Zeitschrift für Numismatik, vol. 12 — 1885

The following arguments speak about this:

1. According to this reading on the coin, Titus would be a design flatus called Emperor; but that is constitutional^) inadmissible (see p. 190).

2. Domitianus would simply be called Augusti ßlius; the Roman But scientific onomatology never allows such a thing Suppression of one's own name, that addition of the Vatemamens is only an apposition to the proper name possible.

3. A consequence of EckheP's interpretation would be, that Domitian was previously designated to the second consulship would have been as Titus, although he did it in the year 72,

1) That the position of the words des-imp* is also an inversion and therefore contradicts the use of Roman inscriptions and coins, also deserves to be highlighted; in the case of Caracalla (above p. 190 A. 4) it is not an official title.

196 B-Pick

the one he wore in 73^); this is also an un- possibility.

Against the reading. Yaillants makes Eckhel apart from the difficult ities that the title of Titus provides, only that one contends that the words Caes{ar) Aug(uMi) f^iliua) desig- (natus) are incomprehensible, if not before desiginatus). COS would be inserted. However, this objection is due; because I don't know of a second example of this... same ellipse known, but this concise and clear Comparison of the princes as Emperor Augusti fiUua consul desiffnatus iterum and Caesar Auguati filius designaius (sc. cos.-pri- mum) is good Latin, no philologist will be able to deny it. Yail lant's interpolation of the word COS was therefore unnecessary and Once discovered, only spoke against his interpretation. — That the terms IMPAVGF- and CAESAVGF- as an expression of the proper name are permissible, hardly need to be highlighted become; it is enough to think of Vespasian's coins with their heads to remember the princes on the back where Titus CAESAR- AVGFCOS-, Domitianus CAESAR AVG-FPR- is called. As for the omission of the word "COS" in the second title, so it is a similar ellipse if for cos. II cos. design. III quite regularly cos. II design. III is written.

It is now unnecessary to tell our coins their time and to show that their information corresponds to the tradition stand in harmony. — The year is determined by the fact that on the main Vespasian page is marked COS HI-; the mouth zen definitely belong to the year 71 AD. On the back page is Titus as Imperator Augiisti filius consul designatus iterum, Domitianus as Caesar Atigusti filius (consul) designatus referred to. Domitian held the consulship for the first time from March 1st to June 30th of the year 71'); since he is still here

1) This conclusion was drawn by Ghambala in his Flamana (Philologas XLIV pp. 106-131); more information about this in the section U about the Consalate (oop. 2).

2) see Klein, farti cannäares, for this year.

Tsar Titulature of the Flavians: 197

is designated as consul designatns, then our coin belongs So in the first two months of the year 71. Let's see, whether the title of Titus can be combined with it. —

Titus was in the last days of December 69 with his Father was elected consul for the year 70. In year In 72 he held the consulship for the second time. When It is not known that he was designated for this purpose; but it stands Assuming nothing stands in the way that he and the father are already together January or early February 71 designated for the next year had been. We'll come back to the consulates later; for now it is sufficient to have established the possibility that Titus referred to as COS • DESIG • ITERVM before March 1, 71 could be. — But was he already emperor at the same time?

The question about Titus's title of Emperor is from Momm- sen') and more recently by Hoffmann') are treated in great detail been. But since both works are still with the imperator d^aig- natus, and especially Hoffmann, count on the erroneous reading Based on our coins, we have come to results that are... would otherwise have been impossible for his thorough investigation, so it will be appropriate to ask the question when and how Titus Emperor was to be discussed here again.

As after the defeat of Cestius Galln in the year 67 a vigorous fight against the Jewish uprising was necessary Nero sent Vespasian to Judaea, with the to wage war against the rebellious people. It It is generally assumed that the new general took over the office of the legate of Judaea, and that in the year 67 the province of Judaea was established. But it seems that Vespasian's position was different. After Josephus'), Nero transferred supreme command to Vespasian the Syrian armies''. Now it is known that he is not Legate of Syria was a position he held at the time

1) Vienna Numerical Magazine HI (1871), 458 ff.

2) Quomodo quatndo TkuB imperator faetui $U, Bonn 1883.

3) Bark. invited. III 1, 3 : t^ ^yifuoyiay tm¥ ini Svf^t atgativfunrntf.

198 B. Pick:

later friend Mucianus ^) ; but that those words of Josephus We will soon see that they have good meaning. Yespasian will Nowhere is he referred to as the legate of Judaea, but he appears everywhere') than that of the emperor with the leadership of the Jewish War commissioned general. If we further learn that Before the war began, he brought troops from Antioch, the seat of the Syrian governor, if you pick him up, you will give him a certain amount Competence over the Syrian army cannot be agreed upon. If one adds that Mucianus during the entire war stands in Bapport with him and apparently submits to him, like this This position of power can hardly be combined with the office of a find multiple proyinziallegates compatible. Let us now ask ourselves, in what other position Yespasian fought the Jewish war could have led, there is nothing left but to give him an outside to be attributed to proper commando. I'm thinking of a com- petenz, like Sura in the Dacian war of Traian, Fronto in

1) It should be mentioned that Macianns' Syrian legation aach through Mfinia can be proven. He appears on Antiochene coins J. 117 of the C&Sarian era, which has partly the portrait on the front of Galba, partly that of Otho with Latin transcription; cf. Mionnet Y 169, 193-194 S. ym 131, 46 (both also in the Berlin edition). The coin at Leake, nnm. hellenica SnppL, Asia p. 17, which one, otherwise the same The former, showing the head of Galba with Greek inscriptions, is mine suspicious because it is characteristic of this group of coins that they have Latin on the back side and Greek on the back. have writing.

2) Tacitns, are. I, 10: bellum Judaeicum Flavius Yespasianos (dncem eum Nero delegerat) tribuns legionibus administrabat; 1.76: Judaeicum exer- citum Yespasianus. . . sacramento Othonis (adegit); 11, 4: profligayerat bellum Judaeicum Yespasianus - on the other hand, passage II, 5 “here Suriae, ille Ja- daeae praepositus erat'* doesn't mean much. — Suetonius, Yesp. 4: ad bune motum {Judaearvm) comprimendum cum exercitu ampliore et non instrenuo duce opus esset, ipse (Feap.) .... electus est. — Dio 65, p. 3: • Oitanw

3] Josephus, b. i. III 2, 4 Ovfcn. de tag dvydfun dvaXaßmy ix r$( jlr» uoxiasy , . . . ini nToXt/naidog i^idytTo, — Mommsen, R5m. business Y^38 A. 1 assumes that Yesp. who met legio XY on the way; it will happen but probably about these and the auxilia here.

Tsar Titalatiir of the Flavians. 199

Parthian War of the Yerns '), which had a legatm AugustH per praetore of a higher order without a specific province, the, with tasked with waging a war, the usual place holders is superior. The business of such a legate was essentially the conduct of war and the settlement of it new conditions arising from the war; the Civil administration will probably be given to the regular governor without significant change remained. Mommsen points out that yor that such legacies can only be made in the areas decided by the emperors themselves. wars fought occur, and this applies in the above-mentioned ten cases to ; but it is likely that the Gommando too of L. Vitellius in 35 and that of Gorbulo in 63 were of the same nature '), and the emperors were not here even in war. (It may also be worth pointing out be that Tacitus himself sees a similarity between the position Yespasian and that of Gorbulo; because he lets the Mucianus, where he tried to persuade his friend to apostasy seeks, expressly point out the example of Gorbulos *)). Will to dispute Yespasian's extraordinary war command ten, one will at least have to admit that the legate yon Judaea^) for war a certain supremacy over the

1) see Mommsen in Constitutional Law I 233 A. 3 and II 822; without However, these were probably not competent, but only without a province. — The case of Tiberius (II 822 A. I) is of a different kind; he, who already back then who had held the tribunnicia potestas could not become legate of the be graded. The expression legatus August o also points to something different.

2) see Mommsen, St. P. II 821 A. 3. — While Gorbulo went to war, C. Cestius became legate from Syria; cf. Tacitus, ann. 15, 25: “Suriaeque executio C. Gestio, copiae miUtares Corbuloni permissae*^ ~ That Gorbulo was then a legate It was unlikely that it was written in Galacti (see Mommsen, Ephem. epigr. Y 35).

3) am II, 76.

4) The procurator of Judaea M. Antonius Julianus, who in the year 70 takes part in Titus's council of war (Jos. b. i. VI 4, 3), would then only be as Tax administrator, while I see him as an independent governor comprehend; ygL below p. 205 A. 2. I believe that as the first legate Lu- cilius Bassus, whom Josephus YII 6, 1 nQmßtwig calls. — [During the printing of this work, a Berlin dissertation was published P.y. Rohden de Pciaestina et Arabia provindU Romanü quaettUme» $eiectae; the author also begins the series of legates with Bassus (p. 87).]

200 B. Pick:

Governor of the neighboring provinces, the one under Josephus summarized in the name of Syria; one Gompctence, as Tacitus^) expounds on the case of Gorbulo- len describes - It is easier to describe the position of Titus during rend of the father's legation. Suetonius') tells,* that when his father was sent out as a legate he? was named (of course by the emperor himself, since that too highest-ranking officials cannot appoint a legate)" and furthermore that he conquers two Jewish cities as legatus legionis have. So it must be at the time when Vespasian took office that either one of the three legions directly subordinate to him did not have a legate, or one of them became one recalled. That Titus from Achaia to Alexandria on the Issian gulf^) and from there two legions to Ptolemais felt, doesn't need through the possession of a higher commando to be explained; he can do that job very well as a messenger his father carried out without either of them to command legions. —

Vespasian fought the Jewish War for about two years Legate of Nero, Galba and Otho led when he himself became Emperor was proclaimed and, as the more important general Consigned him to Egypt and then to Italy called to hand over the continuation of the war to his son Titus had to let go. The question is how competent this person is was equipped by the father. Hoffmann (p. 8) comes to mind the result that the prince as legatus Augusti pro praetore administered the province of Judaea and as such led the war. That Titus performs various acts that are appropriate to such a legate does not come, he does not misunderstand; but he explains these acts precisely for this reason for exceeding competence, for rebellion against the emperor. Hofifmann sees that Titus would be with almost everyone

1) Ann. 15, 25.

2) Yespas. 4; Titas 4.

3) Josh. b. i. III 4, 2. That one should not think of Alezandria in Egypt is shown, asked Mommsen B. G. Y 53 A. 1.

On the titulary of the Flavians. 201

those actions would have been justified if he had the secondary would have had proconsular power; but something like that long of the prince seems to be that of a holder of this power, He is denied a single obstacle because of this, and this obstacle is our coins. The According to the old reading, Titus is still designatua imperätor^ when Domitianus was already appointed to the second consulship, i.e. h. So, as Hofifmann correctly calculates, after March 1st year 71^). Since those acts were already in the autumn of the year 70 fall, the prince carried it out according to this calculation designated emperor. This is what Hofifmann's proof is based on* leadership. By using Mommsen') in the title of Emperor at this time the official expression of the ownership of the procon- sees sular violence, he must logically follow the designated one to deny the Emperor the possession of that power; Titus can for him only be a legate, and since he has the competence of such a if he steps forward, he is a rebel; since he later still in the largest Although he seems to live in friendship with his father, he is a behind-the-scenes cunning hypocrite. These are the historical conclusions from one incorrectly read coin; We'll get to Ghambalu later find something similar.

This is not the place, the essence of the proconsular to deal with violence in detail; for a more correct assessment In the present case, however, it will be necessary to express our opinion to develop briefly.

Mommsen') sees the ownership of the secondary proc. Violence as a kind of co-regency without any special competence; Only in special cases does the owner receive this Force a certain competence through the mandate of the princeps. «^It This was even the usual form under the Principate the supreme command for such wars was established Provincial governor could not be properly transferred

1) The same calculation then returns again at Chambtla a. a. 0. p. 107.

2) St R. II, 1 100.

3) Ibid. 1089 ff.

202 B. Pick:

and which the Princeps did not want to lead himself^''). It is now our view that the transfer of such wars to the In* holder of the secondary proconsular power not on one sometimes additional special mandation is based, but that the secondary proconsular power everywhere') only for the purpose leadership of such wars has been forgiven; that also the The title of emperor is not an expression of this violence, but rather that he was only treated by their owners as if by the generals Republic can be acquired; that finally the same ones not as co-regent, but only as a sub-general of the emperor are to be viewed. The co-regency is only acquired durdi acquisition of tribunic power; whether the co-regent yorher the secondary proconsular power, whether he was in its possession whether or not he has acquired the immigrant title is immaterial; if he uses the title of Emperor as part of his own name, — legally, the absence of this name means nothing — then the same does not describe him as the owner of the sec. proc violence, but as co-regents in the full sense; and the pro- Consular power, which he receives as co-regent, is no longer there secondary')} but it is the same as the emperor's proconsulate parallel, such as after the introduction of joint rule of L. Verus dei that of Marcus. — The further expansion As I said, someone has to lead and justify these sentences be left to special work; their ultimate consequence is» that the identity of empire and proconsular violence of the princeps himself denied, and the emperor's name - so far he is led at all - as that of the dictator Caesar official title introduced by the sovereign will of the Yolks with extraordinary magic vested in the highest empire strats is placed. Here it is enough to make these statements

1) Mommsen, a. a. 0. II, 1101.

2) The transmission of the procormilare imperitan extra w^em to the animal The toe-year-old Nero (Tac, ann. XII, 41) falls completely out of this context. off; also the case of Seiana. — p. above below p. 222 fg.

3) But the validity of this sentence only begins shortly after death of Augustus; see below p. 217 fg.

On the titulary of the Flavians. 203

to briefly explain the reasons for explaining the position of the Tito's should be considered^). — Like Mommsen with Becht Goal raises, the management became more important &iege in the bowling pin not handed over to the ordinary governor of a single province leave, but they possibly became members of the imperial family commissioned with it. The first, as representative of the emperor, and Although Agrippa went to war repeatedly; with which one However, the competence he was equipped with cannot be recognized'). In what position did Tiberius and Drusus reach the Raeti in 739? warred and defeated^), is also not clear. Against We know from Augustus himself ^) that Tiberius was the Pannonian fought the war of the years 742-744 as legatua of the emperor, and we will give the same position to Drusus for his equal- early campaign against the Germanic peoples. On A proper governorship is out of the question for both of them,

- As far as I know, there is no recorded case of an imperial Prince would have held a regular imperial office outside the city

— so it is an extraordinary war command with the same competence as was later given to the owners of the secun- where proconsular power was granted*). This violence was introduced as a result of those two wars Both princes were made emperors by their soldiers. had been called'), and the Senate awarded both of them for their victories Triumph decreed. But Augustus only allowed them that

1) The following statements are of course based on Mommsen's Presentation of the co-regency (St. R II 10S9 ff.); citing the units Accessorizing is therefore usually omitted.

2) The lack of suitable princes also explains the extraordinary Competence of Vitellius, Corhulo, Yespasian (see above).

3) Mommsen (p. 1094 A. 4) doubtfully gives him the procons. Force; it will soon be shown that this is hardly possible. However, see p. 221 A. 4.

4) Dio 54, 22. — Cf. Mommsen R. G. Y, 13.

5) Monumentum Ancyranum Y, 44. — The position of the younger Dio's brother appears quite parallel to that of Tiberius.

6) fnauM finpenum quaquo adUsety qaoßn %% ^ wrie mU mitgu prvMipU pUmerenL Tac., ann. U, 43.

7) Tiberius in 742 (Dio 54, 31); Drusus in 743 (Dio 54, 33). Ygl. Mon. Ancyr. (ed. II) p. 13.

204 B-Pick:

Ovation and gave himself two imperial acclamations to (the KI and XII). In fact, both were princes neither entitled to triumph nor to the title of emperor, because they had fought without their own empire'). But to keep his step- sons do not lag behind the senatorial proconsuls to give them the opportunity to gain the power The emperor probably gave them the title of councilor the Senate, and the proconsular for the continuation of the war Violence. This reports that Drusus was responsible for his victory in addition to the ovation, the eligibility for the proconsular received violence; he should receive the same as soon as he receives it Praetor would have administered. Of course the older brother, who was already Gonsular, was not denied the same competence become; and that Tiberius fought the war with proconsular forces walt must have continued, is shown by the fact that he was in the year 745 received the previously denied title of emperor. It is this the first mention of proconsular power^), and in the In fact, this new form of Gommando only appeared at that time to have been led; So Agrippa's command will be fine may have been worded differently. — The secondary has existed ever since proconsular violence as a not infrequently used form representing the emperor in the war. The prince who she receives, has no influence on the government or in front of the whose princes have special honorary rights. His competence is locally to the theater of events (of course in the broadest sense), limited to the duration of the war. His mandate gives him, although not unlimitedly, the empire However, he does not acquire the title of emperor in and with the Mandirfii

1) Mommsen St. B. I £123

2} 54, 33: t^ jov dv&wtdtov k^ovai^^ iruMv ^QfXTiiyii^p, jjf^OKtfjHri. — Drosns was aedile in 743, praetor in 744, consul in 745.

8) Mon. Ancyr. p. 14.

4) Aogustns certainly used the Dietator's years as a model Cftsar, who gave his legates the right to triumph pro eonwU. — 8. Mommsen St. B. I 127 A. 3.

On the titulary of the Flavians. 205

but like the proconsuls of the later republic through the first victory (as an acclamation), except that with him, it seems, the confirmation of the Princeps must be added; they are also- many holders of the proconsular power with or without the authority Rator title returned home from the war^). You can see that this Position with even a limited form of co-regent has nothing in common; these princes take care of business from ünterfeldherrn, only that they have a higher level of competence is evicted than the legates. As with those extraordinary ones Legates that we spoke of before are also you Commando essential for military operations; and also Among them, the ordinary governors run the administration continued'). They don't seem to have a specific title have; But they become legacies since the new one in 745 Competence was introduced, certainly no longer referred to have been.

The above statements are sufficient to know in what position Emperor Vespasian alone placed his son may have left behind in Jndaea. It was about that Leading a difficult war, the kind they under Au- gustus and Tiberius of princes with proc. Violence led to will be maintained. There is little doubt that Vespasian chose the usual form and - out of his own power - the formal one Confirmation by the Senate could take place later - to Titus to continue the war the secondary pro- consular power was transferred*). This is the simplest way to explain- first all those acts which are not permitted to the ordinary legate

1) If the general has completed his mission, he enters with or without Emperor title back to the usual prince position if he is not so- continued another special competence or through the tribunician power co-regency received.

2) This applies to C. Oestius anter Corbulo as does Ton M. Antonius Jolianas under Titus; see above p. 199 A. 2. 4.

3) Domitian can also carry out his expedition to Gaul and Germania in the year 70 (Josephus b. i. VII, 4, 2 cf. Hoffmann p. 10) hardly anything else have undertaken Commando; Of course, he still brought laurels the title of Emperor.

Z«ttocknfk mr Hamianutik. YES. 14

206 B. Pick:

come^); — reward, promotion, leave of absence') and dis- location of the troops are available to the holder of the secund&ren pro- consular power is certainly acceptable'). Tito's March to Egypt accompanied by the two legions^) explains also from his command over these troops; with that The senators would not be excluded from Egypt at that time taken more so strictly. To all of these actions was the prince, as I said, through his proconsular power entitled; the title of emperor was not necessary for this. — But Titus already owned it back then. On the 5th August he was proclaimed emperor by the soldiers the'^). As a result, he won a new title, but not a new competence. Since he was at war with proconsular Empire, the title of Emperor could not be given to him may be refused. He could also foresee that the victory would bring him triumph, and in any case is It is not an overstepping of competence if he does so immediately after the victory among the prisoners a preliminary selection for triumph hits^). That he is informed about the events in a lawful manner reported to the emperor and also confirmed the The title of Emperor was requested, of course^). In fact took also Vespasian in November or December of the year 70 in Consequence of the Jewish victory, as Hoffmann correctly recognized, the fifth imperial acclamation^). The same thing came to him

1) Ho£Fmaim p. 11 sq.m.

