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Zeitschrift für Numismatik, vol. 12 — 1885
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XIV.
Mionnet Suppl. VU p. 7 1 1 No. 308. Comana Cappadociae Caracalla:
Z«itMlirift ter NamiuMtik. XIIL 19
284 W. Drexler:
IMP. C • M . AVR. ANTONINVS • AVG • T6te laur6e de
Caracalla. Rf. COL • AVG • COMANORVM • Femme v6tue de la stole,
debout, en face, avec unc kill de tanreau comue, la
main droite lev^e sur nnc haste, and tenant de la gauche
pendante a small vase. M7. Sestini, Descr. delle Med. ant. gr. del Mus. Hederv., II, 376 No. 1. Table XXVIII Fig. 3.
Cavedoni, Spicilegio numismatico p. 256 says about this Typns: "Pare senza meno Iside, od Jo, ginsta quelle parole classiche diErodoto II, 41 : %6 yciQ Tijg''Mog ayalfia iov yvvmx^Unf, ßovxiQtov itftl^ xataneq "ElXi^vsq t^v ^lovv ygatfot^at, Sestini's Ab- But education shows nothing of a cow's head, but that beautiful pallas-like ^) face of a woman, well on the back of the head wears a crescent moon rather than horns. In any case, it is the Ma from Comana, which in its essence is a multi-encompassing natural goddess not least also has a lunar character (cf. Preller, R. Myth. 2nd ed. p. 734; C. Tiesler, De Bellonae cultu et sacris. Berolini 1842 p. 21: Plut. y. SuUae c. 9: since d^ SeXtf- vfiv elvat^ «Jt' ^Ad^väv eXt^Evvw; Duncker, business d. A. I* p. 404; Droysen, business of Hellenism UI, 1 p. 84 of the 2nd ed.; nerd, Numismata nonnuUa Graeca ex Mus. Gov. Bav. hactenus minus accurate description. Monaci 1835 p. 184; Gerhard, Gr. Myth. 11 p. 334 § 1001 N, 5; and in general about this deity and
1) Waddington, the ball, de Gorr. Bright. YII 1883 p. 126 the Kappadocian sche Comana starts in the place Ghar, which flows from the Saros, where three Decree (p. 128-131 Nos. 3-5) have been found by 'itgonoUtmy ^ ßovXfi xat 6 d^juos are enacted, looks, as does Bamsay, Jonmal of Phi- lology XI 1882 p. 147 No. 5, in which Ugtig rrjs mxritfOQov Stäg of him p. 127 No. 1 shared inscription from Ghar a priest of Ma (p. 128); he expresses the opinion that the title yixrjfOQosy that the goddess bears here, prove that it is she who appears on silver coins of the Cappadocian kings in the manner of the Greek Athena Nicephorus, in a helmet Supported by a lance, a small Nike is depicted on the right. Furthermore he does p. 135 draws attention to the multiple occurrences of women's called *A9^tiyah in the inscriptions from Ghar (No. 13 =» Ramsay, Joum. of Phil. XI p. 148 No 6; No. 15 = Ramsay p. 160 No. 22; No. 16). See also Beul6, Les monnaies d'Athönes p. 91.
Remarks xa some coins. 285
about the related Anaitis: Stoll s. y. Bellona in Paoly's Beal Encycl. I'p. 2342 — 3; Saglio s.v. Bellona in Daremberg et Saglio's, Dict. d. ans. gr. et. rom. p. 685-686; Procksch s.v. Bellona in Röscher s Ansf. Lex. d. gr. u. r. Myth. p. 775; Heyne, Nova Comment. Society. scient. Gotting. Vol. XVI p. 117flF.; Mar- quardt, R. St. V. III p. 74-76; A. Maury, Religions de la Gr^ antique III p. 170ff.; Luzzatto, Journ. as. 1851 p. 476; Ms. Le- normant, Artemis Nanaea, Gazette archäologique 1876 p. 10 - 18; 58 - 67 passim; G. Hoffmann, excerpts from Syrian files per- sian martyr, Abh. f. Customer of the Orient VH p. 130-161; Ed. Meyer, s.v. Anaitis in Röscher's Lexicon p. 330-334; Ed. Meyer ZDMG. XXXI 1877 p. 721 ; Geldner, Kuhn's magazine XXV p. 374 ; Gruber s.v. Anaitis in Ersch and Gruber's Encycl. I, 3 p. 447-449; P. Paris, Bull, de Corr. Hay. VIH 1884 p. 376-378; V. Langlois, Numismatique de FArmönie dans Fan- tiquitö p. VII—IX; Meyen, De Diana Taurica et Anaitide. Be- rolini 1846; Windischmann, the Persian Anahita or Anaitis, Memoir the K. Bayer. Ak. d. W. Vol. 8 (33), Munich 1858 p. 85-128; Preller, Gr. Myth. I» p. 256 along with grade 3; E. Curtius, Antiquity and the present II p. 55-57.)
Usually one keeps one for the figure of this deity Coin of Septimius Severus from the Pontic Ciomana in Museum Hedervarianum near Millingen, Ancient coins p. 67 : AY* KA. Cen. CeYOYHPOC. Laureated bust of Severus v^ith the palud. Rf. lePOKAICAP • K0MAN6QN. Female figure radiated, holding mth one band a club, and with the others resting on a shield. Exergue, BT • BOP. (Anno 172) M 1. Plate V, n. 1, where- according to Mi. S. IV p. 446 No. 166, as well as Sestini Mus. Hed. H p. 14. M mm. Table XVI fig. 2 (cft-. Streber 1. c. p. 182-184; K. 0. Müller, Hdb. d. Arch. d. K.p. 671, §408, 6. AbbUdet also in Daremberg et Saglio's Dict p. 686 No. 816 and in Boscber's Lex. p. 775). This coin is to be assembled together by C. R. Fox, Engravings of unpublished or rare Greek coins. Part II. London, 1862. 4° p. 2 No. 5 also described: Female radiated head to the right ; no legend is visible. RF, KOliAN&N.
286 ^' Dröxler:
on each side of a club, within a wreath in the field C. M Vj^. It is interesting these two forms of the goddess with the one above to compare what was written. That they are so different from are each other, can be explained on the one hand by the circumstances, that the coins representing them were divided into two *). cities, on the other hand from the diversity of the essence of the goddess.
XV.
The female figure has very different names, which appears on a beautiful coin of Julia Domna of Nicaea sitting next to Dionysus in a chariot drawn by centaurs, given.
This coin is first depicted in the Selecta numis- mata antiqua ex Museo Petri Seguini. Paris 1665 p. 157 and with described in the following words (pp. 156-157): lOYAlA AYrOYCTA Caput Juliae Severi.
In aversa, Bacchus vultu juvenili, corpore nudo, dextra thyrsum gerens, sed in curru cum Iside, quae turricnlam aut
1) Marquardt, B. St. V. I p. 215, Note 13 also wants the Golonial Coins from Gomana, the Pontic city of that name, show its Appeal to Eckhel D. N. Y. II p. But 851 is wrong, because p. 354 speaks This gave the Pontic city its colonial influence. — The Ver- inuthung Wise's Mus. Bodl. p. 205 and EckhePs D. N. Y. II p. 352-3, dasa Hieroc&sarea is an epithet of the Pontic Gomana, meaning that the i€PO- KAiCAPCüN • KOMANCüN of coins not a homonoia between Gomana and Hieroc&sarea is confirmed by two in Gflmenek and Inscriptions found far Tokat, which rj 'Ugoxanra^itay Ko^aviaty noin let set. One of these inscriptions dates back to 1816 Excerpt from a letter from Mr. Bellino to Mr. v. hammer, found pits of the Orient Y p. 45, cf. Sestini, Mus. Hed. II p. 14; Grotefend s.t. Gomana in Pauly's Beal Encycl. II p. 522, and more recently by Ramsay, Jour- nal of Philology XI 1882 p. 152 No. 13 at the same time as the other p. 158 No. 14 from “an Armenian book of Travels belonging to the priest of Bilkinik nearSivas'* was communicated without the latter being informed of the publication of the the former knows something. Ramsay refers to the city's double name Waddington Bull de Gorr. Bright. YII 1883 p. 126.
Comments xn some garbage. 287
modium habet in capite et cornncopiae in sinistra. Imprint est tigris aut panthera sab Baccho ad latus carrus, quem vehnnt Centauri duo mas et femina, haec duplicem inflans fistolam. Ante ipsos exnltat puer Cissus, hederae plantae oognomine vi- cinus. Ad laevam Isidis, stat Cupido dextra facem gerens. Caeterum Bacchus et Gissus, corniculis, seu flammulis in fronte sunt insigniti. Inscript. ejusdem aversae, NIKAIEfin. EVER OE.
From Seguin it forms from Spanhemius, De usu et praest. num. ans. I'p. 280 and from this again Gessner Impp. Tab. 138 No. 35 and Müller-Wieseler, monuments of ancient art IT, Plate XXXIII No. 377, p. 9-10, from whose citation I see that They are also found in Creuzer, Dionysus, plate 3, n. 2 and in Gerhard's Antique sculptures plate CCCXI n. 20 finds; also bring them from Seguin Cuper, Harpocrates p. 95 and M. Fr. Lochner, Mfjxoovonaiyiftov sive Papaver ex omni antiquitate erntum , etc. ed. IL Noribergae, p. 103; you can also meet her at her godmother's, Imp. Bom. Num. p. 289, no. 1 and from this at Montfaucon, L'ant. expl. I, 2 pl. CLV No. 8; at Vaillant N. Gr. Table X No. 6, p. 93; Mionnet describes them EL p. 458 No. 259 and S.V p. 113 No. 616.
Like Seguin, they see Isis in the female form also Spanhemius, Guper 1.1. 1.1., Reusch, Capita deorum et illustrium hominum in gemmis quae coli. J. M. from Ebermayer p. 203, P.N. Rolle, Researches on the cult of Bacchus vol. II, Paris 1824, p. 161 grade 4, while other authors, such as Lochner, Montfaucon, Vaillant, Mionnet called her Ariadne draw. Gerhard points to Ceres Fortuna, Wieseler pointing points to Paus. VI, 25, 4 questionably on Tyche.
I can't give a new name, I can only do that- draw your attention to the fact that it is the only correct name almost 200 years ago by Buonarruoti, Osservazioni istoriche sopra alcuni medaglioni antichi. In Roma 1698. 4® p. 444 on- has been provided. The same recognizes in the female Figure the nymph Nicaea, whose relationship with Dionysus (cfr. Droysen, business d. Epigones II 'p. 257) in detail by Nonnus
Sestini, Mus. Hed. II p. 53 No. 1 1 :
AYT. KAICAP . ANTflNINOC. Cap. Ans. Pii nud.
Rf. NeiKAIGßN. Gap. Nymphae Nicacae hedera coronatum. M 3, after which Mionnet S. V p. 88 No. 448.M4.
Remarks sa some coins. 289
M. Aurel : Mionnet S. V p. 95 No. 498.
K.M.AYP.ANTQNei Tete lauröe, k dr.
Bf. NIKA Tete tourrelöe de femme k dr., ceinte de
lierre, with a touffe de cheveux derriöre la tete; et vetue de la stole. M7]^.
Commodus: Mionnet H p. 456 No. 244:
AY. K. M. AY. COM • ANTfiNINOC. Tete laurde et barbae
de Gommode. Rf. NIKAIEfin. Tete de femme tourrelöe et couronn^e de
lierre. ^1%. Gave. de M. Cousinery.
XVI.
In A catalog of the Greek coins in the British Mnsenm. The Tauric Chersonese, Sarmatia, Dada, Moesia, Thrace etc. will p. 172 No. 8 following coin of Caracalla of Serdica wrote:
AVTKMAVPCEVH ANTflNEINOC Bust of Caracalla r., laur., wearing cuirass. Ef. OVAniAC CEPAIKHC Female figure, standing 1., holding patera and scepter round which serpent is coiled, in front, cista mystica, from which is another serpent.
M 1-15. Wieseler, Göttinger Nachrichten, comments on this coin 1880 p. 40: “He [Head] would certainly be right to say that with a long one Ghiton and far, on the bends and from both upper arms A woman who is attracted to Himation is almost like Hygieia may designate, although in this case the one from the Snake-wrapped staff is something very rare. Epiones would hardly have the same probability. The Gista, which would probably not have been described as mystica may come with the snake in it every now and then with the healing gods.*'
But I can't see why the figure doesn't rather it should be Demeter. Perfectly suits this goddess
290 W. Drexler:
the cista mystica (cfr. Jahn, The Cista mystica, Hermes III p. 326-331). Furthermore, the illustration shows the relevant Coin the top edge of the same just at the tip of the as Scepter marked object very worn, nevertheless I think the latter is more correctly viewed as a torch. A torch can be seen on a copy of the Vienna Cabinet with a similar type both Eckhel Gat. Mus. Gaes. Yindob. I p. 62 No. 21: Mulier capitc velato stans d. pateram, s. facem, humi corbis semiapertus, ex quo assurgit serpens. M I, after which in Mionnet p. II p. 491 No. 1701 M 9, as well as Arneth, meeting reports from the K. Ak. d. W. Ph. H. Eq. 1852. Volume IX, H. V p. 911 No. 22: Mulier capite velato stans d. pateram, s. facem, humi corbis semiapertus ex quo serpens assurgit. M 8'^.
There is a similar example in the Vienna cabinet. plar of Garacalla, whose description by Eckhel I.e. p. 61 No. 20 reads: Alius, sed mulier stans, d. ramum porrigit ser- penti ex corbe semiaperto assurgenti, s. facem, cui inferne implexus serpens. M I , according to which Mionnet S. n p. 495 No. 1723. M8; the same coin at Anieth 1st c. p. 911 No. 23. M8.
But it is also assumed that the British Museum's copy has it If it is indeed a scepter, this in no way contradicts the interpretation on Demeter. In another type the Demeter on one Coin of Gordianus Pius of Perinth viewed Mionnet S. II p. 437 No. 1391 it is of so little importance whether the Goddess torch or scepter is granted that he has two coins of the Paris cabinet, one of which is this, the other that symbol in the hand that shows Demeter, under a no. united.
The Demeter with a scepter around which there is a Snake curls, but without the cista mystica, finds itself Coins of Maximinus Thrax of Anchialus at Mionnet S. n p. 226NO. 124:
OYAniANßN . ArXIAAEflN • G6res voil6c et vctue de la Stola, debout k dr., tenant des ^pis de la m. dr., et la
Comments on some MOnEen. 291
g. sur la haste pure, an bas de laqnelle est an serpent
en1ac6. ^7.
and at Sestini D. N. V. p. 53 No. 10:
AYT. MAZII^INOC EYCEBIC AT. Cap. Laura. Rf. OYAniANflT. ArxiAAEflN. Mulier velata stans d. spicas,
s. hastam, cui serpens implicitus.
M I. M. Apnslie]. The sure confidence that we can recognize Demeter here There is the similarity of the figure of the coins with the The inscription certainly attests to the goddess Demeter well-known votive reliefs from Philippopolis, about which see Bruzza, Annali your inst, di corr. arch. 1861 p. 380 ff. tav. d'agg. S; Overbeck, Demeter and Kora p. 509 No. 12, Atlas Plate XIV No. 7; Preller, Greek Mythology I' p. 654, grade 2; A. Dnmont, Inscriptions and monuments figur6s de la Thrace. Paris 1877 p. 24 - 25 No. 54, the description of which is reproduced here: “Plaque de marble, trouy^e k Philippopolis, aujourd*hui au mus^e de Turin, copy by M. Tzoukalas et Annales 1861 p. 380:
D^möter debout , de face , tenant de la m. g. un sceptre Grossier autour duquel est enroulö un serpent, de la droite des ^pis qu'elle pose sur un autel. Stratia s'avance de g. k dr. en levant les mains vers la deesse; au haut du bas-relief, k g., et au second plan, Zeus et H6ra? Travail m^diocre^'.
For the equality of Demeter with Hygieia would like I don't (cf. A. v. Sallet, Zeitschr. f. Num. 1882, p. 171; 1878 p. 334; Artist's inscriptions on Greek coins p. 53) the Coins from Metapontum, which have a female in the obverse Show head with the inscription hYriEIA, anftthren; dissimilar the head of coins accompanied by the inscription EfiTHPIA the same city (Eckhel D. N. V. I p. 155) is the one in question standing by no symbol pointing to Demeter, such as Wreath of wheat, characterized, so that Stuart Poole, A Gat
292 W. Drezler:
of the Greek coins in the British Museum. ItAly. London 1873. p. 245 Nos. 62, 63 and Cohen, Cat. Gr6au p. 39 No.438 full- always appear to be in the right when they follow the instructions the head simply as “he^d of Hygieia'S v^^^ ^^ 1^ Santo* ^ designate. The ear of the reverse with the obverse depiction I don't dare put them in context because there are countless Coins from Metapontum with various types of Lead the ear of grain on the front side on the back side.
One can support the view of Demeter as a healing goddess refers to Alexandrian ice coins from Antoninus Pias the date L6, on which they are sometimes without, sometimes with one Altar in the company of Asclepius, standing, appears, cfr. Feu- ardent, Egypte anciennc. Coli. Giovanni Demetrio 11, p. 108 No. 1620: AYT • K • T • AIA • AAP . ANTGJNINOC CEB . &f. T.1. d'Antonin k dr. Bs. L • 6. Esculape et Göres debout. each 9. Mionnet VI p. 225 No. 1519 iE 9'^; No. 1520 iE 9»^; with that Altar between the two deities: Feuardent No. 1521 JS 9^; Mionnet No. 1521. M d]^.
Of course, this cannot be used against this Compilation of both deities on a coin of the Gor- dianus pins from Pergamura at Vaillant N. Gr. p. 154:
Eni CTPA.n.AOrrEINOY nEPramHNQN KAI NIKOMH-
AEflN.
Aesculapius et Ceres staut, haec d. spicas, 1. facem: per pedibus prora j£ I Thes. Reg. and at Mionnet S. Y p. 471 No. 1153:
AYT. K. M. ANT. TOPAIANOC. Tete laur6e de Gordien- le-Pieux, ä dr., avec le palud.
Ä/. en A. AOnCMOY. nEPRAMHNAN . KAI. no-
KOMHAeQN Aesculape et
C6rös debout, Do y6tu du pallium, la main droite sor son bäton, autour duquel est un serpent; Tautre, vStue de la Stola, tenant of the ^pis de la main droite et un
^) Prussia, Demeter and Persephone p. 111 note 85.
Notes on some coins. 293
flambeau de la gauche ; k ses pieds, nue proue de vais* sau. M10.
For here both deities are only united as re- representatives of the two cities in Homonoia, Asclepius as a representative of Pergamum, Demeter as a representative of Nico- media. On a cut stone by L. Müller, Descn des intailles et camöes antiques du Mus^e-Thorvaldsen, Copenhag^e 1847 p. 68 No. 525 appears: “Esculape jeune (ou un Asclepiade)^) nu, debout, la m. dr. appuyde au bäton entourö du serpent, la g. ap- puy^e au c6t6. Au lapel, C6r6s, vetue d'un double chiton, debout, a grand flambeau in the main g. et nn ^pi dans la dr. Gornaline. On a relief from the Asclepieion of Athens: L. v. Sybel, Catal. d. Sculpt. e.g. Athens p. 293 No. 4010 appear from Asklepios and Hygieia along with another goddess, at left side “Gora en face, 1st leg, Polos on the head^ Skirt with half sleeves and a belted flap in each hand a high torch placed down.^^ The same relief can be found listed in Milchhöfer, the Athens Museums p. 46b, 11 ; Girard, Bull, de Corr. Bright. 1. 1877 p. 163 No. 33; v. Duhn, Arch. Newspaper XXXV No. 42 of his compilation of those found in the Asclepieion found sculptures. On another one that just came from there In relief you can see Asclepius, Demeter on the grain, behind her Kora standing, 6 Adorauts: v. Sybel p. 288 No. 3996, milk höfer p. 47,a, *1; Girard p. 163 No. 32; v. Duhn No. 41; Koehler, Mith. d. D. Arch. Inst, in Athens II 1877 p. 242-245, plate XVIII. Among the votive objects from a shrine the mother of the gods near the village of Mustaphades near Tanagra (G. Koerte, The ancient sculptures from Boeotia, Mith. d. D. Arch. Inst, in Athens HI 1878 p. 388—397 Nos. 156-177) there are fragments of votive reliefs and statuettes, which represent Demeter and Kora (p. 398 Nos. 162-167), as
1) It is possible that ApoUo is depicted here, which is often used as a healing God appears, cf. e.g. B.t. Sallet, ZeiUchr. f. Number 1882 p. 139-141; Warwick Wroth, Apollo witb the Aescolapian Staff, Num. Chron. 1880 p. 38-40; Wieseler, God. Newspaper 1880 p. 88-40; Röscher s.t. ApoUon in his version Lex. d. gr.a. r. M. p.438 - 434.
