Zeitschrift für Numismatik, vol. 12 — 1885

32. Apollo head with laurel wreath to the right. )(The Marsyas with a hose over his left Switch and raising the right hand to the left in front of a column with a robed figure; in front of him the caption: L • CENSOR. The piece is sold rubbed. M.B1. 227 c. C. 9. L. Marcius Censorinus.

Z«itMkrift Air Nrnmanatik. Xm. 7

98 Menadiers:

33. Merknrkopf to the right, with a winged hat see and the caduceus in the back. )(The bearded one Ulixes with the sailor's cap and a long one Staff in the left hand to the right in front of the dogs standing; on the left the inscription: CMAMIL and right: LIMEÄN. M.B1. 227e. C.g. Mom. — G. Mamilius Limetanus.

34. Jupiter's head with laurel wreath to the right. )(A wagon drawn by four horses to the right; in the lower sections; L • RVBRI. The piece is rubbed so that the scepter is on the main side and the inscription DOSSEN and on the reverse side the lightning and the Victoria are unrecognizable. M.Bl. 228. C.g. Rubria. L. Rubrius Dossenas.

35. 36. Youth helmeted head to the right. )( Vic toria with a wreath on a two-horse carriage to the right ; in the lower sections: CN • LENTVL. M.Bl. 229. C. 7. Cn. Cornelius Lentulus.

37. Head of Apollo to the right. )( A run to the right nending horse; the lower inscription C • CENSORI is unrecognizable by rubbing. M.El. 230 b. C. 6. C. Marcius Censorinus.

38. Head of Diana to the right with quiver and bow on back; front: S. C. )( Victoria with palm tree and wreath on a two-horse carriage to the right ; the number under the same • XXX ; in the lower sections: TICLAO-TIFÄN. the Serrated edge. M. Bl. 231. C. 3. Ti. Claudius Ti. f. Ap. n. Nero.

39. Female head with winged helmet to the right; in the back: PROQ^; front: LMANU. )( Jupiter on a four-horse team to the right; the one with one Victoria, who is floating towards him, is lost.

The Nnmiamatic Estate of the Varian Legions. 99

rubbed; also the inscription in the section below: LSVLLAIM. M. Sheet 232. a. 0. 3. L. Manlius per Quaestore.

40. Crowned youthful head to the right; in Back: MFONTEI-CF; from: R- •)( Inside of a wreath a winged genius on one Buck riding to the right; under the same one Lightning bolt that resembles an object. M.Bl. 233. C. 4. M'. Fonteius 0. f.

41. Crowned youthful head with temporal wings to the right; behind him a triangle. )(Victoria with a wreath on a four-horse carriage on the right and in the bottom section the inscription: L • IVLI • B VR ; the last letters of the name and the symbol of the main page are indistinct lich. M.Bl. 234. C. 5. L. Julius Bursio.

42 - 43. Crowned head of Jupiter to the right; in the back: SC )(Victoria with palm tree and wreath on one four-horse team to the right; in the inscription of the Below section: Q_ • ATO • B ALB is the Ci_ distributed, M.B1. 236. C. 1. Q. Antonius Baibus. (praetor 672.) 44. Half-veiled female head with loosened hair to the right; in the back: HISPAN. )(A to the left is a person wearing a toga Man stretches out his left hand towards you legion eagle planted on him, while behind him a consular fascism with an axe stands; right in the field: NS; in front of the man: ALBIN. The piece is rubbed off so that the Inscription in the lower sections: POST A • F • is unrecognizable; the edge serrated; M.Bl. 250. 0. 6. A..Postumius A. t 8p. n. Albinus.

100 menadiers:

45. Franenkopf with winged helmet to the right; in Bflcken FLAC )(Victoria with a wreath on one Two teams to the right; in the sections below: LRVTIU. M.B1 251. C.g. Rutilia. — L. Eutilius Flaccns.

46. Head of the Lannvinian Juno with horns Goatskin. )(A griffin running to the right, under The symbol is an oblique ending in balls standing cross; in the bottom sections: L • PAPI. the edge serrated. M.Bl. 254.CLL. Papius.

47. Crowned head of Jupiter to the right. )( A temple with four Doric columns, behind those in the middle are larger and sideways there are two smaller doors; in the gable throw a lightning bolt; below the inscription: M • VOL- TE! MF. M.Bl. 257 a. C.g. Volteia. — M. Vol- teius M. f.

48-50. Bearded head with bandage facing right; over the A scepter on the shoulder facing away and in height G • P • R. (Genius populi Romani). )( Meerum- flowing earth circle between a scepter and Laurel wreath on the left and a rudder to the right; on both sides: EX. SC. and under- half: CN LEN CL. M.B1. 259a. C. 10. Cn. Cor- nelius P. f. Lentulus Marcellinus (Gonsul 698. Quaestor 680.) 51. Female head with bandage facing right; in the back MAXSVMVS. )( Two standing women, one helmeted, putting his foot on a wolf's head, the other with Cupid's bandage fluttering around it; to both sides of the ship's bow and rudder; the lower caption: C EGNKIVS • CNF as well as the on the right in the field CNN- is unrecognizable.

The nmiismatic legacy of the Varian legions. 101

M.BL261. C.2.C.Egnatms. Cn. f. Cn. n.Maxsumns.

52-53. Crowned head of Neptune to the right with a Trident in back. )(A winged boy riding a dolphin to the right; below in two lines: L • LVCRETI • TRIO. M.Bl. 263. C. 3. L. Lucretius Trio. 54. Helmeted head of Mars to the right; in the back a digit. )(A she-wolf walking to the left; above it: ROMA and in the lower part- cuts :P. SATRI (ENVS). The piece is strong rubbed. M.Bl. 265. C.g. Satriena. — P. Sa- trienus.

55. 56. A king kneeling to the right, in the stretched out an olive branch with their right hand and their left hand holding a camel, in two lines in height: M • SCAVR • MD • CVR ; the inscriptions sideways in the field and in the lower sections are unknown lich. )(The lightning-slinging Jupiter on one four-horse team to the left; above in two lines: P HVPSAE JED CVR ; the epigraphs sideways and below are unrecognizable. MBl. 273.C 1. M. Aemilius Scaucus, G. Hupsaeus.

57. 58. Of the previous ones only in the form of the king and the captions differed from those but only the one above the camel on the main page: M • SCAVR : is readable, but the rest are unrecognizable are lich.

59. 60. Female head with smooth cap facing right (Diana Planciana) ; before the same : CN • PLAN- avS; in the back AD-CVRC. )( A wild one Goat standing to the right and bow behind her and quiver. M.BL 276. C.g. Plancia. —Cn. Plancius (aed. cur. 700.)

]02 Menadier:

60-63. An elephant striding to the right; in front of him a snake and in the nnth section: CAE- SAR. )( Simpulum, frond, hatchet and priest's hat. One piece is rubbed. M.B1. 278.C 10.C Julia's Caesar.

64. 65. Crowned female head to the right with the Inscription SALVTIS in Eficken. )(One to the left standing woman holding a snake with her right hand holds and leans on one with his left arm Column supports (Valetudo) ; Transcript: M^V • ACIUVS: - in VIR • VALET. M.Bl. 279. C. 3. M'. Acilius.

66. 67. Female head with diadem and veil after on the right and the inscription CONCORDIA from ; in Back PAVLLVS LEPIDVS. )( On the side of one The Roman general stands on the tropaeum on the right with his right hand outstretched, a prisoner on his left in Greek clothing with on the back tied hands and in front of him two boys. (King Perseus and his sons); in height: TER; in the lower sections: PAVLLVS. M.B1. 280. G 9. Paullus Aemilius Lepidus. — One piece is owned by Mr. Fisse Niewedde to Kalkriese (Engter).

68. Beardless head to the right with the inscription BON EVENT from; behind him: UBO. )(Altar with laurel wreath and two lyres; above the- same: PVTEAL and below it: SCRIBON. M.B1. 280. a. C. 2. L. Scribonius Libo (cos. 720.)

69. Youth head to the right with a scepter over the turned away shoulder. )(An eagle on the lightning bolt between the augur's staff and the jug and below: Q_ CASSIVS. M.B1. 284.C.6. Q. Cassius.

The nniDismatic legacy of the varianii LegioDen. 103

70. Female head with veil to the right; before the same an S and behind it as a symbol a vessel. )(A Roman citizen to the left turned, a panel marked V (tirogas) throwing little things into the voice box; right in Fields: LONGIN lUV. M.BL 285. C. 5. L. Cassius Longinas

71. Beardless head with diadem to the right; behind him the inscription ANCVS and an augur staff. )( A pus statue to the right on an aquatic duct with flknf arch in which the inscription: AQ. VA Ml (aqua Marcia) ; under the front At the bottom of the tree is a tree and behind it the Caption: PHIUPPVS. M.Bl. 295. C. 8. Marcius Philip.

72. Female wreathed head (Flora) to the right; from the inscription FLORAUA PRIMVS before- only RIMV is recognizable; behind him Augur staff. )( Two youthful warriors with helmets and shield facing each other and the holding upright swords against each other; in the bottom section the rubbed inscription: C. SERf IL. M.B1. 301. C. 2. C. Servilius C. f. Augur.

73. Head of a woman with a winged helmet to the right; in the back: X; From the inscription only an S is clear. )( Victoria on a two-horse carriage to the right; in the bottom sections: ROMA; under the front grab an oar.

74. 75. Woman's head with winged helmet to the right. )( Vic toria with wreath and palm tree on a quadrilateral span to the right; the symbol is unknown lich. A piece broke off.

XQ4 Menadier:

76. Female head with winged helmet to the right. X The same stamp incus.

77. Bearded head. )(Imprint unrecognizable. Lined Coin.

78. Lined denarius with serrated band of completely unrecognizable character.

79. Head of ApoUon von vom )( Zeus Labrandeus with a double ax over his shoulder from the side. The inscription is rubbed out. Mionnet. m.p. 399. p. 14. Drachma of Pixodaros (or Maussolus or Hidrieus) by Karlen.

n. Denarii from the period from Caesar's dictatorship to

to the Battle of Actium.

80. Female head with diadem (Venus) to the right. )( Aeneas striding to the left carries on the left arms to Aeneas and with the right the palladium; on the right the inscription: CAESAR. C. 9. C. Julius Caesar.

81. 82. Female head with diadem (Venus) to the right. )( Sitting next to a tropaeum* on the left is a white a woman and a man on the right hands tied back; in the sections below: CAESAR. C. 11. C. Julius Caesar.

83. Young person's head with bandage to the right; under- half a star and the transcription: Q_ • SICINIVS . inviR)(The club of Hercules with the lion fur above and the bow to the right sideways. Transcript: C • COPONIVS PR • SC. C.g. copo nia 1. G. Coponius pr., Q. Sicinius m vir.

84. Wreathed bearded head to the right; above the- same: C^METEL and below him: PIVS. )(A Elephant striding to the right; above the same:

The Nnmismatic Estate of the Varian Legions. 105

SCIPIO and under him IMP. C. 9« Q. Caecilius Metellus Plus Scipio imp.

85—^7. Winged female bust; in Eäcken: S. C. X Victoria on a four-horse carriage to the right; below the inscription: TCA(RISI). G.1.

88. Female head with winged helmet facing right; in Backfucking: ROMA. )( Within a ring of earth ball and cornucopia between scepter and control rudder ; below: T • CARISI. C.3.

89^90. Female head to the right with the inscription MONETA in the back. )( Inside a wreath Anvil and punch between pliers and ham- mer; above: T CARISIVS. C.7.

91. Female head with hair band (Sibyl) after right. )( Winged Sphinx sitting to the right; in the field on the right: T • CARISIVS and in the bottom Sections: HIVIR. C. 8. T. Carisius HI vir monetalis.

92. The two Dioscuri heads with smooth caps and stars above each other to the right; in the back: RVFVS ffl VIR. )( Venus with the Cupid standing on his shoulder to the left in the left a balance and in the right a staff; On the right in the field is the inscription: AV- CORDL C. 1. M'. Cordius Rufus IHvir monetalis.

93. Head of a bearded old man with shaggy hair to the right; a sign in the back. )(One after On the right, a two-horse team rushing with a wagon driver and a warrior facing left, who holds a shield in his left hand and with the right he swings to strike; above the clear inscription only in the first letters:

106 Menadiers:

L • HOSTIUVS; below: SASERN. C. 2. L. Ho- stilins Saserna. 94. 95. Gorgon's face in front view; under the- same: LPLAVTIVS )( The winged Aurora floating to the right and the foursome of the Sun God guiding; below: PLANCVS. G.7. L. Plautius Plauens.

96. Young curly head to the right; above him a star and in his back a hammer and the inscription: ACISCVLVS. )( A woman with a sail-like flutter above the head Riding the cloth on a bull to the right: in the lower sections: L • VALERIVS. C.7.L. Valerius Acisculus.

97. He who is wreathed and half covered with a veil Gaesar's head to the right with the inscription: CAESAR DICT • PERPETVO. )( Venus to the left standing, holding a Victoria in her right hand, in the left a rod on which on the floor. Sign leans, with the inscription: PSEPVLLIVS- MACER. C. 8. P. Lepullius Macer.

98. 99. Female head to the right with the inscription: PIETAS bending over. )( Two folded hands one holding caduceus; below: ALBIN VS • BRVTI • F. C. 8. Postumius Albinus Bruti f.

100. Helmeted bearded head (Mars) to the right. )( two crossing Gallic trumpets, between which in the upper corner a long shield, in the lower one Bund shield, to the right side ALBINVS and left BRVTI. F.C. 9.

101. Head of Bacchus wreathed in vine leaves to the right; while bending over: PANSA. )( Ceres with two torches walking to the right and behind her: C * VIBIVS •

The nniBitmatic legacy of the Varian legions. ]07

CFCN; the piece has been sold. C. 11. C. Vibius C. f. C. n. Pansa. 102. Paas mask to the right; below her: PANSA. )( Jupiter sitting to the left holds in the right a bowl and in the left a scepter; left the rubbed inscription: lOVIS AXYR and on the right: C-VroiVSCFCN. C.13. 103— 105. Crowned head of Apollo to the right with a Lyre while bending over. )( Diana in front view with a quiver on the stoop and a large one torch in each hand; right: P-CLODIVS; left: MF. C. 6. F. Clodius M. f.

106. Head of Apollo with aureole to the right; while bending over, a quiver. )(The crescent moon between five stars and under her in two lines : P • CLODIVS M F.C. 7.

107. Female head with diadem and veil on the right and the inscription: CONCORDIAim bending over. )( Two men standing behind barriers; under them. Caption! CLOACIN and above: L MVSSIDIVS • LONGVS. C, 5.

108. Caesar's head to the right with an augur's staff in the Bend over and the inscription: DIVI • IVU dated. )( A band walking to the right: above the same: QjVOCONTVS and below: VTTVLVS. C.2. Q. Voconius Vitulus.

109. Head of Pompey to the right; in front of him Augur's staff, behind him a jug and on high the inscription: MAG • PIVS • IMP HER. )( Anapus and Amphinomas carried their parents on their shoulders bearing right and left and Neptune between them standing to the left, with the right foot on one Ship's stern kicking and in the right hand

108 Menadiers:

holding a ship's beak; in height: PRAP nnd in the bottom sections in two lines: CLAS ET ORA« WITH EX • S • C. G. 8. S. Pompeius Magnus Pias Imp. iterum praefectus classis et orae ma- ritimae ex senatns consulto.

110. Helmeted head of Minerva to the right with the Transcription: MPOBLICILEG • PRO.-PR. )(Pom Peius stepping out of a ship onto land is of the Hispania opposite him greets the a little bit is enough for him. Transcript: CN • MAGNVS IMP. C.g. Poblicia 8. Owned by the Rathsgynma siums in Osnabrück.

111. Head of Antonius to the right with the inscription: M • ANTONI • IMP. )(Head of the sun god with Aureole within a temple with two Doric columns; Transcript: HI. VIR • R • P • C G. 1 7. M. Antonius Imp. m vir rei publicae con- stituendae.