2) It is only this, not the dismissal, that concerns Josephn VII, 1, 3: r^i' ^^i' aiUlj7i' argaTMy duntfifiChv^ ti xaltSg ix'$y Ixamovg dntira»,

3) St. R II 1101 A. 1.

4) Hoffmann p. 12.

5) see the passages in Hoffmann p. 1 n. 1.

6) see Hoffiomnn p. 13.

7) The already mentioned Philostrat passage, which describes the burial of seems to expressly attest to the title of emperor, but it must be stated differently. be grasped. — see below p. 227.

8) Hopem. p. 34. 38 fg — In memory of this acclamation are apparently the gold coins with imp • v • p • p • cos • ii • desig • in. (Cohen, Vesp. 209) beaten. When the news of victory arrived, the emperor had to lam Consulate designate. — see below cap. 2,

On the titulary of the Flavians. 207

TO, since the war had been fought under his auspices. The holders of the secondary proconsular offices stood there. pursue the senatorial proconsuls so that they title (and the triumph) only always at the same time as your client, the emperor, could receive. The title of Emperor of the Proconsuls on the other hand, increased, as can be seen from the two cases known to us the Passienus Rufus ^) and the Junius Blaesus ^) can be proven, the number of imp. Acclamations of the Emperor are not; they have probably also achieved victory with the emperor's troops, but under your own auspices. — When the fifth Accla- mation, Vespasian will also give his son the Emperor have formally confirmed the title, and at least from that time onwards Titus was entitled to use this title. Also Dio') reports that as a result of the Jewish War both received the title of emperor. Whether the same war happened to them later brought another acclamation is not recorded.

Before we move on to Titus's title of Emperor, occupy, if permitted, the position of Ti. Julius Alexander to discuss during the Jewish War. Josephus be- draws him as väp atQateviidtiay aq^mv^) and on another Place as ndvtoßv atQatevfjbdtcoy indqx'^v ^ it appears as Advisor to Titus *) and ranked higher than the legion legates ^). Hoffmann') concluded that Alexander had a similar thing Commando like Titus himself, namely had a legation; and since he had previously only occupied knightly positions, Hoffmann assumes that he was one of those knights which by Vespasian after he became emperor Senators were made^). However, this assumption is

1) Eph. ep. y 640 cf. Mon. Ancyr. p. 18 A. 2.

2) Tacitus, Ann. III, 74.

3) Dio 66, 7.

4) Jos., b. L V 1, 6.

5) Jos., b. L VI 4, 3.

6) Jos., b. i. V 12, 2.

7) p. 7.9.

8) Tac. are. II, 82 - On the other hand, sex seems to be one of them. Incilias

14»

208 ^' Pick:

due ; Alexander already had one that was too high. level in the knighthood carriere, rather than being a senator. rend could have been rewarded; that later the glaris screen itself used to be given to the Praetorian Prefectea, is something different. It can now be proven that Alexander He also remained a knight. Mommsen has shown') that he is in Jewish wars as prefect of all legion camps yawed; a function of equestrian rank, of which also other things There are still examples available, and Alexander himself has already done so in the Armenian War of Corbulo. Of course This position remained for exceptional cases, for larger ones Wars, reserved*), in which the commando itself, like we have seen, was awarded in an extraordinary way. If the emperor himself led the war, then at the same time the war came representative function probably belongs to the praefectus praetorio*); but the holder of the secondary proconsular power could no more be added to this than to the imperial legal legates with higher military command. HoSmann has that*- from the fact that Yespasian gave Titus a secondary legate, so to speak side, the emperor's great distrust of his son closed ; after Mommsen took over the official role of Alex As someone else has made clear, the relationship is completely different although one is still somewhat reminded of the watchdogs. position of the knightly procurators compared to the senatorial Roman legates are remembered.

After this digression, let us first return to the Coins returned that we had assumed. After we have seen that Titus has been around since November or

to have heard Bassus; deun the prefect of the two Italian fleets (C. J. L. in, D YII) appears to be identical with the same Bassus, which appeared in the year 71 as a legate came to Judaca (Jos. YII 6, l) Tgl. above p. 193 A. 4.

1) Ephem. epigr. V.p. 578 to 1344.

2) The yorcinization of several legion camps, which often took place, made ' a unified command over them is almost necessary.

3) The position of the Sura and the Fronto (see above p. 199 A. 1) is of a different nature, although they also support the emperor himself.

On the title number of the Flavians. 209

December 10 was entitled to use the title of emperor, and that he went to the second Con^ at the beginning of the year 71 sulat could be designated (p. 197), the correctness can our reading and the scheduling for January to February 7 1 be regarded as proven').

Another document can definitely be written in the same time put. In the fasts of the sodales Augustales Glaudiales^) is found in the year 824 of the city (Varron era), which corresponds to the year 71 AD, the statement:

Adlectus ad numerum ex s(enatus) c(onsulto) T. Caesar Aug. f.

emperor.

The consuls named are Imp. Caesar Vespasianus Aug. 111 and M. Cocceius Nerva, d. h. the consuls of January and February of that year. Hofifmann^), for Titus in these Months ago, imperator designatus is still helping against this Zengniss claims that the consules should Dinarii used here for dating throughout the year have been. But it is known^) that especially with the major priestly communities, the dating is based on the functional who has received consuls for the longest time; here the added Year left no doubt about the time, although it was clearer Dating by the consules ordinarii was therefore not necessary. If only consules ordinarii are found in that Lenten table, so Is this either a coincidence, or perhaps it was the Al- lection of new members at the beginning of the year year. In any case, the title of emperor is for us no hindrance, that allection in the first two months of year 71^).

1) Of course the name imp • avg • f • looks more like the emperor names similar; but the proper name itself should not be given here but a short expression ncnUniB loeo\ cf. above p. 196 - Possible After all, it is also true that Titus was also called the Emperor back then already had; etc. below p. 229 A. 2.

2) C.I.L.VI 19S4.

3) p. 26.

4) 8. Mommsen St. R. II, 87 fg.

5) On a newly discovered urban Roman inscription from the second

210 B-P«'l«:

With the Kioberuiig of Jerusalem the Jewish war could be considered completed. Titus handed the army over to him sex. Vettulenus Cerialis*) and prepared to return home. With The return to Rome legally extinguished his proconsular status violence; Actually, for him the only fruit of victory was that Emperor title. and he could now enter one's private life imperial prince resign. But actually expected the victorious field officers in Rome received higher honors, the Emperor name, the co-reign and the triumph.

Vespasian had to realize that the extraordinary power Titus' pularity was the best support of his regiment, and This is what the emperor did, whether out of prudence or out of actuality Affection for his capable son, that which is among them The best thing under the circumstances was that he became the victor of Jerusalem to his co-regent. —

Although Mommsen also in the secondary proconsular Sees violence as a form of co-reign, but it does exist himself agrees that only the granting of the tribunician power does this served “to bring about the co-regency to the fullest extent” and to secure the succession in the Principate')". If but the secondary proconsular power only as the temporary the outgoing function of a prince in the event of war is seen, So, of course, is participation in the tribunician power only form of co-regency, and we will see that all honorary rights of the co-regent actually only belong to the holder the tribunician power. But about honors it was initially, and it led to the development of the new Establishment under Augustus himself meant that the Mit^ Regent shared in almost all of the Emperor's honors. influence on

Half of this year (£ph. ep. lY 770) Titas appears as oolUgioru[m] omnitmi 8acerd[o8].

1) Josephus, b. iiid. YII, 6, 1. cf. Marquardt, State Administration I* 419 A. 8. — I do not believe that Cerialis was legate of Judaea. [Also v. Rohden, a. a. 0. p. 37, notes that Cerialis represents the province vice praetidis must have prevailed.]

2) St. R. II 1102.

On the titulary of the Flavians. 211

The property granted government or a certain competence of the tribunician power from the outset, and in this respect it stands the co-regent behind the holder of the secondary proconsula- ric violence, however^), but not only behind it this, but also behind every simple legate. It is has been repeatedly and rightly emphasized by Mommsen, that the co-regency and roughly the same also the velvet rule is actually nothing more than the expectation of the Succession granted. Only in special cases does the member regent or the second Augustus from his otium cum dignüate out, especially around the emperor in wars that he did not himself can lead to represent; if Tiberius since the year 766') the old Augustus, and similarly Pius the sick Hadrian') also represented in the internal administration, this goes through them co-regency is almost over, and they have As we know, the successor to the one who is still alive, but taken over by the no longer reigning emperor. — If we at the secondary, proconsular power have seen that the competence was older than the expression of it, so occurs conversely, the secondary tribunician power from the beginning with their permanent name, while their quasi-competence, d. i. the entitlement to certain honorary rights, only after and after developed; but like that one, she too is still suffering Augustus himself essentially experienced the formulation that which then remained throughout the entire period of the Principate. Augustus awarded the tribunician power five times ^) ; but their content does not seem to have been the same from the beginning be za. As Agrippa in 736 and again in 741, and Tiberius abolished the tribunician power in 748 each received five years, Augustus seems to them to be just that

1) This is emphasized by Mommsen, St. R. II 1102.

2) The 56, 28.

3) yita Hadriani c. 25, yita Pii c. 4.

4) The cases are compiled by Ton Mommsen, St. R. II 1102 A. 2. — About the time limit, see Mon. Ancyr. p. 30. 31.

212 B.Pick:

to have been granted a holieu ehicu title, and it can be done can easily prove that even other honorary rights, with it bundled goods. But it is quite true that it is At that time it was not the case that either of them would be the successor to secure, but it was the emperor's intention, Agrippa and then possibly a guardianship position for Tiberius via Gaius and Lucius'). If Augustus were earlier died as his grandchildren, Agrippa would undoubtedly have died. Tibeiius through the guardianship with the tribunician power acquired a power that was comparable to that of an emperor the name would have been different. But he was still alive Emperor and ruled in full force, so that no one could get through the tribunician power new power or, apart from the title itself, received new honors; and the early death of the two boys Prince removed the requirement of later guardianship shaft. But the same circumstance gave Tiberius the Adoption by the emperor the renewal of the tribunician Violence, now with a new and higher meaning. Dio^) only reports that Augustus told his new son the tribune. There was violence for ten years; but that the position It is obvious that Tiberius was completely changed from now on; Since the year 757 he has been the designated successor*) of the emperor, and for him it is participation in the tribunal hissing violence is the preparation for autocracy. That This violence still occurs for a limited period of time has little to do with it. interpret; The emperor himself initially had the government taken over for a certain time^) and then extended while in fact they are waiting for lifelong Danes. was expected. Augustus kept this fiction until the end his government, and in this sense he will probably join

1) See St. R. n 1091 A. 1.

2) Dio 55, 13.

3) Dio himself a. a. 0. therefore names Tiberius and his sons dtadoj^ovg xftt ßoti^ovg dos Kaisers.

4) see Mommsen, St. R. II 769 ff.

On the title of the piano. 213

the third granting of tribunal power to Tiberius still have a time limit fain/uglied'). Later is about it no longer mentioned^), and it will probably be Tiberius Son of Dmsa granted tribunician power for life have, like himself, the government without a time limit took over'). It was also only natural that the government Emperor allowed his designated successor to take part in that violence was constantly transferred, so that when the prince was dealt with cipats remained in their possession; Princeps, of course He didn't become so easily, that was what was needed of a special act ^).

If the co-regency also, as noted above, you^m holder only gives honorary rights, these are partly but in such a way that it can be seen as the expression of a real feeling appear powerful, which only rests as long as the Princeps himself exercises its appropriate authority; if the princeps the same cannot or does not want to exercise, the co-regent also takes over in fact the power whose honor he alone had previously chosen has nossen.

The most important of these honorary rights is the share in the imperial acclamations.

We have seen that the proconsuls *) of the imperial time and the holders of secondary proconsular power for victories achieved in their area of office, the Im- were able to obtain the title of operator •). Insofar as the latter as sub- are to be understood as generals of the emperor, and their gommando only iictivally independent, the emperor accepts every one of their acclamations

1) Tradition leaves this doubtful; see Mommsen, St. R. II 1103 A 3 and Mon. Ancyr. p. 30. 31.

2) St R II 1103.

3) St. R. II 771.

4) St. R. II 1107.

5) Factually, only Africa comes into consideration, but theoretically All proconsuls should be given this right.

6) The victories of the legates must also be seen as victories of the general have applied themselves.

214 B. Pick:

tiouen at the same time in his own title; have against it "You yourself can never respond to the acclamations, which own victories or those of other subordinate generals Emperors fell into disarray. It is only a sign of full participation regency if the co-regent takes part in these acclamations receives the same reward as the emperor himself. Let us see that on what basis this right of honor is based and when has been granted to the co-regents. The imperial one Acclamatlon in the imperial title is, as in the entrance to this investigation has been noticed, should not be understood other than the title of emperor of the republican officials, namely as Supplementary honorary title that goes with the official title itself once or can occur more often. There is no difference in that either that the emperor awarded the acclamation for the victories of his subordinate generals receives; because even in the Republic no subordinate commander has that can receive the title of emperor^); and it is likely that even then the owner of the empire for his victories Sub-general could receive the acclamation. If in the short epoch from 709 to 727 the Unterfeldherm like that Triumph so the title of Emperor must have been accessible, so one can only assume that the title of emperor is also this Legates through a “fictively independent proconsular im- perium"') has been justified. — It may be questionable which of the imperial powers is linked to the title of emperor Of course, there is no thought of the tribunician violence, since it... has nothing to do with the military empire. Takes with Mommsen the identity of empire and proconsula- fresh violence, then of course there is nothing left but that Tie the title to this violence. But for us he owns it Emperor the empire over the entire empire as an extraordinary significant and lifelong office, as it is under the public

1) St. R. I 121 fg.

2) Mommsen St. R. I, 127 A. 3 cf. 122 A. 6. — By analogy with the owners of the second, which is also only fictitiously independent. proc. violence of the Imperial times, however, one must assume that here too the im- peratortitei legally also belonged to the Oberfeldherm.

On the titulary of Flavicr. 215

had already occurred at times in a different form^^ Deu Procousulat, on the other hand, was only taken over by Augustus through an number of the most important provinces, which he then served as Proconsul') administered by his legates Hess'). Although that general my empire gave the emperor control over the entire thing Army^) there was no such thing as obtaining the title of emperor was linked to it, but to the proconsulate about those large province, which, stretching around the entire empire, the pacified provinces of the Roman people from abroad separated*). This emerges from the fact that the emperor... Emperor I received shy acclamations only for such victories, which had been won in his provinces; on the title of emperor Augustus took Passienus Rufus and Junius Blaesus or Tiberius was not part of it because it was in their province of Africa the emperor probably had a higher empire, but not the Proconsulate *). The reason why you don't get the title of Emperor linked to that absolute empire seems to be sought there

1) The holders of this power were previously referred to as cum imperio been net; Only the dictator Caesar took place in 708 (Die 43, 44). The Emperor's name was used as an official title, which only a few emperors then used didn't lead.

2) Not with proconsular power, whatever is associated with an external ordinary position sounds, while the imperial proconsulate also as is to be considered a regular office.

3) St R. II 824.

4) Likewise, but the finances; cf. Dio 43, 45: (noarmras rt fAovov ix***" ^"^ '^ dri^oaia j|r^ii/i(ira fiovov dto^xtiy . . . What was written here by Caesar is said then applies to the emperors. Compare Dio 53, 16: (o KaUrag) xal jmy XQflfjianai' xvQ$tv(oy .... xat itav ffTQaruünSy

5) However, this only applies fully after setup the province of Numidia; see Mommsen St. R II 252.

6) It must be noted that the emperor initially only in his own province can be called proconnU; only later will the strictness become Distinction abandoned. — Just as little as in the Senate provinces he proconsul in Egypt and the procuratory provinces. — That is important for the appearance of the title proconnU in the series of offices, and I I would like to note the absence of the same in the diploma n. VI (St R II 753 A. 2). from this explain that Vespasian probably got that law from Alexandria ans has issued.

216 B.Pick:

TO müiysei) that the takeover of that ifnperium injbiUum, or which for us is identical with the arrival of the Principate is not associated with any auspication'), while the Erlangutig of the Imperial title and triumph in close connection with the Auspicing stands*); On the other hand, the Proconsul takes over its pro- vinz never without auspices, and the same applies to the emperor Proconsul, except that his legates did the auspication for him "perform"). — If accepted after what has been said niuss that the emperor's imperial acclamations connect with his proconsulship, the question arises as to where on which the participation of the co-regent in the same can be based. We have seen that co-regency by grant the tribunician violence is brought about; but it can na- Of course, that share of the acclamations at the fellow speaker Genten could not have been linked to this violence either as with the emperor himself. — It will be necessary, again anf the first introduction of secondary tribunician power to go back. As already said above, it was Agrippa both times and also with Tiberius in 748 by no means about co-regency, and so no one has both had a share in the Emperor's acclamations*). It is not known whether Agrippa even received the title of emperor to recognize; Tiberius had already achieved it twice before he still received the tribunician power, namely in the years 745 and 746 as holders of the secondary proconsular walt; Augustus, as his general, received the same at the same time XIII. and XIV. Acclamation. During the first quinquennium

1) St. B. II 7C7; about the case of Drasn cited there (A.G). 8. below p. 220.

2) St. R. I 97.

3) Saeton, Ang. 29: prorincias cum imperio petituri hinc (ab aede Marti») dB- duceretour; cf. Marquardt, St. V. I^ 534. — The Anspicia of the Legates were considered to be those of the senior field officer; see St. R. I 90. 91.

4) The acclamations of the Augustan period are by Mommsen in the second edition of the Monomen tnm Ancyranum (p. 11 ss.). been; The following information is based on this.

On the title of Plavief. 217

the tribunician power of Tiberius (748/9-752/3) then received the Emperor himself had no Acciamation; his XV. belongs in that Year 725, the XVI. probably before the renewal of those buildings reign of Tiberius in 757. As a result of the Germanic The latter's expedition in 759 then received the emperor the XVII. Acciamation, Tiberius himself the third. Noticed on this Mommsen ^) : Ab hoc inde tempore^ sdlicet post Tiberium a. 767 in domus imperique consortium adscitum^ acclamationes imperatoriae Angusto Tiberioque omnes communea vulentur fuisse...Indeed it is

the factual commonality of all subsequent acclamations {Angustus XVII - XXI, Tiberitis III - VII) almost certain'), But what it is legally based on is not easy to see. Neither adoption nor tribunician power can unite grant claim to that right of honor; it must have the Accla- mations a secondary or primary commando of Tiberius underlying, - the proconsular power under the Emperor or the proconsulate next to the emperor. — From the pro- We will soon see that Tiberius only appointed him consulate in the year received 764; but since he was certainly at least before this time two acclamations {IIL and IV. = Angttstiis XVH and XVIII) received request'), he must immediately after taking over the tribunal nician violence once again became a secondary proconsular impetus. rium received. Presumably it was done in this way once again a unified commando in the Rhine and Danube

1) a. a. 0. p. 16.

2) 8. Mommsen's compilation a. a. 0. p. 16. 17.