294 ^' Drexler:
also the fragment of a statue of Asclepius (p. 395 No. 171; p. 389). On the Böckh C. I. Gr. 1198 from Fourmont's Pa- You can read the inscription from Hermione that was communicated to pier (cf. E. Müller, Dorier I p. 399, B.C. Duhn, Mith. d. D. Arch. Inst, in Athens II 1877 p. 217) JäfnatQi X&ovlai, Jit *Ad[*X\anim^ if not otherwise, there Demeter on the inscriptions of Hermione otherwise usually associated with Pluton (C. I. Gr. 1197; 1199; Le Bas-Foucart, Argolide 159b; 159 c) in the APriAAnifll much- more of an incorrectly copied epithet of the god underworld is to be sought. In the Arch. Epigr. Mith. from Austria- Hungary Vm 1884 p. 11 adds G. Tocilescu line 5 of the ans Inscription no. 25: dUofisv ^AfSnlfj || nU2 AHMHR^*. On a gem from the Novus Thesaurus gemmamm* veterum etc. Roma 1782 vol. U tab. 9 you can see Asclepius standing, in d. ß. e. Bowl, the L. supported on a stick, around whom a snake wrings itself with an ear of corn in its mouth.
The votive relief from Philippopolis is because of Demeter Dedicated to the production of eyesight. It is interesting to note that Marcellus Burdigalensis c. 8 p. 279 Steph. for expulsion a stye or ulcer on the eyelid gives advice, to take nine grains of barley, with the tips of them to touch the sick area and say every time: q^sSys^ g>evyc^ xQid^' cfe dtaixet or according to Dilthey's Yermuthung, Arch. Epigr. Mith. from Austria IL 1878 p. 49 note 10: q^eSye qieSys »Qid^^ nQidij (fs dtdixst. In the same excellent essay “Three "Votive hands made of bronze" in which Dilthey places the just-approved place of the Marcellus Burdigalensis reports, he refers to p. 58 grade 30 for Healing of eye diseases and fever through ears of corn and grains grain grains on Mannhardt, tree cultus of the Germanic peoples p. 17 n. P.49 Note 10. There it says the healing of the eye relevant superstition p. 17 (according to Grohmann, Superstition from Bohemia 1,185, 1301): “In Bohemia the blesser keeps removing the “eating worms in the eyes”* a tuft of 29
^) See also Gerhard, Ges-Abh. II p.407 note 196, e; p.419, note 255; Mi. I, 214, 53.
Noticed by some people. 295
Ears of summer corn to the sick eye and says: “You have N.N eating worms in the eyes. I won't leave her there, I talk them out. Do you worms get into these ears^^
xvn.
After Phocaea I would like to place the coin that Ramos, Catal. numorum veterum gr. et lat. Musei Regis Daniae vol. I p. 278 No. 4 under Philadelphia Lydiae, but with the description remember : “Nnmi patria ob mancam epigraphen nonnihil dubia est/' recorded: . . 10 YA .... Caput, ut videtur, Philippi I. Ä/.
. . . AY A4>4>l Isis stans utraque manu velum explicatet. M.2.
The officer's name AvQijlMg was probably written on the lapel ''Aif(fiav6g^ which appears on coins from Phocaea with the bust of Emperor Maximinus appears in the obverse, e.g. B. Mionnet III p. 183-184 Nos. 873; Mionnet Suppl. VI p. 294 No. 1357 = Sestini Lett. num. cont V, 41; Mionnet S. VI p. 293 Nos. 1355. 1356. The IOYA(»o$) of the obverse of our coin fits both on Philippus than on Maximinus, since both have this name. On others with the name of the same official AvffqX^oq ^Amphavog marked middle bronzes from Phocaea record Sestini, D.N.V. p. 348 No. 20 (Mus. Cousinery) and Wiczay I p. 216 No. 4961 the enthroned Sarapis, whose gultus is everywhere to which Isis is connected; but calls Sestini, Mus. Hed. II p. 185 No. 18 the figure of the specimen in the Museum Hedervaria- num Jupiter, Carl Combe records the figure on the im Museum Hunterianum Tab. XXXIII No. 21 pieces pictured as “Figura cum modio in capite sedens ad s. d. pateram, s. hastam'' and Mionnet m p. 179 No. 846 probably names the same figure Jupiter Philius. Since you often have to go to people names that are composed of the name of a deity are, on the cultus of the latter in the city where the the person you meet is alive, has made - a conclusion that, however is not always correct because, for example, the person in question may have moved in - it should be mentioned that the official's name KIAQPO^ found on small bronzes from Phocaea: Eckhel
296 W. Drexler:
D. N. V. IF p. 534 (Mus. Caes.); Mionnet lU p. 176 No. 824; Sestini Lett. Num. Cont. I p. 33 No. 13 (Cousinery); No. 14 (mus. Regis Bavariae); Mus. Huuter p. 237 No. 5, after which hash ED[, 2 p. 1224. Also remember the epigram of the Latin Anthology by Meyer II p. 107 No. 1243 = Burmanull p. 74, Cl. IV No. 110 = Anthologiae epigraphicae Latinae a Francisco Buechelero confectae specimen primum. Greifswald 1870 p. 19 No. XXXX, where the verses “Hie Phocaensium civis in p&trio solo I nunc Italorum Ditis intra terminos | noun tenebit Isidis nati puer'* usually, although not from Bücheier, on one Young man from Phocaca named Horus or Harpocration become. That finally the type of Isis Pelagia is better for them Sea town Phocaea than for inland Philadelphia suitable, is obvious.
xvm.
Mionnet records twice, in both cases following Sestini, on coins of the Cilician Aegac a sheep:
p. VII p. 158 No. 37.
AYT. K M On CEY . MAKPINOC. T.r. de Macrin.
Rf. MAKPEINOYnOA . AirAlßN; dans le
champ, AEC (264). Trirdme k la full s'approchant d'un phare snr lequel sont plac^es deux statues lune d'Aesculape et Tautre de Tempereur, y^tu du palada- mentum, au bas du phare, a figure couch^e k terre, au-dessus de la t6te de laquelle est, k ce qu'il paratt, une brebis. □ -^ 9. Sestini, Lett. Num. t VH p. 56.
p. VII p. 165 No. 69.
AY • KAI nOY AIK OYA AePIANOC CCB. T.r. de Valerien horse, with the palud.
RF AirAIWN . NewUKO. NAYAP.; dans le champ, 67th d. (an 300). Hygide assise, k g., faisant manger dans one pat^re un serpent qui s*61ance d*un autel; prds you siftge de la d^esse, une brebis couch^e. M 9. Sestini, Mus. Hed. n p. 278 No. 18. Table XXH Fig. 15.
Some Mflnia noticed. 297
The fact that the animal can only be a goat is clear to everyone* shine, which runs through the coin series from Aegae at Mionnet goes and the goat there, as a talking coat of arms of the city, as Main or secondary type is used extremely frequently: cf. Mionnetm pp. 539- 547 Nos. 11, 12, 13, 30, 32, 83, 36, 42, 49, 50, 51 ; Suppl. V pp. 151—166 Nos. 5, 9, 10, 34, 47, 48, 50, 55, 71. There is also Mionnet himself on the coin of Macrinus III p. 542—543 No. 30, which probably refers to Seatini's Written copy of the Paris Gabinet is, the goat is correct been recognized.
AYT. K. M On. CeY. MAKPINOC. T.r. de Macrin, k Dr., with the palud. Rf. AlFAIflN MAKPeiNOVn M-eY-H-eAIC (at 264). A light on the skin of the duquel is a figure appuyto sur la haste; au bas, a vaisseau with a matelot; derridre, an other vaisseau with a matelot et one ch6vre. ^E8.
Sestini's illustration shows the coin of Valerianus very clearly that we are dealing with a goat and not with a sheep to do.
VaUlant N. Gr. p. 181 and after him Mionnet S. VI p. 204 No. 837, Banduri I p. 202, Rasche n, p. 663 is under Gallienus the following type:
E4>ECIFin r • NEHKKOfiN. Isis tutulata stans supra trire- mem, velum manibus explicate. ^ 2. Meus.
Mionnet knows this type from his own experience not the coins of Gallienus of Ephesus.
On the other hand, he records both in p. 1 22 No. 447 by owner View, as p. VI p. 196 No. 774 to Sanclemente m Tb. XXXrV No. 381 p. 121, also Gori Mus. Florent. num. max. mod. II Tb. LXXXn, 2; IH p. 169 No. COLI = Banduri l p. 123. R.E. = Vaillant p. 176; Tanini, p. March 51st Niccolini;
298 ^' Drexler: Comments on some coins.
Ms. Lenormant, Cat. Behr p. 56 No. 583; Fundi, Mus. Theupoli p. 814; Cat. ol the first portion of the Northwick collection of coins and medals p. 108 sub No. 1104 under Valerianus senior on bronze medallions the type of one swelled by the wind Artemis holding sails on a ship with the inscription 64>eClfiN r NeriKOPfiN. maybe we have on the MQnze Vaillant's ^ the same type and falsely likes it may have been awarded to Gallienus. The relationships of the Aitemis at sea are known; I want to Tölken, Explain. Yerz. p. 174. 3rd El. 2nd Abth. No. 814 the inscription n6AAri on a lapis lazuli of the Berlin Gabinet next to Diana as the nickname of the goddess {nskayia) explain; during Panofka, cameos with inscriptions p. 92, however, considers the inscription to be false. In the pavßatovyzsg the inscription containing a dedication to Isis and Sarapis from Ephesus G. I. Gr. 2955 sees E. Gurtius, Ephesus, Antiquity and present II p. 116, note, with reference to his contributions slow to the story and topogr. Asia Minor, Dep. d. Ak. d. W. Berlin 1872 p. 6, priestly officials in the service of Diana of Ephesus, whose temple, gradually rises through the Alluvion three hours from the open shore, through an artificial deep pilgrim harbor, canals and lagoons with the sea in Connection was maintained because it was founded from the sea Ships still had to reach the sanctuary can; Schreiber s.y. is of the same opinion. Artemis § 16, 3 in Röscher s Ausf. Lex. d. gr. u. r. Myth. p. 590; Mordtmann against it, Revue Archöol. 1879, XXXVII p. She considers 259 to be Officials for the Gnltus of the Isis ship, and Lafaye, Eist du culte des divinit^s d'Alexandrie p. 144 leaves it undecided whether They were priestly officials in the service of Isis or sailors of the trip. There can be no doubt that Gurtius and Schreiber's explanation is the correct one.
W. Drexler.
about a coin of Jnlian the Apostate with Isis iiiid the Sirinsliimd and some other Isis-SotMs concerning
monumenter.
In the Berlin papers for coins, seals and heraldry I 1863 p. 150 describes and depicts from plate VI, 8, J. Fried- country the following interesting coin of Julian Apostata:
"^ 6. DN FL CL IVUANVS PF AVG. Bearded bust of Julianus lefthin [with the diadem and a decorated armor, in the middle a small medusa head; in the ß. it holds Emperor a decorated ball with a wreath-bearing Victoria stands, on the 1st shoulder the shield is visible on which the she-wolf is depicted with the twins].
RF, without label. A car driving over waves from vom seen, then Isis with the Pschent^), in the R. a Holding Sistrum, in front of her Horus, the r. bringing hand to mouth, the L. raising; the car is driven by two winged wings flying up sphinxes'), Sirius jumps up in front of the car. Waldeck collection/'
1) Pschcnt is not the right Aasdmck for the aach here horns discus and feathers existing head of Isis; the Pschent itt rather the royal symbol of the rule of Upper and Lower Egypt, which in a single piece of jewelry represents the two crowns of Egypt, the white and the red, united, c£r. Pierret, Dictionnaire d'arch^ologie dgyptienne s. t. pschent p. 457.
2) For the covering of the chariot of Isis with sphinxes. the pom- Peian wall painting, on which two sphinxes, one with a handle collar and Sistrum occupied wagons pull near Heibig, wall painting of the camp. Cities p.221 No. 1110, Pistolesi, Real Maseo Borbonico toI.IX Ut.XCIX p. 650, Chefs-d'oeuTres de Tart antiqne, 2« s^rie, tome UI, pl. 75.
Z«i4»€rift for Namuutics. Xm. 20
300 ^' Drexler:
The same type can already be found, albeit very distorted, at Patin, Imperatorum Roraanorum numismata ex aere med. et min. formae p. 482, where it comes from in Beger, Thes. Branden burgicus III p. 46 is cited. Fontenu, M6m. de TAc. of the Inscr. et B.-L. V p. 92 and Griselini, Raccolta d'opuscoli scientifici e filologici XXXIX p. 343 discuss a copy medium size, which was then owned by Mr. Foucault which also Banduri II p. 432 and after this Eckhel D. N. V. VIII p. 136 and Mionnet, De la raret6 et du prix des m^d. rom. U p. 295 recorded. Banduri also knows a thing Example of the same size in the Grand Duke's coin cabinet from Tuscany. That of Ameth, Synopsis, is also medium-sized num. ans. qui in mus. Caes. Vindobonensi adservantur n p. 203, Julianus n. 17, and after him by Cohen VI, Julien II no. 134 Viennese copy described. The type is in large bronze based on a piece from the Museum Borgianum by Tanini, Num. imp. rom. a Traiano Decio ad (üonstantinum Draconem from An- selmio Bandurio editorum suppl. p. 318 communicated to the Eckhel D. N. V. VIII p. 136, from the Rasche, Lexicon rei num. universae suppl. II p. 298 n^8 scoops, Mionnet II p. 295, Aker man, A descr. catal. of rare and unedited roman coins II p. 298 No. 8, Cohen VI, Julien II No. 133 go back; from Cohen leads the piece to Lafaye, Histoire du culte des divinitös d'Alexandrie p. 321-322, no. 199.
We see the same depiction on one of Fundi's of the 2nd class of coins of the Museum Theupoli, virelche the Imperial coins in gold and silver included, listed coin: "D-N-FL-CL-IVUANVSFAVG. Caput Julian! cum Corona ex margaritis, d. yictoriolam supra globum, s. clypeum.
Rf. Sine epigraphe. Currus in aquis a duobus monstris alatis vectus, in quo Isis, d. sistrum, in terra canis. Maj.'' End- lich can be found in the Catalog d'Ennery p. 643 No. 4756, and here- from Rasche VI, 1, p. 782—783, a small bronze with the same type, but with the inscription ISIS FARIA in the obverse and VOTA PVBUCA in the lapel: "ISIS FARIA. Tete dlsis. Rf. VOTA
about a monse from Jaliao the apostate. 301
PVBUCA. Figure between other people, don't celle de la droite parott etre sur un char; Devant la figure da milieu est an enfant tenant une corne d'abondance; et an animal coorant sar the Premier plan. Petit Bronze/'
You can use this representation with Fontenu 1. 1. p. 93 as of Isis "triomphe sur mer" even if you smile is about the way he relates to the same Julian puts: ;,Les l^gyptiens idolätres firent graver cette m6daille k rhonneur de Julien, sur ce qu'ils se flattoient que ce prince alloit faire regner par tout TEmpire Romain le culte des faux Dieux, sur-tout celui d'Isis, qui par soii triomphe sur mer, sem- bloit inviter Julien ä passer sur ses vaisseaux en i^gypte pour y faire triompher tidolätrie'*. But maybe they are Waves over which the chariot rushes, not those of the sea, but that of Nir and then another explanation is possible. Isis is known to be the goddess of the dog star*). The Egyptian one The name of Isis in this capacity is used by Egyptologists sopet (Brugsch, Hierogl. Demot. Worteb. p. 1207 in Lafaye, M61. p. 195), soped (Brugsch, Bei. u. Myth. der alten Aeg. nach d. Monuments p 42), sopd (Brugsch, Dictionnaire g^ographique de Tancienne figypte p. 666), sepet (Pierret, Dictionnaire d'ar- chöol. ig, s. V. Sothis p. 520), sept (Pierret, Dict. hi6roglyphique p. 483), supd (Lauth, “the Sothis or Sirius period*' in the Meeting area the philos.-philol. u. are. El. d. k. b. Ak. d. W.z. Munich 1874, II p. 94; “The Aegean Tetraeteris*' ibid 1878, 11 p. 331; “Pyramid Texts** ibid 1881,11 p. 315) “Triangle” read what was later written in sot, soti (Brugsch, Hierogl. Demot. Wbch. 1. 1. with guitarization by Lepsius Ghronol. I p. 135, at Lafaye 1st L), suti (Lauth, January 1, 1874 II p.94; 1881 H p. 315) weakened
1) In order to avoid clay from the rich literary evidence, I call nar the very thorough treatise Ton Jablonski, Pantheon Aegypti Fan II p. 84-54, Hb. III cap. 2 .,de Sothi, sive Iside Oriente in sidere Cani- cnlae'S and Q. Lafaye, Un monnment romain de P^toile d'Isis. Bas-relief in^dit da mas^e Kircher in the M^langes d'arch6ologie et d^histoire. £cole fran^se de Borne I 1881 p. 192-214. PI. VI.
20»
302 W. Drexler:
was, according to Lauth, “to pour out a play on words with seti”. form". The Graecisirtc form is 2£&tg.
The pun with suti effundere was made because because the beginning of the Nile threshold coincides with the early rising of the Sirius collapsed and he was therefore given the one for Egypt so significant flood attributed 0- Well out For this reason, Sothis was the local goddess of the first, i.e. i. southernmost of all Egyptian nouns ^). She had a temple in Syene (Asw&n), SUN-T, SUNNU-T, which is on the southern border of the empire is located opposite the island of Elephantine. You is said in the hieroglyphic texts: “Isis, the great, the Mother of God, the Lady of SUN, the divine Sothis, the star, the mistress of the sky," the great one, the mistress of the beginning of the year, the Queen and the Lady of the Gon- stellation of the deans, the daughter of the god Seb, the great, the Mother of God, the Mistress of SUN^* '). The city of Syene or the island of Elephantine^) is sometimes called Iieli “the city of called equilibrium'' because the emergence of the honored Sothis, who was called “the divine Soped in fteli”, “the divine liche Sothis, the great one, who is called the mistress of Iiel^'*, the balance of the phenomena of heaven and earth
1) M. Doncker, Gesch. of antiquity I^ p. 24, 25; Bnigsch, ReL or Myth. d. old. Aeg. p. 121. 245; Reinisch in Panly's Real Encyclop. I^p. 328 s. Y. Aegyptus; Wilkinson, M.a. C. of the anc. £g. II, 1, p. 372; Lafaye, M6L I p. 196.
2) Brugsch, Dict g6ogr. p. 686 ; Recueil de monnments ^gyptiens publik par H. Brugsch and J. Dümichen, Game III p. 37.
3) Brugsch, Dict. g6ogr. p. 666 s.v. sun-t, sünnü-t; cf. about one Temple of Isis-Sothis iu Syene: Mariette, Bulletin de l'Institut l^gyptien No. 11. Alexandria 1872, p. 51. 52; Taccog J. NtQovi^og, 'A^iiyaiov I 1872, p. 210; Pierret, Dict. d'arch. 6g. p. 72 p.t. Assouan; p. 520 s. v^ Sothis; Lafaye, M61. p. 196-197.