112-134. Admiral ship with flag reading: ANT- AVG above and HI. VIR • R • P • C. below. )(Legion eagle between two military emblems; to the legion designation on both sides of the eagle. C. 9th; Antonia 39. Legion denarii of Antonius including LEG denarii. II. represented in 3, LEG. IIL in 2, LEG. IV. in 1, LEG. V. in 1, LEG. VI. in 2, LEG. VH. in 2, LEG. VIH. in 1, LEG. IX. in 1, LEG. X. in 2, LEG. XIH. in 3, LEG. XV. in 1, LEG. XVI. in 2, LEG. XVII CLASSIC AE in 1, LEG. XX. into 1 pieces.

135. Hehehnte male head to the right with the Signature: IMP. )(Above two crossing Lance a shield with a star in the middle

The numismatic legacy of the Tarian Legions. 109

and the inscription: CAESAR aaf dem Bande. Cohen, mon. de Tempire. (ed. 2.) Aug. 44.

136. Head of Caesar Octavianus to the left. )(Victoria standing on a globe to the left with his left hand he holds a palm branch outstretched right hand a wreath; to both Pages: CAESAR DIVI F. C. Aug. 64.

137. Head of Venus to the right; in front of it Laurel branch and behind him a cornucopia. )(Caesar Octavianus in warrior costume standing to the right shoulders a lance with his left and rises the right one. Inscription: CAESAR DIVI F. C. Aug. 72.

138. Head of Caesar Octavianus to the right. )(A Four-horse team with the Caesar in front view a triumphal arch with the inscription: IMP • CAESAR wears. C. Aug. 123.

139. Head of Caesar Octavianus to the right with the Transcript: C • CAESAR. III. VIR • R • P • C. )( Equestrian statue with the signature: POPVL-ISSSV. C Aug 227.

140. Head of Juba to the right with the inscription: REX • IVBA. )( Temple with six pillars and the Signature: R. XXXI. (Müller, numismatique de l'ancient Africa. in. p. 105.)

no. Coins of Augustus. a. Gold coins.

141 - 143. Head of Augustus to the right, wreathed; Um- Font: CAESAR AVGVSTVS DIVI F PATER • PA- TRIAE. )(The Caesars Gaius and Lucius in the foreground View standing, everyone holds a shield and a Spear, above which in the field a simpulum and a

110 Menadiers:

Augur staff. Transcript: C • L • C AES ARES • A VG VSTI • F. COS. DESIG • PRINC • IWENT- C. Aug. 42. A Piece, 1867 in the vegetable garden of the Barenau estate found, is in the possession of Mr. Erb- landdrost of Bar; a second one about Langelage in Property of Countess Münster; a third now something previously lost in the possession of the official Judge Sudendorf zu Neuenhaus. probability Of course, an identical piece in the previous one also belongs here. formerly owned by the Archivrath Grotefend.

144. A piece marked: SIGNIS RECEPTIS. as located in Barenau by Lodtmann (Monu- menta Osnabrugensia. Helmstadt. 1753. p. 34) mentioned.

145. Crowned head of Augustus to the right; Um- font: CAESAR AVGVSTVS. )( A flower with the inscription: C • AQVILL IVS • FLORVS • III VIR. G. Aug. 363. Formerly in the possession of the Archivrat Sudendorf.

146. 147. Indeterminable character. The one piece that used to be in the possession of Mr. von Ehrentraut, the other 1854 for the royal Hanoverian coin collection purchased.

B. Silver coins.

148. Head of Augustus to the right with the inscription: CAESAR AVGVSTVS. )(OB CIVIS SERVATOS in three lines within an oak leaf wreath. Go. Aug 208. 149. 150. Head of Augustus to the right with the inscription: CAESAR AVGVSTVS. )( Oak leaf wreath with long bands within; above the same: OB CIVIS and

0«r Bumismatic legacy of the Yarian legions. St

under him SERVATOS. A piece on the sweep side attacked. Coh. Aug 210.

151. Head of Augustus to the right with the inscription: CAESAR AVGVSTVS. )( Sign with the indistinct Legal inscription: S • P • C^ R • CL • V. within an oak leaf wreath; above the same: OBCIVIS and under him SERVATOS. Coh. Aug 215.

152. Crowned head of Augustus to the left with the Transcript: CAESARI AVGVSTO. )( car with a legion eagle in a small one on three levels resting round temples with a dome four pillars. Coh. Aug 281.

153. Head of Augustus to the right with the inscription: AVGVSTVS. DIVI • F. )( Two warriors present Augustus sitting on a throne on the right one laurel branch each; in the sections below: IMF • X. Coh. Aug 135.

154 - 156. Head of Augustus to the left with the inscription: AVGVSTVS. DIVX • F. )( Pushing bull after right; in the lower sections: IMF • X. (on one copy unrecognizable). Coh. Aug 138.

157. 158. Head of Augustus to the right with the inscription: AVGVSTVS. DIVX • F. )(Apollo in front view; distributed at the feet on both sides: IMF. X in the lower section, that of one coin is not is stamped: ACT. Coh. Aug. 144; also that in Property of Mr. Thiemeier in Osnabrück The found piece is probably of the same origin. 159. Head of Augustus to the left. )(Scorpio after facing right with a ball and an oar between the feet and a cornucopia in the back; below: AVGVSTVS. Coh. Aug 22.

160-191. Head of Augustus to the right wreathed with the

112 Menadier: The numismatic legacy of d. Yarian legions.

Transcription: CAESAR AVGVSTVS DIVI F. PATER PATRIAE. )(The Caesars Gaius and Lucius Cae- Sares standing in front view, each holding one Shield and a spear, from those in the field simpulum and an augur staff; Description: C • L • CAESARES. AVGVSTI F COS • DESIG • PRINC • IWENT. Coh. Aug. 42. (cf. above no. 141-143.) Thirty-one pieces in good condition are located on Barenau, another in the collection the Bathsgymnasium in Osnabrück.

C. Copper coins.

192. Head of Agrippa with a diadem to the left; Transcription: M . AGRIPPA • L • F . COS. III. )( Neptune in front view standing between the letters SC. Ck)h. Agrippa 3. 193. 194. Head of Augustus to the right; from the ver- Only TRIBVNIC can be identified by the rubbed inscription. )( S. C. in the field within the rubbed inscription of which only VIR • A • A • A • F • F. is recognizable. (such as Asinius Gallus or Lurius Agrippa.)

Menadier.

A new gistophore.

In front of Karzern came a cistophore that was still unknown in the possession of Mr. J. P. Siz in Amsterdam, conventional lich to the coin collection of Mr. J. Whitall in Smyrna (Catal. Whitall No. 991). Here follows a description formation and description of this new cistophore:

Size: 25 mil. Weight: 10.90 grams.

Aunder braided lidded basket, which is on the left a serpent swarms; all within a wreath of ephen leaves and ephendoles, - that is, the usual cial imprint of the cistophore,

Rf. Two snakes fighting against each other; between them a bow container; the beginning usually depicted in the cistophore Bow is missing. Above the cooker:

114 W. Galand:

%LbPIDVS PRoPR»). Left: IQ. Below of snakes:

"^AEYMENIAAT

^ixior

Before we examine which of the on the cistophore Lepidus may have been meant, let's give one first genealogical overview of the Lepidi since 676/78.

M. Aemilias Q. f. M. n. Lepidus M*. Aemilios Lepidus

C08. 676/78. C08. 688/66.

L. Aemilius Paullus cos. 704/50. M. AemiliusM. f. M.n. Lepidus IIlTirr.p.e.

X 1. Cornelia X 2- Junia Bniti soror.

L. Aemilius Paullus G. f. M. n. |

cos. 720/34. I

*\ /^

L. Aem. Paullus M. Aem. Lepid. Q.Aem.M. f. M.n. Lepidus M.Aem.Lep. cos. 754/1 p. c. COS. 759/6 p. c. cos. 788/21 f 724/80.

X ComeUa, Fausti SuUae X SerrUia

H'. Aemilius Q. f. M. n. Lep. cos. 764/11 p. c.

Of all these Lepidi we can, as far as time goes, is sufficient, for this propraetor in Asia only the following three in Come into consideration:

1. M. Aemilius M. f. Q. n. Lepidus in vir r. p. c.

2. M. Aemilius Lepidus, whose tendon f 724/30.

3. Q. Aemilius M. f. M. n. Lep. cos. 733/21.

After his praetorship in 705/49, the triumvir has the pro-

1) I think Quintus's reading is better justified than Marcus, because the crossbar, which should be the last hasta of the M, is for la across and also probably lu low

A neaer cistophore. 115

vinz Hispania citerior as Proconsul, and has been since- not been in the Orient. So this one can't meant to be a propaetor. So all we have left is this Choice between Marcus Lepidus f 724/30 and Q. Lepidus COS. 733/21.

The triumvir Lepidus (born around 665/89) is twice been married, firstly to Cornelia, secondly to Junia, sister of M. Brutus. Lived in the year 702/52 his first wife Cornelia still, cuius castitas pro exemplo habita est. (Ascon. in Milon. pag. 43). So he can did not marry Junia before 702/52; maybe he was already married to her in 704/50, (Cic. ad Att. VI. 1. 25) certainly but in 710/44. (Dio C. XLIV. 34, Cic. Phil. Xm. c. 4: probatissima uxor). Now there is Velleius Paterculus (II. 88) emphatically attests that Marcus was the son of Trium- virs and the Junia, then this Marens cannot possibly He couldn't have been born before 704/50 or 705/49 be considered for the position of Propraetor the years 711/43 or 712/42. And in this time we have to This Cistophorus is made from greens that need to be developed in more detail. which are set.

With this conclusion regarding M. Lepidus Birth is true, all the news we have about him agree.

When in 710/44 after the death of Caesar the publicans had retreated to the Capitolium, and than the Senate passed a resolution on amnesty for the murderers was accepted, they became the children of M. Lepidus III. vir and M. Antonius were given as hostages. This one The intended son of M. Antonius certainly can't be anyone else must have been his son of Fulvia, with whom he was married not married before 607/47. This son was Antyllus in 710/44 not older than a maximum of two or three years,

116 W. Caland:

which is further confirmed by the fact that M> An- Tonius had the toga virilis given to him in 724/30, in which Year Antyllus must have been 15 or 16 years old. Very So the young Lepidus was probably not much older as Antyllus; The authors always talk about pueri and natdsg. Finally, Yelleins names him in 724/30 (11.88): jjuvenis forma quam mente melior^, and Appianus

B. C. IV, 50): of course, - what you would expect from a man of 40 years no longer says. This M. Lepidus falls so gone too.

Mentioned in the passage quoted above (Phil. Xin. c. 4). Cicero the optatissimi liberi of M. Lepidus HE vir, and Lepidus really must have had another son around 710/44, namely had an adult, see Dio

C. XLIV. 53 and ext. B. C. V. 93. Dio Cassius viz reports that in 710/44 M. Antonius married his daughter (Antonia, Daughter of the consul of 691/63) with the son of the Trium virs Lepidus avvtixKfsy. However, this connection can may have been nothing more than an engagement. In app. V. 98 we read that M. Antonius negotiated in 717/37 the marriage {anodedva^m) of his daughter with his son Lepidus', which marriage had already been arranged earlier. This son of Lepidus was already grown up at that time, and the question as to why the marriage was not consummated immediately in 710/44 was drawn, can perhaps be resolved by that the son of Lepidus referred to here belongs to the party of Brutus followed and stayed in the Orient for a few years later but reconciled with those in power. This other one Son of Lepidus is a Quintus, and was Consul in 733/21'); and if one assumes that the tri-

1) Mommsen ad C. I. L. I. p. 559 .... neque amplius dubitabimas patrem consulis anni 733/21 ayumqae consulis anni 764 non ignotum aliqaem M'. Lepidam fuisse, sed notissimum III virnm Marcam.

A neaer cistophore. 117

Umvir got married in his eighteenth year, like this He may have already had a son in 683/71, who then in 712/42, was 29 years old. Although nnn between the pro- praetor and consulate of this Q. Lepidns a striking If there is a large interval, this can happen, perhaps through certain but not caused by circumstances unknown to us are cited against the identification of Q. Lepidus, of m vir's eldest son, with whom on our Gisto- phoms called Propraetor.

One might argue that it is strange that the oldest Son not after his father Marcus, but after his great-grandfather was called Quintus; this circumstance cannot, however, be used as counter-evidence, because there are several such examples. The triumvir himself was named after his father and he was still the younger son; also the consul of 764/11 p. e. was called Manius, and was the son of a Quintus.

It would also seem strange that the son Quintus received the praetorship at least 6 years after his father clothed. Maybe it wouldn't be like this be explained? Could help him in this time of unrest and Arbitrariness on the part of the Republicans is not the power of a pro- to be given as praetor without ever being a praetor?

Furthermore, in my opinion, you can use the... app. V. 2 mentioned Lepidus, who is for the Republicans Greta in 712/42 commanded, with equal rights for this son of Lepidus - our propraetor - as for L. Aemilius Paullus = Paullus Lepidus, for whom he is has held up until now. (Mommsen G. R. M. pag. 633, note. 484). Appianus is in the habit of going everywhere There is talk of a Paullus Lepidus, whose name To mention Paullus, he never just calls him "Lepidus"^, which ^ C. V. 2 says.

118 W. Caland:

So probably in 710/44 the son of Le- pidus, Qnintus, with his father's brother-in-law after Orient, in the rank of Propraetor (not a Procon- suls, because Lepidus was subordinate to the Proconsul of Asia, cf. Mommsen State R. U.p. 233), received the order there help raise money, and maybe a commando against Greta.

So the result we come to is that the newly discovered propraetor of Asia, probably around 711/43 - 712/42 fnngirte, very well may have been: Q. Aemilius M. f. M. n. Lepidus cos. 733/21. son of Triumvirs M. Lepidus; at least this Lepidus is under of all the Lepidi we know, the only one who supports our cause can come into consideration.

On the cistophorus to the left of the quiver is written: Eat what- out it is clear that it is imprinted in Phocaea, from which A Cistophorus has never been found in the city. This seems to prove that we are here in the period of confusion are: the propraetor coined in Phocaea, his proconsul in Ephesus or Pergamum, a third perhaps easily somewhere else. In short, it was only as fast as possible possible to raise money. And this speaks for them The suggestion expressed above is that the Propraetor of Cistophores stood under Brutus in Asia, for his party Demanded tribute from the inhabitants of Phocaea, and of which cistophores made coins.

The name of the magistrate under whose care the Cistophorus has been coined, is clearly KAEYMENIAAZ. The name underneath is more difficult to decipher of the father, probably OIKIO^, if you take the. X for

A new gistophore. 119

may take a poorly formed K. The name Ohcig can be found Corp. Inscr. Graec. No. 12170 1. Otherwise would one would be forced to give a name that is as yet unknown OJ^K to accept.

Maestricht November 84.

Dr. W. Caland.

The ancient ones. Coins from the collection of the city of Wroclaw.

Two years ago, when I had the honor of visiting the Schlesi- coin cabinet of the city of Breslau in this magazine (Volume IX p. 75 fg.) to the numismatists for attention recommend, as I spoke at the end of this matter Treatise expresses the hope that it will be granted soon yet another division of the rich coin treasure to make the city accessible to study. This hope The goal has now been fulfilled: to my joy, I can to announce today that the ancient coins are now also in order net, cataloged and in a convenient, scientific order are set up.

As far as the provenance of these approximately 2,600 coins is concerned, is enough, we have it again this time - like with the Silesians - the church councilors at St. Bernhardin and St. Mary Magdalene for permission, that the churches owned are owned by the churches mentioned Coins mixed with the actually urban ones have appeared and thus a unified collection was established can be. The contributions are to this department from the collections of the churches both in number and more important in value than that of the Silesians, that of the city However, the corresponding coins - around 1,730 pieces - exceed those in both relationships are significant. From a- Individual collections include Thomas's in particular

F. Friedensbnrg: The antique coins of the collection etc. 121

Bhediger to mention the same on his travels brought together in Italy and after his death (1576) turned towards the city. It is the crown of our collection lungs and the foundation of the new cabinet, especially Rich in beautiful and rare Roman gold coins finest preservation. Also the Haunoldsche and the Menzel- sche collection have delivered a few good pieces, others again, over the centuries, individually in the seat of the city or the churches.