3) I conduct the third Acciamation with Mommsen on the Tiberius Germanic expedition from 759 (Dio 55, 28). For the fourth white Mommsen did not give any reason; I refer it to the Dalmatian Victory of Gerraanicus in 762 (Dio 56, 17). Mommsen holds on to this victory only for initiating the Accl. Aug. XIX = 2V6. But the fashion of Tiberius with «mp. V and ir. p. XII (Cohen n. 27) This Accia- mation rather in the year 763/4, as the following by the MOnse of Augustus with imp. XX and tr. p. XXXIIII (Cohen n. 226) in the year 764/5 ▼is proven; I would like both acclamations to the fights in the Rhenish provinces. After all, it is also worth noting that of Tiberius title imp. V just on the coins minted in Xyon RomL ei Aug. (Cohen, Tib. n. 28-33) seems so common

218 B-Pick:

Provinces*). In the year 760 Ger- manicns sent to Pannonia, but initially still in sub- orderly position; when in 764 he himself proconsu- Larian power over these provinces'), Tiberius can no longer have the same, because not in the same Sprengel at the same time two holders of the secondary procon- can command sular GcAvalt. In fact there was- Tiberius' position was completely different than before, or rather it seems to have been changed at the same time be. When we learn from Dio*) that he was with Germanicus at the same time moved against the Germanic peoples in 764, so his Position at that time may have only grown to a higher one than that his adopted son. A higher command than the owner But only the emperor has secondary proconsular power or the one who has primary command with the emperor the army and the provinces are divided, the co-regent in full sense of the word. It is now also recorded that Tiberius just at that time - the occasion may have been the catastrophe of Varus - received this full co-reign. Velleius reports that Augustus then^) for his son

1) see Mommsen Rome. business Y 33 ff.

2) Dio 56, 25: FfQfiavixog «yrt vnaiov äg^aiy — Cf. Mommsen R. G.

V 45. In this position Germanicus also received the first imp. Accla mation, time is indefinite. — If Tacitus (ann. I, 14) is like that seems as if Germanicus the proc. Violence only occurred under Tiberius in the 14th century AD, the message can only refer to a renewal. nation of the mandate, as do the legates in the government had to receive a change.

3) Dio 56, 25. — Tiberius had already been on the Rhine the previous year; Daily Mommsen R.G.Y 44 fg.

4) Yell. II, 121. — The time cannot be determined precisely. Mommsen (St R. II 1101 A. 2) concludes at the end of 11 AD; I would like the beginning of the year because I have the fifth acclamation (see p. 213 A. 3) I am already inclined to take up this commando and also the acquisition of the coinage law with this increase in violence. — The passage in Suetonius, Tiberius c. 21, turn over via conmlea Uuof ui provineku « Augusto eommunüer administrarei nmtdqite censum ageret can only refer to this- the same award of the proconsulship, although the following words point to the year 14; for if Augustus and Tiberius also had the gene-

On the titulary of the Flavians. 219

obtained by popular vote, vt aeqaum ei ius in omnibus Provinciis eaercitibusque esset quam erat ipsi. This measure means nothing other than the equality of Tiberius Proconsnlat and at the same time in the empire; because so different the constitutional basis of these two powers is, as follows would be the imperial proconsulate without the simultaneous one Possession of the absolute empire if not unthinkable*), at least without meaning. Since the position of the co-regent is that of the Emperor had to be recreated, so Tiberius could the proconsulship cannot be given without that empire, because if only the administration of the provinces was given to him would have been, but the emperor would have been in command of the army If Tiberius had kept it undivided, he could also do so after this time as the holder of a secondary proconsular walt, albeit with the largest conceivable scope become'). Since Tiberius received both powers at the same time, He became the Emperor's College in the Proconsulate as well as in the Empire. This collegiality contradicts the actual essence of both powers, the principle of unity; but by that the emperor transferred that power to his son by popular vote wear Hess, he himself showed how much he liked the far-reaching interpretation of the new facility; the popular conclusion lives Galized the deviation from the earlier principle, and the Introduction of collegiality. This co-regency, with her Collegiality in tribunician power, empire and proconsulship, is in fact almost entirely from the late joint rule the name different; and when Marcus in 161

808 only took place in the year 14, so they can, like Yespaaian and Utas, been designated for this several years earlier.

1) This formulation would be conceivable in F&ilen, like that of Seiaan and of Nero, which are just empty flattery from the Senate acted; see p. 222 ffg.

2) At least the Proconsul in the Senate Protinia didn't have one iwide Proconsul next to him, so in this respect he would have more self- had permanent status as Tiberius; in relation to military commando would be he was equal to Tiberius.

220 B-Pick:

gave his brother full co-rule under his own power - could wear, so you can see that it was actually just It was a new form for a long-established practice. Whether the second Augustus or the co-regent also actually in the Administration intervened, or just the honorary rights of a latent one enjoyed violence, depended on the will of the ruling ruler", from the situation of the empire, and finally from the individuality of each individual. Both the co-regency and the joint rulership Society was sometimes factual, sometimes nominal; Legally, both contain, such as the commonality of honorary rights shows a participation in the rule; run in practice both aim at securing succession, except that this one Purpose made more certain by appointing a second Augustus is enough').

The connection between empire and proconsulate with the tri- Bnnician violence is after Augustus once introduced it had, the standing form of co-regency in the full sense remained '). The next to receive them was Drusus the son of Tiberius. It is only known that the emperor... Year 22 the tribunician power was requested from the Senate for him '); but if on this occasion it is complained that the prince didn't even catch up with the allusions in the city*), like that cannot this be related to the tribunician power, but only to the proconsulate; and with the Proconsulate must Drusus, according to our earlier statements, also the empire have acquired. That he also received the title of emperor as co-regent

1) Mommsen, St. R. II 1120

2) The co-regent's share in the offices and prices was later expanded; the granting of the right to mint would not handled equally carefully. — No further details can be given here. will give; provisionally see Mommsen St. R II 1108 and 802 ff.

3) Tacitns, ann. III, 56.

. 4) that. III, 59; see Mommsen St. R. II 767 A. 6. — If above (p. 216) It was noted that the emperor carried out the auspicion through his legates. Hess, of course, still had the right as Proconsul himself of auspication and probably will be if he himself goes to war auiigoäbt.

On the titulary of the Flavians. 221

It is explained by the fact that in such a short time No victory was achieved during his co-reign that belonged to the emperor itself would have brought an acclamation; the victory of Blaesn in the year 22 only he himself obtained the imperial title). But how much people even back then wanted to take part in the tribu- Nicene violence was perceived as full co-reignity, as shown by the adulatory resolutions of the Senate, on the occasion of their adoption division'); and it is probably possible that the name also of Drusus as princeps*) not one freely chosen by Tacitus expression, but really in those flattering speeches of the Se- nators was needed.

The full co-regency, as Augustus first*) in the year Awarded in 764, initially found its titular expression in the drawing tribunicia potestcUe; as in the title of the emperor himself The iteration numbers were also added here to the title Of course, the co-regents could only proconml in the same area Restriction to the imperial provinces lead like that Emperor*). But while Augustus also serves as the titular figure pressure of the absolute empire carried the emperor's name, Tiberius abstained from this name^), although he had been since then Year 764 that empire, as we have seen, also sat. It would be possible that Augustus would give him the leadership of the Im- peratomamens would not have been permitted; but when we see that Even as sole ruler, Tiberius did not have the praenomen imperatoris led, 80 we will this renunciation of the expression of the highest Most and unrestricted violence is probably better than voluntary one understand the way he normally sees the external appearance of the monar-

1) Daily above p. 207.

2) Tacitus, ami. III 57.

3) Tacitus a. a. 0.: ,,effigie8 principom (censuemntys “consalatOB honorem principibus petiyit*'.

4) According to its content, however, the StcUong of Agrippa was gani Similar; but the constitutional formulation is new.

5) Mommsen St R. 11 1096; Daily above p. 215 A. 6.

6) The imperial acclamations in the row of officers also led Tiberius.

ZcitMhrift tüx NamiraiAtsk; XIII. 15

222 B. Pick:

Chinese violence did not like to emerge - his. Power suffered certainly not due to the lack of that name. That Dru8U& then Following his father's example was a given. But the next holder of the co-regency received with that Empire also the Imperatomamcn; and even if from the fellow participants In later times L. Aelius and M. Aurelius mentioned this name have not led ^), since the time of Vespasian the imper- Rator name is the most important external characteristic of the co-regency. Before we go back to Titus, we have to briefly the position of Seian and Nero are pointed out by which Mommsen believes are the secondary proconsular possessed violence'). — Seian had been practicing for years 26 in fact the power of a co-regent, almost an autocrat shear off; but that was based on his deputy walt as praefectus praetorio '), not on a co-regent stellong;, as it had already been established under constitutional law at that time. JBundlich According to Dio's report, the Senate awarded him in the year 31 also the proconsular power*). — You need them secondary proconsular violence not with us as a form of the war command to see that the se- nat is not entitled to grant this power of his own accord. Because even if for their award the formal confirmation the Senate used to be sought^), then the The initiative can only be taken by the emperor, in whose com- whether this violence intervenes factually or legally; Ti- But Berius was already contemplating the overthrow of his former son favorite*); and if he also gave him the consulship

1) It may be that these changes in the use of the Emperor name were caused by the fact that since the co-governance of the L. Aelius the name of Caesar became the usual name of the successor (8. Mommsen, St. R. II 1083).

2) St. R. U 1095 A. 2. 3.

3) cf. St. R. II 1058 flF.

.4) Dio 58 7: ttiv it dySvnattxriv i^vaiay avr^ idttHUp,

5) St. R. II 1096.

6) Dio 58, 4-7; Suetonius, Tib. 65. — The new honors should, only serve to deceive the Seian about the emperor's attitude.

On the title of the Flavians. 223

and gave him the prospect of tribunician power, In 80 he must not have wished for Seian's violence to continue expand. So if the Senate gives the latter the procon- Bularian power conferred, so it can be, since the application is not emanated from the emperor, was not about the secondary form of the same have acted. On the other hand, it could perhaps be contravened under constitutional law. defend'), if the Senate grants Seian the proconsulship (and also the absolute empire would have existed; and this high one The Senate will have given him a position. If the Emperor recognized this measure and the owner of those two Powers also gave the tribunician power, so was he thereby became co-regent. In the case of Seian, the owner leaves it Dios judges doubtful whether recognition by the emperor headship took place; that he did not receive the tribunician power, is known; So Seian might have the Proconsulate, sure but neither the actual co-regency nor the secondary one possessed proconsular power. — Nero doesn't have one either achieved by these two powers. Tacitus') says that the Senate decided in 51, ut vicensimo aetatia anno catisfäatum (Nero) iniret atque Interim designaius proconstdare im- perinm eaira vrbefn haberet ac princeps iuventutia appellaretur.

Of course, this is not a co-regency of the four- ten-year-old boy, like him the tribunician power, the actual expression of the same, did not receive '); neither about the secondary proconsular power, as the initiative here again had been taken by the Senate. It will be al&o under Nero's proconstdare imperium extra urbem similar to Seian the Proconsulate must be understood; whereby it is free

1) The Emperor also received his procon salad from the Senate; and in- As long as the Senate also trespassed on the sovereign people, it could also do so. solatc empire cf. 8. 225. — The aecimd&re proc violence yer- B< is primarily similar to the Legation sum Proconsalat, not only in the content of the position, but also in the form of its occupation.

2) Ann XH, 41.

3) The title princep$ niventutii is also associated with the co-governance position

not permissible ; cf. St. R. II 800.

15*

224 B-Pick:

What is striking is that, although in this case the imperial Loan confirmation took place, the prince took part in the aelamations of the Claudius received no share*); maybe this was because because Nero actually had co-regency senses not possessed. — If after these statements neither the fall of Seian nor that of Nero in our opinion; the Co-regency contradicts, the next one is the one after Drusus was given the position of co-regent, Titus, the son of Ves- pasianus.

While Titus was still the owner of the Jewish war secondary proconsular power and as such in In the fall of the year 70 he received the title of Emperor. Since July 1, 71 he seems to have been the bearer of the tribunician (every walt. If the possession of this power is right as the sign has been placed in full co-regency, then this can be done Princes since this time also the proconsulate with its necessary agile addition, the empire, was not missing. In In fact, the case of Titus confirms our view co-regency; — since July 1st of the year 71 the Prince in all of his father's imperial aeelamations had a part'). In addition, he has also been running the since this time Emperor names. — In Mommsen's opinion') is the property of the emperor's name is, so to speak, the condition for that one Participation in the aeelamations. But now the joint venture is liable ability of the aeelamations in the possession of the Proeonsulat, while- Since the emperor's name expresses the ownership of the empire, and even if the difference between these two powers should not be recognized, as the case of the Ti- berius^), that the co-regent, even without the imperatomamen

1) Claudius accepted nine more aelamations in the years 51-54 {imp. XIX—XXVII); see Eckhel D.N. VI 249.

2) 8. Hoffmann p. 34.

3) 8t. R. II 1097 f.

4) It is a matter of full co-rovership, i.e. with Tiberius since the year 764. The cases approached by Mommsen (p. 1098 A. 1). the Tiberiüs are from his earlier time, the older Dnisas, Qajos and

On the titulary of the Flavians. 225

lead, takes part in all acclamations of the Kaisei*. after- to whom it had, of course, become customary that, like the emperor himself so does the co-ruler, as an expression of his empire, the im- peratomamen, the leadership of this name actually fell with the share in the imperial acclamations. — When the emperor has his unlimited empire and its clearest expression, the emperor's name, upon request of the sovereign people, then this sovereign can Express the will of the people in two forms, either in a conclusion of the Senate or in a statement from the army^); because The Senate is in a certain sense a representation of the entire people, as well as the army, insofar as there are citizens from the encompasses entire empires; On the other hand, the committees are for the Granting of supreme power in the official territory domi, the tribu- Nice power, competent, but the highest authority they cannot lend them out'). If the emperor dies, so be it sovereign people again use their bechte and over- carries the empire to another'); but the same people have also the right to bring about the elimination of the Principate itself. lead') by having one in place of the ruling ruler proclaims others emperor. In both cases, again both the Senate and the army must be organs of the will of the people; but if in the peaceful disposal of the Principate the necessity Mining the new emperor used to leave the Senate, or

Germanicus are of a different nature, since they are only acclamations as a result of our own victories, but not as a result of our share in the Accla- mations of the emperor. — Like Tiberins, so were his son Drosos since the year 22) and later L. Aelius and Marcus certainly took part entitled to the acclamations, although they are not the emperor trips; that the latter three, despite their full co-reign, have no action clamation, explains how Mommsen (p. 1098 A. 3) from Aelius and Marcus himself emphasizes that during the time of their co-reign the emperors themselves received no acclamation.

1) Mommsen, St R. II 814.

2) About the case of Tiberius see above p. 219.

3) St. R. II 1076.

226 B-Pick:

the Senate is seen as having better legitimacy for this ^), so it goes the revolutionary uprising of a neaeolmperatoi-s ordinary') from Armies from, just as the army alone has power, its knowledge to give emphasis. However, the granting of the general my impenum, the nomination of a new emperor, too take place in a peaceful manner without the Principate having to deal with it is, and this case occurs when the co-regentship is awarded shaft. But here the emperor's wish is the first condition. for the granting of power. Since the appointment the co-regent naturally carried out peacefully, so he made use of it the emperor to formally confirm the peaceful and more legitimate organ of the people's will, the Senate '); — that Army has a legal influence on the awarding of the Never had co-regency. When the same for the first time in was awarded in full, in 764, Angustus remained^) deemed obliged to adopt this measure except through the Senate to be confirmed by the Gomitia; but that explains itself partly from the novelty of the institution partly from the fact that back then the gomitia are still viewed as a representation of the entire people were seen as in the Republic; since Tiberius disappeared this fiction, and the Gomitia are considered what they are, as an organ of the capital's population. In all later ones As I said, cases are no longer a matter of questioning the people the speech. — When the emperors and co-regents build their empire received in the manner just described, it was necessary for them Acceptance of the Emperor's name without any special modalities. Whoever owned this absolute empire had, since then Dictator Gäsar was called Emperor in that new sense had been legally entitled to this name. Whether the

1) St. R. II 812 fg.

2) But the Senate is also entitled to daza; 8. the St. B. II cases 1077 A. 2.

3) St. R. II 1096. In 1103 Mommsen expresses the same opinion, if he also assumes other conditions.

4) About the way in which Augustus took over his own power riums formulated, see St. R. I 671, II 814.

On the titulary of the Flavians. 227

Emperor's wish to lead him depended on himself; the co-regent but will this probably be according to the emperor's wishes? have directed. This explains why the next nights successors of Augustus and some of the co-regents the emperor did not have names; only since Yespasian has he become yonden Emperor throughout, and at least partially from the co-regents wisely guided.

With the same content and in the same form^ as in has been presented in the above statements Yespasian also transferred co-rule to his son have; it is the share in the tribunician power Procousnlat and the Empire, awarded by the Emperor, confirmed from the Senate. Eponymy applies to the former the agreement with this imperii Ves- pasians for love ^) officially set July 1, 71 as the date of inauguration However, the award ceremony itself must take place earlier have, already at the time when Titus was still in the Orient. Philostratus') recounts the behavior of Titus the destruction of Jerusalem and then adds: ^Ava^^vid^sl^ di

laofAotQ^aay tijg äx^g t(o natQl. These words cannot to the simple confirmation of the imperial acclamation of Titus, but it must be the awarding of the fellowship gentschaft is meant by it, and the word avtoxQotcoQ can therefore only stand for the emperor's name. It was the first Time that this name is part of the proper name was awarded to someone other than the emperor himself; and the different position of the word Emperor in the name of Titus shows that this innovation caused some embarrassment. Legally, of course, it was irrelevant whether the word was used as a prefix. noun or was used as a gognomen; as described it portrays the wearer as the owner of an empire, which is like that

1) cf. St B. U 775.

2) Tita ApoUomi.YU 29. 30.

228 B-Pick:

Name was life sentence. From the outset it seems so no determination appears to have been made as to which position should take the word in the name; and there Titus, like us have seen, the co-regency and the imperatomamen received before his return to Rome, so he was allowed At the time, they probably considered themselves justified in relying on their im Orient minted coins of the praenomen imperatoris lay. That's what he calls himself on the only coin'). he himself struck in celebration of the Jewish victory, Imp. T, Caesar Vespasiamis, and on the back of the same writes Victoria on the victory shield Ivip, T. Caes,; and is called similar he on those in Ephesus and other cities of the province of Asia struck coins Imperator 2\ Caesar Augusti /•'). Aucli

1) Cohen, Titus 119; RJ. Judaea devicta. — The coins with Jttdaea capta (Cohen 113-118) and Jud. cap. (107 - 112) are influenced by the Senate; the latter all and of the former no. 114 and 115 from Titus' own reign; the cos. III on no. 107 is stampcl error for cos. Vlir, there Titus is already referred to as Augustus on the coin.

2) These are the gold and silver coins of Vespasian Titus and Domitian with the reverses: Aug,, Concordia Aug., Päd Au- gustacj Paci orh. terr. Atig.j as well as those Yespasians with Liberi Imp. Aug. Vespas. (this also includes Cohen p. 423, 1. 2) and Liberilmp. Vespcut. (aft. 10, 11). Most of Yespasian's coins are dated and belong to the years 70, 71 and 74; In the first year his sons leave Don't put them, so they belong to the years 71 or 74. Now that means but Titus on some of these coins Imp. T. Caesar cos. 111 (Cohen, Titus 21 and 123); and if these belong to the year 74, then you can probably his coins without dating (and perhaps also those of Domitian) put in the year 71. — In Yespasian's title it is striking that the consulate is always prefixed cos. 11 (111th previous year tr. p. p. p, and the Title po7U. viax. missing throughout. I explain this from the fact that the coins of the year 70 were minted at a time when Yespasian the latter title did not yet exist, and that in the following years that date was The form of representation was retained with a change to the consular number. The emperor would have then the title pater patriae was accepted earlier than the supreme pontificate. — The legend Aug. is resolved into Aug(vsto) by Eckhel (D. N. YI 326). been; At that time, however, this Bevers was only known on Yespasian's coins; now that it is also proven on coins of Titus and Domitian (Cohen, Titus 21-23; Domit. 22), only the resolution in aiug(w) HUremains. Yespasian had probably already become an augurate as a private citizen. hold; his sons could certainly already hold this title in the year 71,

On the titulary of the Flavians. 229

Chambalu ') places these coins in the period before July 1st of the year 71. — But if the dating is not quite here is certain, the praenomen imperatoris appears towards the end of the year 71 itself on a group of Senate coins*), albeit in a very strange form. During the time- Indeed, as Mommsen^) has shown, the leadership of the praenomen imperatoris at the beginning of the imperial period with that of the Wülmlichen prenomen was not tolerated, join first Nero and then at Titus both appear side by side; but while Titus himself appears on the coins of non-Roman origin tung Imp, T. Caesar, the Senate devised the other derbaie name form T. Imp, Caesar; according to the rules of the Roman onomatology - if it still exists at that time There is one rule that can be spoken of - but it is one

as, as is well known, she accepted membership of religious priestly colleges early on. received legiae (cf. St. R. II 796).