4) On the bronze for the death cult of the divine father and prophet phetes of Amon in Ap, Ptahhotep certain libation vessel in Vienna it: "It cools you Sothis, the mistress of Elephantine" and a little further- Then she is referred to as “the ancient one, which is in Elephantine”*, see £. V. Bergmann, Inedirte inscription. Thinkm. the k. Collection in Vienna, no. 6 in Lepsius Journal. f. &g. Prov. a. Antiquity XX 1882, p. 42.
about a coin of Jalian the Apostate. 303
seemed restored^). Also as ruler in SoNeM, a district of Nnbien with the metropolis of Elephantine it denotes: “Sothis, the divine, the great, ... the be- gentin in SoNeM^S “the divine Snpt, the mistress of I^e]^, the regent in SoNeM, the lady of the new year, which lets the Nile (Hapu) rise in its own time'"). The adoration which Sothis shows in these areas to show this in passing imagine that the explanation, which G. WolfF, Arch. Zeitung 1867 p. 55-56 and E. Plew, Jahrbb. f. class. Phil. 1868 p. 839-840 by “T^g äno leiQKxdog^'IcfiSog''^ der von Henzen, Annali dell' Inst, di Corr. arch. 1866 p. 139-149 (cfr. Arch. Anz. 1866 p. 233*) The Cheronensian inscription communicated to us is the correct one is; contrary to H^nzen's view that “Isis from the Dog star period'^ is to be translated, they transfer, supported on Stephen Byz. s.v. ^vijViy, Dionysus. perieg. 223, Plin. n.h. V 53, “Isis from the Sirian land”, i.e. Isis who lives in a country would be worshiped, that of the Siris, like the Nile above Syene's was called, flows through.
Numerous hieroglyphic texts are in the Hathor Temple received from Denderah, which the exit of the Nile of the Sothis attribute'). This is what the inscription of the first Upper Egyptian says Nomos on a list of nouns: “He (the emperor) leads to you (O Isis-Hathor) the Nubian Nomos together with its donations, including to whom he brings the contents of the land in his arms for you Hathor-Sothis, who makes the Nile appear (to his time)''^). In the geographical Osiris text (by Denderah) Isis' brother is addressed: “You are in Elephantine, You are in the Me'h city, where the Nile comes to you with everything
1) Brugsch, Dict. g^gr. p. 628—629 8th t. ]{e]|.
2) Bnigsch, Dict. g^ogr. p. 727- 7^8 s.t. SoNMUT, SoNeBL
3) About the special view of Hathor in Tentyra as Sothis Stern cf. Brugsch, Rel. u. Myth. the old one. Aeg. p. 120 - 121; Lautb, the Sothis or Sirius period 1. 1, therein p. 92ff.: “The Hathor Temple of Denderah*”; Mariettc-Bey, Le grand temple de Denderah p. 315-321, quoted by Lafaye, M61. p. 196.
4) Brugsch et DQmichen, Recueil, Partie Ol p. 24.
304 W. Drexler:
his water, which your sister Sothis spreads out to his Time'^, “Your sister Sothis is coming when you prevent irrigation in the field by spreading it out You the water''^). For the swollen and moved Water of the stream had its own expression “saroma^* or "sorem^^; and a hieroglyphic inscription, the Brugsch, Dict. g6ogr. p. 1190—1191 from Dümichen, temple inscriptions pl. 81, 25 brings the sorem into connection with Isis- Sothis “Sa-ro-ma Sit Seti Sat Sati er 8ebui-f '^ “les eaux gonflSes fönt leur ^jaculation sitöt que la d^esse Sothis a lächä la jambe'^ Let us keep such places in mind and consider what significance for Egypt the early rising of Sirius and The Nile flooded, perhaps that is the assumption it does not seem too daring that on the coins discussed, which Isis drives over a surface of water and in front of her Sirius jumping up to show that Isis-Sothis was depicted like her sailing down the Nile, the blessings of the land flooding caused. Of course I'm far away, too claim that this interpretation is necessarily the correct one must').
1) Brugsch et DümicheD, Recueil, Part III, PI. XGVI--G: Geogr. Osiris- text from Denderah, lines 1 and 29, p. 39 ; cf. Ebers, Egypt and the books Moses's p. 358.
2) It increases my confidence in the interpretation given above Wieseler, “Mourning Isis*' Archäol. Zeitung 1861 p. 209.5t) which follows- the coins to be mentioned and the emerald plasma of the collection Stosch, which Isis on a fast-moving Ilund, with Sistram in d. R., Scepter in the L. represent “the swelling of the Nile at the present time the summer solstice*'; although there are no waves on them point out the Nile. What he says is interesting as a contrasting portrayal discussed marble relief of Roman work from the Museum yon Braun- keep quiet, on which there is a female figure in a robe with the Isis knot the chest sitting on a scorpion, in the r. on the r. Legs resting Hand holding a snake, the 1st hand with a piece of the outer garment leaning on the first leg, looking slightly up to the left, with quite A melancholy god's fear** begins with the waning of the Nile in the month of Athyr is supposed to refer to where the sun passes through the sign of Scorpio, Osiris dies, Isis mourns.
about a coin of Jolian the Apostate. 305
Conclude the discussion of the coin just discussed Below is a brief look at some of the others Greek and Roman monuments relating to Isis-Sothis.
Alexandrian imperial coins of Antoninus Fius with the Date L KA^), Coins of Hadrian') marked HA- DRIAN VS. A VG • COS • III • P • P , the older Faustina *) with DIVA FAVSTINA, the younger^) with FAVSTINA AVG PD AVG
1) Large bronze: Mus. Theupoli p. 1147; Eckhel D. N. V. IV p. 66(Theu- poli, Stosch); Zoega Numi Aegyptii Imperatorii p. 207 No. 410 M. RG.); Mionnet VI p. 275 No. 1892; Feuardent, L'fegypte ancienne II p. 131 No. 1906; (at Huber p. 108 No. 1095; cf. No. 1105 Faustina junior>
2) Middle bronze from the Vienna Eabinet: Froelich, Gimel. Vindob. p. CXIII; Eckhel, D. N. V. Vm p. 138= VI p. 512, according to which Rasche Suppl. m, 182; Eckhel, Cat. Mus. Caes. Vindob. 11 p.m. 192 No. 592; Ameth Synopsis p.89 No. 229; Cohen 11« No. 1369.
3) Medium Bronze: Mus. Theupoli p. 207, according to which Eckhel D. N. V. Vn p 41 and in Rasche II, 2 p.977; IV, 2, p. 1059 No. 16; Suppl. m p. 182; Ameth p. 101 No. 62; Cohen H» p.434 No. 273.
4) Medium Bronze: Godmother, Imp. Rome. Num. Index Num. Ant p. 15, where- according to Rasche IV, 2 p. 1065 No. 17; II, 2 p. 977; Suppl. III p. 182, and Gessner, Num. ant. imperatorum romanorum Tb. CXV, No. 20. — Mus. Theu- poli p. 532.
Bronze medallion: Grüber, Roman medallions in the British Museum. London 1874, p. 16 No. 3, P.I. 2/24 ^1-2; Ameth p. 110 No. 56MMM; Ramus, Cat. num. vet. gr. et rom. Musei Regis Daniae n p. 322 No. 150. M m. m. 2; Cohen UI^ No. 300 (petit medallion or moyen bronze. Mus^es de Vienna and Denmark). —
Strange is that of Cohen lU^ p. 164 No. 294 described and formed bronze medallion of Faustina Junior: favstina avg • ph fil. Son cough diad^m^ ä dr. RJ, sans legend. Le g^nie de Carthage tourel^, tenant un sister and un scepter, assist sur un Hon courant & dr. Mod. 10^. F(rance). BRM. We cannot read the Dea Caelestis yon Carthago here What we have here are the coins of the Septimian dynasty show the same thing, look completely different. You can clearly see it in the Hand of the goddess of the coin in question a sistram, so that one will not hesitate to call it Isis. It's difficult to determine the species of the animal carrying the goddess from the illustration. It is definitely not a lion; a large dog, for example from the Ge- To recognize the shape of our Leonbergers, the hooves are particularly difficult you can clearly see in the picture; perhaps, but with all caution serve, mau could think of a cow by remembering that on Egyptian monuments, such as the Zodiacus of Denderah, the Sirius
306 W. Drexler:
FIL in the obvcrs show Isis with sistrum and on the reverse Sceptcr on the one depicted as a large dog, quickly passing away rushing Sirius. The same type appears on the one with VOTA PVBLICA circumscribed lapel from under Julian Apostata minted coins whose obverse soon bore the inscription D-N-FL«CL' IVLIANVS P.p.AVG with the head of the emperor^), soon DEO SERAPIDI or SARAPIDI with the same head under the features of Sarapis ^), soon the same inscription with the heads Julian and his wife Helena in the formation of Sarapis and Isis^), soon ISIS PARIA with the head of the as Isis depicted empress*). Also on the VOTA PVBLICA Coins of Valentinianus I with the obverse inscription DN VALEN-
is represented by a cow resting in a bark with the star on it the head, the cross of life on the neck; cf. Lauth, the Sothis or Siriaa- period 1. 1. p. 92; Lafaye, M^l. p. 197; £. d. Roug6, Notice of monnmenti expos^s in the galerie d'antiques egyptiennes. salle du rez-de Chaussee et palier de Tescalier du south-est, at musee du Louvre. 7e M. Paris 1888 p. 197; Müller, Handb. der Arch. d. K. 3rd ed. p. 671 §408.3, a presentation position, which can be seen similarly in the illustration for the chapter of the dead book “Gateway to the Knowledge of the Souls of the East**; cfr. Brugsch, At. p. 176 no. 68.
1) Medium bronze from the Vienna Cabinet: Eckhel, Cat. II p. 504 No.44; Ameth p.203 No. 16; Cohen VI, Julien II No. 104; Small bronze: Bandurill p. 435 (Ducange), but where the figure is called Anubis; incerti moduli II p. 440.
2) Small bronze: Tanini p. 319, according to which Cohen VI, Julien II no. 105; Cat d'Ennery p. 642 No. 4748, Mionnet 11 p. 297 ; Akerman n p. 300.
3) Small bronze: Musellius, Numismata antiqua Pars 11 tb. CCLIII No. 6, in p. 317, after which it is reproduced in Lafaye, Mel. p. 194; Banduri II p. 436 (Fontaine); II p. 436 (Regius); Cohen, Julien and Helene No. 6; Cat. d'Ennery p. 643 No.4756, “grand module”; Mionnet II p. 301; Akerman U p. 304 No.l.
Medium Bronze: Tanini p. 318; Museo numismatico Lavy II p. 406 No. 5166.
4) Small bronze: Bandurill p. 443 (Fontaine); Cat. d'Ennery p. 643 No.4757; Mionuet II p. 300; Cohen, Hcldne No. 10 (France); Akerman II p. 303 No. 21; Eckhel D. N. V. VIII p. 137 (Mus. Caes. No. 18); Arneth p. 203 No. 29.
about a coin of Jolian the Apostate. 307
TINIANVS P F AVG') and Valens*) this representation occurs still towards us.
As Isis on the Sirius dog, I want the goddess with me Cornucopia in the right and scepter in the left of a coin from Aegae in the Aeolis at Imhoof-Blumer, Monnaies grecques explain:
"*AYCTEI(NA CEBACTH). Bust of Faustine jeune k dr.
RF AirAEHN. Femme tourel^e, la tete tourn^e k g., assise
de face sur un loup courant a dr. De la m. dr. hurry
tient une corne d^abondance et de la g. un sceptre.
M 30 m. L'animal, sur lequel la figure est assise,
montre d^cid^ment la tate et la queue d'un loup.'^
We obviously have the same type on one from Vaillant,
Numi Graeci p. 61 and after him by Mionnet Suppl. V p. 58
No. Coin of the same empress recorded under Nicaea in 517:
Faustina Jr. RF AI. [NIKAIEIIN in praecedentc]. Dea in-
sidens lupo, d. cornucopiae, see sceptrum. jS I D. Lamonii. It
It is very reasonable to assume that Vaillant is incorrectly instead of AIFAEQN
NIKAIEHN has read.
However, I only have to categorically dispute this question. wisely given explanation of a female figure as Isis the Sirius on a coin from Catana in A Catalog of the Greek coins in the British Museum. Sicily p. 51 No. 64: Head of Apollo r., laur.: border of dots.
RF, KATA
NAU2N ^^^^ (^) wearing modius and long chiton, Stan- thing 1., holding bird on r.; at her feet, dog (Sothis?); in front, P: piain border. iE! 8. wight 82. Pentonkion.
1) Small bronze: Banduri 11 p.466 (RegiuB); Cohen VI, YalentinieB I No. 60 (France); Mionnet II p. 312; Akerman II p. 313 No. 2; Cat. Welzl de Wellenheim I med. rom. p. 259 No. 15506 (Bf. sine epigr.).
2) Medium bronze of the Gab. d'Ennery p.572 No.3917, according to which at Tanini p. 322 and in Cohen VI, Valens No. 76. — cf. Müller, Handb. d. Arch. d. K. 3rd ed. p.671 §408.3; Lafaye, M61. p. 194; Lafaye, history you culte des divinit^ d'Alezandrie hors de r£g)pte p.320 No. 191.
308 W. Drexler:
One would like the animal of the goddess according to the picture a similar example from the Recupero collection at Torre- muzza, Ad Siciliae veteres numos auctarium I Tab. UI No. 4 p. 8 — 9, according to which Mionnet Suppl. I p. 382 No. 172, more like fttr consider a deer as a dog. The goddess is revealed the same, which without the animal at its feet, with the bird in the right appears on numerous coins from Gatana: CaU of the Greek coins in the Br. Mus. Sicily p. 51 - 52 Nos. 65 to 69 (“Isis?”); C. Combe, Mus. Hunter p. 90 Nos. 33-37, Table XVI fl. 9, 10 ; Taylor Combe, Mus. Britannic. p. 63 No. 18; Mionnet I p.229 Nos. 174-177; suppl. I p. 381-382 Nos. 168-171 (Torremuzza Tb. XXII Nos. 9-11); Eckhel, Cat. I p. 33 Nos. 9-10; Ramus I p. 69 Nos. 18-20; Cat. Thomsen I, 1 p. 45 No. 550; Adr. de Longp6rier, Descr. of the m6d. you cab. de M. de Magnoncour. Paris 1840 p. 18 No. 164 ; CoUezione San- tangelo p. 70 Nos. 7592-7610; Cat. Northwick I p. 39 No.387 (“Serapis?”). But what deity do we have before us here? I would like to think of Artemis, who plus as a reverse depiction of the obverse's head of Apollo fits; the animal, whether it be a dog or a deer, points in both cases on them; The bird isn't entirely unusual either- Lich with her: on coins from Leucas you can see behind the Oott meaning^) a bird on a perch, sometimes another others with spread wings on her arm. Without that to give different interpretations which the bird of the last If you have received the coins mentioned, then you have the one we have busy Catanese soon for a Tanbe (C. Combe and probably Torremuzza too, when he used the shape of the coin Collection Recupero thinks for Venus), soon for a swan (Fiorelli, Coli. Sant.). It might be closer to think of the quail, whose relationships with Artemis von Stark, “the quail, star island and the olive tree in the area of Phoe-
1) E. GurtiuB, Hermes X p. 243 (cfr. Imhoof-Blumer, Vienna Num. Zeit* very. X p. 133) also explains this goddess in Far ^AfQodirtj Alt^wis.
about a coin of Jullan the Apostate. 309
"Nician and Greek Myths": Ben about the Marriage of the Royal. Sachs. Ges. d. W.z. Leipzig. Phil.-hist. Cl. 1856 p. 32-120 have been discussed in detail. Also the Modins, which the goddess on coin no. 64 of Cat. of the Greek coins in the Br. Mus. Sicily is not entirely unusual in Artemis: cf. Preller, Greek. Myth. 239; Gerhard Greek. Myth. § 341, Id; Müller-Wieseler monuments d. a. K II, 1, Plate XV No. 156f., p. 107, where further literature references are recorded; Stephani C.R. p. Ta. 1865 p. 31.77; p. Company 1868 p. 137.
A piece by Prof. Scholz, year, can be made from lead coins. books of the association v. Friends of antiquity in the Rhineland II p. 81 No. 60: "Caput Isidis. Rf, Lupus currens" among those on Isis with monuments related to Sirius.
As far as gems are concerned, the same is true Idea like on Hadrian's coins listed above, of Antoninus Pius, the two Faustinas, etc. on one Emerald plasma from the Stosch collection*), and we will Don't hesitate to see Isis on Sirius here too. On the other hand, I would be less confident with Lafaye, M61 p. 195 and Gerhard, Arch. Zeit. 1849 p. 149 note 1, also the Carnelian from Winckelmann, Cat. de Stosch p. 16 No. 65 and at Tölken p. 240-241, 3rd class 5th abth. No. move here in 1408"). Up This one lacks the sistrum and scepter, but winds around it right arm of the goddess a snake; the dog also stands
1) Winckelmann, Cat. d. p. gr. d. f. B. de Stosch p. 16 No. 66» SAMMtL Works ed. Eiselein IX p. 306 307 ; Tölken, explanation d. d. ans. Tertieft shot. Stones d. Royal Pr. Gem collection p. 16, I Cl. 'i. Abth. No. 39 ; Rasp, Cat. rais. thin coli. g^n. de p. gr. I p. 29 No. 334; cf. Lafaye, Hist. you cnlte des di?. d'Alexandrie p. 310 No. 153; Lafaye, M^l. p. 195.
2) The impression of a gem with this idea in the possession of Prince Chigi records Visconti, Opere Varie II p. 177-178, § 3, 72, the the goddess's east was correctly identified as Hygieia, but because he had no whose examples include the daughter of Asclepius sitting on a dog. are known, by the authenticity of the original, a carnelian in Dolce, K . 72, doubts.
310 W. Drexler:
here completely calm, while he is in a violent state on the coins movement is located. Winckelmann also names the figure “Isis'^ but doesn't point the dog to Sirius, vice versa Tölken recognizes the type as a “representation of the star the canicula and at the same time the sultry summer time of the Dog Days^^ without any reference to Isis and Egypt^^ Panofka, Asclepius and the Asclepiads, Abhdl. d. Berl. Ak. 1845 Plate V, 4 p. 277, note 6; p.356 sees Hygieia in the figure or Epionc on the dog ^out^q, but he leaves at the last- The passage cited also includes the interpretation of Maira (“the heat of Sirios in female form" Preller, Greek Myth. I' p. 376, 380). Exactly the same representation can be found on the Genmie Caylus, Recueil dantiquites Tome VI PL XL, 2 p. 135, just that Panofka's depiction of dog and deity from the viewer's left there, Caylus' board shows them turned backwards and that what Appears as a snake in Panofka, looks like one in Caylus takes out the fold of the garment. Again Lafaye recognizes M61., p. 212-213 here Isis with Sirius, Caylus and probably after him Raponi, Recueil de pierres gravees concernant l'histoire la mythologie etc. Rome 1786, PI. LXXXIII, 1 p.28 Erigone, daughter of Icarus and his dog Maeia. It seems to me that Panofka's interpretation is female form on Hygieia to deserve preference. One how important role the dog plays in the service of the healing deities plays, teaches, etc. the essays by Reinach, Les chiens dans le culte d'Esculape et les Kelabim des st^les peintes de Citinm, Revue Arch^ol. 3« s6rie, IV 1884 p. 129-135 and by H. Gaidoz, A propos des chiens d'Epidaure ibid p. 217-222*). One
1) The dog appears on coins at Asklepios e.g. B. on one Roman imperial medallion of Antoninus Pius at Pedrusi, Museo Fameie V tav. 9 No. 6 and from it in Gessner, Impp. tb. XCVU, 4, Eckhel D. N. V. VII p.d3, Cohen II ^ p.381, No. 1138, Cavedoni, BuU. arch. napol. n. 5.7 p.28; on Mflnia of the Thessalian Magnets, Imhoof-Blumer, Monnaies Grecques p. 133M 21m. "Gab. de de Munich" = Ghoix PI. I No. 26 =» Sestini D. N. Y. p. 150 No. 6 (quoted by Thracmer, see ?. Asclepius in Roscher's Mythol. Lex. p. 629) = Mionnet Suppl. VI p. 235 No. 1023; on a coin from Cleonae, Ms. Lenormant, Descr. of the m^d. et ant. comp, le Gab. de M. le Baron
about a monie of Julian the Apostate. 311
We have a similar representation on one of De^Rossi e Maffei, Gemme ant iche figurate. Parte IL Roma 1707 tav. 57, p. 121
Behr. Paris 1857 p. 45 No. 252. M 6 (cited by Imhoof-Blomer, Monnaies gr. p. 133 and Nnmismatic Commentary on Pausanias (S. A. ans Joomal of Hel- lenic Stndies) 1885 p. 32, 2); more often on silver and bromine coins from Epi- dauroS) Imhoof-Blumer, Num. Com. on Pausanias p. 43, 2: & Anton. Fontb century. Berlin. 1866, pl. XXX, 3, etc. (quoted by v. Sallet Zeitschr. L Num. y p. 329). B(riti8h) M(usenm). Munich [Sestini, Descr. di molte med. esistenti in piü Musei p. 93 No. 1. i& I. Tb. XII fg. 16 » Nerd, Nom. nonnulla gr. ex Museo Regis Batariae p. 159 i& 5, the Stephanie The other resting Heracles p. 91 Note 1 quoted, Panofka, ill. of the Berl. Ak. 1841 plate. II, 10, V. d. infl. d. God. on d. local no. II p. 16; Ascl. p. 284.8] (Lra.) Imh. etc.", Cat. of Greek coins of cities and princes coUected abroad, London 1874, 8th of July, p. 15 No.257. S^4j,.
jyM Auton. Athens, 4431, B (Dog behind seat.) Hadrian. Berlin. Bl. 1870, p. 15, 9 [p. 4 des S. A] (Dog behind seat.) M. AureL Athens, No.448l, b. Dog behind. (Liv.y*.