The newly formed Cabinet of Ancient Coins has — that Let's not hide ourselves for a moment - big gaps, which our means do not allow for the time being to fail We have very low bids available for purchases Naturally, the sum is to complete our Silesian ones Have to use rows. But what exists has so high value that it was a very worthwhile duty, in the end To display these coins in a dignified manner. But may he Readers judge for themselves.

The Greeks are our weakest team, we There are only 217 pieces (12 N and 105 M) sitting among them no outstanding rarities. But at least he is The educational value of this series is also one that should not be underestimated.

From the Roman Republic we have 357 pieces, almost all silver coins, so a very nice collection. The one by Trajan is probably a great rarity among them Restituted denarius of the gens Horatia with COCLES next to it Romakopf should be mentioned. Unfortunately that's a grave thing completely unrepresented.

The strength of the collection are the imperial coins which (including the very few Byzantines) almost 1970 pieces, including 84 N and over 960 M are available. Even the rarer emperors, such as Pertinax, Albinus, Balbinus, Pupienus, Vaballathus, Marius, Garausius, Allectus

132 F. Friedenibnrg:

are resigned. Among the RhedigerscfaeQ Goldmonzeii, nea a few freshly minted pieces from the older fao- stina and L. Veras through the beauty of the portraits aas , on the other hand, the following deserve recognition as special rarely to be over the gate: Septimius Severns with his son Caracalla, Rf. VICTORIA PARTHICA MAXIMA (Cohen') 6), Julia Domna Rf. VESTA Rnndtenipel, before i Vestals and 2 little girls at an altar (Coh. Addendum 9), Decius VBERJTAS AVG (Coh. 19), Postumns VICTORIA AVG (Coh. 186), Tetricus pater PMTR COSIIPP Standing emperor with angel and spear (Coh. 17). All of these Pieces and many other things could also be a big one Cabinet serves as an ornament. A more detailed examination Speaking, the following three coins seem to earn za ;

1) Aureos of M. Aurelius. M ANTONINVS ARMENIAC n Head in laurel wreath to the right. Rf. COS Dil Standing Woman with patera and hasta, facing left Marc But Aurel was only consul three times, so that's it to assume that this coin was fem from Eom at one barbaric people, or on their borders, where they cross did not know exactly what was going on in the imperial family, This assumption is supported by the fairly unsafe lettering and the not particularly Lung depiction of the back - the portrait is sad-

1) I'm still quoting the first edition by Cohen because I like the oeae Unfortunately there are no commandments here.

Di* «

■ MOueB of the Suualang of the Sudt BnslWL

lent characteristically reproduced - understated. The ScUdbb of the ATersom writing is supposed to mean PM, at least A similar tenor rank can be found in Marc Anrel not rare.

2) Supermftnze of Treboaianas Gallas from habitual normal size. Hj. IMP CAE G VIB TREB GAUVS AVG Bust with the jagged crown to the right, the portrait is fewer Grallns than Fhilippus senior. RJ. FIDES MILITVM Standing woman with 2 standards, a type that anf den Coins of the Philippus are common. Maybe too These coins were minted outside Korn at the beginning of Trebonian's reign, when his portrait was seen in the M&Dze not yet owned.

3) Aureus Constantine the Great, CONSTANTIN MAXIM AVG helmeted bust in armor with scepter and shield, whereupon a pus appeared from the. Ä/. VICTOR OMNIVM GENTIVM The emperor with a ball and has turned to the left Victoria standing behind him with a Palui branch puts the wreath on him. In the SMT section. Only those

124 F. Fiiedensbnrg: The antique coins of the collection etc.

Reverse of this coin is known, the same appears on the coins published so far only in connection with the Profile header. The approach to this is admirable Averse, especially because of the accuracy in repetition gave all the details of the emperor's magnificent armor.

Of these coins, the last one comes from the Menzel schen, the other two from Rhediger's collection. The fact that all three are real probably doesn't require any special explanation. idea: they have the royal official There are coin cabinets in Berlin, which she examines and declared it real.

May this beautiful collection be put together Study our science new disciples, but you yourself awaken good friends, so that one day a second Rhediger fill in the gaps that the munificence of the first one still has calm.

F. Friedensburg.

TTnedirt» Miiizen from the CretisoIed city of ITazos.

(AoB dem QriecliiHcheD.)

About a city existing in Crete called NaxOB Snidas says the following: “Na^ia U9og, ^ xQ^nx^ äxöp^. NälSee yaii n6itf K^r^f.'' This city is also run by the scholiast of Pindare cited'). Pashley's map shows the location of the Cretan Naxos near Spina Longa. But squat*) does not assume the existence of such a city on Crete by saying that their mention in Suidas ans a misunderstanding arose which changed the name of the naxi- the basis of the grinding stone, as it was also called Cretan, as well as the slight similarity in the name of Naxos the Cretan city of Axos, Oaxos or Saxos.

But the presence of these doubted Cretan The city of Naxos is now confirmed by coins from the same, which were found in Crete itself. This is what follows Description of this the numismatic geography by a Coins that enrich a city.

1) Itthm. VI, 108.

2) Crete. O&ttii^n 1833. B. I, p. 417 ff.

126 Lazy LuibroB:

1. Laurel-wreathed Aepollo head to the right. Rf. NOI^Ah tripod in recessed square silver ( Grams 11.72.

2. Same head. Rf. hO^ Dreiftiss XAKIi

Silver 6>^

Graanm 11.67.

In comparison with the two MQnzes described above let us also write the following two D to the Cretan Nasos No inscriptions on coins.

3. Head of Apollo wreathed in laurel to the right. Rf. DreifuBs Silver 6.

Grams 11.21.

4. Same head. RF. Dreifuss

Unedited coins from the Cretan city of Naxos. 127

After that we also have to go to the Cretan Naxos three others Assign coins, the first of which was from Mr. Comnus, ^) the other two were published by Mr. Warwick Wroth'). have become light; all three were by the gentlemen mentioned attributed to the Cretan Apollonia.

1) BeYue nomismatique 1865 p. 163 no. 7.

2) Namismatic Chronicle 1884 p. 12.

Paul Lambros.

9*

Contributions to Greek coinage.

Thracian Chersonese. C e 1 a.

1st Br. 34 m.

AVREL COMMODO(S) CAES AVC (f) CEAM f (see above). Bust portrait of the youthful Commodus, with robes, to the right. Ä/. CENIV . AEL • MVNICIPII COEUNI. Genius, beardless, with a bare upper body, standing to the left, on the right hand the statuette of Tyche, and in the left holding the cornucopia. Behind the deity, an ear of corn that has sprung from the ground. My collection lung. — Plate IV, No. 1.

2nd Br. 33 m.

AVREL COMMOAO CAEF AV. (C) FAM TAAMATICO The same bust on the right. Rf. CENIVM AEL MVNIC-I(P)II COEUNI. The same type, without the ear of corn. Alex. Butkowski. Both coins are distinguished from the previously known coins. ments of the municipium due to their size and the irregularities* moderateness of their writing. The transcription of the head is AVREL. COMMODO CAES AVG GERM • SARMATICO TO READ.

The ones in the description no. 1 book in brackets The letters S and r were smoothed out again in the stamp, but

F. Imhoof-Blumer: Contributions to the Greek mints. 129

not thorough enough to erase them without a trace. For R usually stands for /V, for S the symbol r. — CAEM for CREMna can also be read on a Pisidian coin, which also dated from the time of Commodus^).

3rd Br. 19 m.

P. SEPT. GETA — CAES PONT. Bust portrait of Caesar as a child, with robes, r. Rf. AEL . MVNICIP • CO - and, in section, EL. ship prora to the right; above that cornucopia. M.S.

M a d y 1 s.

4th Br. 16 m.

Female head to the left.

A Rf. M — A. Tortoise Lyra; left in the field wine Y

grape.

Gr. 3.68. - M. S. — Plate IV, No.2.

This hitherto unknown coinage from Madytos appears to be

to be considerably younger than the one with Taurus and Dog

as types.

Phocis. Delphi.

5th Br. 28 m.

ANTINOON HPQA nPOnOAOI AM

Photiades Pasha. — Plate IV, No. 3. Another one, but very incomplete in its inscriptions

1) Monnaies grecqaes 8. 887, 76; cf. A. t. SaUet, magazine for Nnm. XII, p. 863. The Munich copy of the KremnamOnze, otherwise poorly preserved, clearly marked A, without any indication of the head for R.

f30 ^' Imboof-Blumer:

Friedländer has a copy of this coin in the archaeological department Newspaper, 1869, p. 102, plate XXm, 20, published

The title nqonoXoq^ temple servant, — a predominantly poetic and unofficial name, which also comes from Inscriptions is known^) — appears here, as far as I know, for for the first time on coins and in connection with the amphictyons. These seem to have dedicated a sanctuary to Antinous and, in the gayest style of the era, the temple of the new god to have been called a servant.

Aristotimos, to whom we owe the dedication of the coin is, was, in contrast to the so-called nqonoXo^^ more real Priest, Isqsvg {jov''Avtiv6ovY\ and not at the same time Amphictyon.

Achaia.

Korinthos.

6. Br. 12 m.

Bearded head of Heracles, with Tänie, to the right. Rf, front part of the flying Pegasus, to the right; there- down E and ?. Gr. 2, 15. — M.S. This coin seems to be a piece, perhaps that Third, of the larger copper coins, which have the images the head of Poseid and Pegasus lead, and next to that characters? show changing letters and monograms').

7th Br. 13 m.

Dolphin to the left. Pearl circle. Rf. COR to the right of a rudder. Pearl circle. Gr. 2, 45. — M.S.

8. Br. 13 m.

dolphin to the right; above it is an inclined one trident; below CORW. Pearl circle.

1) C.I. Gr. No. 1653, 4000, 5778, 6202.

2) F. Lenormant, La Moxmaie dans raiitiqait6 III, p. 136.

3) Imkoof, the coins of Acarnania 1878, pp. 81 and 83.

Contributions to the Greek MOnzkande. 131

RJ. Laurel wreath. Pearl circle. Gr. 2, 06. — M.S.

9th Br. 15 m.

Melikertes, riding the dolphin to the right, and

holding a thyrsos with tänie over the first shoulder;

including COR. Ä/. In a spruce wreath, on three lines LABE. —

PEREG, — n VIR. Gr. 3, 40. -- M.S.

Melikertes with the Thyrsos is still a type of an

*

their Corinthian coin, with the image of the standing Isthmus on the other hand, known^). Both coinages date from the time of Augustus.

10th Br. 20 m,

AGRIPPINA C. CAESARIS AVG. (MATER). head of the older Agrippina, right. RJ. GENIVM — C. I. C. Genius, with naked torso, standing to the left, the right leaning on the plow, holding the cornucopia in his left hand. M. S. — TafellV, No. 4.

Cf. Mionnet II, 175, 203 (allegedly with the portrait of younger Agrippina), Suppl. IV, 64, 428, and Cohen, M^dailles imperial (2) I, 232, 8, where everywhere, undoubtedly more erroneous Wise, as a type of Fortuna with rudder and cornucopia is given

The usual attributes of the local genius with a cornucopia and sacrificial bowl, or cornucopia and cult image, as on the Coins of Goela No. 1 and 2. On the Corinthian coin The genius is depicted with the symbol of the colony, the plow. provided. As a bronze from the city of Apollonia Salbake shows, 80 the deity also appears with Tyche's own attributes. buten, cornucopia and rudder.

1) Mionnet. SnppL IV, 50, 338.

132 F. Imhoof-Blamer:

11th Br. 24 m.

M. ANT. rOPAIANOC AV. BrustbUd Gordians HL with ray crown and carapace, to the left; the 1st arm covered by the shield decorated with the Gorgoneion, and above this is, from the r. Side by side, a spear out. Rf. AHOAA — ÖNIATßN. — Genius, bare-chested body, standing to the left, the right on the control oars supported, and in the left the cornucopia holding.

Dresden. — Plate IV, No. 5. An almost complete list of what is known so far Types of Corinthian eonian coins, with 144 illustrations, appears around the same time as these contributions in the Journal of Hellenic Studios, Vol. IV ^).

Laconia. Eythera Island.

12. Br. 14 m.

Head of Aphrodite to the right of the one next to him Eros flying here. Rf, K— Y. Pigeon flying to the right, apparently one

Holding wreath between feet. Gr. 1.48. — M. S. — Plate IV, No. 6. Postolacca, in his Catalog of Island Coins No. 1046, describes a similar coin, but without an image of it to give unusual head type.

Crete. Gortyna.

13th Br. 35 m.

Tl. KAAYAIOI KAIIAP TEPMANIKOI ZEBAZTOZ.

Head of Claudius to the left. Rf. GEOZ — CEBACTOC. August US, wearing the toga dressed, sitting on an armchair facing left, in the

1) Fercy Gardner and Imhoof, Nomismatie commentary on Pausanias, I.

Contributions to the Greek coinage. 133

Holding an aphlaston on the right, the left on that Scepter, and the feet supported on a stool. M. S. ~ Plate IV, No, 7. This still known and undoubtedly found in Gortyna Minted bronze coin is characterized by its unusually beautiful Execution of her imperial portrait. On the simultaneous Silver coins with the head of Glaudius, also turned to the left the deified Augustus appears on an armchair or in sitting in an elephant quadriga and surrounded by seven stars give *).

Hierapytna.

14. p. 26/23 m.

IP— AP— V. between the legs of a triquetra; the whole thing surrounded by a wreath of leaves. Rf. Yordertheil of a boar jumping to the right, in

a wreath of leaves. Concaves field. Gr. 11.31. - M. S. - Plate IV, No. 8. The provenance, coin barrel and factory of this didrachm certainly point to Crete, there is no doubt that that its inscription IPAPV as a form of the name Hiera- pytna is to be understood. The city name also appears to be so ^Ifonvtra to have been written, analogous to that every now and then, However, the spelling 7|^ nohg^ for ^kqdnohq (on the Euphrates), ^Igotfolv^ for ^IsqofSoXvika, etc.

The coin belongs to the same era as the beautiful ones Didrachms from Phaistos with the wreath surround'), namely the Time around 400 BC Their types, of which the Triquetra There are very few for Crete, but they do not return on any of the later ones Characteristics of the city again').

1) Mionnet VI, 676, 433 and 434.

2) Mos. Honter, plates XLII, 20 and 21; Gadalyäne, Recaeil Plate 111, 12.

3) Cf. Monnaies grecqaes pp. 217, 28 and 29 (Zenskopf B$. Palm and Adler, on 300 t. BC) and 30 (Tychekopf Bi, Adler and Palme, 2 and 1. century BC) and the late tetradrachms with the Athenian types.

134 F. Imhoof-Blumer:

Cilicia.

Diokaisareia.

A. von Sallet wrote in the Journal for Numismatics, Vol. XII, P. 367 depicts a coin from Diokaisareia, on which he, not without probability, read the word HAIOC, and the same to Zeus, who crushed a giant, as an epithet of the god, believed to be allowed to refer.

A copy of the same coin can be found in the Vienna collection. It was already written by Froelich*) and Eckhel') published and discussed, and later also by Mionnet in his volume III, 578, 198, as an alleged coinage of an Eiliki town of Dorou. recorded. On the downside of that The piece was namely OA-AGJ-PeCdN BOC (year 372) and Heracles seen fighting a giant.

The two copies in Berlin and Vienna complement each other mutually, so that the latter can be described as follows: 15. Br. 26 m.

AYPHAIOC—KAICAP. Head of the youth M. Au-

relius to the left.

Rf. AlO—(KAIC:A)-Pea)N. Zeus, with flowing hair

and flying Chlamys, to the right towards one

facing giants advancing, and with the

Raised right hand, hurling lightning bolts at him.

above the group, OA—BOC. Vienna. — Tafel ly,

No. 9.

