What might seem striking is that the stamp for the... Hagenauer piece was made in Strasbourg; however, the Strasbourg housemates, who were just there during the XIH. year- reached the height of their power in the 1900s, enjoyed v^e- had the best reputation, and the emperor was happy to let him go them the coin also for his use in the neighboring one Deliver Haguenau. The fact that at this time there was its own coin There is no documentary evidence that the site existed. Than then the emperor himself came to Strasbourg and met with the bishop solemnly about mutual rights, liked it close, also from the old coinage to which he is still entitled to exercise their rights once again. Anyway, can

861 ^» J. Cahn: On the question of the coinage rights of German kings.

the imperial denarius only came from the emperor himself, because the bishop would never put this word on the front of a person put a coin, the reverse side of which bears the name of his city wore. Perhaps the emperor let him get his consent to mark the bishop, at the same time the Episcopus denarius but this can also be done after the emperor's departure have arisen.

So it was still possible in the XIII. century an emperor in a city like Strasbourg, whose bishop since 974 has been the dings had sovereignty over coins, had coins issued during his stay. See this as an unlawful impairment of the bishop to want would be wrong ; because according to the confession constitution the claims of the king, as lord and grantor of the regalia, about his. But the actual situation certainly proves exercise this right that the sources inform us about it report, not lie; upon closer examination they become I'd probably be able to provide more examples, if that's the case also with our German medieval coins, which have no data wear, the origins of which are not reported by tradition, it is difficult to provide reliable evidence.

But we shouldn't have a tendency to be hypercritical Following our sources, facts from history that are so well attested to us, such as the coinage law German kings in cities with autonomous mints.

Dr. Julius Cahn.

Zni coins of Macedonia.

The autonomous Mlbiz coinage of the Macedonians, Amphaxians and Botteates.

Hiena panel YI^.

The autonomous Macedonian silver and bronze coins with the inscription MAKE or MAKEAONfiN are from Eckhel') without justification, but certainly correct, in the time of the last Macedonian kings. Lenormandf) holds her "because of their style"* (I) for at the same time as the well-known Tetra- drachmas of the first and second provinces, whose minting dates back to the Time from 158—U8 falls. For the small silver coins MA I KE and club in the Macedonian shield on the Vf. and Macedonian helmet on the RF then claimed Müller^). made that because of the correspondence of their monograms with those of the silver coins of Philip V in the time of this king include, but without drawing any further conclusions from it. This one Strangely enough, MüUer's observation is undoubtedly correct remained completely unnoticed. The treatment in question

1) The pieces depicted on the panel are from the following collections: 1. 2. 8. 4 Berlin 11 Berlin Cat. 9, 7 17 Berlin

5 Paris, H. I 585, 895 12 « « 9, 1 18 Berlin Cat 10, 11

6 ", 894 13 Paris, H. 1 452, 2 19, " 10, 14

7 Berlin 14 Berlin Cat 10, 9 20 » » 68, 1

8 Paris, H. 1 585, 893 15 Karlsrahe 21, n 68, 4

9 Berlin Cat 9, 4 16 F/: BerHn Cat 12, 35 22 E. Fischer (Vienna) 10 » »9.5 i2/. London Cat 16, 68 23 St Petersburg.

2) Doctor now. vet II p. 61.

3) ReTne nnm. 1852 p. 817 n. 326.

4) Nnm. d'Alex. le Grand p. 26 note 32 and some more detailed notes num. 1867 p. 189 ff.

170 H. Gaebler;

standing coins by Bompois^) and Head"^) means the Müller's statements represent a decisive rejection step. While Bompois') this without more precise justification Assigning coins to the Time of Perseus, she holds her head as before Lenormant, for simultaneous with the coinage of the four provinces. But quite apart from the fact that the provincial designation (nQoitfi, SsvriQo) which the tetradrachms bear, on which small change could not be missing at the same time (cf. e.g. B. the bronze coins of the tetdQtti), and apart from the very considerable stylistic difference, which makes those auto- Noun coinages necessarily appear older, we have, how Müller was first recognized in the correspondence of the monograms an incontrovertible proof that the above mentioned Macedonian silver coins belong to the time of Philip Y. The following embossings come into consideration for comparison:

Philip V Tetradrachms. Vf. Head of the king as Heros Perseus with winged griffin helmet and shouldered harp after 1st in the Middle of a Macedonian shield. i2/. In the 1st bound Oak wreath: BAZIAEfil | *IAirrOY and club in between the handle for 1st; in the field above one, below two monograms, in the margin 1. additional symbol. Table VI 1 and 2.