Perhaps some Mflnien Ton Rhegion can also be moved here, which in the obverse the lion's scalp, in the reverse the inscription recinos shows a seated male bearded figure looking to the left, who, with her upper body unclothed, her right hand propped up on top Staff that L. placed on his hip. is under the chair for some In some specimens it is not an animal, in others it is a water bird, and in still others as in Num. Chron. 1873 p. 100, A Cat. of the gr. c. in the Br. Mus. Italy p. 374 Nos. 11 J& 1 «2 u. 13. i& 1 • 1 and at Fox, Engravings of nnpublished or rare Greek coins. Part. I. Suppl. p. 29 No. 2 J& 8, who names the figure as Jupiter draws, a dog. On a copy in the Cat. Northwick p. 16 No. 171, but where the figure does not have the dog with him, the scepter becomes knotted (knotted) denotes in which the bacillum nodosum (quod difficultatem sign- ficat artis) of Asclepius could recognize. The fact that some muflnsen Showing a bird instead of a dog doesn't necessarily speak against them Interpretation of Asclepius. In order to distance himself from his well-known attribute, the rooster, As you watch, he holds a bird of a snake on coins from Trikka. against; from the legend that Asclepius was killed in Thelpusa by Tgvymp (turtle dove) was nourished, concludes Thraemer s. v. Asklepios in Roscher's Lexicon p. 630 that the dove there was sacred to him. On the lapel A coin from the Gordianus Pin of Anchialus can be seen according to Cohen, Detcr. of the m^d. comp, le cab. de feu M. Badeigts de Laborde p. 16 No. 195 ^Hygite et Esculape debut; k terre une cigogne et T^lesphore?*' Of course I am far from the interpretation of the figure of the coins in question Rhegium on Asclepius is presented as the absolutely correct one; but it seems At least they seem to me to have more justification than those of Panofka, Tropho- nioscultus in Rhegium, Abhdl. d. Berlin Ak. 1848 p. 111-119, placed Explanation as Trophonios.
312 W. Drexler:
to 122, and from this work by Montfaucon, L'ant. expl. I, 2 pl. CXC, 4 p. 289 pictured, then owned by Ste- fanoni's gem. The same shows a beautiful one female figure, sitting on a rock, facing left, upper body unclothed, a snake around her right arm, on her right side a dog^). Both from Maffei and from Mont- faucon, as no less from Adr. de Longp6rier, Notice des bronzes antiques exposös in les galeries du mus^e national dn Louvre 1^*" partie p. 71 No. 331 this figure is used for hygiene explained; the latter cites the gem to compare one from 1844 Patera found at Neuvy-Pailloux, which shows as jewelry: “Hygi^e, assisc sur un loup et tourn6e k gauche; sa main ganche repose sur la Croupe de lanimal; de la dr., hasten tient un serpent En avant. un arbre."
I also can't agree with Lafaye when he says M61. p. 212 in the figure of one at Caylus Rec. d'ant. VI pl. X No. 4 illustrated and p. 29 - 30 described bronze plate Isis with which Sirius recognizes. The illustration at Caylus shows one standing female figure from the front, to one standing to the left Dog leaning, upper body unclothed, one in the R Trident, in the L. a not clearly visible one Caylus as a bird, surrounded the head of a wreath of leaves, not adorned with the lotus flower, as Lafaye says. An interpretation of this according to Caylos View of a piece made in Egypt in Roman times I don't like to give; would not be the forms of the figure even too clumsy, one could, of course only with the slightest reservation,
1) Man Daily the bronze medallion of the Commander of Pergamum in the Eabinet Yon Florence: Vaillant, N. Gr. p.72 En-CTP-nPOBOY koinon nEPFAMHNAN KAI E^ECiAN Mulier insidens scopulis cum ara et tmnco arboris cui involatns est serpens, dextra pateram: in imo canis. M M., after which Mionnet S. V p. 453 — 4 No. 1070; Gori, Ant. nnmismata max. mod. qoae in Museo Magni Ducis Etroriae adservantur vol I p. 191-292; vol. II tab. XLIX fig. 3; already Gori correctly points the figure to Hygieia; in the essay by Warwick Wroth, Asklepios and the coins of Pergamos, Num. Chr. Third Series No. 5. 1882. Part I p. 1-51 I don't think this beautiful medallion is mentioned, but it is at Panofka, Askl. p. 311.
about a coin of Jolian the Apostate. 313
haltuDg, for example to a nymph or to Artemis deDken, by one could relate dogs and tridents to hunting'); it but probably in many of these late semi-barbaric depictions be entirely in vain to give a certain name want.
Also worth mentioning is the marble relief from Cervetri'). Isis, the sistrum in the R., the patera in the L, on fast showing dogs rushing there; and those of Cassius Dio') thought Isis statue on Sirius at a temple of the goddess at Rome, which caused the death of Elagabar by turning his head should have announced*).
1) About the trident as a hunting device, see Stephani C. R. p. l'a. 1867 p. 65, 67, 142, 146. Wieseler, Gommentatio de ?ario asa tridentis apnd populos veteres, imprimis apud Qraecos et Romanos. Gottingae 1872. 4^ p. 9ff.
2) Benndorf, BuU. delP Inst, di Gorr. arch. 1866 p. 102; Arch&ological Gazette 1866 p. 232*; Ancient sculptures in Rome described. by Matz, published. from y. Duhn III p 48 No. 3534; Lafaye, historian du culte des ditinit^ d'Alexan- three p. 254; p. 290 No. 93 and especially the oft-cited species of this thought- treatise once dedicated to Lafaye's “Un monument romain de l'^toile d'Isis. Bas-relief in^dit du mus6e Kircher", M^langes d'arch. et d'hitt. Rome 1881. I p. 192-214. PI. VI.
3) Cass. Dio Hb. LXXIX cap. 10. toI. IV p. 824 ed. Fall; cfr. Lafaye, M61. p. 210-212; Lafaye, historian p. 226.
4) For the appearance of the dog in figures depicting Isis cf. also the ivory relief in the yearbooks of Yer. v. antiquity friends in the Rhineland Issue IX p. 100 ff. Plate Vn = Lafaye M61. p.2l8, Lafaye, historian du culte des div. d'Alezandrie p. 293-294 No. 104; and the by Lafaye, Hist. p.310 No. 152 from Mosöe Fol, Glyptiqoe, 1 1 pLY, No.6 taught gem.
Dr. W. Drexler.
The Yierlings of the city of Brannschweig.
In the 16th volume of the Vienna Numismatic Society The numismatic magazine was published by Mr. E. Bahrfeldt a treatise on “da” coins from the city of Luckau in the Niederlansitz^'' allowed to be printed, in which he said this by himself in his writing about “rfi> Brandenburgisclien SUldtemünzen from the Kipperzeit'' (Beeskow 1882) and from the Mr. Dr. J. and A. Erbstein in a treatise on “rfi” by the city of Luckau in Lower Lusatia in 1622 Coins'' (sheets for coin lovers no. 99 and 100) collected numismatic and documentary material combined and by giving the city of Luckaa the assigns small bracteates that form the image of a half or Growing lions show what the city of Luckau is like King Wenceslaus in 1382 granted coinage privileges as a reward for the Luckau coins were determined. This is the old assumption based on those in the Royal Collections in Berlin and Dresden has had the coins in question under Luckaa for a long time are arranged, in both but with a certain reservation in favor of the city of Braunschweig, which has since and also by Mr. Bahrfeldt in no way firmer or even irresistible is legally justified, but on the contrary through some finds notes have become so questionable that they are under assignment of the coins to the city of Braunschweig will be completely abandoned must be.
Menadier: The quadruplets of the city of Braunschweig. 315
In the privilege of King Wenceslas, the newly created ende Heller referred to as: “a right coin kleynea money and doruff eyn gehreckte and tsign of half a lion^ and uff the com^ do the go, the vinken ougen means^ being beaten^ schmyden and slahen sullen and like ^ with name eighteen for a local big one^\ so the half lion is used as an embossed image and for the content the Vinken eyes are considered decisive. true. For Mr. Bahrfeldt, this is the most important thing announced pfennig both, while with the others There is no agreement at all in terms of content the speech can be, since it is mostly of very low value and some consist almost entirely of copper. However, don't be satisfied with this superficial compilation, but gives sharper Eight, this first piece already shows that the be- mood is worrying. Luckau coins, privileged by the Bohemian King Wenceslaus, have the Bohemian embossed image presuppose the lion, as Mr. Bahrfeldt also believes, since he received the coin as a ^^pfennig with the growing (Bohemian) Lions'', but the Bohemian lion is at least on the Bohemian coins of that time with one throughout split, double tails, while on the in The lion's tail is shaped like a palmette. is divided, in the same way as on the Thuringian groschen and the Braunschweig lion pennies. However, I admit that no great weight should be attached to these circumstances, in addition times on the Luckauer pfennigs of the Kipper era the characters- The ristic tail formation of the Bohemian lion is also missing and the seventeenth of those recorded by Mr. Bahrfeldt in this is very similar to bracteates. A stronger production However, it seems to me that it deserves emphasis that the Luckauer Coins in the royal privilege not at all as hollow pfennigs are denoted and we are therefore by no means entitled are to accept such without further ado. Those in the privilege given equation between the Luckauer Pfennigs and the However, Vinkenaugen only refers to the salary; would be
ZeitMhrifi for Womiwnatik. XJIL 31
316 Menadiers:
However, there is a clear difference in terms of coinage If the genus were considered, the same would in any case be aas- be expressly designated; also in terms of external appearance we have to regard the coins as similar. Hollow pennies are therefore excluded for Luckau at all, as there is hardly any doubt- It should be noted that the Vinkenaugcn are those small two-sided ones According to the finds, the brighter coins are the most numerous type of coins of the lands of their time seem to have been and in one Number of 18 pieces the required weight of the Bohemian have pennies. But if you also call this final conclusion ex silentio is inadmissible, then one examines the total tr Appearance of the hollow pennies: at least to me it seems the same, especially the low elevation of the high edge, the allocation to strongly oppose the same after Luckau. Leave it out However, it turns out to be even less of a compelling proof that I focus particularly on what was already mentioned at the beginning Find notes support.
One of Mr. Bahrfeldt's three pieces is supposed to be together with the so-called Scepterpfennigen Friedrich des The first ones from Brandenburg to be found near Gnesen, but Mr. Bahrfeldt himself describes the place of discovery as only one massive. On the other hand, I thank Dr. hereditary stone the news that a long time ago a box with copper hollow pennies of this kind with half a lion Duderstadt was found, on the basis of which the same can be found claimed for this city. Second, references I came across the discovery that was recently made during the demolition of the old church Dungelbeck near Peine and raised by Pastor Th. Stenzel in the numismatic-sphragistic display (edited by H. Walte and M. Bahrfeldt. 1885. p. 61 ffg.) discussed in detail wrote, except for a Bacharach Raderalbus from the Pfolz- Count Friedrich I, a gold guilder from Count Enno L von East Frisia and a Brandenburg groschen from the Elector Frederick II. One hundred and some coins from Lower Saxony district, especially Lower Saxony proper, and anter
The quadruplets of the city of Braunschweig. 317
this next to a Braunschweig lion penny aacb Hoblpfennig with half a lion contained'). is firmly attested also, thirdly, that three of the coins are in the city's coin collection Pieces located in Braunschweig alongside two other coins found during the restoration of the Brüdemkirche in Braunschweig have been. Fourthly, the museum's papers also contain how The board member, Major Wegener, informed me has, among the finds found in the state of Braunschweig, three more such hollow pennies recorded. Similar finds The pieces that are in the Ducal Museum will also be there. seum in Braunschweig. That would be the case The Gniezno find better testifies: what is always isolated The appearance of a Brunswick coin in Polish explains be more accurate than the repeated appearance of Luckau coins in the Braunschweig; yes given the rarity of these coins For the rest, these found facts suffice for every claim of Luckau to make them obsolete and to raise the question of their origins to decide in Braunschweig's favor.
The city of Braunschweig acquired the right to mint has been owned and exercised on a leasehold and mortgage basis for a long time had, peculiarly in 1412. This is how she gained the Possibility of the rents and burdens resting on the coin to be replaced and what this has made necessary to put an end to the annual disrepute of the coins. The last one those old Braunschweig lion pennies, whose full validity capacity was limited to one year, the one with the big can
1) The bracteate is placed in the last place by Pastor Stensel. distinguished and highlighted as particularly strange; the one given there The description, according to which it is supposed to show a whole lion, is based on but on a misdemeanor, which I am dealing with through Mr. Pastor Strauss but I have convinced you of the original that was sent to me. The three same If the HannoTorschen helmet pennies belonging to the find are new year- gears: one of them has a C as a symbol, the other a figure in the form of the upper part of an S and the third term probably a through- broken six-pointed star. Their weight is 0.58 Or^ 0.47 Qr.,
0.40 qr.
31*
318 Menadiers:
as a symbolB, was issued in 1412; in 1413 The pfennig was first issued with full validity for an unlimited period of time. ity, 'every eternal penny''^ shaped the changed legal title the minting city and the changes that have occurred in this regard the validity of the pennies is expressed in these themselves bring, the embossing image was also changed and instead of ducal striding leopard, the urban leaping leopard Lion stamped on the coins. This is what the layer^ shows us book that reports about it in its simple way, as follows: ^^Dusse olde pennigk myt dem bt/marke, de leste dede geslagen waH^ That was the pennigk for the big bttsse in Steyt. Unde nademe wart de slach pretextsU anno MPIIUP XII year^ do came up d$ Some brunsvncksche pennigk^ eyn alicht lauwe in which rounded. and$ dusse pennigk scholde stede ande jummer bliven by synem ganghe% y/nde was ganckhaßig three unde sestich jar darbi^^. (The Chronicles of German cities. Braunschweig, ed. v. Hansehnann, IL p. 410.)
To add to this we are told in 1413: “udmio 1413 des Sondaghes vor vinada petri were de eldesten van deme Rade un Ratsworen uppe the müntsmeden uppe the chambers. Alze Herman van Vecktelde^ there van Ursleve^ Hans Krtd^ HumM Fomeyer ut der olden Stad, Un Cord Homeburg^ Hans Hortuib* Ute dem Hagen and Fricke van Twedorp^ Hinric van Engelnwtiddg ut der Nyenstad un speak ume den evnghen penning to makem and Beden de gheteheren. Alze Hans Homeburg^ Binr, Engdtt^ Stiddey Hans Kröl and Hanso Fomere de müntye vort to vorheg^ hende un heten pennige slan der scholden 30 seh, 1 mark gone and scholdne spysen 6)^ Lot Coppers to 9\ Lot fynes dar me pennige un scherve off maken scJiolde and de verlinge seholdeme Spysen two volumes and 1 Mark Boven in antal alse me vore plach. Okay Sede me den gheteheren do sülves was on darvan der müntye and» oghen stöde des wolden se and de ghemene Rad one truweUken hjf best and happy that jo with om ghedan hebben darup betenghedem de gheteheren den slach.'' (Bode, the older coin system of Lower Saxony. P. 189.) The city of Hess has three types of coins
The quadruplets of the city of Brannschweig. 319
Pfennigs, shavings (worth half a penny) and four-pennies linge (worth a quarter of a penny): pennies and shavings should be the same as the shot and made from 9)^ solder Silver is minted to make the quadruplets the silver has to be alloyed twice with copper. These provisions However, there was little time left to determine the fineness of the coins in force. While according to them in 1413 360 pfennigs They only owned 9^2 I^o^I^ fine silver in 1446 7^2 Loth (cf. Bode, the older coinage of Lower Saxony p. 77) 1498 only 6 Loths of fine silver (prescription from Duke Heinrich. Bode pp. 85 and 197) and even became the mint master in 1533 neglected to make the same from 5^2 loth. (Invoices the municipal mint from 1533 in the municipal archive Braunschweig.) The decline in salaries was even greater Scherfe, because during 1413 720 Scherve 972 Loth fine silver should contain, it was determined in 1533 that the certain marks only have 4 coins and are based on the weight. loth of this low-grade silver 51 or 52 sherds, so out the marks 816 to 832 should be minted. Around the middle By the fifteenth century there were already 3 shears calculated a penny. Taking into account that you In any case, even less care was given to the quadruplet than the Scherf, we can assume that the salary reduction the same was a faster and larger one. The Late quadruplets were probably made almost entirely of copper. represents.
The hollow pennies with the lion jumping to the left« the leunculi or lion pennies of the documents are numerous available and well known. They range from the beginning of the fifth tenth century until the end of urban influence in 1675, like those imposed on the most recent issues Dates are given, the most recent as far as I know is 1667 is and according to the above information show considerable Differences in meal and grain, with the low content late pieces approximately 0.50 gr. vnegen, with the old ones from
320 menadiers:
Better silver, on the other hand, has a weight of between 0.64 gr. and 0.48 Gr. fluctuates^).
Smaller coins of the same mint that are used for the scissors and quadruplets could not be used yet became known; one would also search for such things in vain search. Not that the stamp cutters of that time did would have caused difficulties, the image of the whole lion in to cut the small round: around the individual types of coins You will also be able to make it recognizable to everyone have changed the embossed image. It won't do that for us documented, however, one should note that at the end of the fifteenth century with the advent of the various Dime applied procedures, the assumption receives the greatest probability. And should also be for the shear the stamp of the pennies had to be retained, so one had to if for the quadruplets, which are unsuitable given their poor salary fahr must have been of the same size, a different one If you choose a different character, you don't want to run the risk of the two of them To allow coin types to be constantly confused with one another.
As far as I know, the scissors have not yet been pointed out, although it can be assumed that they are us at least in some copies have been preserved; The quadruplets, on the other hand, are the little ones Hollow pennies with half a lion. The one about the brown in accordance with the information provided by the silent quadruplet These coins usually have very little content, sometimes almost entirely coppery and not even in the most valuable specimen an alloy that is too good for the oldest vintages') and as
1) These determinations are based on those in the Royal Coin Cabinet existing copies and are likely to differ due to the more numerous pieces design slightly differently.