The inscription OA—BOC apparently forms a word, and

not the abbreviation of such (OA . . .) and the date

BOC; for none of the coins of Diokaisareia, from the beginning

of the coins except for Philipp, shows a year. Would be

to refer the word to Zeus, it should probably say "Okß^g,

1) Qaatuor tentamina p. 203, with the head of Mark Aurei irrthflmlicli right - instead of left.

2) Doctor num. yet. III, pp. 54 and 55.

Contributions to the Greek coinage. 135

•

em an inscription from Lysimacheia known epithet of Oottea^). But it says "OXßoq^ and that word, on this one Coin, certainly not as an official's name and probably over- should not be understood as a proper name (e.g. of the giant), So it seems to be intended to express what is actually his The concept is similar, namely happiness, prosperity or confession as on other coins the inscriptions Evßoaia^ Ev^vUz^ JmQBa XL s. w.')« This explanation from hXßoq may be somewhat strangers because the inscription has no relation to the picture seems to be correct. However, there are others Cilician mouths, which are no less strange, like e.g. B. the word dgTvyo^'Qa “quail hunting^S on Tarsian coins from the time of Antoninus Pius'), under whose reign also the bronze is minted by Diokaisareia.

The fact that I consider the* coin to be Cilician comes from the already said. From an allocation of the same Sepphoris-Diokaisereia cannot be the reason, because the coins of this city always have the form AlOKAIcra^«*«^ ICPAC ACVAOV, or similar, show as a copy^). What about is what you might expect to find on the Cilician coin Designation AAPIANGJN in front of the resident's name. These are but so far appears first on coins from the time of M. Aurei, while the piece in question here, with the portrait of By the way, Caesar's M. Aurelius, minted under Antoninus Even the simple resident's name wouldn't be conspicuous next to it simultaneous more complicated inscriptions. For Cilician Diokaisareia also speaks of the written character of the coin, so like finally the type itself, the fight against the Gi*

1) C.d. Gr. Ko: 2017«Leba8 and Waddüigton, Inscr. T. II, No. 1466.

3) Moimaies grecqaeB, 8. 50S, Register.

8) Mionnet UI, 622, 412; Sappl. YII, 258, 400; m. S. Daily de Luynes, Etodes nam. aar le cnlte de H^cate, 8. 100 ff. — *0(^vyo^Qa stands buc Side of the common Tychetyptiu clay tarsus.

4) De Sanlcy, Well. de la Terre-Sainte, p. 327 ff.

136 F. Imhoof-Blnmer:

ganten, which, more often wielded by Athena, is also found on bronzes of neighboring Seleucia and, I believe, on others pieces from Diokaisareia and those from Tarsos Apart from the well-known one, often found on coins from Seleucia, coming images of the F US s rushing in on a giant Athena, from whom our plate lY, No. 10 the illustration contains a particularly beautiful example from Gordian's time, there is, on a bronze of the same city, with Garacallas Portrait, another representation of the battle where Athena from a four-horse team consisting of two of the monsters (Plate IV, No. 11). I now think it is likely that in cases where Athena is ready to fight or fighting in one Quadriga rushes in, the goddess as if marching against the giants is to think. The legend also speaks for this view Athena Hippia^). Therefore, one becomes the type without hesitation a well-known coin from Diokaisareia (Garacalla) and an inedirted one from Tarsos (Maximinus) also on the Be allowed to engage in giant combat. The image of the latter appears here on plate IV, no. 12; the other, where Athena is in conflict dare rushes to the left, holding the Aegis and lightning bolts away hurling, is archeol in the Annali deir institutes. II, 1839, p. 355, plate £, 5 and in H. de Longp^rier's Oeuvres, 1883, II, P. 11, plate 1.5 given. A good example of the latter The coin is also in the Dresden collection.

Here is the description of the one on plate IV, no. 10-12 off formed coins of Seleucia and Tarsus: 16. Width 30 m.

ANTßNIOC— rOp^AIANOC CeBATOC (see above). chest tube Gordians III, with radiant crown and robes, righthiu; stamped A on the neck. Rf. CeAeYKCß-N Tß nP — and, in the field on the left — OC KA — AVK. Athena on foot, with spear and shield, right-hand hiu fighting a giant facing her.

1) Pausanias YHI, 47 f.

Contributions to Greek Monzology. 137

This is depicted with his arms raised high, by

those on the left (as on the coin of Diokaisareia)

is covered by a garment; holds in the right hand

he has a stone to throw. — M. S. — Plate IV,

No. 10.

See Mionnet III, 604, 313 and SuppLVII, 243, 340. Der

Stone in the giant's hand is on another coin

my grace, with the head of Severus Alexander,

larger and clearer than on No. 16 shown.

17th Br. 32 m.

(AVT.) KM-AYP. — ANTSNINOC. Head of Cara calla, bearded and wreathed with laurel, facing right. Rf. CeAeVKeßN KAAV. Athena from vom, the spear in the raised right hand, and the shield on the left Arms, standing in a quadriga, their horses shown diverging to the left and right are provided. In the foreground two snake-footed ones Giants to the left, one of whom was killed hit, lying on the ground and the other in the process stands to hurl a stone. — M. S. — Board IV, No. 11. I already have this coin in the Monnaies Grecques pp. 364, 46, but without an illustration to give. Unfortunately, the condition of the piece leaves much to be desired left.

18th Br. 38 m.

AVT. K. r. lOV OYH • MAZIMBINOC C. chest bUd of Maximinus, with laurel wreath and robe, right-hand between n. - 17. Rf. TAPCOV in section, THC MHTPOnOAeOJC and, in the AliK-TB field. Athena in a qua^ driga, as on No. 17, without the giants. — M.S. — Plate IV, No. 12.

The giants are among the rare phenomena

138 F- Imhoof Blamer:

Greek coins, and, as far as is known so far, come except for the Cilician ones mentioned, only for the Phrygian ones Imprints, namely those of Akmonia (Ö^ordian EI.) and Bruzos (Maximinus and Maximus). In both places is Zeus enthroned, depicted with bowl and scepter, and below him two snake-footed creatures facing each other gants holding up the image of Zeus with one hand seem. But while on the coins voji Akmonia the Giants grab one of their tail tips with the other hand hold together (Plate IV, No. 13)^), they appear on those by Bruzos each armed with a stone, apparently not Zeus, but themselves throwing it at each other*).

On a coin of Ionian Magnesia, with the head Garacallas, can be found at the foot of the r. standing Athena snake-footed titan Atlas, with both hands the polos resting on the head'). Atlas appears humanely educated on a bronze medallion of Antoninus Pius^).

Depictions of giants on Roman coins belong also among the rarities.

The giant, who seems related to the sea deities Denarius of the gene Valeria^) is found on a denarius of the Gens Cornelia again, here with the four-horse team "Group of Jupiter rushing towards us".

1) Waddington, Beyne Num. 1851, pp. 155 and 156, plate VI, p. Bhi second ExempUM^, from the same stamp, in Manchen.

2) Mionnet lY, 246, 311 and Suppl. Yll, plate XU, 2; Ch. Lenomiant, Gallery mythoL p. 18, plate IV, 12.

3) Panofka, Dissertations Numismatiques 1832, plate XUXj A, 1, and Mionnet, Suppl. VIT, 381, 300, erroneously attributed to the 1 yd of magnesia

Instead of enCTPMAYP.etc. is enirPM AYPeYPOVAOVMArNHTQN

to read.

4) Gh. Lenormant, Gal. myth. Plate YIII, 1; W. Froehner, Lös mMail lons de l'empire . romain, p. 64, with illustrations;, Cohen, M6daille8 imp^r. (2) Vol. II| 366, 1005 with ill.

5). Cohen, MM. consnl. p. 322, 19 plates XL, 12; Friedlaender, in the Magazine f. Number IX, p. 7.

6) Cohen, a. a. 0. p. 101, 1, plate XI7, 1, and m. p. plate IV, no. 14.

Contributions to the Greek Ufinzkonde. 139

On the already mentioned medallion of Antoninas Plus (see 8. 138 note 4) and on another of the Commo the ^) is the Altar decorated with a relief depicting Jupiter on foot fighting giants. The same image appears as Type of some of Diocletian's gold coins (Plate IV, No. 15)*).

Jnpiter, one or two giants from his four-horse team fighting ans, you come across a medallion of Antoninus Pins'), and on denarii and medallions of Septimius Severus^). From the same representation on the famous stones of li^aUdv in Naples, gives our plate IV, No. 16 a number education, after a course that was not perfect Reprints of the original.

Judaea. Agrippias.

Sestini published in the Lettere num. contin. VI, p. 103, 1 a Jewish copper coin from the Munich collection, with the alleged inscriptions BAIIAEYZ ATPinnA MErAAOI L • E and ANOHAFiN BADAEYE AfPinnA. With Becht, de Saulcy doubted *) and Madden^) the validity of the reading given; alone neither one nor the other liked the small amount Make an effort to look for the interesting pieces The storage locations of the same should be inquired in more detail.

The coin in question is undoubtedly eight and indefinitely leads; but despite its pretty appearance, the small and

1) Cohen, MMaiUes imp^r. (2) III, 268, 257, illus.; Froehner, a. a 0. a las, Fig.

2) Cohen, a. a 0. (1) V, 182, 60—62.

3) Ch. Lenormant Gal. myth. Plate lY, 4; Cohen, a. a. 0. (2) ü, S66, 1004> Fig.

4) Cohen, a. a 0. (2) lY, 29, 248 and 30, 250, Fig.; W. Froehner, a. a. 0. 8. 157, Fig.

5) Chronology of the life and money of the kings of Agrippa I and U. Paris 1869, p. 55.

6) Nom. chronide 1875, p. 68.

140 F* Imhoof-Blnmer:

fine writing of the legends, due to the porous condition of the Surfaces can only be partially deciphered with certainty. The Description could be something like this:

19. Br. 13 m.

(BADAEßE) Ar— PinnA ArPinn(EaN). Bust portrait of youthful Aggrippa 11, with robes, left- back, before the same L • E (year 5). Rf. (BAZ Arpnn)A-

The fact that the autonomous copper coins with the simple installation writing ArPinnEßN *) not here, but to Pbanagoria listen, has already been shown repeatedly. A similar piece, with the inscription of a Bosporan king, who recently As Mr. Podzhivalov made known'), also highlights this last doubt about this allocation.

Ascalon.

I have one in Number Journal XVI, pp. 293, 148 small copper coin of Alexander Balas, which to belong to my type because of the mint of Arados seemed.

Since then, Mr. Walther von Molthein has been kind to me to say that he owned a second similar coin, which has the inscription BA • AAEE next to the aphlaston, above that Date ^EP (166), and below show the letters AIK, and that he received both coins with about 30 other Ascalonite coins Pieces in the years 1865 and 1866 from the ruins of

1) De Saolcy, Nam. de la TerreSainte, 8. 235, 2 and 8.

2) Description of unedited monies etc. Moscow 1882, pp. 25, 84, Plate II, 45.

Contributions to the Greek MOnzkonde. 141

Adntlon had received. This report and the initials AEK seem to be responsible for the attribution of the little Alexander mttnzen be decisive after Ascalon.

As I can see, de Saulcy already noted that in the Memoire snr les monnaies dat^es des Seleucides, Paris 1871, p. 27, a similar piece with AEK and the Datam eHP, also assigning the same to Askalon.

Winterthur, April 1855.

F. Imhoof-Blumer. •

fgJliArift for ÜBBrinMtik. XIIL 10

The Krossener Bracteate

The rare bracteate shown above, which has a standing figure with 2 palm branches, around it the inscription CRO — SSfl shows is by Köhne in his magazine Volume IV p. 46 dem Margrave Johannes IL of Brandenburg was settled, which, according to Kühne's statement, was Krossen in the years 1274/77 supposed to have owned. This information, which probably from Buchholtz's attempt at a history of the Churmark Brandenbui^ is borrowed from where it can be found on p. 229, has been used by everyone since then writers who mentioned this Bracteate*), in particular by Beyer Wykopalisko Wielenskie p. 8, by Schlumberger p. 168, von Dannenberg in Volume VIII p. 175 d. Z., one can probably say: unseen, recorded and reproduced and has also found in Grote's family tables (p. 224). But she is incorrect.

In the dispute between the sons of Henry II of Silesia

1) They can be found in V. Sanrma's armorial book of the Silesian cities not.

F. Friedensbarg: The Erossen Bracteate. 143

In 1251 the youngest of them, Eonrad, became powerful of that part of the country which later became the duchy Glogan formed, especially around the important Krossen Castle there^). We find him until his death (1273 or 74) the latter is in possession of several of his documents issued there (e.g. Regesten No. 1086 from 1261, 1313 of 1268, 1356 of 1271). After his death bought his widow Sophie, née Margravine of Landsberg, in one issued in Leipzig on October 9, 1274 Document (reg. 1477) Castle and town of Krossen together with accessories hear and 400 marks Freiberger weight and silver annually Income to Archbishop Konrad of Magdeburg and his Church. But after just two years, Duke Henry IV arrived. from Breslau these territories, also through purchase back for Silesia, an event that is not by a letter issued about it and still received, but probably through various, mutually consistent, Therefore, worry-free chronic news appears secured (Grünhagen p. 95 and Regesten p. 217). The tragic fate The sending of this talented and manly prince led within Recently again a change to the Krossener ownership conditions. When Heinrich was told by his uncle Bo- Leslaus III. Saevus was attacked and held prisoner The people of Brandenburg also thought it was time to put old demands, which they thought they had for the Breslau princes, drive. King Ottokar of Bohemia now, the personal Attractions to Heinrich and political interest in the shaping the Silesian conditions for the investigative office who invoked this confusion, initially presented the Brandenburgers peace. Accordingly, Otto (V.) Margrave of Branden documents castle around Easter 1278 (Reg. No. 1524), he had met with Duke Henry of Breslau regarding this and that

1) Grünhagen, History of Silesia, Gotha 1884 (hereinafter referred to as “Grfln- hagen^ quoted) p. 81. “Regesten” means “Regesten” by the same author aar Silesian history'* (Volume 11, Breslau 1875).

10*

144 F- Friedensbnrg:

Damage inflicted on Uncle Weiland Duke Wladislaus compared that he got from the same 3500 marks of Bantzen silver and Brandenburg weight should be received in three installments, for which&r The castle and town of Krossen along with all accessories were pledged to him had been. Claim from the income of these goods he only had enough for a total of 300 marks, which he could use to earn maintenance of the fortifications and other expenses be, come out. This contract is caught in place of the The duke was closed by his barons and Käthen and there were King Ottokar, Bishop Bruno of Olomouc and Duke Heinrich von Glogau fCU' guaranteed its fulfillment This property was also only a short one; the duke had already sold it in 1279 Heinrich reinstated the deposit for 6000 marks (Grflnhagen p. 99) and kept it until his death in 1290. (See Grünhagen p. 115.)

The further fate of Krossen, that only in the year 1482 Margrave Albrecht in the Glogau succession dispute permanently fDr Brandenburg acquired, are of no interest at the moment. Because it seems undoubtedly that the bracteate in question was minted between 1270 and 1280 because, like Dannenberg in this magazine vol. VHI p. 175, with bracteates jo- Hannes I of Brandenburg was found together and also occurred at Filehne. The time of its creation therefore coincides with I'm currently in the period of frequent changes of ownership and it will It must now be examined to which gentleman it should be assigned.

First of all, it should be noted that the external habitus of this Coin doesn't look Silesian at all and quite apart from that the totally different large Silesian bracteates wide and highly raised edges also make those Coins, especially the Gross-Briesen find, which one because of their flat shape, after those bordering Brandenburg Districts must have a different impression. It likes this This is because those pieces are older and their representations positions belonging to other circles. Anyway, we are m. E. unable to describe our bracteate as that of Duke Hein-

The Krossener Bracteate 145

rieh IV. to look defeated, although in itself the possibility would not be ruled out, precisely because, as I said, in those The Silesian coinage differed from that of Brandenburg has been influenced.