1) Flaüiana 1I\ a. a. 0. pp. 123, 124.

2) These are the coins with the type of the two standing princes on the back (see illustration on page 191). On the group from which we went out, it seems /mp. nor the title to mean. There- However, it is certainly the name on which Cohen n. 536 is not exactly known. written coin of the Berlin Cabinet (there are now two copies of this same Yorhanden). The inscriptions read:

IMP • CAES • VESPASIANVS • AVG -P-M-TR-P-P-P- COS • UI. Hj. T • IMP • CAESAR • COS • DES • II • CAESAR • DOMIT • COS • DES • II- S • C.

The same name form seems to follow that in Cohen's send coin to be supplemented. Of course it is in Cohen's catalogue only IMP. . . SAR • DOMiTiANVs • AVG • F • COS • DESG • II, but otherwise the alphabetical order is followed, then the t is. probably only at the beginning omitted due to printing errors. If there is really cos-nil on the front is, then [7".] Im-p, [Caesar Aug. f, cos, //, Cae]sar DomUianui should be added Atig /. cos, dcs(i)g, II\ but since Cohen probably didn't make this coin himself has seen (it is not in the Paris cabinet), the front has äcite maybe cos here too. III, and with Titus it would then be oos, de$. II to supplement. — The Paris coin of the same type is incomprehensible to me, the back of which Cohen (n. 204) describes and adds as follows: imp*(t-caes* AVGF-DES- ?) • IMP • DOMiTiAN • AVG • F • COS • DESiG* II; Strangely enough, Chambalu (loc. cit. 0. p. 124) the addition, which even Cohen doubts was taken seriously and conclusions were drawn from it. I guess, dmss the second imp. from itervm is corrupted.

3) St. R. n 745. 746 A. 2.

Form as justified as the other. — Indesscu, like the Senate ^«H)Bt of Titus's benevolence soon returned to Uokham, so found There was little imitation in the empire; and I only have three left Monuments on which she appears are known. The first is one von Hirschfeld '} published Pannonian inscription from the year 72, on which the Prince T. Imp. Caea. Ä\u\g. f., imp. IV cos. II design. III is called. Then a copper coin from Smyma'), which depicts the head of Titus with the inscription TITOC AYTOKPATflP KAICAP shows; on the back is the pro- called consul of Italy, whose administration was the province of Asia Waddington seems to have made the right decision in 73/74. Finally an uncdlertc silver coin from the Berlin Cabinet, Muthlicb coined in Caesarea, the description of which along with one Picture of the back here follows:

AYTOKPA KAICAP OYCCnACIANOC CeBACTOC. head of

Emperor, with laurel wreath, to the right. . Rf. TITüC AYTOKPATWP KAICAP CTOYC 0. Titus, standing,

to the left, with hasta and parazonium.

M.5.

Apparently those SenatamQnzen'dOg have the stamp cutter served as a model in the year 71'), and it is just striking that

1) Arch. epigr. Hitth. from Austria V (1881) 306 fg.

2) Miounet lU -J21, 1251 ; 3 TU 335, 1662. -r W&ddmgton, füte« des prOT. asi&tiqueg p. 98, 3.

3] It should be noted that data on other silver medium clay Cae- sarea Domitian io similar position er Boheiot. The main page is awesome similar to the one described above. The back page describes Hionnet (IT. 411, 3b, S6; nud etvaa differing bond 3. TU 663, 24) like this:

ÄOmiTiANOc-KAiCAP-cEBAC-Yi-ETOY-e. DomitieD Yötu dfl la toge et dcbout k g., tenant nne need de laurier dans U maia dr. and the pketnan de la gauche.

On the title of the bottle four. 231

The coin was only introduced in the nineteenth year of Vcspasiuus (77/78 BC). is embossed*). — Titas' own gold and silver coinage According to Mommscn, in the city of Rome only in the year 74 started'), at least not immediately after the takeover co-regency. There are certainly a number of cold coins that belong on one side the head of Yespasian, on the other of Titus show, as early as the year 72 or 73'); but these Very rare coins all seem to have been made outside Rome to be shaped. They give Titus the praenomen imperataris^ even at the top of the entire name if they also put their own prenoun 7\üu8). — But iq the- same time as Titus on these provincial gold coins The imprint of the praenomen imperatoria was given without hesitation, The Senate in Rome gave him the emperor's name

It is easily possible that Miunnet does not set the attributes correctly, knew, and that we have here the replica of the other half of that one have Rovers; the year is also the ninth of Yespasians.

1) More information about the name forms of the Greek coins is given will be given in the third chapter.

2) Vienna Num. Ztschr. III 458 ff. - Certainly dated coins However, earlier times cannot be proven. The large number of gold and silver coins, which give Titas the usual form of the name T. Cae». hip. l'e^pwiianus either without addition or with the titles cetw., p

jHni. tr. pot. cens, to give, can go into earlier as well as later times belong. — Titus has minted coins in every consulate since the year 74, and it seems that they are actually stamped on the consulate; it The name T. Caea, Imp, Feqn. is regularly etched on the front. on the back either cot, lll {UII^ V, TT, VIIJ or ponHf, tr. p^ eo§, II f, {IUI, n or finally tr. pot. VII (VUIJ cot. VI (T7/). (An Aamalime only the Quinar n. 371 does. Titus would have coined it in the year 72 If we were allowed to, we would probably also have coins with the letter “eo”. H nnd potty/. tr. p. cot. II have. However, there would be no shortage of such coins very striking if one sets the beginning of its coinage in the year 73, since he was not consul himself that year; the numerous mflnias with cens. seem to point specifically to this year. See also onten P. 235. A. 3.)

3) Cohen, Yesp. Titus n. 1-6. — The coins n. 1, 3, 4, 5 went certainly to this period, n. 6 is not dated; n. 3 gives the title to Tito Title cot. III, but that may also be read incorrectly, Cohen himself has didn't see the coin.

232 B-Pick:

off. We have seen that Titus is also on a group of Senate coins from the year 71 that pracnomen had led. Domestic This was already shown by the choice of the strange form of the name T. Imp. Caesar that the new name was uncomfortable for the Senate, because so far only one man has ever used the emperor's name had; now that the emperor himself gave that name to a second person had, in this case they gave the praen, imperatoris at least not the same place in the proper name as the emperor, but because of the clear distinction it pushed it behind the actual First name ^) of the second emperor. But if Titus appears here still in the subordinate position, as in the Time before his co-reign, namely with his brother united on the reverse of Vespasian's coins, so became the Senate ordered by the government in 72, except for the coins with the head of the emperor also those with the head of Titus and to coin those with the head of Domitian O- The Emperor

1) The treatment of the prenomen in Titus is also striking in other ways. Vespasian seems to have initially determined that both sons would have their should throw off common first names; because in the military diploma from March 6, 70 (C. I. L. III p. 849) Titus is only called Caesar Aug. /. Veapasianua, just as his brother was regularly called Caesar Aug. f. Domitianus. The princes on the reverse of the Vespasian coins have similar names Cohen p. 423, 4-6: C

2) Since then, Titus no longer appears on copper reverses Vespasian coins; the coin Cohen, Vesp. 537 would be the only exception, if it is read correctly (see p. 229 A. 2); Then there is the silver

On the titulary of the piano players. 233

does not seem to be mixed so much into the influence of the Senate that he also presented him with the titles of the princes. would have written; and so we see that the Senate for his coins determined the names and titles of the princes themselves. The naming of Domitian caused no difficulty; man called him Caesar Aug. f. Domitianus and added to the name the details of the consulate. On the other hand, with the name of At the time, Titus seemed to have constitutional concerns in the Senate to have come; on the coins of the year 72 the leads Prince does not use the Emperor's name, but only the Emperor's name. title, but this one at the top of the row of offices*). That It's not about the emperor's name second Cognomcn acts, - the position is doubtful -, to teach the numerous coins of Titus on which the word is commemorated imp. the iteration numbers III and Uli connect '). If on the other coins of the same year only the simple imp, appears, although Titus was already imp in the year 71. became II was'), then this imp. therefore not to be seen as a name yet, because, as is well known, Vespasian and Titus also shared the title tri!), jwt. the iteration number is usually omitted. Like Momm-

Coin n. 532 (see below p. 235 A. 4). — On the other hand, Domitian appears in the year 72 still on the reverse of the Titus coins Cohen Titus 27-29.

1) The word imp is only missing on the coin Cohen n. 207. quite; here the name of the prince is T. Caesar Vespattiamis tr. p. cos. II. — That an individual Title omitted in this way occurs more often. See e.g. B. P. 234 A. 4.

2) These are the following coins: Cohen n. 193. 229. 231. 237. 280 with

T. Caesar Vesp

T. Caesar Vespasian imp. IUI pon. tr, pot. I! (238 without 11) cos. IL They all belong to the second half of the year 72 (also n. 193 and 238). Dating with cos. II Hesse also close to 73, but one would then expect the title censor; see p. 234 A. 4.

3) The II Acclam. of Titus corresponds to Ylll. Yespasians, which who received it in the year 71. Ygl. Chamhalu, cfe magistraiibu» Flamarum (Bonn 1881) p. 21; the testimonies for the imperial AccIamattODen The Flayians are very carefully dispersed there.

234 B. Pick:

8en') emphasizes, the Seuat certainly didn't think of it with this Proceedings to make political opposition to the emperor; that would be He also got sick from Vespasian. But if it is that Senate seemed concerned that the empire would have two emperors. the same, and therefore he at least gave the one the empire The emperor was at least able to agree on the gate names to let down; the legal co-regency of Titus, from Since that name was just an expression, the Senate had assumed that recognized and did not deny it even now. So he left it Emperor, in recognition of the dyarchy') which formally existed between him and the Senate passed its will first. — But Not long after, Vespasian moved towards final order this question. The opportunity already mentioned presented him Awarding the gold and silver coinage to his son. If He probably initially gave Titus the emperor's name as a prefix. nom^n had intended'), he now redefined, perhaps through the different position of the word Imp, a difference between his name and that of the co-regent to let and so calm the Senate that Titus only him should lead as a cognomen, and so is the regular one Name form on the gold and silver coins since then: T. Caesar Imp. Vespasianus. At the same time, however, the Senate also changed his procedure. Since the year 73*) appears on the copper coins of Titus between the name of T. Caesar Vespasiaims

1) Vienna Ztschr. III 469.

2) Mommsen, a. a. 0.; and St. R. II 725.

3) This is what the gold coins with the heads of Yespasiait and of Titus (p. 231) and the older gold and silver coins of the latter (p. 228), to whom all the practice. imperatoris is common.

4) It seems that the coins with cos. II belong to* the year 73, as soon as the title cens. it says the rest in the year 72; on jenettist the regular titulature imp, pon. tr. p(ot,J cos. II cens. (Exception n. 79 with mip» co8^ II cens.), on these imp, {III. IUI) pon, tr, p. cos, //(Exception n. 207 with tr, p. cos, II). — Titus was born in the first half of the year J. 73 imp. r(this is what the inscription G. I. L. YI 941 teaches; see Chambaln, a. a. 0., 8. 22), but this acclamation no longer appears on the Coins.

On the titulary of the Flavians. 285

•• ^^^

or T, Caesar^) and the empire regularly use the word imp. without iteration number. However, it seems trotasdem here to have retained its validity as a title. Namely the variation between the forms of the name T. Caesar Vespasianus and T. Caesar would appear more questionable if that was behind it- standing word imp, not a title but a part of the name would be. Despite the lack of iteration numbers, the word can therefore be imp. on the Senate coins even after the year 72 Cognomens are to be understood '). But if the Senate decides to He didn't give up on the Emperor's name, so he raised it but no longer so prominent, since then in the imperial Coin minted in the name of Titus, and on these coins zen the Imp, was clearly used as a name ^). After this one Time regularly leads Titus on the gold and silver coins^)

1) Both forms of the name have been used equally since the year 73 next to each other; in the year 72 the shorter one is still missing. The choice of name shape was determined solely by spatial considerations; that's why it's found longer form only on the majority bronzes (exceptions. 216: M.B.), the shorter ones only on the middle bronzes (Cohen describes the coin n. 177 as 6th B., but the type of the large altar with the inscription provident. comes only on medium bronzes; So there was probably an oversight). — Up There is no fixed rule regarding the names and titles of the small bronzes, So they are not considered for these questions - about the names form T. Cae9ar Imp. Aug. f. 8. below p. 237.

2) This is also shown by a city Roman inscription from the year 75 (ter- mineral stone from the Pomerium; G.I.L.VI 1232); Titus is called: T, Cae$ar ^^'9' /• Vcspatianus imp, VI (or HI) pont, trib. poL IV eentor eaa. IV dmg, F. It is the same form that was previously used in Rome for Titus had; cf. Ephem. cpigr. lY 779: T. Caeaar Aug. [/.] FetpaiiamM Mi[p.] trtb, potrM cc[8.] eenaor cieM[^.] eoUegioru{m] onmium $aioerd[oi] (a 71) and C. I. L. VI 932: T, Caesar VespasianM imp, III pantif. tr, p. II eo$. II (a. 72).

3) If this change in the title on the Senate floor is correct associated with the beginning of the gold and silver minting of Titas has been brought, then we would have proof that the beginning of this Minting dates back to the year 73 AD.

4) There are only two known exceptions on the denarius in Cohen, Yeep. n. 532 (from the year 73?) he is only called T, Caetar; but this inaccuracy is explained from the fact that the Pnnz is only on the back of a Vespasian coin appears, and it is therefore not a transliteration of one's own Coin trades. Two Ephesine denarii (Cohen, Titus 21, 23) name him

236 B. Pick:

the emperor's name, on the copper coins the emperor's title, that one as the first cognomen, that one as the first official title. —First Towards the end of Vespasian's reign a change occurred. On a series of copper coins from the years 77-79 it says Emperor himself Imp. Caesar Vespasianus, Titus leads on his abducted speaking coins have the usual name T. Caesar Vespasianus^ but without the title of emperor and the rank of other offices ^). On gold and silver coins of the same Time') calls himself the emperor Caesar Vespasianus Äug, and how If he omits his praenomen imperatoris, Titus abstains here his cognortien imperatoris and is called T. Caesar Vespa- sianus. That these two striking groups of coins in are closely related to each other, is obvious. To that Suppression of the Emperor's name and emphasis on the Imperator titeis on the coins of the emperor and the co-regent But it is very true that Vespasian died in the year 78 For the first time in his government, two private individuals were given their due Consulate granted '). If so the emperor himself the monarchical

/fnp. T. Caesar cos. III, how he mentioned the praenomen imperaloris as early as 71 had carried coins of this city; see above p. 228 A. 2.

1) Mommsen, Vienna Ztschr. III 461; Chambala, Flaviana II a. a. 0., P. 125 A. 97. — Vespasian has the title cos, VIII (Cohen n. 35. 57. 58. 311. 460. 606) or cos. Villi (Cohen n. 59. 157). The middle bronze of the Tito's from the year 72 (C. n. 207) cannot be compared, since only the title of Emperor is missing on it; nor the small bronze ves- pasians from the same year (C. n. 503). See p. 233 A. 1, p. 235 A. 1. — This name form can also be found occasionally on the Penaren Vesp. 55 {Bf, Ceres August,) and Titus 57 [Bf. cos, F), as well as on the Aureus Vesp. 570 {Rep. VESP • AVG • kirx • CAESERES sicl)', but there is nothing with these three coins to start.

2) Mommsen, a. a. 0.; Chambalu, de mag, Flav, p. 29 n. 3. — Sure include the denarii of Vespasian with imp, XIX and those of Titus with tmp. XIII in the year 78. The undated coins with Annona Aug. and Ceres August, I would like to put it in the same year because their types are also among them bronzes just mentioned with cos. Find VIII. — The Aureus, on the other hand with imp, XJIII (C.Vesp. n. 211) must be placed in the year 75. — The denarius with imp. XIII (C. Vesp. n. 210) is hybrid; see below p. 238.

3) 8. Small, fasti consulares.

On the titulary of the Flavians. 237

It turned out that he wanted to resign from his position The Senate, for its part, was grateful to Titus. After he first placed the impeachment on the copper coins just mentioned Having suppressed the prince's rator title, he now granted it to him finally the emperor's name, which was denied for so long, and that's what Titus is called on the last copper coins of his fellow Regentzeit T, Carsai' /mp. Awj. JV). On the imperial coins The emperor's previously usual Nanian form is then used again like the co-regent. When finally Titus on June 23, 79 took sole power after his father's death nothing stands in the way of the leadership of the praenojntm imperatoris, and since then it has been called both on its own coins and on those of the

Senate hnp, 71 Caeniar Vespasianus Ancpistus,

There's not much to say about the Titus' Imperator Lite 1. remember. After becoming the holder of the secondary proconsula- Roman violence received the first acclamation in the year 70 he became a participant at the beginning of the next year gent and took part since the official beginning of the co-regency, July 1, 71, on all imperial acclamations of the Emperor's part. The cause of the individual acclamations is largely unknown. Vespasian had the Fifth Acclamation adopted as a result of the first of Titus. The VI. and VII. fall into the period before Titus' co-reign, but since

1) T. Caes. Jmp. Aug. f. tr, p. cos. VI eetuor on the coins at Cohen n. 85. 86. 88. 117. 118. 128-130. 142. 146. 147. 176. 187. 188. 217. 240 {Au4y. p. instead of Atig. f. ; Misprint?). 260, 261, 390 all Middle Bronia; There are also two large bronzes n. 184 and 196, which still have the title pon tr, ;>. is inserted. — The addition Äug. f, shows that 7m|). here name is There is no doubt that these coins were struck later are, than the Senate coins, which are marked cob. VI only the Emperor title in connect in the old way (Cohen n. 18. 19. 32. 33. 177. 215. 216. 343. UA. 379. 388. 389; 328 is an Asian rr&gungs - from the year 79 CS no longer has copper coins of Titus as co-regent; also hind this- j

Zeiuchrift (tlr Mamiaiuatik. XIII. 16

238 B Pick: On the titulary of the Flavians.

In VIII, Titas also received all of her father's acclamations. hold, so that the eighth of Vespasian is the second of Titus corresponds and so on until the XX. of the emperor and to XIV. of his son*). — Only a few appear on coins these acclamations. The gold coin Vespasian n. 209 gives the Fifth Acclamation'). The III. and IV. of Titus can be found often on the Senate coins of the year 72 '). From the later ones Years can then be found on the imperial coins two more acclamations, the XIIII. and XIX. of the emperor and the corresponding ones of Titus, VIII and XIII. Cohen does lead another coin from Vespasian with the RJvnvp. XUTauf (n. 213); But this seems to be hybrid, although Eckhel thinks it is real explained^). Whether the cause of these two acclamations were particularly outstanding victories and therefore exceptional We can no longer recognize these coins were minted; but it is possible that Vespasian's coins were marked imp, XIX and of Titus with imp. XUI were beaten just because because father and son did not receive any consular coins in 78 had shaped.

1) 8. the compilation at Ghambalu a. a. 0. p. 21 ss., and further Hoffmann, a. a. 0. p. 39. 40.

2) Ygl. above p. 206 A. 8.

3) see above p. 233 A. 2.

4) Doctor num. vet. VI 334. — The coin appears to be a unicum. Since it is not lined, an exchange of stamps is within the imperial power. common coin. The front shows the head of Vespasian with the almost The transcription Caesar Vespasianus Aug., used only in the year 78; the back but the type of a Titus coin of the same year = Cohen, Titus n. 104.