Didrachms. \

^ - \ VT, head of the king with diadem to r. RF

Drachmas. >., r,,^,xTx«:.

" .^ , I as before. Plate VI 3-8.

Hemidrachms. j

Macedonians. Vy. MA I KE and in between club with the handle Tetroboles. 1 after 1. in the middle of a Macedonian shield. Diobole. j Ef. Macedonian helmet surrounded by three mono- grams and a symbol. Plate VI 9-15.

1) Examen chronologique des monnaies frappees par la communaute of Macedonia, 1876.

2) London Cat. Macedonia (1879) p. LII and p. 9 as well as Historia numorum (1887) p. 209.

3) a. a. 0. p. 17 (see pp. 73-82, I. cat6gorie).

On the coinage of Macedonia. I

171

These six types of coins result in the following table

A

b.

1^

IhC

55 55

W55

55 15

55 55

55 55

55 15

»^

/9t

c.

Phüipp V

... , -^

•

make- donen

4 Dr.

SDt.

iDr.

{Dr.

Tetrob.

Diob.

—

55

55

—

V)

55

55

55

55

I

55

55

W

—

55

—

•^—

55

W

—

55

—

T5

55

55

—

v

—

55

5»

55

55

—

n

55

55

—

55

— —

'—

—

— —

15

— •

—

55

55

55

^^"

55

cf Plate VI

I II

(in)

IV v

VI

VII VIII

IX X

li! lightning —

5) II

M tripod

55 55

Z trident

55 «

E star

R Kerykeion — —

9 lu. 10

3u. 11 5u. 12 6

7u. 13 8u. 14 4 2u. 15

Let's first look at No. I— VIII, we see that the embossings consist of two rows, A + C and B + G. Two monograms (A and B) remain in both rows. stant the same, while the third monogram is even changes in both rows, and with it at the same time the two sign. It follows from this that the epithet belongs to that third monogram (C) belongs and apparently the coat of arms of concerned official. Müller did not recognize this but rather assumes a “type (or signe) de” in the epithet Tille*', namely for: lightning bolt - Pella, trident - Amphipolis, Star – Uranopolis. The coins with the tripod as an accessory He didn't know any signs. From the combination no. III, which is to be expected as a parallel to IV, has so far neither There is evidence of a copy from Philip V and the Macedonian people let. Perhaps such pieces are not minted at all but that could also be a coincidence.

In no. IX and X we have copies of a second double series, which seems to have been only sparsely developed.

172 H. Gaebler:

On the position of the monograms ^) in comparison with the rows I - VUI it follows that the adjunct (Kerykeion) belongs to the belongs to the third monogram, not to the first, which yes also returns in IX and X.

There are also copper coins of Philip V with:

a) Vf. Zeus head with oak wreath to the right. iZ/. B | A and Rider walking to the right. with raised R.

b) VJ. Youthful head of Heracles with lion skin to the right. iZ/. BA and two billy goats to the right. lying down.

c) Vf, Macedonian shield with sickle star. Rf. BA and Club with the handle to the right. (e.g. Revue number 1866 Plate X 1),

which have the monograms £ ^ respectively. 1 ^E carry^) and as a contribution symbols have a trident (see Table No. V. VI). So the third monogram is missing here and the official signs it only with his coat of arms. We also find the same phenomenon in the tetradrachmon of the Amphaxians^): on this is k F. above ^ 1 and at the edge the lightning appears to be a symbol. to be placed, which is the No. I corresponds to the table.