On the other hand, the appearance of our penny speaks in its favor Eöhne's view at least insofar as it is completely like a Brandenburg pfennig from the last quarter of the Xni. Century looks like. It is also striking Thin palm branch, which the person depicted is carrying, is applied similarly one by E. Bahrfeldt in the Vienna numismatic magazine Volume XIII on plate VUI under No. 35 pictured pennies in the hand of a margrave. So there is nothing per se in the way of bringing the pfennig back to the time when the Margrave held it as a pledge To put Ottos on, that's certainly possible with the other accessories the coin was also pledged because it was mentioned in the cited document is not excluded. But that pawnmasters as such under They were allowed to mint coins in their own style and did mint them is undoubtedly proven by enough examples. There Now also during the Bracteate period the coinage changed a little. An obvious thing was, in cresses also possible There was already a mint before, at least Mint officials from nearby Brandenburg easily and quickly were to be used, the short duration of the Branden Burgenland rule over Kressen an allocation of ours Don't give pfennigs to Otto if you don't accept them claims that he got his 300 marks from his other income. can draw without first having to spend money and effort on the coin machine having to use.

However, it must be taken into account that what further There is no need for guidance, neither is the factory of our mint on Brandenburg also points to Magdeburg, which is why it It would not be impossible that the same happened between 1274 and 1276 could have been shaped under the rule of the archbishop, too- times it was in possession longer than the margrave. One could as good as the other person making money in cress, and that

146 F. Friedensbarg: The Krossener Brateat

The fact is that at Gross-Briesen and Filehne Moritzpfennige and related archiepiscopal ones of peculiar rough work have been found, suggests that the Magdeburgers Archbishops also influenced their eastern possessions, an assumption that already has enough probability in itself The inscription CR0SS8 fits equally on both sides. shear. As far as the presentation is concerned, however, that is missing the person depicted is the halo, but that there is no corresponding The decisive criterion probably doesn't need to be said become. What seems more noticeable is that the figure has one in each hand Branch holds, because apart from the stretcher referred to above I can't find any other feldtian bracteates at the moment Brandenburg coin on which the Margrave would be equipped with this emblem, while the same would be the St. Moritz is often included. However, since the palm branch does not belong exclusively to the saint, the circumstance but that the person depicted has a branch in each hand is irrelevant because this is the character chosen for the sake of the duplicity so popular with the Bracteates can be, in my opinion there is no way to make a decision one after the other in the other direction.

Through these facts and considerations our penny from the series of those that can be allocated with certainty to the series of those that cannot be assigned. agreed until a connoisseur, perhaps through comparison with safe coins, restored him to the former. So Regrettable in a sense it is also a negative result to replace a positive one is so urgently required this is science and truth.

F. Friedensburg.

To Hünzkimde of the Middle Ages. An unedited bradeate of Bernhard III, Duke of Saxony.

A written bracteate of Duke Bernhard, who worked hard in the Elze's assembly is still missing, but it will always be of interest Make a claim, even if it is not based on types or inscriptions is particularly strange. The piece pictured above did several years ago with numerous scabless bracteates of the later larger species, supposedly in Upper Achlesia, was found and is in my collection. The Depiction of the Duke with sword, flag and shield comes aof Bemharda Bracteates are not exactly common: only three of them the same (Elze n no. 31-33), all quite, it seems cities, they have. The closest in type is my coin Elzes no. 33, but it differs from the latter in that the character of their appearance and the surroundings writing It is not an outstanding work of art like that many Bemhard coins: the depiction is somewhat depressed and clumsy, only the shield and flag are tolerably delicate.

148 F.Friedensburg: A one-dirt bracteate of Bernhard HI.

The stamp cutter also has this when it comes to arranging the writing The tree at his disposal is not well calculated, hence the lower half of the X in DVX disappears behind the shield The clear inscription: BaRHffiR' DVX provides comments no reason. The weight of the well-preserved coin is 0.80 grams.

According to the character of the coin just described, which individual stamps of Otto U. of Brandenburg are quite similar, The same will be placed in the last years of Duke Bernhard have to.

overprinted bracteates.

While we talk about over-embossed and counter-marked antiques Coins have detailed lists and treatises, As far as I know, no one has yet dealt with these means old coins that have suffered a similar fate. And yet it is clear that in this area too Observing the imagined phenomena A lot can be learned can, especially for the chronology, which is particularly important no matter how much the mute Bracteates are in trouble. one, as it seems to me, also from the point of view of coin technology It is a strange fact that we do too have overprinted bracteates: one would think that they Thin silver plates do not prevent such manipulation. could hold, but would have to become brittle. This must However, it may rarely or never have happened, because it seems as if whether over-imprinted bracteates are not particularly rare. So I found the following after a cursory look through my collection Bracteates on which traces of earlier imprints can be seen let: 1) a large Silesian with the half eagle and

F. Friedeuburg: Überprigl« Bracteateo. 149

the half lily (??), 2) a Middle Elvish dynast from the End of the XIII. Jbrhdts., sitting on an arch, two balls holding, 3) an anonymous Magdeburg archbishop, in full Figure, with bishop's crook and cross staff between four towers 4) a small Lüneburg hollow pfennig. Others over- Prigongen, older than those described above, mentions Elze, the Bernhard's coins, booklet I no. 13 and II no. 69. Unfortunately, in In all of these cases it is no longer possible to determine which coins were used the new stamp has been pressed. The overprinting itself is in some cases executed with skill, so that the new Quality is clearly evident in others (e.g. at nos. 1 and 4 above compilation), neither the old nor the new representation is stellong quite recognizable. By the way, you have to be careful take the appearance caused by slipping of the stem pels are produced on the coin, with the over- exams, which they often look very similar to, switch.

A still unknown coin of Margrave AlbrechU of the Grand Master.

The coins that Albrecht of Brandenburg, Grand Master of the DeatscbritterordeoB in 1520 and 1521 and which are known to be among the greatest rarities hear are in Vossberg's history of Prussian coins

150 F- Friedensborg: Tsar Manzlore of the Middle Ages.

etc. described and discussed in detail. It can be found there- himself (p. 202 under No. 1231) the following quote from the Weissel chronicle:

“In 1521 round pennies were struck, that Piece for eight groschen, hold on grain 3 Loth and 31 pieces of shot were taken after the war bets on 4 shillings and the servants are with it been paid.^' Yossberg notes that this coin has so far been... I don't yet have a copy in my country's coin collections have it determined. The city of Wroclaw is now so happy To own the coin pictured above, which is undoubtedly the one from white egg is meant. It comes from the estate of im Rhediger, who died in 1576, gave his beautiful collection collection of ancient coins and some rare pieces from his time had attached. In the types she agrees with the “fourth” thaler" from 1520 (Vossberg No. 1227) correspond exactly, from which they only differ due to the lack of separators in the main side differs. Her weight is 5.42, she is whole little and only rubbed in the middle of both sides and shines especially after the preservation of the writing almost not at all to have been traffic.

F. Friedensburg.

The oldest coin system in Hanover.

In his second attempt on the bracteates there are Mader one of the well-known half-bracteates of Henry the Lions out on one side within the inscription: BRVNESWICENSIS a castle and on the other a lion with the inscription: HEINRICVS DVX. The piece is completely unrecognizable on the reverse side and shows on the Front different from all others the tail of the lion stylized in such a way that it ends in a cloverleaf. Mader sees therein an allusion to the coat of arms of the city of Hanover and concludes that the coin was minted in Hanover. Through the same interpretation it then gains a second one Coin for Hanover in a bracteate with the Guelph Lions on a crenellated wall, with four on its broad edge Clover leaves are arranged. The Royal Coin Collection Berlin has the last one in two copies, which, however, are different from that in that they take the place of the clover Leaves show four-petaled rosettes. Therefore this should also be the case madersche piece in fact clover leaves and nothing more have crushed and unrecognizable rosettes, see above In any case, there is no other option for these clover leaves deeper meaning than the rosettes: these as well as those have only an ornamental value. It's the same way too with the cloverleaf-like tail end of the lion of the first called coin: this education is definitely on the same level with the numerous others, which have the tail in lilies, pal-

152 Menadiers:

Metten and leaf foils of various kinds end up. In addition, the shamrock was not yet there in the twelfth century raised to the coat of arms of the city of Hanover the same still has no coat of arms at all, so in this respect This interpretation lacks any basis. We also own not a single certificate for the exercise of the right to mint in Hanover at that time, neither in documents nor in speech coins; and finally it seems impossible from the outset to be that Henry the Lion, to go beyond and- is possible, so diligently strives for the trade and prosperity of the To raise the city of Braunschweig, you, who only recently had one Mint preserved, one in the immediate vicinity in Hanover Rival placed aside and a new mint there I built a forge.

Only when Hanover and Braunschweig approached two gentlemen heard when the whites were divided in 1202 Land under the sons of Henry the Lion Hanover the Pfidz- Counts Heinrich, Braunschweig to King Otto and Lüneburg went to the younger Wilhelm, and thus to the Lord of Hanover Not only did consideration for Braunschweig disappear, but also The effort to gain Hanover had to take place in their place an independent market and trading place next to Braun- To keep quiet, those who advocated the establishment of a mint, see below Hanover meets the necessary prerequisites. If the Palatinate wanted Count exercised the right to coin money like his brothers, his lands create your own money and not rely on the distant coin Stade site is limited, which moreover in all probability according to different types of coins than those in the southern parts areas were common, so he had to get a new coin build. The fact that Hanover is given preference over other places held, was justified. Of course, we also look in the archives In vain for a confirmation, but this is testimony of the Bracteate is already evident in itself, which has the transcription: MONETA IN HONOVERE H. DVCIS and as an embossed image within Half of it is a cross that widens outwards

The fittest. Hanover's coinage. 153

Sdienkeln, which is decorated lengthwise with a string of pearls and a lion's head alternately in the corners of the cross and carries a figure, which, however, has a key handle is similar, but probably presents something different. (Beautiful- man, on patriotic coinage. A. 12.) The assignment the coin is beyond all doubt; in the cross, however a reference to the Count Palatine's participation in the Ereuz in the reign of Henry VI, as in the figures of the cross angels I think it's a sign of state sovereignty over the city not justified; It seems to me that the attempt is closer to recognize an independent coin type for Hanover create, although fundamentally different from the Braunschweig one and Lüneburg did not forget the white origin. denies. In any case, the coin is not isolated; that Cross without the figures in the angles of the cross is repeated on a second. also by the transcription as Hanoverian attested bracteates. (Schönemann a. a. 0. A. 13.) That these just MONETA IN HONOVER and the coin herm not named, is found in a Braunschweig Brac- teaten with the inscription: BRVNESWICENSIS MONETAI a Ge- counterpart, but is unlikely to be of political significance. What about the Count Palatine's other coins? which bear the lion in the field and only in the inscription the Münzherm as Count Palatine or Duke of Saxony It is difficult to name but not name a mint decide; However, I don't want her to work for Hannoyer. say, but would prefer to give them an origin one or two pieces to be added before the division year It is also possible to place yourself in a time other than after death Otto's contradiction fell away and the untimely death of The Count Palatine's desire for his son's court dwindled, his own sovereignty to continue the society and the reunification of all white people Landing in one hand was preparing.

Maybe it has something to do with that AnsQbang of the coinage law in Hanover by the Count Palatine is not

1 54 menadiers:

been claimed, but already during his lifetime in others hands passed. We have a bracteate, who carries a standing crowned lion and in the surroundings writing as MONETA COMITIS IN HON. is referred to, and with him belongs a second one, which is just MONETA IN HONOVEI calling themselves over two who share the transcription, towers spanned by arches shows the same lion. Dignity on the difference between this lion and the lion of the bracteates attested as Count Palatine also no (weight to be placed: the first transcription excludes every other addition instruction than that to the Counts of Rode or Lauenrode, Lim- mer or Wunstorf, which at that time was the Orafenge- held office in Hanover. But that is far from the case Count in peaceful association at the same time as the Count Palatine or on whose behalf the coinage is made, this is the same rather in a decided contrast to the other fishing gentlemen takes place. Like since the beginning of the century numerous counts and dynasts in the east of the ocher the coinage regal began to be exercised, so the Weifian leanings also began Counts in the west of the same attempted to take over this sovereignty right to take possession of it, according to the identification of the coins received the Counts of Wolfenbüttel-Peine, Hallermund, Wölpe, Lauen- rode, to which, however, a few others need to be added become. At the same time, they gained new income source and increased the violence in their area, which Counts of Lauenrode succeeded to the extent that they took control of the city Hanover was completely alienated from Welf rule.

This count's influence, which I have to offer, is long-lasting. next to be treated in detail in another context remember, in no case has it been in the White Lands; The dukes soon became master of them and thus... Their national sovereignty has not been brought to a certain conclusion. But today we are better informed about when this will happen Change occurred when in Hanover. It's still us Document from the year 1241 received (city's document book

The oldest coin system in Hanover. 155

Hanover I no. 11), according to which Duke Otto of the city of the dying branch of the Counts of Lauen- rode had ceded to the same (presentata est nobis et nostris beredibns) and thus according to the order chosen in the document drawing had returned to his true master (civitas Honovere dominum suum verum, nos videlicet, recognoscens ad manus nostras se reddidit) confirmed the old rights and new ones awarded. Since then, Hanover has been ducal again Coins ran out. Even if not in the documents next time, we have been meeting since the year 1300 instructions on Hanoverian money several times, so in the year 1300: pensionem sex solidorum monete nostre (Hann. Urk. 76.) 1308: triginta duos solides usualis Honoverensis monete (Hann. Urk. 76.), 1315: decem et novem solid Honoverensis monete (Hann. Urk. 126.) and censum triginta solidorum Honoverensis monete (Hann. Urk. 129.) Also in 1303, as for Eight captains were appointed to each quarter of the city, where citizens gather in the event of a commotion should, alongside a certain Albertus Leo, a Wemerus Mo- netarius appointed captain of the platea Gobelensis (right- Meier, Braunschweigischc Chronicle 1839. Grupe, Origines et antiqnitates Hanoverenses 274): of course we cannot be guaranteed commanded that the same is in fact a mint master and not rather it was a citizen named Münzer, especially since old coin not in the Köbelinger but in the western one Leinestrasse was located. Which series of ducal Brac- However, I can refer teaten to Hanover nr time not to decide: according to the arrangement of his in The ownership of the royal coin collection in Berlin was transferred Judging by the collection, Grote seems to be the Lehmker Found objects as coming from the Hanover mint to have viewed.