Berlin. B.Pick.

(To be continued.)

Achilles and Domitius.

To German coins from the Roman imperial period, which as to the person and reign of the one who allowed them to be shaped, have not yet been determined with sufficient certainty, include those of Domitius Domitianus. It doesn't have au though Versuclien failed to associate the person of this ruler with the usur- to identify pator Achilleus; but the reasons presented for the agreement of both people are not yet the case been convincing that this would finally resolve the dispute. would be solved. Therefore, in the following we want to try to nology of Achilles, then the time of Domitius coins to determine, and finally the question of which Investigate the identity of both.

First of all, what do the old sources tell us about him? Revolt of Achilles?

Eusebius chronicon: anno Diocletiani septimo*) Busiris et Captus, civitates Thebaeorum, in Aegypto contra Romanos reb6l- lantes funditus subversae sunt. Anno nono cum Alexandria una cum Aegypto in rebellionem venisset Alexandria uequivit resi- stere Romanorum exercitui.

Cedrenus 467.19 t

honioy noXfig iv Oijßatg xi^q AiYvmov änoötarijadaag tijg %Ay

'Püii^aiwv dgx^g etg ida(fog Hatioxaipay. 470.3 tm ainov $t€^ rf(

1) d. h. 293 p. BC; dcuu he adds that Constantin and Maxünianus Galerius became Gaesars in the same year.

2) Maybe avtov?

16*

240 Mistress. Sachs:

TiQogßoXfj tüop *Pu)^ai(M)P nXttcsta avjiQsO^ridav, Since the Armenian Translation of Eusebius does not contain the name Achilles Cedrenus did not take it from Eusebius and is therefore to be viewed as an independent source.

Eutropius reports IX, 23 that Diocletian Dreia enclosed Achilles in the eighth month of the covering forced him to hand over and then took him there let it be fixed.

If Jerome places these events in the 13th year It is well known that Diocletians assumes how unreliable the chronological nological information from the Church Father. Orosius VII, 25, 4 and S reports, as does Jordanes (^Getica p. 86 cd. Mommsen; Romana p. 38 ed. Mommsen) nothing essentially different, only that the name "Achilles" is written in the Getica.

Aurelius Victor 39, 33 and 38 speaks of the slight under- throwing the usurper. Independent of these reports the message of the so-called epitomator of Victor 39, 3: Hoc tempore Carausius in Galliis, Achilleus apud Aegyptum, Julianus in Italia imperatores efifecti various exitu periere.

A similar chronological compilation of three Usur- We find pators in Polemius Silvius c. IIT, but where instead of that Julianas in Italia the revolt of Auectus in Britannia is called.

So we have the fact of Egypt's revolt the independent testimonies of Eusebius, Cedrenus, Eutrop, Epi- tomator Victoris, Polemius Silvius; the name of the usurper name the last four; Eusebius does not cite it.

Now as to the form of the name, it has certainly four syllables. Because besides the orthography Achilleus') and Achilles') are spelled incorrectly Achillaeus four times, a clear sign that the word gric-

1) C.I.L. VIII, 3001; il). 8957; IX, 1781 ib. 2195; X, 4600; Wil- mans 224.

2) C.I.L.V, 129; ib. 5918; ib. 8116, 51, X; 5046.

Achilles and Domitianus. 241

chisch ^-ixi^i-^i^og and not ^Axi^^Q was called, i.e. h. that it's euie adjective form was, a cogiiomen and not a noun."

The timing of the Egyptian uprising is from Basically a difficult one because Eusebuis and Cedrenus, weldie only contain information in this regard, although it contains Einstinimeu that in the 1st year of the reign of Diocletian Busiris and Coptus were taken, the conquest of Alexandria but in the 9th or 10th year of Diocletian. Furthermore Eusebius reports that in the same year, when Busiris and Coptus were destroyed, Constantius and Galerius were appointed Caesars were. Since their elevation to vice emperors is now certainly in the year 293 falls, the overthrow of Upper Egypt is in this year, d. i. to put the 8/9 Diocletian. We receive accordingly the result that 293 Busiris and Coptus, which had rebelled, been destroyed that 2 or 3 years Then Achilles occupied Alexandria and besieged it for 8 months and was forced to surrender by Diocletian. Both re- bellions now seem to exist in an organic context to have stood; for the testimony of Cedrenus says: expressly ^Akt'^avdqsiag avv tfj AiyvntM ino ^AxhU^ioag anoota- tfjadarjg. In addition, all other sources report nothing a double revolt by Egypt, but only by the Catastrophe in Alexandria, so the same certainly the The end of the whole unified rebellion that took place in Ober- Egypt, to this day the most favorable place for raising stands, broke out, spread further north and finally after the occupation and loss of Alexandria, was thrown.

For this siege of Alexandreia by Diocletianus We ourselves have some news which gives us the exact enable adjustment. From Diocletian's Rescripts, namely we can see that he lived in Sirmium or Byzantium in 293, remained in Siimium until August 294, September of that year

1) Mommspn in Bcr. the sieve. O.d. Know. iS61.

242 Sir. Sachs:

but on the right bank of the Douau go to Nicomedia where he arrived in November and stayed until the end of the year. held. On April 15, 295 he was also still in Nicomedia, traveling but continued and was in Damascus on May 1st. Break now the rescripts; We have no data from the years 296/98 tirtes more. On the other hand, there is another one that only works with this Month and place names are provided on March 31st was enacted in Alexandria. We now know a two- Diocletian's stay in Egypt led to his submission of Achilles and one in the year 302. This year can but^) do not belong to the rescript; So it has to be according to the Conquest of Alexandria may have been enacted.

We hereby combine the news from both of them Persian Wars of Galerius, the first of which is known to be unfortunate ended: Galerius was completely defeated in 296. Around* the notch Diocletian traveled in the autumn of that year to get rid of it again from Egypt^) to Mesopotamia and presented himself there to reserve. From this it follows that Diocletian 296 in Egypt was, in this year Alexandria, in front of it April 1st, conquered; the revolt of Achilles on April 1st 296 was finished.

Let us now turn to the Alexandrian coins and zv^ar those who beat a Domitianus Hess. The This man's name on the Greek coins is JofA^- Ttapog ate] the readings Joiisti^avog and Jofif^tiravog are errors thümer^). On those minted according to the Latin coinage system his full name is Emperor Caes. L. Domitius Domitianus Augustus. The coins known from him are from only small number and are among the rarities in the numismatic matic cabinets. — The Greek-influenced pieces have only the embossing LB, i.e. h. they are in Egypt, probably in Alexandria, in the second year of Domitian's reign

1) Mommsen in Ber. the Sachs. Gesell, d. Know. 1861 p. 441.

2) Julian p. 18.

3) y. Sallet, data from Alex. Imperial coins p. 92.

Acbilleus and Domitins. 243

been beaten. It is now known that through the drawing “in the second year”^ should not be pronounced, that already twelve full months since the beginning of the desire the date of his inauguration; it is by this designation only involved that part of his rule before the initial point of the Egyptian year, i.e. h. was before August 29th. I now believe that Domitian has no problem with that Imprint LA has found that he has few or none at all beat LA, and therefore only a short time before the took office on August 29th. The latter stands not without analogy, because we know that from Aemilianus- the same (Sallet a.a. 0. p. 70).

Some of Domitian's coins now have Latin inscriptions Letters minted, so it dates back to the period after the coinage reform Diocletian. Because it's probably not a good idea to assume that insurgent soldier leaders, or whatever kind of do- mitius may have been, with the huge plan of a completely Diocletian's transformation of the Egyptian coin system will be addressed; especially since he gave up voluntarily of the epichoric character, his submission to the general my Roman Empire would have announced. The coinage reform Dio Cletians is to be placed in the 12th year of his reign; in This year the Greek coins belong to Diocletian and of his colleagues suddenly up; because the number received This year's coins are relatively small (at... Mionnct VI p. 500/501 8 pieces, in Supplement I, at Fire- dent 1, in the Berlin Gabinet 3 from the 12th year of Diocletian; from the eleventh Maximians at Feuardent 4, Mionnet 4, SuppL p. 440/41 4 pieces) that one cannot assume the rulers would have continued to mint without disruption until the end of this year. it follows that imperial power was in Alexandria at the time of must have been usurped by another. Now the coins of the Domitian, the short time before August 29th, as we did above have proven, his government has begun, so through his occupation of the mint was the reason to stop

244 hectares. Sachs: Achilles and Domitins.

given the legitimate character. But he also after that August 29th did not rule long, what with the small number of his Coins shows. Now the 12th year of Diocletian ends with September 296. So Domitius Domitianus in September December 296 still lived. But above we have... shown that Achilles had already died on April 1, 296 had died. It follows, therefore, beyond doubt that Domitian is not identical with Achilles. And the attempts Le- normants (at Feuardent L'Egypte ancienne) and others who Asserting the identity of both can go against this historical Do not fight Gombination.

Dr. Sir. Sachs.

Additions to Sallet's: The dates of the Alexandrian imperial Coins from the Osnabrück city collection

P. 16. Gaius. 2 ore coins, 10 and 11 millim. head of Augustus with the crown of rays. — TALoY with half- moon, ir of Tiberius.

P. 43. Titiana. Eight, without a doubt.

P. 55. Orbiana. The coin described by Reichardt is found also in our collection. She is different from the remaining coins of Alexander and Mamaea through careful execution; it's a little bigger and thinner, and looks exactly like coins with heads of Alexander and Mamaea and the coins of Alexander with L neMITTOY. Also are the letters shown differently. Namely H instead of M. Mamaea and Alexander. L TeTAPTMAMeACeB, L neMITTOY MAMGA CEB. Not MAMAIA. (cf. Mionnet the coins of Mamaea from years 4 and 6. No. 2754-58 and Zoega). Also with us MAMCA • 16 and LZ; and JB LI. Even MAMHA Le.

8. 16. Tiberius. Billon LKA. Heads of Tiberius and Augustus. Following Mion. VI No. 74 and 76.

P. 21. Poppaea Billon. Heads of Poppaea and Nero

T Year 9. L GNA. Also year 12. LIB.

P. 23. Vespasian. Year 10. M 20 millim. AIKAIOEYNH-L'.

246 C. Stives:

P. 28. Domitia LB. Mionnet No. 526. P. 38. Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. 2 trillion coins.

1. ANTWNINOC KAI OYHPOC CeBACTOC. heads of the both opposite each other. On the back OMONOIA standing. LA.

2. Likewise. On the back both standing and each other extending his hand to LB.

Lucius Verus. Billon LA. Mion. 2248 Fortuna sitting;

above 833 30SHY0 • 30lAH^YAA

P. 41. Commodus. Billon. LAf. Serapis. Mion. 2405.

P. 42. Crispina. Billon. LKA. Spes. Mion. 2433.

P. 44. Septimius Severus. On the one I mentioned Coin #2: Erect Serpent, reads AYT • KA. . . eo. . . nePT Cee. LA is safe.

P. 46. Note 98. Julia Domna. The legend says not KAICAP but AYT K M AYP. . . ANTWNINOC CeB.

8. 48. Note 103. Caracalla. After careful comparison of the very well preserved head with well preserved Coins of Elagabalus I am convinced that the Coin: Sperber LB, not, as Schiedehans assumed, dem Caracalla, but to Elagabalus, from whom So now our collection except the billon coins 2 Has ore coins.

P. 52. Julia Paula. Billon. Head of Julia Paula lOVAlA nAYAA • cee. On the back head of Elagabalus without legend. Lf.

P. 54. Julia Mae sa LB. Mionnet No. 2570.

P. 56. Gordianus L and II. Of the former are in There are five pieces in the local collection, all with CCM; by Gordian II. two pieces, without CGM. G. II. under- differs from G. I. in its slightly younger appearance and the one slightly pulled back towards the lower lip Upper lip. All copies are very good received.

Additions to Sallet^s: The Fileu d. Alexandrian imperial coins etc. 247

P. 58. Balbinus. Four pieces. Billon, two of them with AK- ABK . KAIA. BAABINOC. CeB, Victoria and Adler; two with AK. ABK KAA • BAABINOC - EYC., Providentia and Nile.

p. 59. Pupienus. Legend A K • M • KACO • nOYniHNOC. EY and AK. M KACO nOVrr . MAEIMOC • CeB.

P. 63. Otacilia Severa. LZ. Woman with caduceus and ears of wheat. H. (OT CeOYHPACeMCCe. Cf. Mionnet VI. 3110.

P. 67. Etruscilla. Three times EP KOYH • AITPOYCKIAAA • CEB. CC once. The coins are all in good condition.

P. 72. Aemilianus. In our collection A • K M • AIMIA • AIMIAIANOY eYC EYT CEB LB. Eagle.

P. 74. Gallienus. LA AYf K H AIK TAAAIHNOC CeB., while another coin from the same year Legend A Kn.AI.OY-rAAAlHNOCeYeYC has. Up the mentioned coin from the year LA, which is very is well preserved, there is a palm branch next to the eagle in the field. In years 5 and 7 comes the legend TAAAIANOC. From year 8 onwards always AYT K n • AIK TAAAIHNOC CEB.

P. 89. Maximianus. A very well preserved coin of M. with Victoria on the right and LK. Maybe the one at S. Quintino. which I can't check mentioned coin. The K is clear and cannot be a B. Also has the coin bears the legend MAHIMIANOC CCB, which first since the 6th year instead of A K M • A • OYA • MAHIMIANOC • CeB occurs. LK seems like an oversight when embossing.

P. 90. Conhitantius Chlorus. A very well preserved one Coin with LA and the head of Jupiter in ours Collection.

C. Stüve.

Minor MittMliuigeii.

The coat of arms of Neuburg.

On my recent hike through Neuburg a. D. is me the old coat of arms of this former capital, the im Year 1505 in favor of the young grandchildren of Duke George the Beichen zu Landshut and the Elector Philipp von der The newly established principality of the Palatinate attracted attention.

On either side there is one decorated with the Bavarian diamonds open gate, on which a striding lion keeps watch, A naked boy plays with a hobby horse.

We see this coat of arms in a condensed form - pretty accurate, partly changed at first Coins of Ottheinrich and Philip — Enter H p. 315 ff., Joachim d. n. opened Coin. C. II Plate XI, Cut. Schulth. No. 4271, V. Sallet Z. f. N. IX p. 10 and XI p. 110 ff. — which, hardly doubtful, in the years 1505-1514 in the mint new castle were minted.

Munich. J.V. Kuli.

In Kossowo near Poln.-Lissa took place on March 30th. J. Workers in the forest directly on the road leading to Stankowo Street in the broken, hollow clay handle a crucible 35 very well preserved ducats from the 16th,

Smaller communications. 249

17th and 18th centuries. Two of them come from German emperors, namely

1, by Emperor Maximilian IL, 1567,

2, by Emperor Ferdinand IL, 1622.

The 33 remaining belong to the Netherlands, viz

3, the free imperial city of Kampen 1648,

4—11, the province of Utrecht, 1649, 1690, 1710, 19, 29,

39, 41, 41. 12-31, the Prov. Holland, 1725, 28, 29, 29, 32, 32, 33,

33, 37, 37, 37, 40, 41, 41, 42, 43, 44, 48, 48. 32-33, the Prov. Geldern-Zutphen, 1710, 41. 34-35, the Prov. West Frisia, 1726, 31. These 35 coins, some of which are slightly trimmed, seem, as the most recent pieces are from 1748, during the to have been buried during the seven-year war.

Hugo Jaekel.

Brandenburg-Preussisclie Prägimgeii, which refers to the African Kanisclieii possessions 1681-1696 reference.

The work of the Ab- part of the war history of the Great General Staff: “Brandenburg-Prussia on the west coast of Africa 1681 to 172r' prompts me to compile the following to give stamps made for the same reason. First of all, two medals should be mentioned: No. 1. Vf. A ship with full sails before the wind. Transcription:

♦ DEO o DVCE o AVSPICYS o SERENISSIMI o ELECTORIS o BßANDENBVRGICI.

Rf. A Negro kneeling, holding a shell with gold grains and elephant teeth. Behind: open Sea with ships and right in the background a fortress. Transcription:

* COEPTA o NAVIGATIO o AD ORAS o GVIN^o AN o MDCLXXXI o FELICITFR •

Die cutter unknown, diameter 67mm. Weight in silver 56.90 gr. - KönigL MOnzkabinet Berlin. No. 2. Vf. Bust portrait to the left. Transcription:

PRID: WILH: D. G • M • BR : SRIMP: AECH: EL: RF table with compass, moving sea behind it with ships steering to the right. At the hotel

ZMtMhrift «Ar NamiMMtik. Xm. 17

252 Adolph Meyer:

rizont is land visible and above such: GUINEA — Inscription by chain edge of separated from the representation: HÜC NAVES AURO FERRUM UT MAGNETS and continuation of the legend on the scene to the rudder of the largest ship sufficient: TRAHUNTUR. In the section: J, B. Schultz f. Margin font: COEPTA NAVIGATIO || AD. OR AS GUINEA || ANNO MDCLXXXI - -

Die cutter Joh. Beruh. Schultz, 1681 —

1697 in Berlin. Dm. 48mm. — Henckel catalog

No. 955. Weight in silver 45 gr. — Ampach

10887 3V,6 Loth — Oelrichs LXIX.

We find the above medals first mentioned in: “G. D.

Seyler, life and deeds of Frederick William the Great, Chur-

Prince of Brandenburg etc. Frankfurt and Leipzig n.d.,,

Pages 193-195. This work is king under the government

Frederick William the First appeared, it names these

Pieces: “Look-Pennige”*.

About the coins that came from these properties Unfortunately, I have very little archival material can determine.

Only in a file from the local royal. secrets State archive, marked R 65. Marine invoices 34" — 1684-1698 I found a booklet entitled: No. 6 Invoice for income and expenditure of the Ghur Brandenb. Marin. Militz-Cassa in Ostfriesslandt i 1°*** April 1685 to Imo ^pj-j] ißgß ^ßj jjj such among the April issues,

Majo andt Junio 1686:

sub No. 32. To the blacksmith for the stamps for the African ones

Pennies to cut and paid hard

Rthlr. 15.—

BrandeDB.-Preuss. Examinations in relation to acricanal possessions. 253

No. 33L From the African Pfenningen to Berlin send 30 pieces, then 1. of the one that jumped Stamp, each k 3 tubes. Rthlr. 93.—

Finally among the editions per Julio, Augusto and September 1686:

No. 70. From the African pennies are to the preachers in Embden, as well as in those Invento ribus, so these and other emblems are at hand given, upon approval and order of Freyh. from Cnyphausen - Lützburg's Excell. sent 10 pieces, to repair the broken stem pels untasted 2 thlr., together.

Thlr. 32.— Neither the local authorities nor the city archives zu Emden have any document that refers to that characteristics or makes provisions. Whether under to understand these African pennies and those ducats which I describe below must remain an open question let. It seems striking to me that it has 3 bells. pr. piece be put into issue, while ducats only count for 2% were worth thaler. It was also unusual at the time to use the term Pfenning for ducats, or else could it just be an abbreviation of the Dutch 6 ouden Pen- ning have been. It encourages further reflection the stamps of the ducats were made by Berlin stamp cutters were made and those pennies after the issue post No. 33 undoubtedly minted in Emden, also after No. 70 could have been designed there. But on the other hand it is No matter how hard I tried, I didn't manage to get a coin or anything Medal (Schaupfenning) to be determined in embossing or description questions that would like to raise my concerns.

The oldest detailed printed note about the Ducats minted from gold imported from Africa are likely to be found in: Ch. H. Gütther, life and deeds of Mr. Frederick the First, King in Prussia etc. - Breslau 1750.