2) The hollow pennies with half that I have come to know so far Lions are as follows: In the coin collection of the Royal Museums Berlin 5 copies at 0.29 gr. Tlöthig, 0.27 gr. Tlöthig, 0.23 gr. Tlöthig, 0.35 gr. 51öthig, 0.21 gr. 51öthig. In the Royal Coin Cabinet in Dresden 2 copies of 0.1U size. of better content and 0.15 gr. of low value Metal (according to the kind communication of Dr. Erbstein).. In the ducal
The quadruplets of the city of Braanschweig. 321
Braunschweig proven by the style as well as the finds, they offer as the lowest nominal value of the Coins minted the embossed image of the whole penny in one very obvious and understandable shortening.
Braunschweig Museum has several specimens that I am currently learning more about Notes are not available. In the municipal museum in Braunschweig 5 copies of 0.5 gr. (21, « carat) 6 solder, 0.3 size. (1*; K.) 4 soldering, 0.2 size. (^^K. incomplete) 3 soldering, 0.4 size. (PVk, K.) 2 solder, 0.4 size. (PVi.K.)
2 löthig. In the possession of the church in Dungelbeck is a copy of 0.35 gr. In the possession of the Lord Go. Archivrath v. Mülverstedt a copy of clay &ii8- very low content. Owned by Dr. Erbstein one copy to 0.4 gr. of a very coppery appearance and owned by Mr. Bahrfeldt
3 copies of 0.20 gr. 8 solders, 0.37 gr. 5 solders, 0.29 gr. 3 löthig.
Menadier.
Did the Middle Ages know commemorative coins?
^ When discussing the strange penny of William I. Margraves of Jülich with the three kings and the Transcript salve virgo mater templum be Spiritus (or Him Chri) Grote notes about the image of the Virgin Mary (Mzstud. YII 8. 405): “But that this penny on the occasion of the entry consecration of salvation. Spirit Church was defeated, as Eöhne said is a foolish idea, because “history coins” were minted not back then'^
However, quite a few well-known people have a completely different opinion Coin researchers: apart from Köhne himself, Obermeyer (historical Message from bair. Mz. S. XVI), Voigt (Bohemian Mz. I S. 363) Mader (I Vers. p. 50, critical contribution IT p. 150), Lelewel (Bl. f. Mzkd. DI p. 4), Beierlein (Bavarian mz. p. 7), v. Graba (Vol. VIII p. 22 of this year) Friedensburg (XI p. 117 ibid), Joseph (contributor to the Palatinate Gr&fl. Mzkd. p. 35). But the majority and authority principle has has no validity in science, and so we have to get closer to the interesting question. It will hardly happen It is necessary to remember that this is not about actual Medals can act in the usual sense, but rather about coins that are in the style of the Bavarian historical thaler and similar phenomena of more recent times, in Otherwise, completely follow the usual current coins, but but to a certain event of more or less Great importance could be pointed out by these coins something like this v. Graba (a. a. 0.) also does, occasional Call coins to avoid confusion with actual ones
H. Daimenberg: Did the Middle Ages know any monuments? 83g
Predict medals. That such actual medals in Italy was already defeated in 1390 Friedlaender (the coined Italian Med. of the XYth century p. 4) lays; the intellectual development towards the end of the Middle age has also seen the appearance of medals in Germany prepared by individual occasion coins, such as e.g. b. recently (Vol. XI p. 1 1 7 d. Z.) explained by Friedensburg are '). Grote might also want to do this at such a late date. so we have to investigate how it works in this regard. drawing relates to the earlier Middle Ages
It is obvious from the outset that the The empires that arose during the migration of peoples because they existed naturally Development followed the Roman coinage system, too for their part with an even lower level of culture than that of the Roman Rich people still saved their coins if possible simultaneous Roman adapts, which their former historical character that has earned them so many medals awarded, had long since lost, and except the imperial Name only a pious saying and the mint or about the value designation. Similar, with all large, Differences caused by time and place remain Coins until the eleventh century, until the turn of the twelfth, where in Quedlinburg a denarius (of Abbess Gerburg?) with the unheard of: transliteration ELECCIO ME! appears. Should these Words but also, which may not be entirely out of the question, one allow for a different explanation than that of mine (Mz. d. Sächs. a. Franconian K.No. 621 p. 245) given that they mentioned the mention We see that the abbess should be remembered only a short time later, under Duke Vladislaw I of Bohemia (1109-25) numerous denarii occur, of which some unmistakable in their most beautiful pictures on certain
1) Namely the three anter Otheinrich and Pkilipp aaf the Acquisitionong Ton Nenbarg shaped monsens. 8. aach the Hessian aad Pomerania Occasional notes Ton Wilhelm I and Ton Bogislaw X, Vol. VI 8. 352 and 8. 258 of this magazine).
324 H. Danoenberg:
allude to true events, like Voigt (Böhm. Mz. I p. 363) expressly states that most of these (14) Coins are “to a certain extent commemorative coins”^ and “in general mark the allusion to certain strange events included". He then assigns various examples of such events after: with Vladislaw I, his enfeoffment (No. 3), his recovery (No. 12), with his successor Sobieslaw I also the instructions tion, but also the baptism of his son with the emperor as Pathen (No. 7), and similar relationships can be found on the Denarii of Dukes Vladislaw II and Frederick (1140 - 89) as well as on some of the last branches of this coin class recognize what the recent discovery by Mitkowitz (Wiener numism. Magazine XIV p. 27)^ has delivered. This is exactly where it belongs also the denarius published by Mader (I. Experiment, plate I, 2). with REX VLADISLAVS (1140—1175) Rf. IVDITA REGINA, by to which this writer says on p. 50: “That in the Middle Ages actual foam coins - I understand, coins with an otherwise unusual one, due to a special event initiated and aimed at it, or by others Shape, or of a different content, than the usual national coin: because what else would be essential to a foam coin? be honest? - of which the most unbelieving should receive the pfennig Bohemian King Vladislaw (Plate 1, 2). Still had no Bohemian coin from the Middle Ages has been discovered which, in addition to the name of the regent, also that of his wife stands: etc. Whoever seems too daring to spend this penny for to declare a coronation ejection coin, he will at least don't think of it as a common current coin"').
1) Of course, I cannot hide the fact that this coin is clay differs so extraordinarily from the other simultaneous ideas mentioned above it contains no pictures, but only inscriptions in the field on both sides; den- There is still no doubt about their authenticity based on their appearance, even if it were not guaranteed by Mader's authority. Of course it could in the latter regard, the obviously incorrect one that was placed next to it without objection Bracteate from Ottokar (Plate 1, 7) raises concerns.
Did the Middle Ages know monuments? 325
Certain large Bavarian ones are very close in time Denarii (semi-bracteates), their character as commemorative coins also catches the eye and is also generally recognized. Above all, the one who Otto von Witteisbach with sword and Shield depicting a lion chasing away (ISeierlein Plate I, 1 and 2; Scratch the conv. Mz. d. heart. v. Baiem and d^ B.V. Reg. No. 2). Beierlein says of it (p. 7): “These undoubtedly based on Henry the Lion's declaration of respect. The coin minted from the middle forms the end of the coin of the XI. Century common in Bavaria, mostly with historical depictions Larger metal coins (semi-bracteates) provided with positions^^ And that this is not an error caused by our correct understanding of a somewhat clumsy drawing, that is clearly proven by a recently emerged, highly strange coin of this type, about which Joseph a. a. 0. p. 35 expresses himself as follows: “I can explain what has been said through a confirm a previously unknown coin in my collection. On the- The same is Count Palatine Otto von Witteisbach with an eagle shown in the right. The other side shows the same thing Count Palatine, who swings a sword with his right hand On the left is the head of a lion, just separated from the body holds, which is shown fleeing. It's one of the on the front 700 years ago, Henry the Lion performed a figure of eight minted coins, which with the exception of my example from Beierlein and by W. Schratz are described^'.
Other Bavarian Oeschichtsmfinzen of the same type which Beierlein alludes to in the above quote are from Ober- Mayer described; he sees on them (prev. p. xvi) “flags” and crosier loans, duels and eight-handed swords, the hieroglyphic overpowering and taming of the lion, the murder, the submission of the monks to the bishop, the blessing or absolution from spiritual ban etc.'^ And although not all of his attempts at explanation were successful. If you want to be drawn, they will remain even after deletion Of the doubtful, there are still enough undeniable ones. One
326 H. Dannenberg:
Mader (critical contribution II p. 150) corrected, it is Obennayer No. 81, on which, according to Mader, was the punishment of the bishop's murderers Gebhard von Regensburg is pictured. A peculiar one It coincides that the same Bavarian in the XII. century like that is rich in commemorative coins, which in our time with its Historian thalers aim to revive the old custom strives to have an effect
The fall of Henry the Lion, an event of such consequence- of greater importance, but also in the north of our father country, for which it was of particular importance, created an undeniable historical coin, the bracteate namely, on which Bernhard, his successor in the Saxon chen dukedom, appears, as he sits, to those who have been overcome Lions at his feet, his vassals respecting their freedoms sworn in under oath (Elze d. Mz. Bernhardts etc. Heft I Plate 1^, Köhne magazine. N. F. Plate X, 29),
Some of the most memorable events occurred in the Middle Ages acquisitions of beliciae, and so there is nothing falling, if such the subject of some also in technical relationship of interesting Magdeburg bracteates forms, on one of which the saint holds his head in front of him Moritz reminded that i. J. 1220 Archbishop Albrecht den Skull (bregenpannc) of this patron saint of his monastery shrines of the same was so fortunate (Vol. Vm p. 17 this. Z.). Finally we own one in this coin class the corresponding Liège denarius (Grote, Bl. f. Mzkd. HI Pl. 1, 8), above which Lclewel says there (p. 4) as follows: “Gette ptöce de Li^ge est trös-singuli6re, inconnue, in^dite, historique ce qoi It's rare to see what you're looking for. D'un c6t^ vous voyez le buste äpiscopal, Portrait li^gois, tenant un livre dans la droits, an rameau in the gauche, and the legend HEN-E*LE de Henri, 6v6que de Lifege, 1247—1274. The Tautre c6t6 on voit un temple oblong, Yu de cöt6, ä deux tours, surmont^ d'un couvreur, le marteau k la main, qui couvre le toit de T^lise. La lying,
Did the Middle Ages aim for DenkmADBea? 337
dif&cile k d6brouilIer etc. etc. — tTai fait remarquer dans moa chapitre 8ur la monnaie li^oise (num. du moyen-äge T. m p. 243), at the time of Henri EIL, in 1250, the reconstructioB de la cath^drale a 6t& terminöe, et lautel principal y a 6t6 con- sacr6 par Pierre 6v^ue de BoueD, 16gat du Pape. Void donc iine pidce, frappöe k la memoire de cet öv^nement '). On that- The same event refers to a larger coin or seal like bronze with the bust of the bishop and + HEINRICVS
EPS on one side, and a three-towered building on the other the transcription + ANNO • DOMINI • MCCXUX • FORMATVM EST on the other side (published in the Anzeiger f. Customer of the German Before 1860 p. 56).
It is well known how deeply emotions ran through in ancient times Natural phenomena were taken that were outside the usual Lying in the light, as direct proclamations of the divine were viewed and interpreted at will. Explained from this The comet (from 1301 or 1337) was on a Silesian one Denarii (Berl. Bl. I p. 48 and Vol. IX p. 333 this. Z.).
and that even the Orient, exceptionally, has a similar treatment Using the coins to record a certain important thing The event was not entirely unknown, but the well-known one makes up for it Copper coin of Ortokid Husameddin Julak Arslan, king from Diarbekr testimony, on which four (about the death of famous Saladin) depicts mourning people.
Let's just stick with the examples given, like this we come to the conclusion that, despite all recognition of the Cones, as Grote puts it in his statement above, Nevertheless, there are individual, undoubted exceptions. Those proven above will probably apply to anfinerk- careful consideration of the existing coin monuments and as Followed by further happy discoveries and many others
1) The text of the urine ink in question is: ,3enrica8 m anno MCGL oal. liaiis aram principem Lambertani templi recens restanrati consecrari cnravit Bothomagensem sedis apostolicae legatom.
'S
228 H. Dannenberg: Did the Middle Ages know monuments?
let it line up. Often enough, historical relationships also like it exist, which we only have due to a lack of documentary evidence^ deliveries remain dark. How does it behave, for example? B. with that Halberstadt bracteates showing the bishop with the compass (Stenzel, Freckleben No. 50), and as with the Rhenish Denarius (Mader IV No. 52), on which Emperor Frederick one Carrying a hammer?
H. Dannenberg.
This year's bracteate finds.
This fall is for collectors of German coins been quite fruitful. Predominantly they are Coins from the most recent centuries, which the plow cut the ground snatched coins that were for the readership of this time writing are mostly of no particular interest, even if they are have found some excellent rarities among them, such as B. the double shilling of the city of Magdeburg from the year 1621^), which, as far as I know, is the tipper coin find from Dressen delivered for the first time: but the medieval one also works Coin customers are by no means empty-handed. Of course it is not about such excellent finds as those of the last few years have to show several times: but at least they are finds that not only have a statistical value, but also a have a considerable number of new coinages, especially offer new inspiration, the influences of the dynasts and the excellent imitation of coins carried out by them to research pictures of neighboring mint owners.
The oldest of these coin treasures is that of
llmersdorf in the Dalime-Jilterbog district,
the one on the field mark of this village, on the so-called desert Mark, was raised in an urn in the month of August Märkischen Provincial Museums in Berlin and, subsequently,
1) MON • NO • ci • MAGD • 1621 intertwine in field ds.l FERDiN. II • D • G • RO • I. a double eagle with an empty round.
*'230 Meuadier:
from this a selection for rubbing into the collection lengths taken into the possession of Mr. Banquier Hahlo- has gone. He has 14 different designs in 684 copies The main component is Moritzpfennige are and also the Duke Bernhard of Saxony and belong to Margrave Otto II of Brandenburg. .
Margrave Otto is initially only distinguished by an imprint occur and this is not new either, as there are finds in Seelensdorf 20 copies were already available (cf. Ztschr. f. N. IV 262, no. 1, IX, m. 5 no. 2).
1. Inside the inscription SßARJIO • EST • OTTO is written the margrave in full figure with helmet, armor and coat and holds the sword in his right hand in the left flag and shield*). 1 copy.
Far superior to him is his coin-rich uncle, the 4th son. The mint of the find is identified as the mint owner by the inscription and 2 others by their resemblance to those presented as such allow to be suspended.
2. Within two crystal wreaths and a diamond-shaped one Decoration is in the middle of it, the same except for breaking through the outer ring above and below, the Duke with helmet, armor and cloak, in the right Hand holds the sword and the flag with the left and the shield standing on the ground facing away from him. In the field the inscription: BERNA' DVX. 14 copies.
(The one from Friedensburg shows great similarity p. 147 published bracteate).
3. Within the perimeter surrounded by two pearl rings writing; BERN HARDV^ DVX Stands, same above and interrupting below, the duke with armor and helmet, in the right hand the sword and in the left holding the flag. 5 copies. (Cf. mem. de St. Pet VI t. XIX 69).
1) All of the findings are shown on plate 6.
This year's Bracteate Funds. 231
4. Within two pearled^n (?) hoops, and a diamond- shaped ornament stands between them, this one above and interrupting below, the duke armored, the Face turned slightly sideways and held in the the flag in his left hand and the flag in his outstretched right the sword. Between this and the body wears the field has a rosette and the edge runs parallel distributed on both sides, the inscription: BENHA D'DV.
1 copy.
5. Within an outer ring of pearls, a simple one Inner hoop and a diamond-shaped decoration between The duke with a helmet stands there, interrupting them and Panzer holding a flag in his right hand and in the left above the sign standing on the ground a lily. In the field to the left the inscription: DVX.
2 copies. (See magazine for coins, seals and Coat of arms N.F.t. X, 30. Elze U, T. 2-62.
6. Within an outer ring of pearls, a simple one Inner hoop and a diamond-shaped decoration between The duke with a helmet stands there, interrupting them and Panzer, who holds the sword in his right hand and with the left the shield standing on the ground. 40 copies weighing 40 grams.
7. Within an outer ring of pearls, a simple one Inner hoop and a diamond-shaped decoration between This one stands, interrupting it, between two small ones Domed towers of the duke with helmet, armor and Coat, the sword in the right hand and in the one on the left holds the flag. 1 copy.
I also count these among the coins of secular gentlemen two following:
8. Under a fivefold arch protrudes above a flat curved strip of wall with the inscription: SATOCO between two crenellated towers the bust of a helmeted and armored man with the
Z«itMhrifl ftlr numismatics. XIIL 22
232 Menadiers:
a sword in his right hand and a sword in his left Holding flag. Located under the wall strip a small crenellated tower and in the field above the top Towers on the left a ball. 1 copy. (cf Num. Ztg. 1859, p. 188 no. 10, 1860, p. 84 T. 2, no. 38. Thomsen 6758. Schellhaas 501). 9. Under a five-fold with three crenellated towers Arch protrudes over a connecting two crenellated towers flat arch the bust of a bare-headed man who holds a long cross in his right hand. staff and holds a flag in his left hand. Above the arch, distributed on both sides, between two portraits border the inscription: DVOD VSCO. 1 copy. (See Num. Ztg. 1859, p. 188 no. 13, where WAGE DEBV is read. Number 1860, p. 85, part 2 no. 148. Thomsen 6746, where VESC DVX is read. One under no. 9 b illustrated example in the possession of the royal The local coin collection shows some minor differences in the stamp and the inscription: ODIV — VX). That the inscriptions are merely distortions of the SANCTVS JKAVRICIVS the Magdeburg pfennigs included, to which The pieces that follow don't seem very credible to me; Rather, I think I have to put emphasis on the combination meeting the error of the halo and the clear appearance occurrence of the CO in the inscriptions of both coins, and is far I can't help but assume that this is the case Coins from a small dynast are involved in their production the greatest possible connection to the market the ruling Moritzpfennige has been strived for. However, At the moment I don't like to recognize which gender and what personality they started from. The rest of the find is made up of the Moritzpfennigs: 10. The bust of the saint within a pearl circlet Moritz, who holds a sword with his right hand and with the left a small round shield, above which
This year's roast dinners. 233
a flower rises. Below, from the picture through separated by a simple inner tire, the inscription: flßAVRICIV DVX. 1 copy.
11. Within a circlet the bust of the saint Moritz, who has a small round shield on both sides Hunchback holds, behind the left a sword tip and a flower protrudes on the right. Below, from the picture separated by a simple inner tire, the surface font: flttAVRIClVS. 194 copies.
11 b. A second stamp bearing the inscription: JßAVPICVS carries. 20 copies.
11c. A third stamp with the shield on the left appears without a hump and the one on the right in Follow a stamp tear with the halo connected by two transverse lines. 3 copies.
All 217 specimens weigh 194 grams.
12. The bust rises within a pearl circlet of the bare-headed Saint Maurice above an arch, which connects two tower buildings and a third fiber- tense. On both sides of the head the inscription: $RAV RICI. 389 copies weighing 333 gr. Striking and instructive for the coinage technology of the time is the large number (80 copies) of stamps pieces distorted by errors, some of which are listed under no. 12b, c, d, e are shown.
13. Inside a pearl hoop sits on a pearled one Arch of the bare-headed Saint Moritz with armor and Mantle holding the flag with his left hand and with the right one in the middle grasped the one with the tip downward pointing sword. Through a pearl hoop separately on the side the inscription: JOAVRI CIV'DVX, 3 copies.
14. Inside of a smooth exterior and pearled
Inner tire enclosed legend: + SC-S • $QAV-
RICIVS DVX EST over a flat arch the chest
22*
234 Menadiers:
picture of Saint Moritz with helmet and armor, with • the sword in the right hand and the sword in the left holding the flag. 2 copies, (see Thomsen 6753. A second stamp bears the inscription: + SC-S. SßAVRICIVS DVX ES - Thomsen 6854. Magazine for Coins, seals and heraldry. N.F. 1859/1862. p. 299 no. 73.)