The above table proves irrefutably that the silver Coins of the Macedonians at the time of Philip's Y. are shaped. The King therefore gave the Macedonians a certain autonomy and with this the right to coin was granted, probably by them to receive more abundant help and support, which he contributes the repeated failures in the war with Rome, was allowed. This fact, which is not reported anywhere and to us known from the coins alone is certainly remarkable worth. It shows how weak the royal system in Macedonia

1) The third monogram, to which the symbol belongs, stands up the coins Pbilipp^s y. always at the bottom right, on the Macedonian left above.

2) Both types of a and b, of c so far only the second one, showable.

3) Hennin, Manuel de num. (1830) Plate XVm 7. Millingen, Sylloge (1837) p. 50, plate I 24. Reyue num. 1866 Plate X 11; 1867 p. 99.

On the Manzkunde of Makedomen. I. 173

Violence, which was always surrounded by fairly narrow barriers^), in 2nd century, Philip had already become his subjects could not use force to force increased benefits or wanted, but preferred to be by giving more important and unique Tolerable privileges to find new sources of help from them close.

The time when this award took place can be determined it seems to be pretty accurate. Livy namely addresses Book XXXIX 24, where he speaks of the comprehensive armaments Philip speaks about the renewed fight against Rome, from the year 185: (Philippas) vectigalia regni non fructibus tantum agrorum portoriü" que maritimis auaä^ sed metalla etiam et vetera intermissa reeoluit et nova multis locia instituit. It is very close with the commissioning of numerous old and new mines, the appearance of those coins of the Macedonians, to connect Amphaxians and Botteates. Philip & apparently left the exploitation of part of those mines the residents of the districts in question, allowed them to leave the area Mint coins and get a certain rent for it pay. The fact that this was extraordinarily high is clear to us, for them Time of Perseus, attested by Livy XLV 18, where it says: melaUi quoque Macedanici^ quod ingens vectigal eratj locatio- nee praediorumque ruetieorum tollt placebat {sc, Romanie)^ and XLV 29, where it is reported that the Romans after the battle at Pydna the Macedonians the operation of the gold and silver* mining was completely forbidden by the iron and copper mining But the rent only paid half of what they raised Macedonians had to pay the king beforehand. If above Combination is correct, so we have the beginning of the autonomous Macedonian coinage in the year 185 BC. BC to set.

From the perfect correspondence of the monograms

1) See Abel, Macedonia before Ktoig Philipp (1847), 8. 123 ff.; Born, Tsar maded. History, Berlin Progr. 1858, 8. 13 ff; Kdhler, meeting reports the Berlin Akad. d. Scientific 1891, p. 478.

174 H. Gaebler:

and epithets show that the Macedonians, as they initially began to exercise the right to coin money given to them their silver money in the royal mints and under Eon- troles of royal officials made Hesse and only later set up their own mints. Of course they closed also in the mint foot of the royal mint. This was Since Alexander the Great, as is well known, according to Attic currency deployed. As we saw above, Philipp Y. coined in Silver 4, 2, 1, and ^^ drachma pieces, in weight of about 17.20, 8.60, 4.30 and 2.15 gr. Accordingly, they are larger of the Macedonian silver coins, the weight of which is on average about 2.75 gr., to be considered as tetroboles and their halves therefore as diobols^).

We also have a second genus, Macedonian Coins whose minting is certain at the time of Philip V. It These are the bronze so-called serrati

Vf. Head of Poseidon with taenie and shouldered three-piece zack to r.

Ä/. In the 1st tied oak wreath: MAKE | AONßN and there- between the club with the handle towards 1st; i. F. bottom two Monograms. Plate VI 1 6.

Bompois ^) gave these coins to Andriskos(Pseudo-Philippos) assigned, whose uprising led to the transformation of Macedonia into resulted in a Roman province (148 BC)'). Head*) and recently Babelon^) and Svoronos^) put them even later in the first years, when Macedonia was already subject to Roman pro-

1) Bompois, Examen chronol. p. 75 f. incorrectly describes these mances as Trioboles, Dioboles and Trihemioboles.