254 Adolph Meyer:

Page 49 - labeled: Coin 27b - is a ducat from 1692 described and illustrated in gold and Although it is said to be the last vintage of this variety. oil Richs in his 1778 Cabinet des Medailles de FElectorat de Brandebourg, Pour la vie de Frederic Guillaume le Grand has already reported in a note on Plate LXIX means that later vintages than 1692 still exist, but He thinks he was born in 1698, which I haven't been able to find out can ; I haven't seen it in: Arnim, Von Ducaten des Chur- Princely Brandenburg and Royal Prussian Government of the house, nor in a catalog, just as little in one of the collections accessible to me.

As I now turn to the description of the different years As I pass over the ducats, I notice that I am s. Z. in Auction Henkel whose No. 1093 — Coin sample in silver — have acquired. Impressions of these stamps, which are undoubtedly for the Gtitther illustration, in gold didn't occur to me. The bust, as well as the drawing the numbers are so strikingly different from the other current character of the same vintage that it can probably be assumed is that of these stamps - as a result of the unsightliness of the Drawing - not too many impressions have taken place should.

I took advantage of the following local collections and I mention the same, as noted in Paranthesis: Royal Collection Coin (K.M.)

“ of the Royal Coin Cabinet (K. Mk.) “of Dr. Killisch von Hörn pr. v. H.) my collection (A.M.)

I refrain from mentioning auction catalogs, as they do not contain any vintages or stamps that are unknown to me offer. Only the numbers from: von Arnim, Von Ducaten des Electoral Brandenburg and Royal Pteussian Governing House, Berlin 1796, I quote, as this relates Owned pieces in his collection and then described them.

Brandenb.-Press. Founded in Besog aaf African Bedtzongen. 255

The gold coins have a normal ducat weight 3.45 gr. — with a diameter of 21-22 mm.

Front bust to the left, Rf. in a three-masted ship with full sail on the open sea to the left.

1682.

No. 3. F/T .PRID.TÜ7.D.G. — MBR.&.ELEC RF DEO • — DVCE . 1682.

Very small in the margin to the left of the year CS (Christian Strikker in Berlin, Wardein 1675, Mint master 1697, f 1715).

Arnim 175. — K. M. — K. Mk. — Dr. v. H — A.M.

No.4. Vf FRID:WILH:D GMBR-SRIA-EL-

Under the arm section: CS. RF DEO—DVCE. 1682.

Arn. 177. — K. M. — K. Mk. — Dr. v. BL 2 variants in the drawing. — A.M. No.5. Vf FRIDiWlLHD.G.M.BR.S.R.IA.EL. Under the arm section: L-C-8- (Lor. Chris. Schneider in Berlin, mint master 1682 - 1701, Coin Commissioner 1701-1713). RF DEO—DVCE. 1682.

On. 176, which is another one in the drawing mentioned with a different stamp. — K.M.

1683.

No.6. Vf PRID:WJLH:D.G.M.BR.S.R.I.EL. Under the arm section • L * C • S • RF DEO—DVCE. 1683

Arn. 183. — K. M. — K. Mk. No. 7. like No. 6. RF DEO—DVCE only. 1683 •

K. M - K. Mk. - Dr. v. H No.8. Vf FRIDiWILHD.G.M.BR.S.R.IA.EL Under the arm section .LCS*

256 Adolph Meyer:

RF like No. 6.

Arn. 184. — K.M. — Dr. v. H. — A.M.

1685.

No.9. Vf. FRID:WILH:D.G.MB.SRIA-E-

LOS under the arm section Rf. DEO— DVCE • 1685

On. 194. — K.M. — Dr. v. H

1686.

No.1O. Vf PRID:WILH:DGMB-SR.I.A«&E-

LOS under the arm section RF DEO-DVCE 1686

Arn. 196. — K.M. — Dr. v. H. — A.M. No. 11. Vf Armored bust up to the belt, Com- mandostab in the left. The transcription between Beaded circle lines

FBID:WILH:D-GMBSRIAC & E RF DEO-DVCE . 1686

In the section on palm branches LOS Arn. 197. — K. Mk. — A. M.

1687.

No. 12. Vf FRID:W1LH:D.G-MB.S-RIAC&E.

Representation like No. 11, as well as Rf only 1687 On. 204. — K. M. — K. Mk. — Dr. v. H — A.M. No. 13 like No. 12 only the transliteration of the Vf is more accurate brought together and reads:

FRIDiWILH-.DGMB.S.RIAC&E-. A.M.

1688. No. 14. Vf like No. 12.

Bnmbenb.-Press. Ptigangea in relation to African bed zones. 257

E/. DEO-DVCE 1688

In the section: LCS on palm branches. Arn. 206 — K.M. - K.Mk. Representation of the following pieces again similar to No. 3-10. No. 15. Vf. FRIDER-m.DGMBS.RIA.&EL- RF DEO—DUCE-1688

In the LCS section below palm branches. Arn. 212. — K.M. — Dr. v. H. — A.M. No. 16 like No. 15 only Vf.

FRIDEB- m D • G. M . B. S • R • I • ARC & EL On. 213. — K.M. — Dr. v. H

1690.

No. 17. Vf. FRID-III-D-G- — M-B-S-R-I-ACÄE Ji/. DEO-DUCE . 1690

In section L • C • S between ornament. A.M. Current copy, acquired from Ad. Weyl's 35. Coin Auction — March 1883 — No. 2100 seems to be Unicum to be ; it hasn't been edited yet.

1692.

No.18. Vf. FRID-m-D. — G.M-B-S-R-I-AC&E.

Under the arm section S. (Joh. Beruh. Schultz) R/. DEO FRUIT

To the sides above the small flagpoles

at the helm and at the helm 16 — 9Z

In section L • C • S

On. 219. _ K.M. — Dr. v. H. — A.M.

No. 19. The silver strike already mentioned above.

Vf. PRIDIIIID. — GM-BSR-IACA-E.

Under the arm section 8 R/. DEO-DUCE 16-92 In the LCS section Dm. 21.5mm. Weight 5.2 gr. — A.M.

258 Adolph Meyer: Brandenb.-Preass. Imprints related to Africa. Bet.

1694.

No.20 like No. 18 only Rf. 16-94.

On. 222. — K.M. — Dr. v. H. — A, M.

1695.

No.21. Vf. PRID-mD — GMBSR.I-AC&E.

Below p. RF, DEO—DUCE 1695 L • C • S • in the section.

Arn. 226, who has the piece in his collection had; I haven't been able to determine it.

1696.

No. 22 like No. 21 only Rf 16-96

On. 227.—Dr. v. H

Berlin, September 1885.

Adolph Meyer.

In

1"' ,1

Notes on some coins in Cohen, Mionnet n.a.

I

Cohen IV' p. 175, Caracalla No. 297:

ANTONINVS PIVS AVG • GERM. Son buste radii, drap6 et cuirass6 k droite ou senlement drap6. Rf. P M • TR • P • XVni . COS. in P. p. Pluton coiff6 you modius, assis k gauche, la main gauche appny^e sur son sceptre, la droite ^tendue an-dessus de la t^te du Mino- taure agenouill^ devant lui. W.M.

Note 1. Sur les examples bien striking de this m^daille, dont le revers repr^sente Pluton assis, ce n'est pas Cerbtoe qu'on Yoit aux pieds de Pluton, mais le Minotaure.

That the little figure next to the deity in which we, according to Caracalla's veneration for Sarapis and that frequent appearances of this god on the emperor's coins, recognize the Sarapis much more easily than the Pluto, not the Mino- It must be clear to everyone that Taurus can be. Is it really one Taurus head, which has the same, is more likely to be called Apis to be interpreted, who sometimes appears in human form with one Bull heads depicted find: Pierret, Mus^e du Lonvre. Cata logue de la salle historique de la galerie egyptienne. Paris 1882. Stiles da S6rap6um p. 59 No. 275; p. 60 No. 276; p. 63 No. 285; p. 77 No. 326. — Reinisch, The Egyptian monuments in Mira- mar p. 197 Fig. 22 and F. Arundale and Bonomy, Gallery of antiques selected from the British Museum p. 53 claim

260 W. Drexler:

that where Apis appears in this way, he would be called Osiris-Apis d. i. Apis, who is different from life and has become Osiris should be understood. Also Brugsch, travel reports to Egypt p. 33 says when describing a room sideways from the trees of the Sarapeion at Saqara: “The depictions on the walls, show in black on a white background: Bamses the Great and his son Sha-em-djom bring to Osir-Hapi, i.e. i. Serapis Sacrifice. The Serapis is depicted completely as it would otherwise be the Osiris of Amente tends to be, instead of the human head However, he wears a bull's head. He also has the title: “Hapi the resurgent (or twice-living) Ptah^'. This Representation repeats several times ')''. About that Sarapis is equal to Osiris-Apis, we now pretty much agree: cfr. Lauth, Bayer meeting reports. Ak. d. W. in Munich 1869 Volume II p. 189; 1878 Volume II p. 140; A. Mariette, Le S6rap^nm de Memphis, Paris 1857, p. 1. 3. 7; cfr. A. v. Gutschmid, Rh. Mus. N.F. XIII, 1857 p. 283; Clermont-Ganneau, Revue arch. 1879 vol. XXXVII p. 37; E. Renan, Journal asiatique, 5« s6rie, tome Vn p. 419 - 420; Brunei de Presle, M6m. pr6s. p. various sav. ä Tac. d. i. et b. 1. de Tinst. nat. de France, I s6rie, tome II, Paris 1852 p. 555-556; Froehner, Notice de la sculpture antiqne you musöe you Louvre I p. 487 to No. 554; NsQovviog^ ""A&ffyatw II, 1873, p. 34-35; I. Robiou, M61anges Graux, Paris 1884, p. 603 ; Doellinger, Paganism and Judaism p. 453 ; C. Lee mans, Papyri Graeci musei antiquarii publici Lugduno-Batavi, 1843, p. 7; Duncker, business d. Antiquity I^p. 52-53; Baudissin, Studies on the Semitic religious history p. 286 Grade 2; E. Pierret, Mus6e du Louvre, Gat. de la salle bin, de la gal. 6g. Paris 1882. Glossaire s.v. S6rap6um p. 203 ; G. Lafaye, Histoire du colte des divinit^s d'Alexandrie. Paris 1884, p. 17; A. Boach6-

1) On a wall painting from Herculanum you can see a human Like, apparently male figure with a bull's head, wearing a white chiton Thrown over, in the R. a sistram-like object, in the L. a bowl; Stephani G. r. p. Pa. 1863 p. 93 and Heibig, wall gem. p. 220/21 No. 1106 think this figure is Osiris.

Remarks on some coins. 261

Leclercq, Histoir6 de la diYination dans Tantiquitä III p. 379 f. grade 1; KralK Tacitus n.d. Orient 1st part: Histories IV 83 to 84, The origin of Sarapis. Vienna 1880, p. 50 f.; Ed. Meyer, s.y. Apis in Roscher's detailed lexicon of the Greek and Roman mythology p. 421.

So we would have Beinisch and Arundale-Bonomy with us are right in their claim above and if the small figure is actually bull-bellied, perhaps on the The coin in question has both designs of the Sarapis real Egyptian and the Hellenistic side by side. Of course I can give the idea more value than just encouragement. Do not concede standing ones.

find), Mus. Theupoli p. 224, which has the same type writes, is not talking about a bull-headed man, but from a boy.

ANTONINVS PIVS AVG • GERM • Caput radiatum.

Rf. P • M • TR • P • XVni . COS in • P • P . Jupiter sedens cum modio in capite, d. supra puerum ad pedes stantem, see hastam M.

If he is right with his description, then... The boy might recognize little Plntos. This one goes very well with Sarapis, of which there is e.g. B. in Aristides, $lq %bv 26qamv vol. I p. 89 ed. Dindorf means: “riyv fav /m**

JSaQantg didiaa^v ävtv nokifAmy xal ikdx^g xai xtvdvvmv and v^elcher the nccQsÖQog of Isis, which is found in an inscription from Alexandria in Neroutzos, Bulletin de ITnstitut Egyptien No. 12 p. 77; ^A^vMov III, 1874, p. 87 No. 5; Lumbroso, L'Egitto al tempo dei Greek and Romani. Roma 1882 pag. 135 as ^^q iMrictfu^lc^ä^ nhnHSiq is paid homage.

The same little human figure is probably also on one Coin of Decius added to Sarapis by Aelia Capitolina be. The type of this coin from the Paris Cabinet is described quite differently: de Saulcy, Recherches sur la nu- mismatique judaique p. 145 and after him Madden, History of

262 W. Drexler:

jewish coinage p. 228 No. 2 talk about an enthroned Jupiter with an eagle at your feet. In the Numismatique de la Sainte Terre p. 106 No. 3 de Saulcy retains the eagle^ but sets behind Jupiter in damp Sarapis. For Sarapis with that Gerberus explain the idea of Mionnet Y p. 521 No. 31, den Overbeck, Zeus p. 319, n cites, and Gavedoni, Biblical Numismatics, trans, v. A.v. Werlhof, 2nd part p. 69, note 47. In contrast, it shows how both Madden 1. c. grade 2, as Gavedoni L c» note the image of the coin in de Saulcy's Rec. s. la num. jud. PL XIX No. 2 clearly a small human figure.

Older examples also appear on coins from Alexandria. writings and illustrations often give Sarapis a human added a formal form, as in Patin, Imperatorum Romanorum numismata ex aere mediae et minimae formae p. 197 Fig. 5, according to which Zoega Numi Aegyptii Imperatorii p. 108 No. 97, on a coin of Hadrian with the date L*AEKATOY, ibid Fig. 13, according to which Mionnet VI p. 176 No. 124, on a coin of the same emperor with the date L« U, as well as Fig. 15 on one with the date L • I H.

Eckhel, Gat. Mus. Caes. Vindobonensis I p. 276 No. 7, and after him Mionnet VI p. 416—-417 No. 2977, but with one Question mark, which probably refers to the unusualness of the type, describes the following piece by Gordianus Pius:

AYT. KAI. M. ANT. TOPAIANOC • AYF. Gaput laureatum.

Rf. Annus non observatur. Serapis sedens d. spicas, s. hastam, pro pedibus captivus sedens ligatis post tergum manibus, retro ramus palmae. M, 1.

But how little one gives such descriptions and illustrations The judgment of Zoega, the one, speaks for this infinite number of Alexandrian ice coins under one's hands had, Numi Aeg. Imp. p. 86, Traianus No. 169. LIZ. Serapis sedens, per pedibus icuncula. M.I.

M. Theupoli.

Note: “Gum numi magna ex parte aevo corrosi inveniantur, saepe quoque rudioris sint fabricae, in parva figura ad Serapidis

Comments from some Mfinsen. 263

pedes excubante modo sphingem, modo gryphom, modo hnmanam icunculam conspicere sibi visi sunt antiquarii: at quotquot oculis lustrare obtigit Cerbemm habet, nee uUs dubito quin idem monstrum etiam in reliquis fingere voluerint artifices.''

It should also be mentioned that on one of King, The Gnostics and their remains p. 224-225 thus described gem: “Serapis enthroned, seen in front laying his band upon until atten- dant the triple-headed monster. In the field CPMHCIPN app- rently an address to Hermes Psychopompus, the last three letters being the initials of the words in some well-known prayer. Red Jasper. Author s Gollection'^ the illustration on Plate XI No. 2, with the exception of the two-hoofed feet, much more likely represents the shape of a human as the Gerberus: the ears stand far away from the horned head in a horizontal direction off, so that if you look at it cursorily you can easily mistake it for two can hold secondary leaders. But I must not hide that also in the Catalog of the coUection of Assyrian, Babyloni&n, Egyptian, Greek, Etruscan, Roman, Indian, Peruvian and Mexican antiquities formed by B. Hertz, London 1851, p. 11 No. 167, and from it in the G. I. Gr. No. 7078 c. Anyway, where is that with that? Viewed identical copy is described, not one human figure, but Gerberus is stated:

Pluto, seated on his throne with the modius on his head and the scepter in his band; at his side Stands Gerberus; there is the circumscription EPMHCIPN. A splendid gem. Eed Jasper.

n.

Something is inaccurate in Gohen IV' p. 491-492 of the obverse the coin no. 15 of Julia Mamaea described:

IVLIA MAMAEA AVGVSTA. Son bnste ail6 et diad^ä k droite k mi-corps with a croissant antoor du cou et un noeud? sur le haut de la t6te, tenant de chaque main une come d'abondance remplie de fruits. Rf. FEUCITAS FERPETVA. Mam6e assise k gauche, tenant

264 W. Drexler:

un sceptre; devant rush, deax femmes debout; Fune, tourn^e ä droite lui presente un globe ; la seconde, sur the second plan is in front of the face; derri^re Mam6e, on voit The F61icit6 debout ä gauche, tenant un caduc6e. Mod. 10'^B(riti8li Museum). BR.M. 1) The headdress that Cohen calls a knot is, as far as the illustrations of the type in Grueber, Roman medallions in the British Museum PI. XL Fig. 3; Froehner, Les mMaillons de Tempire p. 176 Fig. 1, Mazzoleni, Numismata aerea select. max. mod« e mus. Pisano olim Gorrario Tab. L No. 4 a TJrtheü ^refund, a discus between two wings. On the picture Gohen's you can only see the two wings, the discus is from hidden from them to the point of invisibility. I believe against that Grueber's illustration of two feathers trembling above the discus to see, so that we can see the well-known main decoration here Isis only slightly modified, instead of horns, globe and feathers, consisting of wings, globe and feathers^); Of course, Grueber's description only talks about “Stephane grandma- mented with ears af corn'^ On Isis is the one in question Jewelry was also sourced earlier, although as fruit or been interpreted as a flower. Tristan, Gommentaires historiques II p. 424, which is also published by Guper, Harpocrates p. 37 and, very un- similar, from Gessner, Numismata antiqua Imperatorum Romano- rum Latina et Graeca Tab. GLXVI, 39 reproduced illustrations dung hardly speaks for its name, sees it as “une pesche

1) Wings as Isis' main decoration are not entirely unusual. On The next choice for the decoration of our coin is the silver coinage can be compared with Mr. Eestner's property, which corresponds to the beliefs The busts of Sarapis and Isis read: “The lotus flower on the Head of the goddess is winged", Bull, dell' Inst, di Corr. arch. 1852 p. 242, Arch. No. 1852 p. 242; Lafaye, historian you cnlte des divinit^s d' Alexandra p. 292 No. 100. On a gem from the Museo Borgiano, Visconti, Mus6e Pie- C16mentin II p. 98 Note 1 to p. 97, p. 360-361, plate. A. VI, num. 10; C.I. Gr. 7040; Documenti Inediti p.s. allastoria dei musei d'Italia m p. 424 GL m,, various I No. 1 2 carries Isis on her head “un piccolissimo modio con due alette lacetti'<. On the lamp at Passeri I,2=Lafaye p. 302 No.l25 carries the Goddess on the temples wings.

Remarks on some coins. 365

entre deax feuilles^S also explains it Mazzoleni, Comment. p. 144 as persea; Eckhel, D. N. V. VII p. 287, the coin after Mazzolenf's illustration, calls him Iotas. It is but it is known that the main decoration of Isis used to be often of was viewed and referred to as Lotes by the non-mismatics (cf. Fr. Lenormant, Essai sur le classement des monnaies d*argent of Lagides. Blois 1855, p. 16; E. Beul6, Les monnaies d'Ath^nes. Paris 1858, p. 247 note 1).