14b. A different stamp with the inscription: * S.C—S.MA...DVIT. which is the middle link between the Moritzpfennig described above and that similar bracteates from Duke Bernhard with the inscription: BERNARDVS.DVX.VI (signed forms as 14 c; see Elze, Bernhard's coins ... II. 74. The Royal Coin Collection owns except for this one similar bracteate, which instead of the inscription there is a diamond-shaped decoration shows) and from the found mass for the Royal coin collection has been acquired and is available Suffice it to say that the Bernhard coin is that The Moritzpfennigs are original, but they are re-embossed are.
The coin treasure is probably a generation younger, the one in the first half of October between Magdeburg and Helmstedt was found. Through the mediation of Mr. Banquier Hahlo a Bracteate Duke Otto the Child from Braunschweig-Lüneburg with the left-facing leopard guard Lions and two rosettes below it from this find present ; the rest of his holdings are still as found However, the places remained unknown to me.
This is followed by the discovery of
Uhrsleben in the Neuhaldensleben district,
the occasional excavation at the beginning of September of a cellar, at the instigation of the state director the Province of Saxony, Counts of Wintzingerode, the Provincial
The annual Bncteatenfonde.
235
Museum in Halle a. 8. transferred and through the goodness of the previous of the same status, Mr. von Borries, for my information and discussion will be sent beforehand. In a vessel of recovered from fired clay, it contained 1165 bracteates, namely only the Magdeburg style, both genres of which the pfennigs with the picture of the Grand Bishop and the Moritz pennies, are approximately evenly represented. Of those carry two (I coin the name of Archbishop Wilbrand von Käfem- castle (1235-1254) and thereby determine the chronology of the Whole, while the rest are unmarked. She enjoys it briefly noted.
, Inside the nud simple pearl circlet Inscription surrounded by inner hoop: * WILLEBRANDVS PISCO the Archbishop sits on a bow and holds in the right hand the Ernmmstah and in the token the cross staff. 1 copy.
236 Menadiers:
2. Within the perimeter surrounded by two raised edges
m
Font: VILL6BRAND says, it goes through top and bottom cutting, the archbishop and holds in his right hand the crook and the flag in his left hand. 9 copies. See Saalsdorf find 49.
3. The archbishop sits within a beaded rim between two arches crowned with towers on one chairs with animal heads and stops in the the crosier in the right hand and the crosier in the left Cross staff. 364 copies. (10 shillings of the same d. h. 120 pieces weighed 81.5 grams, others 10 shillings 81.1 gr.)
4. Within a simple raised border stands the ore bishop between two buildings, each with two Euppel tower and shoulders the crooked arm with his right hand staff and with the left the cross staff. 2 copies.
5. Within a simple raised edge stands the ore bishop between two small ones on a narrow wall lined dome towers and stops with the the crosier in the right hand and the crosier in the left flag. 32 copies. (1 shilling weighed 8.4 gr.)
5a. A different stamp from the above-described pfennig, on which the narrow masonry strips under the dome towers are missing. 6 copies.
6. Within a simple high rim stands the ore bishop between two two-story towers in front of one pearled bow and shoulders the horseradish bow with his right hand Staff and with the left a lily scepter. 2 copies.
7. Within a simple high rim stands the ore bishop between two two-story towers on a high Substructure and holds the crook and in the right hand in the left the cross staff. 3 copies.
8. Within a beaded Romanesque trefoil, the with a beaded high border and a wreath surrounded by larger pearls on the outer edge
This year's bracteate findings. 237
Bust portrait of the archbishop holding in his right hand Crosier and a cross staff in his left hand. 8a. A different stamp from the above-described pfennig, which shows a ringlet in the field on both sides. 201 exem- plare. • (10 shillings weighed 82.1 gr.) 9. The helmeted man stands within a beaded high rim Saint Moritz and holds a eugel staff in his right hand and in the left a flag. In the field on the right Ringlet and on the left the inscription: flSAV. 41 copies. (1 shilling weighed 8.75 gr.) See Leuckfeld IL 24.
10. Within a beaded high rim rises above a beaded curved line is the bust of the helmeted man Saint Moritz, who has a sword in his right hand and in the left hand holds a palm branch. In the field on both The inscription: ißA VRI is spread across the sides. 367 copies. (10 shillings weighed 83.8 g, other 10 shillings weighed 82.3 g.)
11. Within the area surrounded by two simple raised edges given inscription: * SANTS ißAVRlCIVSI rises Above a beaded curved line is the bust of the bear- main Saint Moritz, who holds one in his right hand He holds a flower scepter and a flower cross in his left hand. 137 copies. (10 shillings weighed 83.3 gr.)
The coins, which are issued in August, are again a little younger on the Feldmark of
Lauban in Silesia
are said to have been found in a cylinder made of sheet iron and in presented in their entirety to the Royal Coin Collection have been. All of local origin, they belong to the middle group of Lusatian bracteates from the seventies and eighties of the thirteenth century and follow the Pound pieces from Niederbiela (1741), and would (1794) and Schönberg near Görlitz (1861), but show in addition to some of those also represented in these finds, a large one Number of new coins. Except for one with two letters
238 Menadiers:
The embossing on the outer edge is entirely without inscription Although they do not allow any specific allocation; nevertheless he- allow a certain grouping. Namely close the preceding seven first coins, their common Ohara cteristicum is a deciduous branch with a sea leaf, as a special group and the products of a mint together, which we will hopefully be able to determine over time. Currently unable to do this, I must also focus on this Limit the case to a brief description of the find.
1. The crowned prince holds one in each hand while standing Branch with two sea leaves. On the outer edge an A and an S are alternately marked with crosses. arranges. 6 copies weighing 4.82 gr. (cf. Leitzmanu, Numismatic Newspaper 1844. P. 142, No. 35. The doiled description of the prince as sitting is probably based on a misunderstanding ^).
2. The same coin image with a blank outer edge. 3 exem- plare (cf. L., N. Z. 44. 142, no. 34.)
3. The crowned prince holds standing in his left hand a branch with two sea leaves and in the right a lily stem. There are 4 stars on the outer edge arranged with 8 beams. 2 copies.
4. The same coin image with balls instead of stars on the outer edges. 5 copies weighing 4 gr.
5. The crowned prince holds with his right hand while standing a branch with a sea leaf and a lily-shaped one Point and with the left a flag, the pole of which crowned with a floral cross. 2 copies. (cf. Mader, attempt on the bracteates, especially the bohemian. M. 5, no. 44.)
6. The crowned prince holds with his right hand while standing a bulbous staff with a seven-pointed star
1) The coins of the Fundo are shown on plate 7.
This year's Bracteate Fund. 239
on the tip and in the left a tendril, l specimen plar (cf. L., N. Z. 44. 143. no. 36.)
7. The crowned prince holds with his right hand while standing a branch with a sea leaf and with the left another branch of leaves. 2 copies.
8. The crowned prince holds with his right hand while standing a branch with a three-petaled flower and with on the left a lily stem. 40 copies; 30 of- the same weight 24.9 g. (See L., N.Z. 44. 142. no. 32.)
9. The crowned prince holds with his right hand while standing a bulbous rod with a lily-shaped flower and with the left a flag. 25]4 copies; 20 of the same weigh 15.9 g.
10. The crowned prince holds with his right hand while standing a cross staff with an eight-pointed star underneath the cross and with the left a flag, whose Rod ends lily-shaped. On the outer edge are 3 balls arranged. (See L., N.Z. 44. 143. no. 40).
11. The same coin image with a blank edge. 5 copies. 12 The crowned prince stands with his right hand
a stick with an eight-petalled steiiiflower and two leaves under her and one on the left of the same one with a cross under the flower. 1 copy.
13. The crowned prince, standing, holds one with each hand Cross staff with a slanted cross under the top vertical. There is one on either side of the feet Star arranged and three balls on the outer edge. 2 copies.
14. The crowned prince holds one in each hand while standing Branch with a four-petaled star flower and two Scroll below it. On the outer edge three eight-pointed stars. 3 copies (Mader, Ver- search, m. 4, no. 34).
15. The crowned prince stands with his right hand a branch with a six-petalled star flower and
240 menadiers:
a few oblique crosses under this one and with the left one a branch with a lily-shaped flower and the same if there is a slanting cross under her. 1 copy. Ki. The crowned prince holds one in each hand while standing Cross staff. The outer edge has 4 eight-pointed stars. 30 whole specimens weighing 23.4 g. and •2 halves.
1 7. The same coin design with balls instead of stars on the outer edges. i) Specimens.
18. The crowned prince holds one in each hand while standing double imperial orb. 4 copies.
19. The crowned prince stands with his right hand a cross staff with a four-petaled flower on top and with the left a flag. 1 copy.
20. The crowned prince holds one in each hand while standing Sword. In the field on the left there is a Ro- sette. 2 copies.
21. The crowned prince stands with his right hand a sword and with his left half an eagle left wing spread out and facing outwards heads. The Iland carries three balls. 66 copies; 50 of these weigh 40.5 grams. (Cf. L., Num. Ztseh. 44. 145. no. 46).
22. The crowned prince holds with his right hand while standing a sword and with his left a flag. 8 exem- plare in weight of 6.4 gr.
23. The crowned prince, standing, holds one in each hand Key with beard pointing outwards. 2 copies.
24. The crowned prince, sitting on a bow, shoulders with the right hand a flag and with the left a lily scepter. The outer edge has four balls. 8 copies weighing 6.6 gr.
25. The same embossing with an eight-pointed star the upper part of the rim and without the balls. 15 copies weighing 11.55 g.
This year's bracteate finds. 241
26. A double-headed eagle with outstretched wings. There are four six-pointed stars on the outer edge arranged. 12 copies; 10 of these weigh 7.55 grams. 27 Two lions erected on the edge of the coin, which Heads facing each other and their tails one Enclose the ball on a palmette. 1 copy. (See S. Franck, illustris nummophylacii Wilhelme Ernestini quod Vinariae fulget rariores bracteati, T. II 21; L., Num. Ztschr. 1844. 140. no. 3; Sheets for coins customer. 1872. T. 38.) The youngest of all finds, finally, spanning two centuries and more separated from those described above and the exit belonging to the fifteenth century, is the coin treasure, the one towards the middle of October in the ducal forest
Kaiserweg near Harzburg
upscale, the collections of the Ducal Museum in Braun- has been reassured and given to me by the goodness of the Heirn Chamber President Griepenkerl there for information acceptance has taken place. It contained 3 gold guilders (Wesel, Bonn, Jacob von Trier) one Mühlheimer groschen and 50 Thuringian and Hessian groschen. The main mass of it formed However, small bracteates, among which there is a scattered one Basel pfennig, while the rest were all low were of Saxon origin. In the city's lion pennies Braunschweig were among them around 125 pieces, of which 2, provided with additional stamps that were minted before 1412, the rest to the disciples so-called eternal pennies counted. From the Helmpfennigen minted in Hanover') Two vintages were found in a number of 75 pieces
1) I take this opportunity to speak about the Hannoyans Helmpfennige from the Numismatic-Sphragistic Gazette, 1874, p. 10 to add the news, which has remained unknown to me until now, that in the year 1874 in the city of Hanover itself at a Neabaa on the Goseriede 400 helmet pennies were found in a clay pot.
242 Menadiers:
One of them has a ball over his helmet (cf. plate V 5), the other has a star. Goslar Matthiaspfennige ivars tenfold and Halberstadt Stephanspfennig in twos represented. Two pfennigs were embossed with a G. Double The smallest coins in the find, the Brao, were also found Teaten with the half lion, their destiny as quadruplets the city of Braunschweig is thereby confirmed once again how Due to their rarity, the double number compared to the 125 whole ones corresponds to Braunschweig's pfennigs.
Menadier.
Groppenstedt, a mint of the abbots of Gorrei.
In nomine saocte et iDdividue Trinitatis. Hermannus Dei gratia Corbeyensis eccleaie abbas in perpetuum. cum per advo catorum tyrannidem, qui diebua hiis maus in Dei ecclesiam nimit enormousiter deseviunt et grassautur, sevitiam Pbaraonis crndeli impietate sectantes, iam Pauli doctoris e^rregii sententia Bit int- pleta, dicentis nos sumns in qaos fines secnlonun deTeneront, Don dabitamus, quin gratum Domino obseqnium impendamns, si in aliqua parte bnic morbo caram adhibere poterimos et me- delam. ea propter notum esse volomas aniTersia Christi fidelibus tarn presentis tcmporis qaam fatart, qnod nos adTOcatism in utroque Groninge et in utroque Croppenstide, in Ammendorp et
244 Menadiers:
in aliis villis nobis annexis resignatam nobis a comite Henrico
de Blankenburch et uxore sua Engelburgi, fidelibus nostris, vene-
rabili vi dilecte nobis ecclesie Halbers tadensi, non immemores
consolationis et gratie nobis cxhibite, whether spem defenseis con-
silii et auxilii de pleno consensu totius ecclesie nostre Corbeyensis
dimisimus pcrpetualiter possidendam. set advocatiam adhuc in-
pheodatam pari manu cum episcopo Half., ne alienari valeat,
porrigemus, monetam in Croppenstide, denarios cerevisie,
theloneum fori in festo Viti ipsi ecclesie nichilominus
dimittentes, hac condicione statuta, quod nunquam obligetur,
numquam implicodetur, ncc aliquando alienetur, sed semper apud
ecclesiam Half, immobilis perseveret et quod bona nostra cum
ecclesia in Groninge et snis bonis et personis tamquam propria
bona pio zclo ipsa half, ecclesia et episcopi pro tempore sacce-
dentes protegant semper fideliter et defendant, salvo iure nostro
et successorum nostrorum, quod a predecessoribus nostris in
ipsa ecclesia, videlicet in libertate curie claustralis et hospitalis,
in locatione et dcstitutionc ofFiciomm et correctione clanstralis^
discipline hactenus est servatum. item quod homines nostri supra
deputatum et annuam pensionem advocatie , videlicet maldratam
tritici et fertonem Half, Argenti, ex actione indebita non gra-
ventur, nisi quantum de casnalibus iudiciis de iure competit ad-
Yocato. item quod allodia nostra, videlicet allodium in Groninge
et allodium in Croppenstide cum suis pertinentiis et molendinum
in Monekendorp et stagna ultra Bodam ab omni iure advocatie
libera semper permanent, ut fuernnt. set propter multam et in-
dissolubilem confratemitatis ac familiaritatis dilectionem ad in-
vicem habitam et habedam concedimus et favemus, quod ipsa
stagna ecclesie Half, communia sint nobiscum. et si procedure
tempore una cum ecclesia Half, castrum aut oppidum in Groninge
edificai*e decreverimus, equaliter participabimus ad invicem
expensas et fructus, set ecclesia half, specialiter iudiciom
optinebit.
huius rei testcs sunt: Johannes illustris marchio Brandebur-
geusis, Gevehardus comes de Wernigerode, Olricus comes de
Groppenstedt, a mint of the abbots of GorTei. 245
Regensten, Burchardus burchgravius de Querenyorde, Wolthenis et filii sui de Barboie, Hermannus de Wereberch, Wernerus de Suseliz, Wernerus de Schermberge, nobiles; ministerialis vero: Johannes de Gatersleve, Henricus et Alvericus de Donstide, Fridericus de Hersleve, Henricus de Apenstide, Thidericus de Oteleve, Gevehardus de Slage, Thidericus de Groppenstide, Fri- dericus Leo, Alexander de Gundelsheim et alii quamplures.
acta sunt hec anno Domini M*CG-LIII. Nonas Maii, ordi- nationis nostre anno XXX. et ne in posteiim super hiis Om- nibus calumpnie dubium ab aliquo valeat suboriri, hanc paginam duobus sigillis, nostro videlicet et ecclesie nostre Corbeyensis, ad totius iirmitatis testimonium fecimus insigniri.
nos Albertus prior, Strigerus prepositus totusque conventus ecclesie Corbeyensis nomine oranium successorum huic page gratanter et voluntate plenissima consentimus et hoc per appen- sionem sigilli ecclesie nostre fideliter et publice protestamor.
(The original is in the Magdeburg State Archives, IX. 14. The certificate is printed: Ludewig, rell. VEEE. 498, Riedel II, I. P. 40. Schmidt, Document Book of the Halberstadt Monastery, II. no. 884.)
In nominal sancte et individual Trinity. Ludolfus Dei gratia Halberstadensis ecclesie electns in perpetuum. iustum est et omni consentaneum rationi, ut facta rationabilia et honesta, illa precipue, que confraternitatis amorem et mutue karitatis augmentum generant et inducunt, auctoritatis nostre monimine contra varios futurorum incursus gratuito et diligenti studio in* yiolabiliter muniamus. ideoque ad notitiam tarn presentiam quam futurorum cupimus pervenire, quod com venerabilis et dilectos nobis Hermannus Corbeyensis ecclesie abbas advocaüam in utro- que Groninge et in utroque Groppenstide, in Ammendorp et in Aliis villis sibi annexis, resignatam sibi a comite Henrico de Blankenburch et uxore sua Engelborgi, fldelibus suis, ecdesie nostre Halb., non immemor consolationis et free sibi exhibite, whether spem defeusionis consilii et auxilii de pleno consensu totias
246 Menadiers:
ecclesie sue Corbeyensis dimiserit perpetaaliter possidendam, retenta sibi et nobis inpheodata adhuc advocatia, quam pari mauu una cum ipso, ne ab utraque parte alienari valeat, porri- gemuSy etmonetam in Groppenstide, denarios cerevisie, theloneum fori in festo Viti, licet modici valorissint, amore familiaritatis nichilo minus dimiserit cidem ecclesie nostre, hac condition statuta, quod numquam obli- getur, numquam impheodetur nee aliquo modo alienetur, sed semper apud ecciesiam half, immobilis perseveret et quod bona sna cum ecclesia in Groninge and suis bonis et personis tamquam propria bona pio zelo ecclesia nostra et episcopi pro tempore succedentes protegant semper and fideter defendant, salvo iure suo et successorum suorum, quod a predecessoribus suis in ipsa ecclesia, videlicet in excess curie claustralis et hospitalis, in Locatione et destitutione oificiorum et correctione claustralis discipline hactenus est scrvatum, item quod bomines sui supra deputy and annual pensionem lawyer, videlicet maldratam tritici et fertouem half, argenti, exactione indebita non gravurt, nisi quantum de casualibus judiciis de iure competit advocato, item quod allodia sua, videlicet allodium in Groninge et allodium in Croppenstide, cum suis pertinentiis et molendinum in Moneke- Dorp et stagna ultra Bodam ab omni iure advocatie libera semper permanent, ut fuerunt, set propter multam et indisso- lubilem confraternitatis et familiaritatis dilectionem ad invicem habitam et habedam libera voluntate concesserit, quod ipsa stagna ecclesie nostre Half, communia sint cum ipso, adiciens etiam, quod, si ecclesia nostra iudicium specialiter optineat sicut in uliis causis prescriptis: nos de conununi consensa Totius ecclesie nostre hec omnia, que subscripta sunt, obligamos et astringimus tam nos quam successores nostros firmiter ser- yaturos. et in reconpensam huius facti et argumentum maioris familiaritatis integram prebendam in ecclesia nostra maiori eidem venerabili domino abbati Gorbeyensi et suis successoribus in futurum, quotiescunque ipsos ad partes nostras venire contin- gerit, tempore presentie ipsorum percipiendam contulimus libera-
Croppenstedt, a monastery of the abbots za Corvei. 247
litcr et benigne curiam etiam in Castro Amersleve sibi et suis successoribus, quam impheodare vel alienare non poterunt et in qua propriis sumptibus castrensi suo in beneficio providebunt, contulimus uichilominus perpetualiter possidendam.
huius rei testes sunt: Hermannus maior prepositus, Wig- kerus decanus, Burchardus vicedominus, Cono de Depholte, Bo- dolfus portenarius, Volradus de Kireberge, Volradus prepositos Wallebicensis, Everwinus prepositus s. Bonifacii, Widekindus de Nuwenburg, Henricus de Drondorp, Hermannus de Cruceburch, Bertoldus de Clettenberg, Albertus de Aldenburch, Christianus prepositus Northusensis, Gerardus sacerdos, Hermannus de Hoden- hagen, Ludegerus de lacu, Otto de Harthbeke, Otto de Vipech totumque maioris ecclesie nostri capitulum; laici vero: John dapifer, Fridericus de Herzleve, Gevehardus de Slage, Henricus de Aspenstide, Ludolfus de Hersleve, Conradus de Lere, Henri- cus de Velthem, Fridericus de Bercligge, Thiethmarus de Ordhen et alii quaniplures ecclesie ministeriales.
acta sunt hec anno Domini MGCLHI Idus Maii.
et ut hec hicinde firma semper permanent et quieta, hanc paginam duobus sigillis, nostro videlicet et ecclesie nostre maioris, in testimonium validum duximus roborandam.
date Half, electionis nostre anno primo.
nos Half, ecclesie capitulum huic page gratanti animo et Asseusu per appensionem sigilli ecclesie nostre fideliter et publice in nomine Domini obligantes nos ad omnia consentimus.