2) Examen chronol. p. 48 ff. (also p. 89, Y. cat6gorie).

3) On this date, see Kaestner, de aeris quae ab imperio Caesaris Octaviani constituto inifium duxerint, Leipz. Dissertation. 1890, p. 43 ff., especially p. 49 u. 50; Eubitschek, Arch.-epigr. Mith. from Austria XIII (1890) p. 121 ff. and the same with Paulj-Wissowa, Realencyklop. 1 1, column 636.

4) London Gat. Macedonia p. 16, 67. 68: after 146.

5) Les rois de Sjrie, 1890, p.CLXXXVni: Ters Tan 145.

6) BnU. de corresp. bright. XYIII (1894) p. 126: verse 145.

Tsar coins of Macedonia. I. 175

had become vincent. Both are refuted by a coin Philipp*s V. in Berlin

Vf. Bearded head of Heracles with lion skin to the right.

Rj. In the 1st tied oak wreath: BAZIAEfiZ | fDIAIPPOY and between them harp with the handle to 1st; i. F. above ^, in the margin 1st star. Plate VI 17,

which is overprinted on such a serratus of the Macedonian^). It This type of Macedonian coins must also be included Philipp's time belongs. The peculiar way of carrying coins The appearance of a serrated band dates back to the middle of the 3rd century BC. BC emerged in Rome and later by the Carthaginians, Seleucids and Macedonians were imitated^). The Carthaginians made their mark their first serrati around 200 BC. BC; Minting begins in Syria the same towards the end of the reign of Antiochus III. (222 — 187); around the same time, just a little later (see above p. 173), the Macedonian serrati are likely to have been coined.

The metal of some of these coins has a whitish color Shine that seems to come from white boiling with silver. Bompois, Head and Babelon incorrectly label such pieces as Potin.

The above-discussed Macedonian tetrobols and di- obolen closely follow the bronze coins

Vj, KE in the middle of the Macedonian shield

iZ/. Macedonian helmet, of four or three monograms surrounded (e.g. Bompois plate II 25) which, as Müller already said, certainly also in Philipp's time belong. These in turn are closely linked by the community of the same monogram combinations the bronze coins with

V[. Apollo head with laurel wreath facing r.

RF. MAKE I AONfiN and tripod in between. i. F. I. and r. Monograms (e.g. Bompois plate I 13).

1) You can still see the remains of the older character from the Rf.

2) See also Babelon, Les rois de Sjrie, 1890, p.CLXXXYIIIf.

3) Revue number. 1867 8. 192 ff.

176 H. Gaebler:

The tetroboles also belong to around the same time Vf. Club in the middle of the Macedonian shield iZ/. MAKE I AONfinto the sides of the Macedonian helmet; i. F. 1. below Aphlaston (e.g. Bompois plate I 5) on. Mommsen') assigns these pieces to the time before Alexander III, because he believes they are minted according to Persian weight However, the analogy of the silver coins discussed above is clear: that we do not have sixth staters (diobols) Persian in them Currency, but Tetrobolen according to the light Attic custom important, which Philip V's coins also follow. A little later, perhaps under Perseus, the Tetro- Bolen with

previous year Macedonian shield with sickle stem in the middle Rf. MAKE I A0NS2N and in between the stern of the ship') after r. Plate VI 18

minted, which have coins with the same 22/., but the wine- wreathed head of a maenad on the vf. (Plate VI 19) close. Their weight is consistently slightly lower.

That finally the other autonomous bronze coins also come with it the inscription MAKEA0NS2N from the same period (c. 185-168) belong, now requires no proof. But he was wrong Bompois (Exam. chron. Plate II 22. 23) the small bronzes with Vf. Nike after 1. or after r. striding RJ. MAKEAONfiN around the Macedonian shield included in his first category. These are from so much lesser style and so different factory that they can undoubtedly be placed in the imperial period, especially since that too Shield in its completely different from the coins mentioned above The different drawings certainly correspond to the shield on the Macedonian ones Coins of Claudius and the following emperors correspond. Aus- The bronze coins are also included Vf Silens head wreathed in ivy to the front