2) I'm very surprised at Cohen's description the bust gives a cornucopia in each hand, while his Figure, as well as the Grueber's, Froehner's and Mazzoleni's, in accordance with the descriptions of these three nnd Eckhels (torch from which ears of com are sprouting; le flame- beau et les 6pis de C6r^s; taedam cum spicis in sinistra) german lich shows a torch in the Empress's left hand, in hers There are ears of corn on the lower limb. From a Gaducens, which they only mention in Grueber's description is supposed to lead with the left hand, his image doesn't reveal anything- know. For “those apparently decorated with leaves Torches of peculiar shape" refer to some works of art E. Plew on Preller's Greek. Myth. I * p. 654 note 3 on Boetticher, Philol. 24, 228 ff.; 25, 19 f.; Stnibe, studies on the circle of images by Eleufiis p. 56; Wieseler, Gott. Message 1871, 653 f. In the event that that like on our coin, ears of grain are attached to the torch, I can give the following examples from numismatics: Coin of Faustina Junior from Nicomedia at YaiUant Numi Graeci p. 61:

NIKOMHAEfin NEfiKOPfin. Taeda ardens cui serpens invo- lutus, ex eä spicae et papaver. M.III. Thes. Reg. To Vaillant in Rasche lU. 1 p. 1450-51 and in Mionnet Suppl. Y p. 185 No. 1088.

Coins of Domitian, Commodus and Septimius Se- yerus of Cyzicus: Sestini, Descriptio Nomorum Yeterum p. 275 No. 16:

266 W. Drezler:

AOMIT • KAICAP • C6B • rePMANIKOC. Caput laureatom.

RF KYZI. Taeda spicis ornata, M, III. M.A(m8lie); after Sestini at Mionnet Suppl. V p. 315 No. 209.

Sestini, Mus. Hederv. II p. 89 No. 42:

AY. KAI. M. AYP. KOMO AOC. Caput Commodi. Rf. KYZIKHNQN Taeda ornata duabus spicis and 2 papaveribus serpente quoque advoluto, basi infixa. M. IL C. M. H. No. 4657.

Vaillant, N. Gr. p. 83, Sept. Sev. KYZIKHNQN. Taeda cui serpens involntus, in vertice spicae cum papavere. M.III D. Foucault. According to Vaillant at Mionnet Suppl. V p. 336. No. 352.

On the obverse of a coin from Thebes in the British Museum, with OHBAIfiN and Lyra in the lapel, you can see a burning one Torch with ears of wheat and poppy heads attached: T. Combe^ Yeterum populorum et regum numi qui in Mnseo Britannico adservantur p. 124 No. 2. iE. D. Table VI Fig. 9, according to which at Mionnet Suppl. III p. 528 No. 154 M. 4, also quoted by K. 0. Müller, Handbook of Archaeology. of art, 3rd ed. p. 539, § 358, 8 ; Barclay V. Head, on the chronological sequence of the coins of Boeotia: Numismatic Chronicle, Third series No. 3. 1881, part III, p. 270 (period XV. circ. B. C. 146-127). M.3. Plate VI, 12; at least now also in Catalog of the Greek coins in the British Museum. Central Greece. London 1884, which book I haven't seen yet. The descriptions With this coin we always talk about a torch between poppies heads and ears, but the illustrations show the ears and Poppy heads starting from the torch, even if you don't can perceive the way in which it is made of one piece existing handle are attached.

nL

Mionnet Suppl. U p. 482 No. 1648. Plotmopolis, Caracalla ATY • K . M. AYP. Cev. ANTONeiNOC (she). Tfete lauröe de Cara- calla. Rf. ITAßTeiNOnOAeiTQN. Deux totes de femme en re- gard ; celle qui est k droite est voil^e et tutul^e, et on lit lingerie,

Remarks on some coins. 267

TTAfiTeiNOTTOAlC; lingerie celle qui est k gauche, yoil6e et tourrelöe, on lit AOMIINOnOAlC, et k Texergue, AACA^AI. M. MM. Mus. Arig. II. Table VI. max. mod. fig. 17.

Grade a: LeQon snspecte; au lieu de AOMIINOnOAlC. M. Ses- tini, Classes generales, editio nova, propose AYMHNOnOAlC. After Arigoni also in Eckhel D. N. V. II p. 46; also at Sestini, Catalogus immorum veterum Musei Arigoniani castigatos p. 18, the here there is no doubt about the authenticity of the reading AOMIINOIIOAIC expresses. As an explanation, Eckhel notes 1. 1.: “Inquirendum aliis permitto, quae sit memorata in hoc numo Domenopolis, quo no- mine neque Thraciae neque alterius regionis urbs ulla proditur. ""AdeXifai dici potuere in Moesia et Thracia Trajanopolis, Ploti- nopolis, Marcianopolis, Nicopolis quippe omnes aliquo saltem sensu a Trajano conditae^ ut se adsXipaq in nnmis dixere IV Syriae nrbes a Seleuco exstructae. Forte harum una a Severi conjuge dicta est Domnopolis temporario tantum nomine > atque iterum post mortem abolito. At opportet ante omnia veram numi lectionem stabilire, cujus fides in typis Arigonianis per- saepe suspecta est.'^

I think to myself, assuming that the reading is correct is, the thing is like this: Probably by Garacalla or by Sep- Timius Severus, the city of Plotinopolis was expanded, approximately with a suburb named after Julia Domna received the name Domnopolis, while the old city got its own continued its legal name Plotinopolis. nAQTeiNOnOAlC and AOMIINOTTOAIC are sister cities that together... Form the community of ITAQTeiNOrrOAeiTQN. But since we don't have any The above may have been handed down to the authors Lines are of course only a guess.

IV.

Mionnet Suppl. V p. Ul No. 815. Nicaea, Maximinas r. lOY • OYH • MAZIMEINOC • AY • t^te laur^e , dans le champ, a t£te de femme voil^ en contre-maique.

ZeiUdtfift mr Naminutik. XUI. 18

268 ^' Dtö*!©'*

Rf. NIKAießN. C^rös voil6e assise, tenant Sörapis de la

main droite, and a long flambeau de la gauche.

JE 6. Sestini Descriptio Numorum Veterum p. 261 No. 28.

Here the "S^rapis" is based on a prescription in million

net'8 manuscript. It should have been called 6pis there (or

it really says so and the compositor has read S6rapis),

for Sestini says: “Geres velata sedens, d. spicas, s.

facem oblongam^'.

Va.

It is not uncommon for Gyzicus coins to feature a bird, that of Eckhel D. N. V. II p. 453 based on Pellerin's Figure Eecneil II PL XliVIU No. 14 as Strauss, by Mionnet II p. 536 No. 151 as ibis or ostrich, but usually, like by Panofka, cameos with inscriptions p. 87, note 193, Mionnet p. 532 No. 123 (Sestini Lett. Tom. IX); Mionnet S. V p. 314 No. 200 (Sestini, Mus. Hederv. II p. 85 No. 20 = Wiczay I p. 198 No. 4646); Cohen, Cat. Gr6au p. 141 No 1641, 1642 as called a stork. None of these names should do that Hit the right ones. Gyzicus is a headquarters of the Demeter Gultus is known (Gerhard, Greek Myth. I p. 446§ 413, 3; Prelier, Gr.Myth. I'p. 644; Welcker, Gr. Doctrine of the Gods II pp. 479, 481; Marquardt, Gyzicus u. s. area p. 119 ff.). The daughter of the Goddess, the Kora, this city was used by Zeus as ifAnQolxtov been borrowed (according to Appian, bell. Mithr. c. 75: Eckhel D. N. Y. n p. 452, Welcker 1. 1. p. 481). Countless coins prove it how much the Eyzikenians were devoted to the service of Demeter. The crane, which is in the Sowing time brings rain and calls to plow (Preller, Gr. M. I p. 632 and note 1; Overbeck, Eunst mythology: Demeter and Kora p. 521; Stephani, Compte-rendu p. Ta. 1865 p. 116f. p. 135; Bochart, Hierozoicon II p. 78 - 79, lib. I cap. 9). There should be- It doesn't seem too bold to suggest that we're in this The bird in question on the coins of Gyzicos is the crane

Comments on some of the muslins. 269

TO SEE. Also the one by A. Fabretti, Baccolta numif- matica del r. Museum of Antiquity of Torino. Monete Consolari p. 182 No. 3401 thought to be an ibis bird A denarius of Gens Maria was added to the head of Ceres finds, will probably be a crane. Maybe that too "Strauss"^ a coin of Maximinus of Anchialus at Se- stini D. N. V. p. 53 No. 12 and after him in Mionnet S. II p. 226-227 Nos. 130 in reality a crane, because too This city, judging by the coins, was in the service of the Demeter is not hostile. In the stork or ibis of a coin the Julia Domna by Serdica at Wiczay Mus. Hederv. I p. 95 No. 2464 and from it in Mionnet p. II p. 487 No. 1677 could In and of itself a crane can very well be suspected, there too Serdica on his coins bear witness to his veneration goddess of agriculture; Meanwhile, according to Sestini Mus. He- derv. I p. 76 No. 5 and Castigationes in partem primam Musei Hedervariani p. 24, the coin in question is actually one piece of Augustus of Alexandria and the bird accordingly, if not Sestini wrongly accuses Garonni of such a strong change, certainly an ibis.

Vb.

Seen on a coin of Philippus senior of Diocaesarea Sestini D. N. V. p. 406 and after him Mionnet Suppl. VQ p. 209-210 N. 237:

AYT KM- lOYAlOC <»IAinnOC Caput radiatom.

Rf. AAPIA-AlOKeCAPeON.MHTKeNNATfi. Hercules nudus

Hippopotamo decnmbens d. clavam. iE!. L M. A(inslie).

mistakenly the hippopotamus. The animal on which the hero rests is

rather a lion. This is evident from the description of the Parisian

Example of the coin from Mionnet IH p. 577 No. 196 highlights:

ANT-KM.IOYAIOC.*IAinnOC-CeB. T.r. de Ph. pöre k dr., avecle

paludamentum. Rf. AAPIA. AlOKAICAPeQN • MHTPO . KCNATfi

18*

270 W - Drexler:

Hercule couch6 on a lion, tenant in the m. dr. sa massue. M. 8^, as well as one from Webster, Num. Ghron., N. S. No. XLIX 1873, I p. 84 shared copy speaks for this: AYT. K. M. lOYAlOC . *IA. . . OC • CEB. Radiated head to right, with cuirass and paludamentum. Rf. AAPLAlOKeCAPefiN.MH • GNAT. Nnde Hercules, holding in his right hand a club, and reclining on the back of a lion. M. 9. Webster already wrote about this the comment was added: “Sestini and Mionnet both describe this coin as Hercules reclining on a hippopotamns^'. Also the creation of an example from the Devonshire Cabinet at Haym, Thesauri Britannici Pars IL Tab. XLVI No. 2, p. 364 No. m. M. E 1^, shows that the animal on which Heracles is lying is the Belongs to the Eatzen family, although the image is poor the same appear more like a panther than a lion lets. Coins depicting Heracles resting on the lion draws Stephani, The Resting Heracles p. 126 No. 11: Nicaea, Faustina junior: Mionnet Suppl. To. V p. 98 No. 518. iE. 8. [= II p. 454 No. 236 M. 7; Vaillant, N. Gr. p. 59. p. 61. M.I. Christin. R. = Havercamp, Numophylac. Reg. Christinae Tb. XX, Fig. 19. 20 p. 113 f., from Gessner Impp. Tb. CXV, 20; Sestini, Mus. Hederv. H p. 54 No. 16. M, 2. = Wiczay No. 4509].

No. 12: Nicaea, Caracalla: Sestini, Mus. Hed. II Table XVI No. 10 p. 57 No. 42. M. 2. Mionnet, S. V p. 121 No. 672.M. 8, Gab. MiUingen; [Cohen, Cat. Gr6au p. 138 No. 1620. M. 8]. [Nicaea, Macrinus: Mionnet II p. 460-461 No. 276 m. 8].

No. 13: Nicaea, Gordianus Pius: Mus. Sanclement. lU Tb. XXXI No. 333 p. 81. 82. M. m., after which Mionnet S. V p. 148 No. 860 M. 8. [Mionnet H p. 462 No. 286 M. 9; Vaillant, N. Gr. p. 153^. I Regius; Sestini, Mus. Hederv. II p. 62 No. 95 sts mm. = Wiczay No. 4551].

No. 16: Germe, Gordianus Pius: Mionnet II p. 557 No. 277 M. 8; [Vaillant, N. Gr. p. 149 M.L Thes. Reg.; Mionnet H p. 557 No. 276 M. 5; Cat. De Moustier p. 186 No. 2847, moyen bronze; Cohen, Cat. Gr6au p. 143 No. 1671 M. 8].

Comments on some Mttnsen. 271

No. 17: Tripolis Cariae, Tranqmllina : Mionnet XU p. 395 No. 534^. 9 according to Vaillant N. Gr. p. 160 M I J. Magnavacca,

Also Prusa ad Hypinm, Commodus: Mionnet S. V p. 242 No. 1420 M. 8, but with the grade: “ce type est bien d6figur6'*.

Serdica, Caracalla: A Cat. of the Greek coins in the British Museum. Thrace p. 173 No. 16. iE. 1-25; cf. the Mfinze of Maximinus in the Vienna Cabinet: Ameth, session report. d. K Ak. d. W. 1852 p. 912 No. 54a.

AYT • KAI^ • MAEIM ? Caput Maximini laureatum. RF

CEPA. Bacchus d. canthar. leoni incumbens .£. 4|^, a coin, which, if they were really Dionysus on the lion, and not about Heracles on the lion or Dionysus on the panther poses, is very interesting; for the lion is sometimes there Dionysus can be found (Furtwängler, see Dionysus in Roscher's Version Lex. d. gr. u. r. Myth. p. 1095-96, 1152; F. Lenormant, see V. Bacchus in Daremberg et Saglio's Dict. d. ans. gr. et rem. p. 621-622), but the idea of the one lying on the lion Bacchus is, as far as I know, unusual.

VL

Mionnet Suppl V p. 436 No. 976. Pergamum, Hadrianus. Autre; riEPramHNQN. Jupiter couch6 on the lectisterium; k cötä de lui une femme k demi-nue assise; derri^re, un homme paraissant servir k table. J&. 6. Vaillant. According to Vaillant: A. V. Sallet, magazine. f. Number IX 1882 p. 168-170; see also Warwick Wroth, Num. Chron. 1882 p. 35. Da Vaillant N. Gr. p. 36 this coin from the Gabinet Foucault has, it is like Sestini notes, identical to the latter's Descrizione delle med. gr. e rom. del fu Benkowitz. Berlino 1809 p. 25 - 26 under Thyatira and after him by Mionnet Suppl. VII p. 447 No. 604, and according to his illustration, Plate I No. 13 by A.v. Sallet, Asclepius and Hygieia, the so-called anathemas for heroic sirte Todte, magazine. f. Num. V p. 325 described coin:

272 W. Drezler:

(AY . KAI •) TPAIAN . AAPIANQ . (CeBACTfl) Caput laur. cum paid. Rf. 0Y (ATeiP) HNQN , Juppiter decumbens in lectisternio, juxta eum mulier sedens, hinc camillns, inde equus.

m.n.

"Neither from Pergamum nor from Thyatira is this type otherwise attested; the diversity of reading Vaillant: mfffa MHNQN and the Sestinis OY (ATeiP) HNQN shows how bad the copy has been preserved. If now on coins of Philip by Bizya near Gori, Musei Florentini Ant. Num. max. mod. vol. n tab. LXXVU, Fig. 1; vol. III p. 155 (quoted by A. v. SaUet 1. 1 p. 324 and , as well as the Foucault-Benkowitz example plar, by Stephani, The Resting Heracles p. 93 — 94) and in ACatalogue of the Greek coins in the British Museum. Thrace etc. p. 90 No. 10. M. 1-55 and from this at k. v. Sallet 1. 1. p. 324, cfr. Wieseler, God. Newspaper 1880 p. 38*), a surprisingly similar one Type can be found, the description of which is in v. Sallet reads:

“AYT M lOYA «lAinnOC AVF Bust of the Emperor with wreath on the right. Rf. BIZYHNfin. Asclepius on a bed of boos, the right hand placed on the shoulder of Hygieia sitting next to him, below next to Hygieia staff with snake, at Asclepius Tripod (or three-legged table). Left of the Middle group tree with a tank hanging on it, next to it is a small figure, the rights to a large wine laying vessel (scooping), right Yorder part of one Horse, above shield. Ea. big*'

That's probably the case, considering how easy BIZYHNfiN is with OY(ATeiP)

1) It should be mentioned here that for those from V^ieseler p. 39 doubted Aofhssang of Asclepius and Hygieia as protectors of the warrior in the Battle a relief from the Asclepieion of Athens can be cited with Asklepios, Hygieia, Adoranten and the inscription l^ta^tU Ix (r)i0/M aoU/ÄHoy (v. Sybel; Girard: noU/noty) xai XvtgvD&sig ....

Remarks B lo some Monsens. 273

HNQN can be confused, the confusion is not too daring appear that the Foucault-Benkowitjs piece nadi Bizya belongs.

vn.

Mionnet VI p. 143 No. 417. Ephesns, Antonina's Pins. Autre; E4>ECFiN . AAEZANAPEfin. Bust of S6rapis and Isis. M.9. Vaill., N. gr. [p. 42. M.L Mens].

From his own perspective, Mionnet knows no homonoia Coin from Ephesus and Alexandria with the head of Anton ninns Pias; an innumerable number of them are among Gordianas Pius beaten. Exactly the type of busts listed above of Sarapis and Isis is with the head of the latter Kaiser recorded by Mionnet lU p. 117 No. 416. M. 8; Suppl. VI p. 185 No. 700 iU. 6 from VailUnt p. 150 M. II D. Galland; No. 701 M. 8; Godmother, Imp. rom. num. page 373; Cat. Northwidc, Greek Series p. 108 sub No. 1105 iB. 9; Wiczay I p. 213 No. 4907 ^. I = Sestini, Mus. Hed. Up p. 173 No. 106.

I would therefore like to assume that Vaillant and piece assigned to him by Mionnet to Antoninus Pius also belongs to Gordianus Pius

The Vaillant Numi Graeci p. 121 and after him vcm Mionnet Suppl. VI p. 169 No. Coin of Ma, described in 591 crinns: BI>ECIfiN AAEHANAPEfiN OMONOIA. Figura Imp. Sacra facientis supra aram ignitam JE. M. Lac. Corsi is maybe incorrectly described and probably doesn't contain those, in my opinion nadi only occurring under GordianusPius, inscription E<^ECIfiNAAEEAN- APEfin OMONOIA. This may be the one from MionnetUI p. 110 No. 365 therefore given representation and inscription:

AYT. K • M . onCA • CeOYH • MAKPeiNOC • C6B. Tdte

Laurte de Macrine, k dr.; palud. Rf. e

tenant in the main gauche une come d'abondance et

sacriflant de la droite sur an amtel allam^. M. 10'^

274 ^' Drexler:

Similar p. VI p. 168 No. 585^. 9 with E

The following coin of Gordianus Pins brings to Pedrusi, Mnseo Farnese VII Tab. XLIII Fig. 4 p. 428-429 Mionnet Suppl. n p. 343 No. 858 under Mesambria:

AYT.K MANTTOPAIANOC. Tfete laur6e de Gordien le pieux, k dr. Rf. EcDECIßN . KAI • MECAMBPEßN (she) OMONOIA. Diane Succincta, debout pres d'un arbre, the main droite levöe and tenant un arc de la gauche; k ses pieds, un cerf debut; en face, S6rapis debut, le modius en t£te la main droite lev^e, and tenant de la gauche la haste pure.

iTi. 9.

Percy Gardner probably relies on this coin, when he writes in the essay “A monetary league of the Euxine Sea", Numismatic Chronicle, New Series No. LXIV, 1876 Part IV p. 314 claims: “Mesambria in one occasion at least Struck money in alliance with Ephesus, so that the coins of Joniah were probably exchangeable on an understood basis with those of the Euxine'^ Just that the transliteration instead of the usual, when the name is spelled out, occurring MECAMBPIA NUN: MECAMBPEßN would be very noticeable. Passes through Now you can see the series of coins from Gordianus Pius at Ephesus struck coins, you will find exactly the same type the inscription E4)ECISSN . KAI • AAEIANAPEßN • OMONOIA. Diane et S^rapis debout, avec leurs attributes; in the champ, arbre. M. 8 in Mionnet III p. 117-118 Nos. 418. Still considering how easy AAEIANAPEßN can be read into MECAMBPEfiN, furthermore, that Ephesus and Mesambria were otherwise not covered by any coin indicate a homonoia between the two like Artemis the city of Ephesus, so Sarapis as the noUovxog &s6g of Alexandria, as Emperor Julian calls him (Juliani Opera ed. Spanhemius p. 432 - 433 No. LI = Epistolographi Graeci p. 369 No. L, § 1), represents the proud Nile metropolis

Notes on some of the muslins. 275

one should not be offended for a moment by Pedrusi and The piece of this city that Mionnet brought under Mesambria speak and then a glorification of homonoia Recognize Alexandria and Ephesus.