(The original of the certificate is in Magdeburg State Archives, s.y. Groningen 6. It is printed: Falcon, tra- editions Gorb. 711. Schmidt, document book of the bishopric Halberstadt, U. no. 878.)
Around the Corvei monastery and its possessions in the Halber- urban, Groningen, Groppenstedt and Ammendorp, which are in the Year 936 through the foundation of a Count Siegfried and his wife had fallen to Jutta, from the heavy pressure and the to free themselves from the constant attacks that the Counts of Blanken-
Zeiuehrifl for NnmisniAttk. XI 11. 23
248 Menadiers:
As governor of the monastery, he vouched for himself like other governors of the time Abbot Hermann had made debts to the count Heinrich and his wife Engelburg successfully renounced operated on the bailiwick and as a result of too great a distance unable to manage the secular administration from Corvei To manage properties yourself, with a simple change of ownership secular Vogtes but the same tribulations for the future Fearing this, he transferred it to the neighboring Halberstädter Diocese, on the part of which the fight against the violence of the secular governors had already begun a hundred years before, under the condition of non-pledgeability, non-legigability and inalienability. He added the bailiwick's exercise the coinage law and the collection of the Bicrziese and the market Customs duty was added on St. Vitus Day and kept under security of serfs from an increase in burdens and benefits The Corvei monastery was only the spiritual direction of the Gröninger monastery. Bishop Ludolf, however, gave the consent of the The cathedral chapter created a courtyard in Amersleven as a sign of thanks the Corveier abbot for eternal possession and contributed for the under- hold the same for the time of his stay in Halberstadt by ordering a preliminary care order. This is essentially- the contents of the two previous strange documents, the only one that belongs to the Groppenstedt mint and the right the Corvei abbots make any mention of it at all and probably only as a result of this in terms of coin history Determination has received a wide variety of interpretations. Reluctant to accept a coin fairness of the Cor- to recognize four abbots of Croppenstedt, initially declared Zepernik (additions and corrections to the experiment on the capitels and sedisvacance coins of the German ore, high- and free Reich donor. Halle 1825. p. 27 ffg.) the bullheads Stedter coin is an episcopal-halberstadt coin and that from Abbot Hermann assigned the right to the same only as the be* right to receive certain income from the mint. The word moneta alone can be found despite the large number of
Croppenstedt, a monastery of the abbots of Correl 249
like prescriptions used in this way and can change its meaning without any further addition also is, never ever denote such an authorization. Foregoing such a pension would also be out of line the rest fall out, all of which concern regalia. to- This is the assumption that a coin was originally from Halberstadt in Croppenstedt, which Corveier owns, in itself impermissible, while conversely it would be striking if the abbots of Corvei, which, apart from the mint in Corvei itself, fllr a whole series of their more distant possessions, for Horohusen (based on a privilege from Ludwig from the year 900), Meppen (based on a privilege from Otto from 945), Heresburg (based on a privilege from Conrad from 1150) and Yolkmarsen did not maintain special coin forges also especially for their considerable property in the Harz region would have shaped, especially since the same one passed through by the Corveier from various transport and coinage areas.
That's why Cappe already writes (the Middle Ages coins from Münster, Osnabrück, Paderborn, Corvei and Herford. Dresden 1850. p. 107) the abbots of Corvei the exercise of the coinage right in Croppenstedt. But he wrongly lets them do that- The same only came about through Henry of Blankenburg's renunciation. advertise. Even if in the preceding documents of one If such a waiver were discussed, it would not be a question a mint originally in Regenstein, which was created by this act passed into the possession of the abbots, but always about one Act as an abbey's coin, which was temporarily given to the counts as bailiffs lent and then reacquired. Because the bare Burgher counts have not been in Croppenstedt from ancient times resident, but their possession there is based on the identification of the List of goods of Count Siegfried H. von Blankenburg which belongs to the years 1209-1227 (journal of the Harz Association for history and antiquity, H. c. 71), from the same period from how the bailiwick exercised by them there, namely
probably from the time of Count Poppo (1130-1162).
23*
250 menadiers:
Siegfried's grandfather'), to whom the same will be transferred, about the constant dispute between him and the abbot to set a goal. But it was within the rights of the bailiff as such the exercise of the right to coin money is not included, but only like the judiciary in general, so too in particular about the coiners (cf. Stenzel, The Bracteate Find from Freck- live. p. 55). Only through a special mental act could we have the Counts of Blankenburg took over the Croppenstedter property Being able to obtain coins would also be possible a special legal act would have been necessary; but like us learned nothing about the acquisition of this coin justice, so There is also no mention of the waiver of the same the document based on the abandonment of the bailiwick is often emphasized more emphatically that Abbot Hermann except for the bailiwick regained through Henry's renunciation also the coin and market fairness in Croppenstedt Bishop and church of Halberstadt. It acts So in Croppenstedt there was an abbot's mint run by the Abbots operated it themselves and except for the transfer to Halber- city remained untouched.
That the royal privilege, on the basis of which this Mint built, no longer available to us, lost little. We often have to deal with such a failure of documents confirm and can accept a fairly early coinage, although it cannot be ruled out that the Corvei abbots it only began in the course of the twelfth century a time when the mints were located in the Halberstadt district began to increase. The mint's activity is always great. if it never happened at any time: says the prefixed original customer expressly that the yield was only low. You But we are never entitled to completely deny it. Also
1) This is where the entrance to the goods directory “SiMdaSy caius” leads avus fuit Foppo, obtinuit*^ especially since he started his life regiaterB of the same count: “haec sunt bona, quae comes Sifridus, cuius Avus fnit comcs Poppo, tenet ab imperio*' is strikingly similar.
Croppenstedt, a mint of the abbots of Gorvei. 251
If it doesn't work, get one of the coins received or to recognize the other as Croppenstedter, we should do not resort to the assumption that it is in the document is only about a theoretical right, not about it practical exercise. Actual contradictions between the documentary and the numismatic material are only extremely rare.
But there is no need to argue about it any further. The coins themselves teach us that the coinage law of the corveier Abbots of Croppenstedt was an effective. First finds the bracteate of the Bünstorf find, which is above a three-arch with a lily the bust of an abbot with cross staffs both hands raised, and distributed on both sides Inscription T • ABBAS bears (according to the illustration at this time) writing VII. T. 6. no. 81. p. 397 repeated here under No. 5) only his explanation if you see him as a Croppenstedter Stamp of the Corveier abbot Dietmar II of Stockhausen (1206 up to 1216), since there is no abbot in Helmstädt, whose name begins with a T is still nearby other abbot authorized to issue coins is known with such a name is. Until now, of course, no one was allowed to think about him, because he was in Corvei Bracteates have hardly been coined at any time and also the present, undoubtedly Lower Saxony original jump is: but through the proof of the Croppenstedt mint The concerns are raised and inscription, time and type agree with this approach.
The same would be true of Becker (200 rare coins of the Middle Ages T. 6. no. 173) published large bracteate of the Wigbold (1146 - 1174) or better the Widekind of Gonrei (1189-1205) can be claimed for Croppenstedt, if a copy of the same should prove to be genuine. The great relationship between it and the Halberstadt Brac- Teaten Gardolfs, which by Posem-Elett (Leitzmann's Numisma- table newspaper, 1844. XI. p. 81) against the authenticity I certainly don't want to use it in the sense that
252 Menadias
since they were previously unknown to the Croppenstedters Rather, coins could be used in the opposite sense: Nevertheless, I have reservations about the complaint by von Posern-Klett, by the directors Erbstein is shared to assert the authenticity of the type.
Mader's (Second attempt on the Bracteates. Prague. 1808) Bracteate of Hein, which was claimed for Gorvei ricus abbas (T. 1. no. 1) will also be abandoned as such be. For how the coinage of the same in Gorvei is excluded is, it is not acceptable to move him to Groppenstcdt. The type is entirely that of the Hersfeld Bracteates and He will be counted among them.
All the more certain are the predecessors of Henry (1144-1146), to Abbot Adalbert von Baiem (1138-1144) as Croppenstedter to adopt the semi-bracteates, which are on the sweeping side a tower building between two trees and on the Main page a male half-length portrait within the retrograde Inscription: SVTREBLEDA show. Available in several stamps exist, whose slight differences in character- the masonry and the pattern of the cladding the preceding drawings (no. 1 - 3) show, They are closely related to similar Halberstadt coins St. Stephen, whose image is partly so closely modeled is imitated that on a stamp over the bust in place of the halo, which could not be used as such a narrow, arched strip of wall appears. This on- falling relationship on the one hand and the relationship on the other, between the reverse sides of the half-bracteates and the secondary The denarii of Heinrich Pribislaw are known to have contributed to the It is assumed that they belong to Margrave Albrecht the Bear as Vogt of the Halberstadt Bishopric. ^Cf. V. Sallet, denarii Margrave Albrecht the Bear as guardian von Halberstadt, Z. f. N. 8. 339; Dannenberg, to the Brandenbur- Greek coinage II, Z. f.' N. 9. 274.) The exercise alone of the minting law was not one of the bailiff's righteous,
Groppenstedt, a mint of the abbots za Gorvei. 253
as already highlighted above, and even Albrecht would have the same can hardly be achieved in this way, at least in Halberstadt. further able. In addition, Albrecht is not at all Vogt of Halberstadt. The bailiwick of the Halber The town monastery was rather in the hands of the lords of Suseliz, as a large number of Halberstadt documents show, namely as a result of direct enfeoffment by the bishop itself and not through the means and as a feudal bearer of the Margraves, as the document from 1133 proves (Schmidt, document book of the Halberstadt Monastery I. 167) according to which Werner von Suseliz gave the bailiwick power to the bishop Otto left without Albrecht being involved in any way would have been. However, two bracteates are one thing late period known, which without any doubt belongs to the margrave Picture next to that of the Halberstadt bishop, of which one has the ADELBRTVS flßARHIO in the transcription alone calls (Stenzel, The bracteate find from Freckleben. I. 17), the others bear the inscription: + ADELDERVS + ORLCI • EPISVS, (Becker, Two Hundred Rare Coins of the Middle Ages. 164) and is associated with these as the third Bracteate, which belongs to the On the sides of the seated Saint Stephen are the half-length portraits bishop and an armed warrior, the margrave (Stenzel I. 18); but all three have nothing to prove to use strongly in that direction, but only as History and memorial coins should be viewed as monuments of the memorable contrast between Albrecht and Ulrich Heinrich opposite the lion. The same treatment applies to the semi-bracteates. Making use of interpretation does not prevent both the un- attractive appearance of them, since a large number of them like historical coins is known, rather than the fact that that in addition to Albrecht, the allied bishop was missing, and above all the time to which they are attributed are. It might now be possible to look at Albrecht's coins think that the same people are in the western parts of the country I had an imitation of the Halberstadt coins minted:
254 Menadiers:
but the bust of the same woman is not one at all worldly lords and warlords; he lacks it Sword and flag and every other such insignia. In With a correct appreciation of this, Leitzmann (Nnmia- matic newspaper, 1856. p. 180) and following him Stenzel (Tsar Coin customer of Nienburg Abbey, in the gazette for customer the German prehistory, v. 1858. p. 147; cf. Dannenberg, the German coins from the Saxon and Frankish imperial era. P. 251.) the same to Abbot Adalbert of Nienburg ( - 1130) enclosed. As documented, the abbey is minted would have been justified, and Adalbert von Nienburg might have been too Don't be too old to be considered a coin lord of the half-bracteates to be able to; but Nienburg is too far away from Halberstadt, than that with this assignment the transcription is different explain the imitation of the Halberstadt coins let. All requirements are met and eliminated The difficulties only become when you get the coins as the stamp of Abbot Albert of CJoiToi, highlighted came from the Croppenstedt mint, which was at the immediate bare neighborhood of the monastery and the small size may have had enough reason to do so based on their own character to make your own church as similar as possible to the bishop's. However, if there are still any doubts regarding this provision exist, they will be crushed by the Inscription of the reverse side, which appears on several copies in various parts are added to S. VITVS. St. Vitus was the patron saint of Corvei Abbey and in particular the Croppenstedts and him were the festival on which the Main market took place in Groppenstedt.
If one recognizes the compelling nature of the inscription, Given the proof, you won't hesitate to take one to move further half bracteates to Groppenstedt. The Main page after the one stamp of the coins just discussed completely identical, it certainly comes from the same mint and coin locations, like this one, although the Kehi* side is complete
Croppenstedt, a monastic site of the abbots of Gorvei. 255
deviates, instead of the tower between the palm trees there is a bust of the emperor with a scepter on either side (not a bust between two candles, like Stenzel a. a. 0. through the figure on Rau's tables of Brandenburg. . . Coins, plate X. No. 21 entices, writes. See above under no. 5 after the copy Illustration given to the Royal Coin Collection) shows and also seems to have had a different transcription.
New discoveries and continued sightings of the old ones are included Over time the small series will certainly expand, impressive but it should never be; but the insignificance of the Mint expressly highlighted by Bishop Ludolf.
Menadier.
Znr Titulature of the Flavians.
(continued).
2. The Consulates of Domitian as Caesar.
Once Vespasian took control of the Roman Empire held firmly in his hands, he had to regulate the night consider the following. Did he initially think of it? To leave the government to both sons together, yer- we don't like to recognize. Events soon led to this to the point that equality between the two princes is impossible became. After the end of the Jewish War Titus's prize was co-regency and thus the right to succession; by the old emperor to his younger one. Didn't give his son the same position, he closed it himself Thoughts about a future dual power. If Domitiaa later claimed^) that he was through his father's will He claimed that it had been determined to be particeps imperii probably no more than the co-regency. That Vespasian describes such a relationship between the two sons desired is very possible ; but of course it suited him^ did not allow a legally binding provision on the re- to meet the desire of another emperor; if Titus has the wish
1) Sneton, Domitian 2: “relictom se partieipem imperii, sed frandem testamento adhibitam**.
Tsar Titulature of the Fla?ians. 257
his father's wishes, it was certainly not respectful, but the accusation of falsifying the will was founded Be that as it may, Domitian remained under Titus Co-regency excluded and received empire, proconsolate and tribunician power only after his brother's death. Nevertheless, from the beginning his position was not that of one ordinary princes, and the reason for this lay in the family conditions. When Vespasian came to power, Titus's first wife dead, his second divorced^); Apart from his daughter Julia, he had no children; for entry He seemed to have a third marriage, perhaps because of his love the Jewish Princess Berenice, not inclined; expected So Domitian had to become his brother's successor. The position of the presumptive successor under constitutional law To define it, Vespasian found no form; but about his plans clearly announce and the people on the future government To prepare, the emperor gave his younger son a title external honorary rights, which are otherwise reserved for the co-regents kept goods; and Titus, although under him a state legal regulation of the relationship would have been possible, maintained his father's procedure. Domitian already received in the year 72 the right to depict coins and, in fact, the coins teach the permission to wear the laurel wreath; on public Important buildings in the provinces appear next to the names of the emperor and the co-regent, his name soon became a date^ soon as the name of the builder; he received the membership certificate of all the great priestly communities, and under Titus they were also Vota extends to him; finally he was in the twelve years seven times ConsuP). These seven consulates will be discussed in more detail here be entered into.
As is well known, Vespasian is one of the emperors who...
1) Sneton, Titas 4.
2) About this special treatment of Domitlan see Mommsen in the State right II 796 ff.
258 1^. Pick:
have sought “consular eponymy in a constant manner to establish the Principate/' What value he placed on the Consulate laid, teach especially his coins. While the Iteration number of the tribunician power except for isolated ones Coins of the first years ^) only on a range of gold and Silver coins of the year 79 appear, and this deviation, since it is the tenth year of Yespasian, appropriate a glorification of the decennalia imperii can be attributed can, that number is never missing from the consulates.
After Vespasian was once consnl as a private citizen suffectus^), he has in the ten years of his Government held the consulate eight more times; and in that- At the same time, Titus received seven gonsulates and Domitian six. Of course there was no specific plan for distribution present from the start; the emperor's tendency formed only gradually emerges'); but since Titus became co-regent A fixed pattern can be clearly seen. The emperor's natural college in the ordinariate was the co-regent, so that only sufficient consulates remained for Domitian; and so after the year 71 Yespasian's intention becomes clear-
1) The masks are compiled by Chambalu in the Philologoa XLIV p. 126. There are gold and silver coins from the year 71 (p. tti» Bf, trib. pot. II cos, III p.p, at Cohen Vesp. n. 564-566) and 72/73 (p.m. tr, p. IUI p,p. COS. IUI at C. n. 139, 140, 284; perhaps born in 73 shapes, and in the absence of a new consulate, the iteration of the tribiin. violence indicated?). The coin from 77/78 (G. n. 547) is hybrid;
the lapel tr • p • ix • imp. c is corrupted from tr • p • ix • imp. [xv.]
c[os • VIII. p. p.] and belongs to Titus (Cohen, Titus n. 305-307). doubt- The denarius of Titus from the year 2015, which was brought from Chambalu, is also valid 77/78 with tr • pot • vii. cos • vi (C. n. 330); since he was a Unicom, ao It is probably more likely a copy read out by Wiczay of the denarius n. 334 (dated 79). — The Revers Yespasians tk • pot X • cos • villi, found in Cohen n. 549-560; at n. 549 a. 550 is the X only omitted due to printing errors.
2) In the year 51; cf. KleiHy fasti cotisidaresy to this year.
3) They also teach that the emperor's plan was not immediately clear Coins from the beginning of the year 71 with the tr, pot. II cos, III p.p, (Q. n. 564-566); see above A. 1.
On the titulary of the Flayians.
259
before, all the regular consnlate for himself and his to reserve the older son, but to follow the youngest regularly to allow it to occur as a suffectus for some time. Until the year 71 there is no sign of such a plan; but will we soon see that even after this time there are some deviations have occurred.
It will be best to investigate further Overview of the regular Vespasian consulates Time to send in advance*). The eponymous consuls of the years 70 up to 79 are the following:
70 Vespasiaiius II
71 “III
72 “IV
73 Domitianus II
74 Vespasianus V
75 “VI
76 “VII
77 “VIII
78 L. Ceionius Commodus
79 Vespasian IX
Titus
M. Cocceius Nerva
Titus n
L. Valerius CatuUus Messaliuns
Titus m
“IV
,. v
“VI D. Novius Priscus Titus VII
Let us first summarize the period of Titus's co-reign In view, we find the rule stated above confirmed; Of the eight consulates of the years 72-79, six are from Ves- pasian and Titus were clothed together. We are further away able to demonstrate for the same consulates that the design nation each time in the Spring Jahi-scomitien of the previous one year took place ') ; and the latter will probably also be the case for them Consuls of the year 78 apply. The consuls must also
1) 8. Klein, a. a. 0.
2) For the years 74-77 and 79 see Chambala, de magitiratüms Fla- viorum p. 17, 21 sq.m. But the same applies to the year 72. Because yes- pasian appears as cot. III duig, IUI on April 5, 71 aaf the military diplomas C. I. L. III p. S50 and Ephem. ep. II p. 458, Titas as oof. duig, II Yor March 1st or certainly before April 1st 71 at the Münxen Cohen, Vesp. n. 46-51 according to the improved Lesang (Ygl. above pp. 192, 197).