At the transition of the city from the count to the Duke, confirmed this, as already highlighted

old righteous ones and added new ones; ,^ra ejus et sta-

156 Menadiers:

tuta infringere non volumus tantum^ immo jus in statu meliori pih nere et profectum volumus aucmentare^'' leaves the one ^^^ura et statuta civitatis in Ilanovere. . . ntUlo modo volumus debiUtare^ sed pro nostris viribus et Dei adjutorio potius aucmentare^^ the other Copy of the document declaring the Duke. (Hann. Urk. 11.) This is how the citizens of Hanover were treated with regard to customs and Taxes are equated to those of Braunschweig and they are given the benefit traded their goods throughout the Duke's domain allowed under the same conditions, they were given allows its authorities to take over the ducal coinage to be allowed to watch so that wits and imps, shot and grain, be maintained. “Renovatio denariorum de consensu consulum ordinabitur^ ita ut nee falsitas in materia nee levitas in pondere possü inveniri."' It can be assumed that the city itself was not content with owning the right on paper, that she rather handled it diligently: is another matter, however it is whether the citizenry has always been able to do theirs Rights must be fully enforced in every case. The only one between the municipal authority and the ducal mint At least the argument that broke out in the master, about which we were Most of the news has come in this regard to think. The one about Hanover's burgensium reports: ^^anno Domini MCCCXI Arnoldus Suring monetarius dedit litteras dominis consulibus, qiuditer novi denarii exire deberent hmus aitni, quas in uno articuloj videlicet quod per marca Bremensi viginti et quattuor solidi dare deberet^ non servavit\ item pronuntiari petivit^ quod coram judicio unicuique vel coram nobis de incusandis saHs- facere voluerit, quod fuerat pronunciatum publice; et postea negaxnt considibus, nee eisdem iusticiam facere rennuü; item dicebat coram domifio duccj quod domini consules ab eo dictas literas eatarserüU contra suam voluntatem.'' (p. 326. Hann. Urk. p. 138. Note)

Such non-compliance with the agreements in subject the content of the newly minted pennies and refusal the mint master had to be at the right of the city authorities this one, liked the case the only one of its kind or one of

The oldest coinage system in Hannoye. 157

Tielen, suggest that the exercise of the right to coin money should be completely to take possession of the dig and any involvement of ducal officials office to be excluded. On the other hand, at that time The Duke's view of the state has little bearing on the claim of a right that could neither be handled freely, could still produce significant returns. The punch treasure was of course handsome, and the disrepute of old and output New coins never happened without a considerable profit; but this income, which in itself was quite significant, was gone Pledges and instructions of every kind are in any case greatly exceeded. burdens. This is how a document from the year 1320 begins (Hann. Urk. 142): “tc Conrad van Salder ^ ridder, unde dre mine sone, Johan, ridder^ unde Conrad unde Bode^ servants^ confesses in desseme opene brevcy beaegheU with user drier ingheseglen, daJb de noble Vorste^ her^ toffhe Otte van Brunswick ande van Luneborch^ with the sake of one 9one Otten ande Wühelmes heft us ufide our right erven put the house to Halremunt, and the keifte des wicbeldes to Eldag- Hessen unde den toln to Hannover unde teyn Bremer marck gkeU which stretched out in the montie mil allee^ as it de van dem Bergke kadden, before seven teyn marks mark lodegkes sulvers, . /' ; so The surviving excerpt from the years 1330 - 1353 also holds belonging to the feudal register of the Dukes Otto and Wilhelm (Hann. Turk. 167.) some of these were at least before the year 1:^20 granted fiefs, namely: “42 Staties van Beten den tegeden to Ybbelstede and two kuve darstdves, and that borcklen, vif mark gkddes in der munte to Honovere .... 51. Jokan Wagenstede a camp in front of Sunte. Ylgines dore unde en kalf punt in the wMfde . . .'' These are only three cases, and the The sum of the pensions assigned to them is in itself ring: however, one draws attention to the incompleteness of our tradition If you take them into consideration, they too, the stated ones, are sufficient to justify the decision. Also the Halberstadt documents There are no longer any awards in their current holdings M8 on the coin and yet Bishop Ludwig was able to get it in 1363 l^finally the transfer of the coin to the city and cathedral chapter

ZiÜatkiifl tta NmnUBtttik. Xm. H

158 Menadiers:

explain, “Arf we with gudeme forethought tired hem Borehar^ the von Bruckterde^ doniprovest ilu> the Nuwenbureh, ande other- rem£ unseme hemeliken rode lifted vullen komeliken ghewegen unde betracMet major problems, unforeseeable differences and the whole landesy wante de munie iho half, so completely evil unde vomiclitet something with sleischaue tinze ande eweger gidde^ de Dar utghing ^ de us vorwarden unde we tho erven vorleghen hadden greven heren papen ridderen knapen goddeshusen unde borghereuy that we don't have to tell us about it yet bi mantiig^ hem, don't forget to hulpe and tell us all about it We wanted to come forward and encourage us All of us nakomelinglie and our Goddeshuse number eweehr liken konde to nut mer koinen^ so we unde de use erkesen condense. . . /' (Schmidt, charter stream of the city of Halberstadt. I no. 527.) Have similar conditions to those described here We also have to think about those in power in Hanover. Anyway fan- because the conflicting interests have the same balance: the coin was knighted in 1322 by Duke Otto the Strict. to the state, state and city of Hanover.

“We vanGoddes GraceOtto liertoghe toBruneswich ande lAtiMr borch^ de eldere'' THIS is how the document drawn up about it begins, ^^wiUet being known to all who hears his letter and set, dat We with vulbort user kindere, de we now hebbet ande eft us nocA children have been, and the user will report the price of the mmite unde wesle to Ilonovere vryg unde Udich unde unworn pon Allen saken with alme rights eweleken the gentlemen and the ridderen and the city of Ilonevere and the entire country of Aldus Deleke, that inen scarf nene penninge slan to Mundere, to dems Jump, to JEldaghessen, to Pattenhusen, to der Nyenstad and to Celle, still in Sloten and all over the country, within B&- grepen is, sunder to Ilonovere in the olden stad, the same pen^* ninge scolen menleke gan in all its wings and elots, unde in the lands, de to desseme kope ore ghelt ghegheven hebbeL We and we used erven scolen oc dat were ande bewaren with goden vlite, dat men differently nerghen uppe den slach penninge sla, de pen^

The Utest Mflnsweflen of Hanover. 159

catch seolen loten slan de riddere unde de rad to Honnovere, dar scolen Achte to sioeren to eneme iare^ ver riddere or servants >, de In his spirit, the sins of the ratman, that se scolen de penninge bewaren na toitte unde senses, so et The land and the city to Honovere nvtte si, wanne that iar umme came isy so scolen de ver riddere or other servants ver more stede kesen^ unde de ver radman other ver radman kesen Well, everything and your senses, you can see that you're cheerful and we're talking, dat se vor ghesworen hadden, datselve scal men don alleiarlekes. weret oc, dat de riddere or de servants darto nemende en setten^ or dat de, de se darto setten, des not don en wolden, so scold^n de ver radman the eighth makes hebben, so langhe, wente de an- whose vere darto have been ghekoren; datselve scolden de riddere or servants don, often radman dar nemende to ensetten, or ofte de se Darto pages, des not don en wolden, so langhe, wente de an- whose vere darto been ghekoren, weret oc, dat de penninge sec The other pennings have been presented beforehand^), in this regard scolden se nene not umme liden, still others nene vare draghen, sunder all things, de to der munte unde wesle hear, de scolden deg- here to on stan unde bliven. were oc, that one bisprake or that one Hinder an desseme kope words, often an ieneglien dinghen, so hirvor Bescreven is, dar scolde we unde use erven noble its bescrevenen stockpile things. ghinghe we oc af, God's not ne will, ane erven, so scolden de, up de de stad to Honovere ande dat land erstorve eder queme, de prebenomden lords, riddere, servants and borgere Foreknowledge that this is on all the pre-prescribed speech vestlike and sunder aUerlegge bewemisse halden, went se de stucke, de hir bescreven sint, umme ore penninge ghekoft hebbet; That's not the case were discovered, so in scolde de city ande slot and lant en not ktddeghen.

hirto hebbe we on whose grace gheven, that se moghen the ha- veren meten, so the ghersten, ane treden unde ane print, se

1) Probably the first known documented mention of the Inspection of roasting dishes.

11*

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86 mogJien se her in tons of copies, least U8 use rights tclent will van dem, de us tolent pßichtich sin.

dat desse dinghe vast undeewich bliven, hebbe we desien bref laten ghevestenet with uaen ingheseghele, de ie ghegheven na Gfoddes Bort dusent ande three hundred years in which two untiüinghesten years, to user Vruwen daghe to lecJämissen.^'^ (Hann. ürk. 143.)

Not a transfer of the right to mint for a specific The above contract therefore deals with a limited period of time, not on a pledge or any form of purchase, in which the reacquisition is either definitely in prospect taken or at least ensured as possible, sondeni about a perfect purchase in the best form, through which the Buyer's right established forever and before everyone Intervention on the part of the seller and his heirs is protected, yes even in the event of the ducal house dying out is ensured in such a way that the new state The homage to be paid to him is made dependent on the prior confirmation of the same. Accordingly, approved the duke's sons, the Junkers Otto and Wilhelm, and indirectly after the conclusion of that contract the content of this the same in a special document (Hann. Urk. 144) and hastened as soon as the Old Lüneburg house died out The presumptive heirs, Duke, were in safe prospect Ludwig of Braunschweig and after his premature death Duke Magnus of Braunschweig, among other things, the coinage privileges alloys to ensure. He wanted “de monte unde de wesle in the city to Honovere laten bi allerleye right direction unde wonheyt^ de ze had hebbet by uses leyven vedderen, hem Wylhelmee, unde an elder and a previous tide, and unllet se with ghantzem ghudeme will darbi beholden^*^ the former promises already in the Year 1355 (Hann. Urk. 339) and similarly in 1367 younger brother of the same: “unde ok by names de radman unde de börgliere der stad to Honovere de nu »ynt, unde alle öre nor comelinghe, and the mountain and the Wesle in the city of Honovere laten by allerlye reclde riche unde wonlieyt, de se haad hebbet^

The oldest coinage system in Hanover. 161

9amend eder hisunderen ^ hi our leven vedderen, hern Wühelmes^ unde syner elderen unde syner vorvaren tt/den, unde wiUet se mit ffudeme sake darbten beholden^'. (Hann. ürk 441.)

The sovereign's influence was thus found in Hanover. time comes to an end: only after the passage of centuries it was reopened under completely changed conditions. taken. However, the coinage that took its place was no less entitled, but with all the rights of the state magnificently equipped; it did not provide any city money, the value of which land area is narrowly limited, but land money, which is an equal amount Market area and the same exclusive authorization are granted was provided as the sovereign's money owned it. In which entire Hanoverian land, i.e. h. the part of the Count Palatine property that was shared between Albrecht and Jo- hann had passed on to the last, the late prince thnme Calenberg and the area of Celle, this was in Han- The money to be minted is recognized as the only valid one and any other coinage is prohibited, both in mouths, Springe, Eldagsen, Pattensen, Neustadt Hannover and Celle, Places that are due to this special naming from those are characterized in which a coin is temporarily adimiede was active, as well as in all other castles, such as in the entire country. Even beyond these limits, the Duke assumes the obligation for himself and his heirs to To ensure that the Hanoverian character does not imitated elsewhere and damaged by the imitation.

Accordingly, the coin fairness of the country went It is not transferred to the city of Hanover alone, but to the city Bitterness, the city and the entire country. The city of Han nover had neither the decisive preponderance over the togetherness of the other classes, such as the city of Braunschweig who in 1412 had the right to mint for themselves and the Gha- racter of the state coins for their pennies acquired, still is they must have been wealthy enough to acquire the Mttnz fairness required sum, the severance pay for

162 Menadiers:

the dukes, who depended on the annual yield of the coin, legal creditors and the purchase money to be paid to the Duke (Braunschweig spent 3990 silver marks on it) alone and to raise from our own resources. It is stated in the document In contrast to the entirety of those knights and servants spoken to those who have possession of the coin: this becomes It must be concluded that the instructions have not been completely replaced, but have partly been converted into property shares. If the city also had the primary interest, sit, to remove the coinage from the uncertainty that surrounds it subjected to the sovereign exercise, yet divided the landscape also has this interest. For the useful and pious The coin system was to be handled by the country and the city become.

But at that time there was no permanent body, which would have represented the city and country equally and which with the exercise of the jointly acquired right could easily have been entrusted. The Duke bets Therefore, it is determined that four councilors of the city of Hanover every year and four representatives of the knighthood and the country as coins gentlemen are to be elected who jointly control the coinage beings to handle and monitor. However, it passed manifold difficulties, this body everlasting completely SU received. Even the city of Hanover couldn't do one force Rathsherm to take the office of mint against his will Mr. to take over and had to in case of refusal settle for a fine and call for a new election like a provision of Hanover's city law from 1348 teaches. {,,Na goddes bort dtiaent iar unde drtr* hundred iar in deme aclU and verthegsten iare Vcdentinu De Rad old unde nye sin by eden upen gliekcytnen, Dat wen de ver muntr^ Lieren kesen to eneine iare monteheren to besende de acolen dat don^ and we don't have anything done, the scolde deme rade ande the city gheven before that iar teyn bremer mark, and the front ones vere seolden ' another one in the stede keen, where it didn't happen

The oldest coin system in Hanover. Ig3

€y» eder m«\" Patriotic Archives. 1844. P. 326). In order to re- It was even more difficult for the knights and servants who were without solid organization and uniform administration were constant Find willing representatives. In addition, that too good will to go hand in hand with the various parts not to be assumed constantly, but rather with every difficulty, Differences of opinion and interests mean a separation the same was to be feared. Without further care it would have In all these cases, the coinage system falters and becomes disorderly. must be advised: therefore the Duke decides from the outset- in that if a part should refrain from entering the body to assign representatives to the mint's association, the representatives of the other parts should be authorized, only those in the document to exercise transferred rights; and certainly also refers on these things the ducal promise, with all diligence and to want to contribute with all loyalty to any difficulties that may arise. to untangle and eliminate problems.

Nevertheless, the handling of coinage does not seem to be the case permanently in accordance with these provisions and completely uniformly to be done. The Hanover archive preserves an original kunde (Hann. ürk. 237) with the following wording: “Wy Thileke Heneken 9cne Vresen and Hermen van Evesscen confess in dyssem breve under do ingheseghelen^ dat de monteheren van des landes and the city weghene to Honovere with us ghedeghedinget hebbet^ and wy with on aldus danewis, that wy dysse tid tunsscen hir and syncte Meriens daghe and before over three iar scuüet to all thiden hebben dreitech lodeghe mark an penningen and an sylvere to the monte oke penninge to stand, ok hebbet se with us ghedeghedinget, of dat land unde the town of overenquemen that they want to transform the penninge eder vemyen, dat wy des volghen scun. Pre-screen all problems ding love wy den montherren antruwen unbrokelken to holdende. — vortmer wy Siwerd Scap, Ghsyseke van Luebeke de eldere, Thileke van Hoyersem and TJiileke Ludolves sone Vresen, God bless si, confess, that wy hebbet ghelovet and lovet in dyssem brefe under use ingheseghelen to do the things that have been prepared, that we dama

154 Menadiers:

within three nights^ warm wy therefore will be ghemanet^ de- ne broke ane engherhande voretogh deghere and ghenseUcen ermdlen toillet and skullet — this bref is ghegeven na Goddes bord dryt^ teyn hundred iar in the ver unde verteghesten iare^ to ayncte Mat' gareten daghe.^' In what capacity Thileke Vrese and Her- man von Evessen appear, whether as a representative of the knightly property that is not mentioned on the other side, or as private individuals, as well as what legal basis for the agreement We do not find out what lies at the bottom: but one thing emerges undoubtedly as the subject of the document that said Men at certain times a certain amount of silver and Pfennigs should be received for the purpose of minting new pennies (Bar silver and old money, called Garnallic, always forms). the material for making new coins) and that they do should be kept in mind that the expression itself adheres to the fixed to follow the decisions of the mint owners of town and country, Otherwise, the same independently and on its own account should undertake.

After all, the city of Hanover was from now on the main share and the actual decision regarding the coinage cleared. This is evident from the fact that they are half of the had to delegate the entire mint. It also occurs in the Zeal that she developed before the others who acquired to be able to practically exercise these rights as quickly as possible. You proceeded without delay to construct the necessary buildings^) those responsible for both the production of the coins and theirs Sales calculated, coin smithy and exchange office combined and were now given this name, now that name, and inability to cover costs from current income dispute, she had no qualms about raising bonds for this purpose - increase. Two related documents from June of The year 1322 has been preserved. One of them reads: “no.”

1) In any case, the old ducal coin forge was located on the Castle and was therefore not usable for the new Monz lords.