Suppl. VI p. 164 No. 559 brings Mionnet under Ephesus the following piece by Caracalla:

T6te de Caracalla.

RJ. KOINON . EiDECISSN • KAI . AAEEANAPESSN. Table sur la The source is a tree, with the palms. M.MM.

Vaillant Numi Graeci, who p. 101 from the Cabinet of Queen of Sweden gives. According to Vaillant it records also Eckhel D. N. V. II p. 429, the IV p. 431 noted about it: "Singularis is numus supra sub Jonia descriptus, qui memorat Commune Ephesiorum et Alexandrinorum Aegypti: Video in hoc 10 KOINON idem significare, quodOMONOIA; nam in plnri- bus aliis numis habemus : eeCinN . AAeEANAPeßN OMONOIA, et yidentur Ephesii cum Alexandrinis societatem iniisse, Indos communi consilio celebrandi sive in honorem Caracallae, sive cuiuspiam nominis^.

I would like to venture the assumption that Vaillant was wrong. read and that the coin actually went to Philippopolis hears. Compare, for example, that of Mionnet I p. 417 No. 351 recorded specimen: AYT • K • M • AYP • CEYH . ANTßNEINOC ; tete radi6e, k dr.; palud. RF KOINON . GRANDPA • AAEZAN . EN. (DIAffT- nonOAl. A table carr6e, sur laquelle est pos^e Turne des jeux remplie de fries; lingerie, a vase and a palm tree in the dress. M. 10 and numerous similar p. 417-418 No. 352 M. 10; Mionnet Suppl. II p. 470 No. 1583 M. MM after Wiczay I p. 95 No. 2454; No. 1584 sts. MM = Mus. Sanclem. nom. be. III p. 167; Sestini Mus. Hederv. I p. 73 No. 36 M. MM. No. 37 m. max., cat. dEnnery p. 420 No. 2379; Cat. of the gr. c. in the Br. Mus. The Tauric Chersonese, Sarmatia, Dacia, Moesia, Thrace etc. p. 166 No. 37 sts 1-45; No. 38 sts 1-45; No.39 ^. 1. 4; No. 40^. 1. 25} No. 41^. 1 • 2; Leake, Num. Hell., Suppl. p. 142. M10.

276 W. Drexler:

VIII.

MionnetUI p. 366 No. 371 Nysa, Marcus Aurelius:

Kill M. Auröle.

RF Eni . rP • M . AYP. MOYCQNIO Y • lEPEflC • NYCAEßN • NEflIt

Berger assis, ölevant sur son pied un petit en&nt qn^il

tieot par les mains; k terre, le pedum. M.MM,

y aillant gr. [p. 55th card. Barb.] ; (according to Yaillant also in Rasche

m, 1 p. 1638 no. 6).

Fundi, Mus describes a similar type. Theupoli p. 782:

AYT. KAI. M. AYPH • ANTßNEINO^. Caput M. Aureüi laureatenm.

RF Eni . M. AYP. MOYCQNIOY lEPEYC NYGAEfiN NEfl-

K0P12N. Pastor nudus sedens manibus apprehendit pue- rum, quem pede dextro in aerem subleTat. M.MM; (from Mus. Theupoli also in Rasche 1. 1. No. 5).

From Yaillant and Mus. Theupoli plays the Eckhel types D. N. Y. II p. 588 noting that the one written by Fundi also brought on one in the Cimelium Yindobonese II p. ESI edited copies that he considered to be unauthentic (cfr. Eckhel, Cat. Mus. Caes. Yindob. I p. 178). To explain he says: “Credo hoc typo aliud non indicari, quam exercitium gymnasticum ut revera fuisse apud Nysam rvfAvä

If you remember that Nysa was a headquarters of the Die- nysoscultus wai* - little Bacchos was here Hermes was brought to be raised (Apollodore Lib. in c. 4 § 3, cfr. Eckhel 1. 1. p. 587) — and if you thought about that on several cut stones, e.g. B. at Raponi, Becueil des pierres antiques grav^es. Rome 1786 PI. H No. 3; PL LIY No. 1 ; LXI, No. 1 1 a standing faun the little Dionysus ^^in the way so popular with children'' on one of his feet Let it stand while holding it with both hands or with one (cfr. Stephani, Compte-rendu p. la. 1861 p. 25-26 together with Grade 1 to p. 26), then you will soon come to the Gredanken,

Comments on some MOnies. 277

that the coins in question show exactly the same idea. The same type appears on coins from Pergamum under Marc Aurel: Numismata maximi moduli ex Cimel. Ludovici XIV Tab. X, 11, after which at Gessner Impp. Tb. GVU, 20 and Basche III, 2 p. 878 No. 10; Mionnet H p. 601 No. 576. EVER. 10'^; Cat. d'Ennery p. 408 No. 2314; Cat. IvanoflF p. 24 No. 221. M. 10; L. Verus: Havercamp, Numophylacium Reginae Christinae Tb. 21 Fig. 8. jE. I, according to which Gessner, Impp. CXVIII, 18 and at Rasche III, 2 p. 880 No. 2 ; Vaillant N. Gr. p. 65 M I. Eq. Gottifredi, after Havercamp and Vaillant in Mionnet S. V p. 445 No. 1027^. 9; and Commodus: Mionnet II p. 605 No. 598 m 9 ; Mionnet S. V p. 448 No. 1046^. 9. Gab. de M. le marquis de La Goy ä Aix*).

IX.

Mionnet Suppl. VII p. 276 No. 480. Tarsus, Maximinus:

AYT. K. r. lOY. OYH. MAEIMEINOC. Tßte radi^e de Maximin. RF TAPCOY . MHTPO. A • M • K . T. B. S^rapis assis, k dr., le modius en t^te ; Isis is debout au milieu de lui et de Gerböre, hasten a la t£te orn^e d'un lotus, le sistre It's in the main power and quickly reaches the gauche vase ; Glotho is pr^s d'elle, tenant son fuseau. EVER. MM. Mazzoleni, Mus. Pisan. Table LI No. 4. I'm afraid we're dealing with the same thing here have to do with the Mionnet III p. 639 No. 506 according to your own request view describes:

AYTK.r.lOY.OYH.MAHMeiNOC.Ce.n.n. Iftte de Maximin.

I) Prof. von Sallet asked me about the monks of Pergamum. noticed. — On the Mflnie of L. Yerus near Havercamp is the Inscription on the Rflek side is not preserved, so HaTercamp only has the piece for comparison with that in the cum. max. mod. ex cim. Ludovid XIV shown pointed towards Pergamum

278 W. Drexler:

RF TAPCOY . MHTPO • A • K • T . B. S6rapis assis, une palme a la main ; derri^re Ini, le g^nie de la yille de Tarse ; en face, Isis tenant le sister danB la main droite; ouch milieu, le young Horus, tous trois debout. iB 11.

X

Mionnet Suppl. VII p. 475 No. 337: Tralles, Geta:

A. CEn. reTAC . KAIC. Tete nue de G6ta. RF, Eni. rPA. KAAYAIOY • CePAniflNOC. Figure new de- bout, le Pallium rejet^ sur T^paule droite, une corne d'abondance in the main gauche. Ek 4.

Sestini, Description of the altre med. gr. del Mus. Fontana parse into p. 76 No. 4.

I have no doubt that this coin was named after Opus in Lokris heard. About coins from this city with the official name Claudius Serapion have J. Friedlaender, Berliner Blatter for Coin, seal and heraldry III, 1866, p. 166-168 and A. V. Sallet, Journal of Numismatics III p. 244—245 acts. Friedlaender notes that Opus is the work of Mionnet III p. 71 No. 85 coin of Otho described under Clazomenae is an improvement that Mionnet already has himself in the Recueil des planches, Nouvelle Edition 1837 p. 86 has power. Friedlaender also shares a coin Galba from the Berlin Gabinet:

AYTOKPATQP TAABAC Laurel wreathed head of Galba r. h. Rf. onOY eni KAAY CePAnißNOC. A standing man seen from the front, turned to the left, in the intended stretched B. he holds a patera, the 1st arm which the short coat is wrapped around hangs down.

M5. Now considering how easy it is instead of TAABAC reTAC can be read, so there will be some temptation feel, that assigned by Mionnet to Sestini to the Geta

Comments on some snacks. 279

Rather, add the piece to the Galba; Of course I have to admit, that the entire inscriptions on both coins: A-C€n*reTAC* KAIC. and AYTOKPATßP TAABAC differ greatly.

XI.

Mionnet IV p. 390 No. 103. Germe%Galatiae, Etruscilla: eReNNIA (she) . TRVCILLA (Tanini: TRVSQLU) • AVG. Tete mitr6e d'Etruscille, k dr. Rf. C0L.GERMeN0RVM.ACTIA.AVSARIA(8ic). Table heaved sur three gradins and sur laquelle est un globe entre deux urnes; au-dessus du globe, le torcular; le tout in a couronne de Laurier. M8!^.

Tanini number add. p. 441 [degree[enigo]]. That this on the games in honor of Dusares (about which Arab gods see Waddington, Syrie p. 478 No. 2023; cfr. p. 463 No. 1916; p. 488; p. 531 No. 2312; Movers, The Phoenicians I p. 337; strong, Gaza and the Philistine Coast p. 572; L. Erehl, About the Religion of the pre-Islamic Arabs p. 48 ff.; Levy ZDMG. XIV p. 465; Oslander ZDMG. VII p. 471; Duncker, business des Antiquity I* p. 244-245; Lajard, Le culte de V6nu8 p. 61 grade 4; C. Ritter, Geography of Syria and Palestine II, 2 p. 968 ff. ; Collected Treatises of Jacob Bernays II p. 291—293= Rhine. Mus. 1862 XVU p. 304f.; Mordtmann ZDMG. XXIX p. 99 106; G. Rösch ZDMG. XXXVIII 1884 p. 643-654,J)a8 syncretic Christmas festival in Petra^^; Th. Mommsen, ROm. business V p. 481 ; Whetstone, Selected Greek and Latin Inscriptions total while traveling in the Trachonen and around the Hauran area, Abhdl. d. Berl. Ak. 1863 p. 290 No. 68, p. 351; Travel report p. 1121; Gerhard, Greek. Myth. I p. 370, §348, 9b; Lenormant, Les B^tyles, Revue de lliistoire de religions. 2. ann^e. tome HL Paris 1881, p. 36; P. N. Rolle, Rech. s. le culte de Bacchus, Paria 1824, tome in p. 48-49; de Vogü6, Syrie Centrale, Inscriptions s^mitiques p. 121; texts nabattens N 7 a. 9; Eckhel D. N. V. III p. 50 Ibis 502; Belley, Observations sus l'öre et sur les mödailles

280 W. Dr«xler:

de la ville de Bostres en Arabie, M^m. de TAc. of the Inscr. et B. — L. XXX p. 314 - 316; Zoega, De origine et usu obelisconim p. 205; Ed. Meyer, s.v. Dnsares in Boscher's Ausf. Lex. d. gr. u.r. Myth. p. 1206 - 1207, which is also based on Baudissin, Stud. z, Semitic. Religious 2,250 f. does not refer to the relevant coin Germe heard, there can be no doubt. Well knows one finds three Latin inscriptions from Puteoli, which correspond to Dnsares are consecrated: Mommsen, Inscriptiones Begni Neapolitani p. 132 No. 2462 = Henzen, inscr. Latin be. ampl. coli. No. 5828 = C, J.L 10.1556; but these, like Preller, are B.ömi8che to him Mythology p. 750 Note 4 with a high probability muthet, from Petrean and Nabataean merchants, while During her stay in Puteoli she was involved in commercial matters how a Nabatean one came from the same city Inscription knows in which Zeid and Abdelga, sons of Teim Consecrate two (metal) camels to the Dusar: Guildmaster ZDMG. XXIII p. 150; Th. Nöldeke ZDMG. XXXVIII p. 144, 654. Re- nan, journ. Asian. 1873 I, 320; II, 383; Hal6vy M^langes d'6pi- graphie s^mitique 1874 p. Ulf.) But what could a middle person do? determine city located in Galatia. Celebrations in honor of one otherwise only found in Arabia and the neighboring areas prayed to celebrate deity? The coin belongs decidedly Bostra, from which city several coins with the relevant one Type and the inscription AKTIA AOYCAPIA are known: cfr. de Saulcy, Numismatique de la Sainte Terre p. 369; Mionnet Y p. 581 No. 18; [p. 584 Nos. 32, 33, 34]; p. 585 Nos.36, 37.

Already Eckhel D. N. V. m p. 178-179 has with his ordinary caution expressed about the coin in question: “Ludi Actia Dusaria, tum et typus torcularis hactenus tantum in numis urbium Arabiae ac praecipue Bostrae sunt comperti. Quapropter mirum, eadem haec proponi in numo urbis Galatiae tanto intervallo distantis atque id tanto magis cum Dusares verbum sit Arabicum significans Bacchnm, a quo ludi Dusaria. Singularis hujus numi fides penes auctores esto."

Noticed in some Münsen. 281

xn.

Here I want to discuss a Herennin coin and Hostilianus from Gat. of the mM. rom. composant la coli, de fea no. le marquis de Moustier redig^ sous la direction de M. H. Hoffmann, Paris 1872 p. 203 No. 3100, P.I. Add V: M-OeciVS he. C- VALENS QVINTVS CAISARBS IMF- Bustes d'H6renniu8 laur6 et d'Hostilien radi6 en regard, tous deux drap6s. RF CON- CORDIA BOSTRENORVM. Ammon debout, donnant la main i la Cioncorde. M. B. inconnue k Mionnet, the de Saulcy, Nam^ matique de la Sainte Terre p. 371 No. 4 therefore explains: “L’expli- Cation of the type of this money does not satisfy me. Ce The savant r6dacteur du catalog a pris pour Jupiter Ammon n*est qu*un des nomades de TAmmonitide, nomades chez lesquels j'ai constat6, de visu, Thabitude obstin^e de se coiffer comme le Jupiter dit Ammon, lequel a fort bien pu emprunter son sumom k une mode g^n^rale chez les Ammonites de Tantiquitö et des temps present. Quant k la pr^tendue figure de la Concorde, ce n'est que le g^nie de la ville de Bostra; sa t^te toarel6e le prottve d*une mani^re certaine, pareil attribnt n^ayant jamaig, que je sache, 6t6 appliqu^ k la figure de la Cioncorde^^ (cfr. PL XXI No. 13). This interpretation of the male figure on one However, nomads of ammonitis are opposed to the fact that they are completely appears in the costume of a Roman warrior. I believe that through the type the unity of the citizens of Bostra and the occupation of the city will be glorified. Here was the leg. HI Cyrenaica, which was in Trajan's Parthian war and in the Jewish one had participated in Hadrian and since Marcus Aurelius has often been involved in the Bostrenian inscriptions are called and are still around 400 in Bostra stood (Marquardt, Rom. Staatsverw. I p. 275 Note 6; Grote- fend in Pauly^s B. E. IV p. 875-876; Waddington, Syria p. 460 (Nos. 1927, 1933, 1942, 1944, 1945, 1947, 1948, 1958 etc«; deVogü^, Inscr. Sam. No. 22; G. I. L. lU p. 18-^20 ; Notitia Dignitatum in partibus Orientis ed. Boecking p. 82, 866).

The main deity of the people of C!]rrenaica was Knownly Anunon (of the vast literature only L. Müller,

282 W. Drexler:

Numismatiquc de Tancienne Afrique vol. I p. 99 - 100 listed). The legion named after Gyrene took up the cult of this god, When she left the old quarters, of course she went to Asia. On the coins of Bostra we see the head of Ammon quite often, such as those by Severus Alexander: Mionnet V p. 582 No. 21 according to Vaillant number in col. perc. II p. 163, 164; No. 22 according to Sestini D. N. V. p. 549 No. 23 = GohenlV* p. 475 No. 716 = de Saulcy p. 367 No. 3; of Julia Mamaea: Mionnet V p. 583 No. 28 ; of Philippus senior: Mionnet V p. 584 No. 31 = de Saulcy p. 309 No. 2. The soldiers of the leg. III Cyrenaica is perhaps due to the fact that the The cult of Ammon also spread in the neighboring landscapes widespread: compare the inscriptions Waddington, Syria No. 2382 p. 543 S61aema (slime) in the Bataneia: A'/. ^Aki^avdQe^Aic^dr- Sqov, (ftQaTima, anodfuis^ ätaqe^ X^^?^? svdviis. Kav %& '9'vritä nQO~

BfiBqxoiisvoi I odvvat totg y^yi^^aaat, ^Afi-fioop ^ijtoi No. 2313

p. 531 Soada (Soueida) in the Bataneia: Under a radiant without horns at all he on a stele: "Afiiumv vixq\ further the up- appearance of the proper name ^Afificoviog No. 2386 p. 514 Mifal6 in the Bataneia, no. 2072 p. 490 Philippopolis (Bataneia), No. 2015 p. 477 Orman in the Nabataean Kingdom.

xnn.

Mionnet Suppl. VII p. 643 No. 59. Pessinus, Nero :

NEPflNA EEBAZTON. Tete nue de N6ron. Ef. nonTTAlA EEBAETH-TTE. Fleur du lotus between the two 6pis, in a couronne de Laurier.

M 6. Vaillant N. Gr. p. 18. Vaillant's description only says:

nonriAlA EEBAZTH nEa

What Mionnet gives as obverse belongs rather as re- verse to a coin of Magnesia, which immediately precedes the in Bede standing the Poppaea by Vaillant is recorded.

Note on some coins. 283

Mionnet Sappl gives exactly the same piece. IX p. 249 No. 152, in his own opinion, among the m^dailles incertaines:

nonnAIAEEBAZTH. Tete de Poppöe, ä droite. Rf

laurier. M7.

The same copy is cited by Basche III, 2 p. 1013 No. 2 after, Yaillant and Harduin Opera Selecta p. 137; then No. 3 after Gessner Impp. Tb. L. fig. 5, who himself has his image from Godmother in the Suetonius edition of Graevius p. 49 has, under Pessinns; then III, 2 p. 917 after Patin, Gessner, Harduin, Froelich Not. Comp. Gr. p. 153 brought under Perinth. Also Cohen I' p. 314 No. 1 has it:

nonnAlA IEBAETH bust diad6m6 de Popp6e k droite. Rf. n. Vase between the two ^pis in a couronne de Laurier:

F.M.B. He is cautious about its origins. "qu'on croit avoir 6t6 frapp6e k P6rinthe".

Other specimens of the same type record Fundi, Mus.

Theupoli p. 849 and the author of the Cat. NorthwickI p. 124

No. 1243 under Pessinns, the author of the Cat. de Moustier p. 37

No. 539 questionably, Capranesi, Annali delF Inst, di Corr. arch.

1842 p. 135, tav. dagg. 0. No.XVII, Head, A. Cat of gr. c.

in the Br. Mus. The Tauric Chersonese — Thrace, etc. London

1877 p. 149 Nos. 15 and 16 definitely under Perinth. The

Description of the latter teaches us that it is the type

to have to do with the well-known main decoration of Isis:

nOTlTTAlA EEBAETH Bust of Poppaea r., wearing Stephane.

Rf. n E Head-dress of Isis, consisting of homs globe and

plumes, crossed beneath by two ears of com; the

whole in olive wreath. M1.