260 B-Pick:
desiguations for the year 80 were already presented in the spring of 79 to have been taken; they were, according to a Galatic In- writing, Vespasian and Titas again as ordinary consuls, Domitian was designated suffectus'); the death of the emperor on June 23rd these dispositions changed so that on January 1st 80 Titus and Domitian took office as ordinary consuls. We are sure to determine the day of the Spring Comitia unable; But if, as with Vespasian, they are in order is to be accepted in a loving spirit, every year Days took place, at least that's what the dates of the year 71 show (above p. 259 A. 2) that this day was certainly before April 5th, perhaps before March 1st. — Now let’s look at them two exceptions to our rule that emperor and co-regent We find that the eponymous consulates reserved for themselves In 73 Domitian with one private, in 78 two Private as ordinary consuls. Why Vespasian in the latter It is not known whether the case departed from its principle; it may perhaps be remembered that also on coins At this time there was a certain republicanizing tendency Emperor has been found'); However, it doesn't matter much on. The question about the consulate of the year 73 is more important. How can it be explained that contrary to the original tendency the emperor's younger son this year and next to him a private person held the ordinary consulate? and from where It also happens that the prince violates the general rule
1) Inscription from Gordium in Ferrot, exploration arch^ologiqae de la Galatie p. 209 : Vetp, [vmiTov] t6 (yarov ano(ft[deiyfjii»^ov rd dixaroy] , TUu$
[üTtarov ro ißdo/Äoy ano\dtdny/Liiyov ro 6ydo[oi']y Domitianua vndiov to
7ov; cf. Ghambalu, de mag, Flav. p. 13 n. 7. — The additions are safe; The only thing that is disturbing is the information given by Domitian (cf. below p. 265 A. 4). Chambalu did not want to accept this designation^ because it would later set milestone G. I. L. Y 7988 is missing; but missing on milestones the designation information more often, so this objection is not sufficient (cf. below p. 283). One would be surprised if the designation would not have been carried out at the regular time at that time; Yespasiaa He couldn't have known that he wouldn't live to see the next year.
2) See above 8. 236.
On the title of the FlaTier. 261
appears to have been designated to this consulate as early as the year 71?'). The exception that exists in this consulate is already in the Antiquity itself was noticed, and Suetonius gives us this Answer to our questions. In the life of Domitian, where he... Position of this prince during his father's reign discusses (chapter 2), he says: "in sex consulatibus nonnm unum ordi" naritim gessit, eumque cedente ac suffragante fratre. One will
be inclined from the outset to believe Suetonius' remark to give as a gift since it is pretty close to the time discussed and also his other news about the consulates the Flavians') are confirmed by fasting. Nevertheless it is Recently the statement by Suetonius of Chambalu') is incorrect. been clarified because, in his opinion, they went through a series be refuted by coins. It's about again the same coins that caused the confusion about the Emperor titei of Titus ^). According to the old reading (CAES • AVG. F . DES • IMP- , AVG • F - COS • DESIG • ITER.) would be Domitian was designated to his second consulship when Titus was still emperor-designate; but had this position According to the old view, Titus only before his return Rome; He would therefore be Do- at the time of the second designation Mitians hadn't been to Rome, so wouldn't have been there for him either can be correct. Chambalu now logically concludes from this that that Suetonius' statement about Titus's vote was false; further that Titus did not back down in favor of his brother
1) This is the case in two months of the year 71: Cohen, Yesp. D. 204 /mp. {T. Caet, Aug. /. deiJJ imp. Domitian, Äug, f, cot. detig. II (the In any case, the first half of the legend is correct; see above p. 229 JL 2) and D. 536 r. Tmp. Caeior cos. dei. II, Caesar DomiL eo$. des. II (TieUeicht aich n. 537, 8th above p. 229 A. 2).
2) Yespas. 8: “consulatas oeto veteri addidit''; Titos 6: “(patri) eoUega .... in Septem consulatibus fait*<; Domit. 2 p. above; Domit. 18: “consnlatts scptemdecim cepit qnet ante eom nemp; ex qoibns Septem medios continoarit, omnes autem titnlo tenus gessit, nee qaemquam nltra kL Maias plerosqne ad idas usque Janaarias".
3) Philologus XLIY, 106 ff.
4) Cohen, Vesp. 46-51.
262 B-Pick:
be kicking; finally, that the Suetonius passage does not prevent that To assign Domitian a second proper consalat. But all these conclusions fall with their foundation. after- who the reading of those coins was corrected'). we that they were minted before the return of Titus. but that on them Domitian's first and Titus' second consuls designation are recorded; so these coins come here not considered. In contrast, Domitian's second design appears However, on two other coins of the same year (above p. 261 A. 1). Since this is the time of the spring committees Year Domitian had not yet taken up his first consulship had to have his second designation in the autumn committee took place, and in the fall Titus was in Rome. We So see that Titus actually voted for his brother have, and that therefore from this side against Suetonius' statement nothing can be objected to. Now Sucton adds that Domitian only retained the ordinary consulate through a renunciation of his older brother (cedente fratre). This one But renunciation does not presuppose renunciation, as Chambalu did against Suetonius Information claims that Titus himself was already at that time Consul would have been designated for 73; but it says only that Titus voted in favor of his brother in the fall of 71 renounced a consulate, to which he himself, according to the general my and perhaps also my father's pronounced tendency, could expect to be designated next spring. Let us further ask on what occasion this renunciation took place, we recognize that the relevant co- mitien were certainly not held ad hoc, but that These are the regular autumn committees in which at that time, when the ordinary consuls of that time were born in the spring were elected, the consules suffecti for the next year should be elected'). There is no doubt that ur-
1) 8. above p. 190 fff.: imp • avg • f • cos • desig • iter,, caes • avg • f •
2) Ygl. unsound.
Tsar title of the Flavians. 268
Domitian was also originally on the imperial candidate list for the year 72, just as he did in later years. acted largely as consul snffectns; but Titns, who after was certainly in a forgiving mood after the great successes at the time, asked the emperor to give him the ordinary instead of this sufficiency Gonsulat for the next following year, and Vespasian approved that in that he himself also renounced the Ordinariate in 73. From what has been said it follows that the Gonsulat of 73 was an extremely homely one, and that Suetonius was the right one for us explanation for this has been handed down. — The four consulates, which Domitian after the year 73 under his father's reign wore 71 snaffects the first of the year; but nevertheless they were of a completely different nature than that. — The Difference between the two types of sufficient consn- Latents are generally not recorded strictly enough'). The one type arose through regular shortening of terms of office; after Caesar and then the Trinmvim attempts with it had made it, it became the rule of the city from the year 754, that in advance several pairs of gonsuls for certain sections of the year, which are then determined in the previously determined set order'); the duration of each Sections, the N u n d i n i a , as well as the designation dates were different in different times. — Except these suffizieii;en Consul pair, however, who in the Ice Age as appear to be a regular institution, we also find a individual consules suffecti, and now in much larger numbers
1) On the soffection of the Kaiseneit see Mommsen, St. R. n 78ff.
2) The predetermined start dates were usually strict paused, even if expected problems came in the way. That teaches 2. B. the case of Rosias Regalos in 69; as on October 80th Caecina des Gonsolats was stripped, not one of those for him came to his place November 1st, the Consnln-designate was appointed for one day. gnlns Eum Gonsnl appointed (Tac, bis III 87). — On the other hand, there is an exception taken from the year 40, where on January 18th it was replaced Emperor Gaius and his deceased colleague for the next Nondi- nium designated consnln occurred •{ Ic ro fmtna »ix^^^^'^f*^^^ ^^ 59.84)b
Zeitoehrift for Nomitinttik. XIII. 24
264 B. Pick:
than in the republican period. If in the Bepablik a consul through death or abdication while in office If a period was eliminated, another was sufficient; and in the During the imperial period, this type of sufifection became all the more common especially in the first century the emperors themselves were their nuns nium rarely fill up, but often after just a few days abdicated and a suffectus took their place in Hesse ')• In the event of an unforeseen completion of the consulate, the con- sul suffectus elected or appointed immediately; and there so choice (or appointment) and taking office regularly coincided, There could be no question of designation in such cases'). It is different with the imperial abdications; knew here the emperor beforehand whether a suffection would be necessary; if So he had the intention of not filling out his nundinium, so he was able to determine beforehand the suffectus that would take its place should occur, and it can be shown that such designations have taken place ^). But while the designation of the Sufficient consul couples usually took place in special committees found, it made sense to choose an imperial substitute to immediately follow the election of the ordinary consuls; at At least Domitian demonstrably kept it that way. — Now Domitian, in his first consulate, had one of those following fied (belonging to couples and although that of the second Nondi- niums^), but now after his proper Consalat would him
1) Mommsen, St R II 80 A. 3. — A new NaDdiniam began with the entry of such a Sabbath; see above Älexandri c. 28 “primo nnndinio sibi alios sempor suffecit'*; hence it is that consuls this Species could easily be regarded as ordinarii.
2) Cf. the case of Rosius Regalas (p. 264 A. 4). — For the year 40 In any case, Kaiser Gains had not designated a substitute, otherwise he would have the consuls of the next nundinium do not need to move in.
3) This is only certain for Domitian (see below); probably though will it always have been kept that way; as e.g. B. on January 31st of the year 39 M. Sanquinius Maximus took the place of the Emperor Gaius, Ton is one new appointment not the Bede (Dio 59, 13).
4) see below. — Whether he received a consalat of this kind in the year 72 or It is doubtful that he should become a substitute in the first nundinium; the choice
To the titalatar of the Flavians. 265
the higher honor^) in part, if he was consul at all, usually moderately to replace one Ordinary in the first Nundinium; and there seems to be this middle form between ordinary and This was precisely why he was chosen for Domitian at the consulate to be because it was not at all appropriate that whoever before Ordinarius, later became suffectus'). Of course As a prince he could not suffice a private person in this way. be graced '} , but only to his father or his brother; and so after the year 73 he is used four times as a substitute for one and college of the other consul in the first nundinium were and at the same time designed these consulates with them. been ned^). In the five years after 73, their eponyms
in the autumn comitia it is more likely that the former is the case; but it may be that's why he wasn't already in the spring committees (i.e. som suffectus was chosen for the first nundinium of 72) because he was still at that time had not taken up his first consulship and not two in Toraos should be designated.
1) That it was a high honor to be the emperor's substitute in this way to become, you can see from the fact that often highly deserving men are there on the other hand. were seen; e.g. B. Aelianus in the year 74 (similar to his inscription at WQ- manns 1145).
2) The exceptions are very rare and can be explained by certain special circumstances, for example with Nero in the year 68, with L. Verginius Rufiis in J. 69 (cf. Klein, fasti); On the other hand, it happened more often for those who were their first Consulate as suffectus, also the second or even the third (according to Mucianus in the year 72) dressed as such.
3) That is why he was not consul in 78, like the Bithynian mile stein from the first half of this year (see the next note) confirmed
4) The inscription Journal aiiati^ue 8er. Vit. 13 p. 96, where cathedral. vtrofoc ro y' dnod. ro d' is called, is after the title Yespasians in the second half of the year 75, only proves that the prince was actually in the year has been designated. In contrast, the Bithynian milestone Sphemeru teaches epigr. V 96, that Domitian did so in the first half of the year 78 was designated his sixth consulate (fGür 79). It is therefore not credible It is clear that the inscription from Oordium (above 8. 260 A. 1) is from the beginning of 79 his seventh designation should not contain it, since it represents the longed for Emperor and the eighth of Titus; I therefore believe that y. 8 not {nifjpnoy anodidttyfiiyov to Ijc)ton SU read is, but {fxtw iatodidity /iiyw ro fßdo)HOti. — Consequently, on the Pannonian Inland
24»
266 B. Pick:
Gonsuln Vespasian and Titus were, only Domitian is once was not consul, in the year 74; we know thatB there- once Aelianus took the place of Kaisei and with filled out the first nundinium with the co-regent^). The Four full consulates of Domitian are distributed, there too the year 78 is not taken into account (p. 263 A. 4), to the years 75, 76, 77 and 79, and the inscriptions confirm that he was in These years are III., IV., V. and VI. has held the consulate*). — Cham- balu suggested in an earlier work *) ; recently though he claimed in the new work already mentioned that it not all consulates, but that the fifth, from Year 77, a full professor*). Originally they were Vespasian and Domitian were designated consuls for this year, But then Titus went after his brother out of jealousy tolerably get himself elected consul for 77; after that So Titus would actually have been suffectus, but he had “the official lie enforced, according to which not Domitian, but he himself was considered a full professor in the year 77**'). This one fundamental error, as if Titus or anyone else was in a position would have been, by influencing the Senate or other in- triguen any consul election against the wishes of the emperor to enforce, recurs more often at Chambalu; but everyone on it Supported combinations are supported by simple consideration
Writing of the year 73 (above p.230 A. 1) probably Vespasian as [co]8 IV of. V and Titus as coa, JI of 111, but Domitian only as co[8. IT] ; because in the year 74 he wasn't consul.
1) This is what a tessera from January 13th teaches; s. Klein, yu«et, a. 74.
2) The coverings for 75 p. 565 A.4; for 76 Corpus inscr. Lat Vni 10116. 10119; for 77 above A. 4 and small, for 79 there is no certain doc- ment before, but in the inscription C. I. L. II 2477 cob. VI sure he said complete, plus the inscription from Gordium (above A. 4), and another There is no year left at all.
3) De magistratibua Flaviorum p. 1 1 sq.m.
4) Philologus XLIV p. 109 fg.
5) a. a. 0. p. 119.
Tsar title of the Flavians. 267
refutes that in this period, as Mommsen has shown^), the election of consuls was based on imperial appointment, all intrigues Titus's wishes would therefore have been in vain. But even if If you ignore this fundamental consideration, you can prove the hypothesis to be invalid. Because first of all we know that the co-regent, like the emperor himself, is only consul ordinarins could be^); So Titus could not become suffectus, while while his younger brother had been a full professor. Then We have the express testimony of Suetonius that Domitian I only held a regular consulship, namely like us have seen that of the year 73; Ghambalu, of course, rejects this this important news because he has it in other respects than believes to have proven false; but after we Accuracy of the additional circumstances listed from the monuments have proven, we will credit the author in his main statement certainly believe it. — Ghambalu supports his contrary opinion except for the handwritten fasts on some monumental testimonies, which are included here should be discussed after. On dated inscriptions In the year 77 we only have one Aich stamp from Herclaneum with Imp. Vesp, Aug. UX, T. Imp. Aug. f, VI cos.^) and several stamped marble blocks of Asia Minor origin with Imp. Vesp. Caes. Aug. VIII, Domit. Caea. V co8.% Da now on the marble blocks usually*) the Ordinarii are Ghambalu also sees the Ordinarii of the Year 77, and declares the consulate of the Aich Temple a
1) St. R. n S84.
2) Mommsen, St. R. II 1042. 1108; the 8. 1042 A. 2. 8. aagenJirten Cases characterize themselves as carrion cases.
3) above p. 261.
4) Corpas inscr. Lat. X8067, 3.
5) Annali delFinstituto 1870 p. 181 n. 158-156.
6) There is also no lack of carrion taking; ro of the three stamping of the Year 69, which Chambala a. a. 0. p. 112 A. 80 ansBamsay cites (now Ephem. epigr V 102- 104\ comes another animal from the same year with VERG • COS. (Ephem. epigr. V 1378).
268 B I'ick:
sufficed 0« But it is much closer to rephrase the matter. sweep; because on a public monument like this Herculanensis Statera is after all, the dating would be according to sufficed consuls without specifying the current date very consuls falling; The marble blocks, on the other hand, occur sporadically suffecti before ') and there is also no lack of inaccurate dates *)• The marble stamps are therefore not sufficient evidence for do- mitian's ordinariate in the year 77. Things are even worse Chambalu's numismatic arguments. Because certain coins of Titus from his fifth consulship in the type Coins from Vespasian's eighth consulate, some with such from Domitian's fifth consulship, Chambala believes, that these coins were minted at the same time, i.e. in the year Titus 77 would have been COS*V for a while. One like this Calculation would be very correct if we still had all the coins of this would have time, because there is undoubtedly a certain order to it the selection of types; But today, where we are in Cohens For such an extensive work, only incomplete material is available us, and from every larger and smaller collection a lot of additions can be added to this, can be seen from the absence of a type in a particular Years almost never draw a safe conclusion; especially the types of coins that only have the consular information on the reverse, seem to have been repeated at every consulate^ and If we miss some of Cohen today, we will miss them tomorrow perhaps found in other places. Furthermore, Cham- Balu himself gave less weight to this part of his argument and therefore the individual coins do not need to be mentioned here. to be spoken. Only two coins may be left are pointed out, which Chambalu does not refer to as evidence
1) p. 110.
2) Ygl. P. 267 A. 6.
3) For the year SO we have three different dates. a. O. 8. 182 n. 157: TUo VUL, Dam, FJJ., n. 158 TUo VUl, n. 159 TUo Dam. VI.
Tsar Titulatar of the Flayians. 269
supports his claim, which he considers very character- appear teristically for the year 77. They are the following:
1) Cohen p. 425 n. 1:
IMP. C AES . VESPASI AN • A VG • COS • VIH P • P. T6te 1. de Vesp. k dr. RF CAESAR . A VG • F • DOMITI AN VS • COS • V Tete 1. de Dom. k dr.
(Musie brüannique) M.B.
2) Cohen p. 424 n. 7: IMPCAESAR.VESPASIANVS AVG- Tete 1. de Vesp. k dr.
RF CAESAR . AVG • F • COS • VI • CENS • TR • P- Tetes nues en regard
de Titus and de Domitien. (The grade F, d. L in the Cabinet de France, is missing.) M The first, according to Chambalu, is defeated, znm Souvenir of the only regular consulate, which was Vespasian with his second son ^)^^ But the coin is hybrid. This proves the lack of the SC, which, apart from some of Nero's coins to the time of Gallienus the copper coins were never left out. In general there is There are only copper coins that show portraits on both sides from the beginning of the co-reign of Marcus Aurelius; here Pius' head draws the main page and the back Marcus' head bears the S-C-, the embossed stamp of Senate. All other coins of this type available from Cohen I would like to describe it as hybrid ') ; the medallions of course make an exception. So much for the London coin museum. Where the denarius listed second is located finds is not specified; at least not in the Paris one collection, so Cohen hasn't seen it. The transcription the back, as given by Cohen, only seems to be
1) p. 123.
2) AHerdin^ must be made sure that some sound this Mflnsea come quite often, especially Hadrian's quarter bronzes, which are on on the back either the emperor's head repeats or that of the emperor Serin Sabina show; Mr Ton Sallet therefore does not believe that These Hadrianic coins are hybrid, and considers them to be real prigs.
270 B-Pick
to refer to one person, while the heads of both princes are shown. Chambaln believes that the transcription refers to Titus alone received it, and the coin was therefore struck in the year 77 be^. But that is not possible; once it belongs to two heads also have a transcription that names both; then It doesn't matter that the princes are in 77, where they already are have long had their own right to mint, in this subordinate position Way to appear on the lapel; Titus could finally do it back then on a coin of imperial mint not simply CAESAR • be called AVG-F-. From this it follows that the legend is incomplete and that the COS •VI- must be read out; the The most likely restitution is:
[IMP. AVG • F . (COS . II • ?)] CENS • TR • P -, CAESAR • AVG • F .
COS-[I]I.; The fact that such restitutions are not too daring has proven sung of Cohen's next coin after the Berlin Sulfur casting taught^). — Furthermore, Ghambalu leads to the wise that Titus was still COS-V* at the beginning of the year 77, a Greek inscription from Seleucia on Kalykadnos the Yespasian vnaxoq %6 q', Titus vnatog to e' should'); but the copyist can easily use E instead of C have read that it is better to accept one reading than will result in a false titulature. — Much more weight than these uncertain numismatic and Epigraphic evidence, on the other hand, could contain the information from have manuscript fasting for Chambalus hypothesis; because the chronograph of the year 354 0, the best of all Gonsulver drawings recorded in the year 77: Veapasiano Vin. et Domüiano V. But although the chronograph is otherwise regular the ordinary consuls are listed, we must take them into account