The oldest monk in Hanover. Ig5

consuUs civitatis Honovere efficadter et düucide presentibus protes- tamur^ quod domino Hermanno de Minden^ canonico Sancti Andree in HUdensem^ per XXIHI marcia puri argenti Hildesemenais port" deris et vcdoris^ positis et conversis ad comparacionem et fabricam camerarum , que dicuntur wesslebode^ trium marcarum puri argenti, Hildensemetms ponderis et valoris ad tempora sue vite vendidimus et presentibus vendimus pensiones in feste Mi/chaelis annis singidis persolvendas . . . (Hann. Urk. 145). The wording of the second, a document concerning a slightly larger sum is, insofar as it is The question here is: “no” igitur consules civitatis Honovere pre- sentibus litteris nostre universitatis sigillo auctentice roboratis düur dde protestamurj quod maturo concilio prehabito per quadraginta quattuor marcis puri argenti Hildensemensis ponderis et valoris Positis et conversis ad comparacionem et fabricam camerarum, que dicuntur vesslibode, vendidimus et presentibus vendimus domino Engelhardo de Elbingehusen^ perpetuo Hildensemefisis ecclesiae vi- carioy quinque marcarum puri argenti Hildensemensis ponderis et valoris pensiones in festo Mychaelis annis singulis persolvendas^ exeepcione eompensatione seu impedimento quolibet quiescente . . .*« (Hann. Urk. 146). Because the city doesn't deal with it the fulfillment of the bitterness towards her and the country - limited to the income obligations, but goes beyond them - is gone, teaches the Hohmeister chronicle below In 1324, a message about the reckoning of the oldest Coin lords, according to which knighthood and country of the city Coin because they owed a hundred marks (“hoc anno hebbe de Hannover cheerfully reported to each other with a view her Henrik van Wetberge, her Henrik Knigge, riddere, Johan van Sparbergen, Jacob van Harboldessen, Knapen, vortmer Johan van the Steinhuess de olde and Cordt van der Nienstadt and Herman Seldenbut de eider, so dat de riderre and knapen, proveste and The city of Hanover is guilty of this, bieben van der Munthe because of 100 lodige marks.'' (Hann. Urk. p. 138, note) Therefore, may It shouldn't be surprising that over time the... urban influence became increasingly predominant and decisive,

Igg MenAdier:

and finally the law of knighthood and land in relation on the coinage altogether was eliminated.

The documents cited already show sufficiently that there was no standstill in the coinage in Hanover found that the sovereign rather than the class Imprinting immediately connected, in perfect over^ In agreement with this, the purchase and purchase agreements are also sluggishness of the fourteenth century, to the extent that minted^ money comes into consideration, always on Hanoverian Pfenninge (Honoverenses denarii, Honoverensis moneta). Den ninety such documents, which are in the city's document book Hanover from the period 1330-1367 only two opposite, which are foreign coins delt: these two, however, concern a Lübeck inheritance (no. 392 and 428), so that they can hardly be claimed as an exception are take. The documents also show that the city Hanover long-term on the old bill according to pounds and shillings, according to which the pound was 20 shillings lingen or 240 pfennigs was calculated. In the one just now In the period described, it is the only common one and only against At the end of the century, as a result of the connection, in Hanover cooperates with other cities in matters of coinage occurred, through the bill adopted earlier in this Stamps and shillings displaced. 24 shillings or 288 Since then, pfennigs have been considered one mark pfennig.

No less do they contain, as far as they are available in print, at least one document, - a determination of the value and salary of the Hanoverian pfennigs. A purchase contract of The year 1381 reads: ^^dehentzig Mark Utbigea Säber» yo before the marg two pounds of liannoveracher pennies^^ a gl^ Chung, which by Bode (the older coinage system of the states and cities of Lower Saxony, p. 130.) an excellent explanation has found that under the not expressly as fine called Löthigen Mark, at that time the local silver mark is understood, whose salary is determined by the contract of Saxony

The oldest Mttnswesen in Hanover. Ig7

Cities from the year 1382 were set at 12^^ Lots of fine silver was previously lower, meaning 480 pfennigs of the remaining 10 cents worth of penny silver, they would have been completely important, swar would have had a higher silver content than that Loyal marks, but this is still equal to the intrinsic value came because, to win the batting treasure, you had to score more than 480 used to mint pennies from the mark. The gram of fine silver approximately 17 pfennigs, the daily value, would be the twelve- Idthige silver mark 26.25 Reichsmarks and the current Hanno- give away pfennigs worth 5 Reichspfennigs.

Just keep the stamp of the Hanoverian pfennigs to documents and chronic records, insofar as they have been have been announced, provide the information. That would be at the lack of inscriptions on the Lower Saxony coins of the 14th century a hundred for the determination of the Haunon pfennigs daaemd be disastrous: because even if we assume from the outset should take that the ones from the area and the century These coin finds will also have been preserved for us, even if we include them among those types that are not clearly defined I would like to say that in a relatively large number of years Gears and stamp differences are represented, so would we have a tentative and always questionable one approach can hardly be achieved. However, one happens strange turn in Hanno's coinage and trade policy verse and a happy coincidence that brings us the product of the same saved in some copies, additionally. While Sieb Hanover namely with the large and real estate property iperkehr calculated bullion currency for the first three quarters of the year connected to Bremen in the 14th century by the te^ending documents consistently on j^marcas Bremensis argentf^ or more specifically on y^inarcas Bremensis argenti Honove- rensis ponderis et vcdoris^'' or in another version on ^^marcas Bremensis argenti Ilonoverensis warandie^' are exhibited in Years 1382 then with the cities of the Saxon League, Goriar, Braunschweig, Hildesheim, Eimbeck, Wernigerode, Easter

168 Menadiers:

rode as well as Halberstadt, Quedlinburg, Aschersleben, Göttingen and Hamelin an agreement regarding the silver to be preserved content and the stamping to be carried out on the marrow pieces of common silver (Bode, p. 185) and also in the The following period in matters of coinage was in accordance with This will have mostly happened, at least in advance also a connection of Hanover to the Wendish cities took place in the minting of the coins. In your* muni- Statute of the year 1406 is among the agreeing cities In addition to Lübeck, Hamburg, Lüneburg, Wismar, Hannoyer was also called (Grautoff, history of the Lübeck coin base up to years 1463; historical writings vol. 3, p. 192) and how short- Constantly also the expression of Wittenpfennigen from sides It may have been from Hanover, but a vintage of the same has been preserved and twice in the coin collection of the Royal Museums represented, into which he transferred from the former possession of Grotes. has gone.

Is the same one already from Dr. J. and A. Erb- Stein discussed in the catalog of Schellhaas' collection and depicted, I still stick with the meaning of it the repetition of the illustration (Plate V no. 28) and a more detailed one Respond to him as required. Probably not one on either side Helmet decorated with three clover leaves but rather the one with one Crowned ducal Braunschweig-Lüneburgi see Flelm with the peacock feather decoration (studded with peacock mirrors Horns) to the side as a coin image, he points between one Inside and outside pearl hoops on one side Transcription borrowed from Lüneburg Wittenpfennigen: SIT»LAVSxDEO PATRI and on the other hand he is called MOtteTÄJROßOVGRe referred to, and during the former transcription a simple cross worn on the head, a clover leaf takes its place in the latter with the tip pointing downwards.

The first thing to note is that this usage of the helmet as a coin image in the area of Wittenpfennig minting stands completely alone. All cities except Hanover, both

The oldest mint in Hanover. 169

for the time and permanently influencing Witten, such as Lübeck, Hamburg, Wismar and Lüneburg, as well as the smaller ones, depend on them and then constantly use the shield and armor pen figure or temporarily after the treaty of 1403 Shield itself, but never the helmet. Hanover has the type 80 little based on the customs of the Wendish cities chosen that, despite the close connection, as he expresses himself by name in the transcription, forced to preserve the traditional type and move it from the bracteates that had previously been minted alone to the new ones zo formative Witten to transfer. Even apart from this one In contrast to the other mint cities, Hanover, If he had had any choice at all, it would hardly have been possible at the time have resorted to this type: in a time in which Braunschweig already has the national symbol, the leopard banned from coins and replaced by their own coat of arms, the leaping lion, Hannover would be at one It is difficult to replace a sovereign sign with the other who have replaced them. Because as such the helmet is with the Pan feather decorations should only be considered and may be viewed as such we also predict it for the older coins of Hanover- put. The ducal helmet only has a crown for a short time Goal of the time of the Wittenpfennig accepted by being at the Lords of Hanover first on a seal from Duke Magnus with the chain from 1371 (v. Schmidt-Phiseldeck the seals of the ducal house of Braunschweig and Lüneburg 8. 29. no. 200) which depicts the helmeted duke on horseback and then on a seal of his son Henry the Milden from the year 1406, which is in the warped quatrefoil lion Scliild and helmet with crown, plume and horse shows (ibid there p. 33 no. 225) and is therefore unlikely to be significant find older coins: but the ducal helmet itself is enough from the mint image of the Hanoverian coins, at least to earlier ones times and is the original type of it can be traced back to the treaty of 1322, in which

170 menadiers:

burnish the stamp of the Hanoverian pfennigs through domination and landscape were identified and its existence was guaranteed. Only then did the Duke have sufficient influence on this Hanoverian coinage in order to assert its sovereignty in the area Mint coins for recognition of those not belonging to the sovereign bring, and on the other hand, nothing was closer than that at the time Grab a helmet as a coin image. Do you also distance yourself from it? the assumed assertion of the ducal state Your Highness, who was appointed guardian of the stamp: the estates that unite to mint coins, knighthood^ The city and state of Hanover could only live in a sovereign state symbol find a symbol they have in common, and since the shield emblems of the ducal house, the lion and the leopards as mint marks one in Lüneburg, the others in Braun- Silent had already found permanent use, but it was on it arrived, an impression that was very different from all the others To choose, the helmet turned out to be the only one that could still be used characters'). Nor was this election unheard of and without anyone Process: the ducal helmet also appears in our seals towards the cities of Gandersheim and Gelle and the city of Nord- hausen was already related at the beginning of the twelfth century next to the shield symbol of the imperial eagle, the landgrave's Helmet with the lime leaf decoration as a coin image. As an annual and symbols can also be found on the Braunschweig helmet. riding on old Braunschweig bracteates.

However, we are not dependent on relying on this Rather, discussions have to be limited to those that have been preserved Coins themselves provide tangible evidence of the conclusions drawn: only that it was necessary to establish the same

1) At the same time, the helmet first appears as an independent seal image namely in the seal of William, the son of Duke Otto the Strict." as we have received in documents from the years 1323, 1340, 1363, 1365 (▼. Schmidt-Phiseldeck, the seals of the ducal house of Braonschweig nnd Lüneburg, p. 9.) It stands to reason that these things are connected increase.

The oldest coinage system in Hanover. 171

an average of 0.51 gr., which is marked with the S (Fig. 17) in three specimens. plan 1.47 gr. so an average of 0.49 gr., the one with the Lions (Fig. 16) in three copies 1.45 gr. so average Lich 0.48 Gr., and the one with the B (Fig. 17) in three copies in order to comply with the current regulations determine the new order from the outset as the more justified one. We have a considerable range of bracteates the image of the ducal Braunschweig-Lüneburg helmet, of which are in the possession of the Royal Coin Collection are compiled in illustrations on Plate V - Den Helmet itself only on a small scale at the lower edge In the field, they show primarily this diaracteristic helmet decorations with short peacock feathers covered Homer, and in the middle of them a symbol. Like from the diversity of the latter, which soon appears in different like stars, balls, Bingen, soon in individual letters, soon in heraldic emblems such as eagle, lion, horse, in the youngest Greemings in the cloverleaf exist, but sometimes also on are referenced to the edge of the coin or are completely missing wealth in vintages, the extremely diverse different representations of the helmet decorations, some larger ones Groups in which the homers soon fit tightly to the helmet now appear separated from it, now in a point, now in end of a ball, now blunt, now a single folded arches, now forming a coil, now the peacock feathers tightly packed and therefore conjoining, soon in wide areas distances from each other, and thus teaches in community This means the long duration of the embossing. Also the edge Education testifies particularly to the pieces with a radial shape edge versus those with individual dots on the edge a long time interval. Finally, however, the great and weight difference to fully confirm the same tigen. While the penny with the eagle (Fig. 1.) 0.72 gr., the one with the balls on the edge (Fig. 2) 0.62 gr. weigh, weigh the one with the seven-rayed stem (Fig. 11)

172 Menadiers:

and with the dot in the hoop (Fig. 6) 55 gr., the anter No. 3 and 12 pictured 54 gr. and the one with the tire (Fig. 9) 52 gr., and the one without any markings (Fig. 8) weighs 50 gr., the one with the E (Fig. 18) in six copies 3.05 Gr. so 1.34 gr. So they finally weigh an average of 0.45 grams Bracteates with the radiating edge forming the trefoil wear (Fig. 21) in two copies 0.73 gr. so each 0.36 gr., and the one with the three balls (Fig. 23) in three copies 0.93 gr. So only 0.31 gr each. Are these weight determinations? with the small number of pieces available to me for the same has stood, too dependent on chance, and needs it is also primarily a supplement through fineness determination, In order to be fully usable, they are completely sufficient constantly to provide the above-mentioned proof that the application The beginning and end members of the series are far apart in time lie.

First, as far as I know, Schönemann (The Coin Fund at Schadeleben; on patriotic coinage, p. 43). some of the present pennies spoken to him a Wunstorf and when the railway was laid out Stadthagen's upscale finds had become known. He begged the J between the brass horns of one refers to Johann von Lüne- Castle (1256 - 1271), for which he was also given the location za seemed to speak. However, Leitzmann (No- mismatic newspaper 1864. 163) chronological concerns about invoked this provision. The bracteate in question is in any case much younger than can be attributed to Johann could. The same objection naturally applies to the im Addendum to Count Karl's coin and medal cabinet The allocation of such pfennigs included in Inn- and Knyphausen to Albert the Great (1252-1279). Regarding the chrono logy, on the other hand, the determination given there should not be mistaken, which were taken from a find made in Hanover Pfennig with the E to Duke Erich von Grubenhagen (1384 - 1427) assigns, since the same together with the penny with the S and a-.

The oldest. Hanover's coinage. 173

on the other hand, the find on the Hunsrücken near Alterkülz, in a circle Simmem, has listened to (yearbooks of the Antiquities Association friends in the Rhineland, XXXIX and XL. p. 362 fg.), which also MOnzen Werners v. Trier (1388-1418), Johann IV. Count of Sponheim (1399—1414), Gian Galeazzo Visconti's T. Milan (1378 T-1402), Friedrich's HI. v. Cologne (1370-1414), Johann's U. v. Mainz (1397-1419), Count Palatine Ludwig'sni. (1410-1436), Theodoric'sH. T. Cöln (1414-1463), Reinald's v. Jülich and Geldern (1402-1423), Adolfs L V. Berg (1408—1437), Wilhelms I. v. Limburg (1401— 1449) Otto V. Trier (1418-1530) and the Emperor Sigismund (1410-1437), so it definitely contained coins from the same time. But if you refer the E to Duke Erich, you have logically also for the other, at least equivalent ones Letters to demonstrate such an interpretation that applies to the S is downright impossible. In addition, it is not at all possible to see where and with what rights Duke Erich made these coins Yor should have taken because at his time the coinage law was in effect the entire area of the Braunschweig-Lüneburg region, sold in particular in the Principality of Grubenhagen or not was pledged. Also the indefinite allocation of the pennies to the successors of Albrecht the Great par excellence, is from the last objections met. Already in the period following Albrecht coming generation found in all branches of the ducal The above-mentioned assignments and pledges take place in the house, and if the oldest pieces of the whole series are up to now If you can even come close to them, the majority belongs to them The arrangement is likely to be decisive, from a much more recent time on. It's not just the Alterkülz find that has some of them in the last quarter of the fourteenth century: also the Found by Isenberg near Hattingen in the county of Mark (C. Reistorfif, The Isenberg coin find, in: Grote's coin studies. Vol. 5), the youngest coin of which dates from 1479, while While the eldest belongs to Philip the Fair (1384-1405), contains, among the older components, several of the ones we know working helmet pennies (no. 133, 134, 160, 161), namely

S«itMbrift far Namiaaifttik. XIR13

174 Menadiers:

among them who are misunderstood and recorded, the pen- enough with the lion. Apparently the Brac also belongs here teat, whose value determination (^dewegende mark höh X Ici unde II del van ene^n lode'') in twenty-third place denBe- Conclusion of the Lüneburg Yalvation Table No. 2. (edited by K. Ubbelohde and C. Heintzel in the numismatic-spKrar. historical gazette of January 30, 1882), and its The origin is placed in the year 1410 by this table. Through their entire character and especially through the Braunschweig helmet, through the finds in which she alone and not just in small numbers among many strange people were contained in a mixed manner, and not in the least mixed the Lüneburg Yalvation table in the Braunschweig - lüne- . relegated to Burgish lands, but belonging to a time in which rested the ducal coinage, only the pfennigs can may have started from a white city. There is also brown schweig and Lüneburg, whose characteristics are well known, are not included here No other city with trade should come into consideration. nover, whose use of the coinage by the Wittenpfennig is attested in writing, come into competition with the allocation these pennies. The ducal helmet was the symbol under which Bitterness, city and country for the common expression of the Coinage law united, through which the pennies themselves as State coins were characterized. The city itself is open the symbolic designation of their special rights next to it In any case, the general one was originally completely dispensed with: only as their influence became stronger in the course of development became and. sole determining factor, the same has also been found in the coinage asserted and initiated a change in it' The Wittenpfennig from 1406, which was minted in the st&d-. interests, it seems that the urban clover sheet to show first. From him it is subsequently on the passed over to domestic bracteates, on which it is much stronger emerges than on the Witten. Isn't it out either-^ concluded that over time the evidence will become better

The oldest monetary system Haonoyen. ' 175

let that not all of these . Helmpfennige minted in Hanover been that yrather some of the slightly different, like the with the standing lion and the one with the running horse, at other neighboring mints in imitation and in Following on from the Hanoverian pfennigs, such proof is used here The meaning of the type is so little affected that it remains the same rather, he will do it again. On the other On the other hand, we have to be careful to observe Hanover elsewhere to add coins; the two-sided Hildesheim Marienpfennigs, whose reverse side has a large cloverleaf, are characterized by the last tere are also not marked as Hanoverian imprints. net than the Bracteates, which are above the Hildesheim shields Wear a cloverleaf instead of the usual cross or ringlet; also the piece of marrow with the double stamp of an infused one head and a cloverleaf that I recently made for Hanover used, justified by the cloverleaf alone this allocation is not (journal of the Harz Association for History and antiquity. XVI. 167). Before using the Clover leaf as a symbol of the city of Hanover and next to it Its purely omamental meaning existed^ and how much that City has preserved the full coin type wherever it is located Freiod coinage connected, the Witten proves enough.' The main thing is the simultaneous coexistence of different things Coin images in a mint other than those that were only based on robbery and fraud^ at that time excluded from: by foregoing the help of Scripture For the designation of the monetary rule, it was necessary to hold on to it be all the more strict depending on the type once chosen.

A change therefore only occurred when the Lower Saxony Cities generally took the view that they had the Stuid of their financial system against the all-round penetrating innovations of the neighboring and distant coin stands not in the long run would be able to preserve, and decided to follow

to them, in turn, the new types of coins

12*

176 Menadier: The oldest monk in Hannoyer.

Groschen, to mint. Everywhere occurs with the broad, transliteration carrying pennies a larger confession and a bill of exchange of the hat pictures: the less such a thing is allowed in the Lower Saxony cities and especially Hanover fall, where at the same time the entire legal basis doB The coinage system was completely redesigned. The Dukes had only that in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries The right to mint pfennigs is expressed and only the municipal ones Pfennigs, the only coins available at the time, were used as state coins privileged. They eagerly seized the opportunity the advent of the pennies offered them the sovereignty of the to recover coinage and after a while by disregarding the pfennigs given to the city Privileges in their castles and in the newly acquired buildings The local pennies had been minted and were in circulation in the Cities were banned, they evacuated in exchange for recognition Give the cities the right to coin coins. back From now on, the estates and cities no longer practice sovereignty Mint law, but they mint alongside the sovereigns; theirs Coins lose the character of the state coins to the new ones ducal stamp and become city money. Accordingly If you are still wearing it, give it the land»' wonderful type and take on a new, speeifisch. urban. The oldest known one dates back to 1482 Hanover pennies; it points on one side within the Transcription: MOaCTÄ • IlOVffi • hOIlOVeReHCIS ^e thnrm- reinforced city wall with the striding lion (according to the oldest city seal) and on the other side within the Transcript: BC DICTK • SIT • SKHCTK • TRIIIIT' on a Crosses lying at the base of the shield with the cloverleaf; the national magnificent helmet has disappeared.

Menadier.

Groschen and Hohlpfennig from the city of HamioTer from Years 1482.

The oldest penny in the city of Hanover is shown on the

IQ] on one side of the round, well-fortified city wall

it < m archway, which is through a portcullis halfway up

Oi 3D is, and two battlements sideways, between

Q 1 a lion with its right front paw raised to the left

it, and on the back side the cloverleaf shield aaf cinetn

Crosses with the numbers 1482 arranged at their angles

The transcription of the rates is MORaTKoROVKoIiONO-

ERänCIS4-, the latter on the Royal Mint

binet copies Be'DiaTK<>SIToSIVßCTKo located in Berlin

[linn"+, on which from Grote (Manzstudien I M. 30. 3)

eten copies Ba'DICTJtoSIToSnfiCTÄoTRm'+.

It finds an exact counterpart in a hollow

ennig, which in oiDcm copies is in the Royal Mint

.binet, in another one in the possession of Mr. R. v. Höfken

178 Meuadier;

in Vienna. The same carries within the with 24 rays provided edge essentially the same representation as that Main page of the penny, only distinguished from this one by that the crenellated end of the wall is straight, not curved. same line and the portcullis of the gate is completely down. is left. The sameness of the embossed image determines time and Place where the penny was created.

The connection between groschen and hollow pfennig Bahrfeld already points out in an addendum to his treatise about the Lüneburg hollow pfennigs (Weyl's Berlin coin sheets no. 53. 54), but afterwards the same has the again The question was raised as to whether the penny went to Hanover or Lüne. Bürg is to be referred to (numismatic and sphragistic display. 1885 p. 33) and Mr. B. v. Höfken in response to the same decided on the Lüneburg origin (also p. 45), by writing that the lack speaks for this arrangement the H, which is never missing on Hanoverian hollow pennies, and the cloverleaf, the position and attitude of the lion and especially- Firstly the drawing of the towers, and finally the edge of the rays and the whole type of coin, which corresponds to that of the HoU- pennies from Hamburg, Lübeck, Lüneburg voUkonmien agree, but have nothing in common with that of Hanover.

Whatever initially affects the edge of the ray is the same but not Lower Saxony. The hollow pennies from Göttingen, Eimbcck, Goslar, Hildesheim, Halberstadt and Braunschweig have a smooth band throughout: only a penny deA 14th century Braunschweig Ui*sprungs (Bode, the older Coinage of the states and cities of Lower Saxony, T. 10. 6) with ripened edge became known to me. Homely, on the other hand, is he in the Überhaid land and the character of the sea cities like The cities of the Mark and Lüneburg generally have one Radiation edge. Nevertheless, this does not prove the impropriety ness of an allocation of the pfennig to Hanover: is Hanover nover, the city initially neighboring that area a connection to this custom would not be unheard of.

Groschen and Hohlpfennig from the city of Hanover from the year 1482. I7.9

The coin contract provides us with information for the beginning of the century Tom in 1406 and the Witten coin coined on the basis of the same Pfennig is proof of much more far-reaching connections and for the Hanover penny from the year 1482 the offer is would take an agreement and an understanding between Hanover and Lüneburg suggested that in the Archives of the city of Lüneburg contain two lead plates on which In addition to a number of Lüneburg coin stamps, there are also two Stamps of Hanoverian coins from 1482 and 1501 are minted (numismatic-sphragistic display 1882, p. 74), because it These are not gold guilders, like Bahrfeld assumed, but the stamp from 1482 is without Doubts about the penny in the va- advice, and the stamp from 1501 surrounding the cross The transliteration JßOßeTÄoßOVKoIiOIlOVeReUSo is likely also belong to a dime. In fact, unite as well as other types of Hanoverian hollow coins Vintages with smooth edges and vintages with radiant edges: not just the youngest years of Helmpfennige, namely the ones with the clover leaf within the helmet decoration, have one Radiation edge, but also from the Hohlpfennigeh disciples with the cloverleaf as an independent coin design (Bode, T. 8. 2) The Royal Coin Cabinet owns seven pieces with “mature” tem edge next to two with smooth edges and also with that one the type similar to ours with the lion between them Tht towers above the archway, which has an H in height and in Arch of the gate shows a cloverleaf or three balls (Bode, T. 8. 1) There is at least one vintage in the Royal Coin Cabinet ripened edge opposite two pieces with smooth edges. The Ray edge in no way speaks against the Hanoverian one Origin of the penny.

With regard to the drawing of the towers, I give the ancestor Loan of the present pfennig with Lüneburg coins: but there is no less such a thing between him and them other Hanoverian coins, groschen and hollow pennies.

2gO Menadier:

It is a vain thing, with evidence of such little importance Artistic values, such as the present coins, and at the immediate neighborhood around their character in contrast mints brought to Hanover and Lüneburg, according to style and drawing differences and then the make assignments. On the other hand, it seems very difficult to me to matter that no Lüneburg coin, neither Hollow or dense coin, the Thor with only two towers shows that there are always three of them, while The Mauertor with its two towers is suitable for Hanover, so probably on the dime from 1482 than on all young coins, that even show this representation.

The same is true with the lion. The present one Hohlpfcnnig shows him walking with his front paw raised, while he is in a position on the younger Hohlpfennig seems that one does not know whether it is a step in or uplifting, and similarly on the later Thick coins, and in this respect there is a difference between them. But the Hanoverian penny from 1482 shows that Lions in exactly the same posture as the Hohlpfennig, while The lion on the wall is quite strange to the Lüneburg coins and they only know him in the archway, either freely striding or erect in the slanting shield.

And the lack of the H and the shamrock? With the^H is only one type of Hanoverian hollow coins, but all Hanoverian coins that are younger than the present one Hollow pennies show the cloverleaf either as an independent one Embossed image, like the hollow pens that initially follow it nige (Bode, T. 8, 2) or as a shield figure or in the archway of the Wall: even the penny from 1482, the main page of which is The embossing of our hollow penny adds to this on the sweeping Add the cloverleaf sign to the side.

However, this is not the stamp of the Hohlpfennig occasionally among the Hanoverian coins, but as a coin He is unique in his kind in that this is his only thing

Groschen and Hohlpfennig from the city of Hanover from 1482. Igl

Cloverleaf is missing, the appointed symbol of the city of Hanover. This Perhaps the rejection alone would be enough the remaining objections confirmed the allocation of the hollow penny To make Hanover waver again, if in fact the shamrock at the end of the fifteenth century deutong should be attached, which is usually assigned to him will. However, the relationship is not such that the business mint the 1482 penny only as a coin on the main page of a white city par excellence and only that The downside is the special relationship with Hanover: To assume this would mean the meaning of main and sweeping turn the page completely into its opposite! The cloverleaf the other side is the newly appearing and associated sign of initially unequal value: the main page offers the old one The symbol of the city of Hanover itself, the cloverleaf is foreign. The Hohlpfennig also shows the old one unchanged Coat of arms of the city of Hanover, this alone is sufficient attested to be of Hanoverian origin and in the same way precisely because of this it makes itself known as the oldest of all urban hollows pfennigs, which also have the cloverleaf with the old coat of arms form together or show the cloverleaf alone. The hollow pfennig with the H above the lion and the cloverleaf in the gate arch does not in any way exclude this one from Hanover: rather, both are different stages in development lujig of one type and only different from one another in time divorced. This is made from this by adding the clover leaf emerged.

This proves irrefutably that this is the true state of affairs the seals of the city of Hanover, which I know of in a letter Announcement from Dr. Thanks to Meinardus. This oldest large seal, as well as the old secret seal of the city of Han- nover, whose original stamp is still present, show these same representation as the main page of the 1482 penny and the Hohlpfennig in question. A remarkable The only difference is that the Thor has two

182 Meuadier: Gruschen u. llohlpi'euulg d. City of Hanover v. Years 1482.

has gate wings that are open to the outside, and this explains itself enough from the different size and depth of the stamps, as well as the different technical uses of the same. This She's missing cloverleaf and that's what needs to be proven late seal, however, both the great seal and the secret seal, which is also still present in the original stamp, both according to the annual certificate arranged above the lion Number cut in 1534, show in the arch below the shield with the clover on the half-raised portcullis sheet. This is essentially the picture of the late Hohlpfen nigs, because given the small size of the coin die, the shield was omitted and only the clover leaf was used. come is in the nature of the thing, and the H fills it Place of the year that cannot be used on the coin. We So you observe the same change on the seals of the city like on their coins, and if all other reasons are too should be found easy, which the seals commanded me In parallel, the dispute about the origin of the hollow pfennigs finally in favor of Hanover.

Menadier.

An ancient Egyptian gold ring with value marks.

Recent numismatic and metrological research has rightly those monuments, be they weights or Coins, special attention is paid to which with are provided with stamps of value and are therefore not just a con- troll of the weight determined by reweighing, but in in most cases also provide important information about the old ones Currency conditions enable.

The gold ring now, which will be discussed below seems to belong to the area of the Greek and Roman Numismatics is far away; but they are increasing day by day the evidence that everything concerning measure and Weight from ancient Egypt is known to us, also full The oldest cultural development of the peoples deserves attention from Hellas and Italy.

Since the end of last year I have had two papers by Michel C. Soutzo, which is called Extraita de la Revue Roumaine d' Archeoloffie ^ d'Histaire et de Philologie^ tome II, im Published in 1884 under the following titles: Si/sthnes monkairea primitifs de VAsie Mineure et de la Griee and JEtalone pondh'aiuT primitifs et lingots monitaires; However, it was only me In the middle of the current year it will be possible to get involved in more detail to deal with these essays. This is not the place for the hy- iM>theses of Mr. Soutzo, which differ far from those stated Lepsios, Brandis, Mommsen et al. predetermined paths

184 Ms. Hultsch:

research to be subjected to criticism; only the vpn him on Monuments published at the end of the second treatise a short discussion will be devoted.

We first repeat what Mr. Soutzo p. 51 about the Provenance, weight and probable significance of the Monuments says: ^Le baron de Saurma, Ministre d'Allemagne ä Bucarest*), m'a gracieusement authorisö k study et publish un at anneau d'or qu'il a rapport6 d'figypte et dont la provenance Africa is certain. Nous reproduisons sur notre planche lU a. b*c. les deux faces de ce tr6s-interesting monument. Can- new p6se 15.40 environ; It's open and it's a primitive work peu cn harmony avec la richesse de la mati^re; T^paisseur you m^tal (flg. c) qui est assez forte, devait rendre this bague tr^s- incommode k porter comme bijou. C'6tait selon toute vrai- Semblance un anneau mon^taire, et les points marqu^s en creux sur le m^tal k Taide de la pressure ou du choc, ppurraient fort bien indiquer la valeur mon^taire de Tobjet'.

The thickness of the ring has allowed for quite a bit Amount of points to be attached in such a way that if the Bing pl^tt lies there, on the facing side the same number of Dots appear to be on the opposite side. This is shown very clearly by Mr. Soutzo's fBgte illustration; but we can use the same for the purposes of There is no need for further investigation if we look at one side (in the Figure labeled a) the top, and the other (b) the call lower ones. The total number of points has no doubt should be 84. In one case two points are so close moved together so that they appear almost like a point; the strict symmetry of the dotting alone is the same obvious that there is an inaccuracy in the execution is to take.

The points start on both the top and the bottom page left and right of the open column of the

1) Mr. Privy Legation Councilor is Baron von Saurma-Jeltsch since July d. J. Imperial German ambassador to the Dutch court.

An altigyptiKher Goidräf wtäx WenkseicknL lg5

Ring, namely appear on the top side on the left ron der Opening 8 pairs of dots and 4 single dots, right On the other hand, 9 pairs and again 4 individual poles, which if If we imagine the ring stretched out, it would show

r

So the opening sound is on the top left side Number 20 and the number 22 entered on the right.

The exact same grouping returns on the bottom side again, only here are the 22 points to the left of the opening, and the 20 are attached to the right.

So let's look at the ring in position. that those first mentioned upper side faces the eye. ond distinguish then on both sides of the column the left and right ends of the ring, the left end has both on the upper ak the lower side 20, and also the right 22 timpani. Off This arrangement resulted in the wearer of the ring The advantage is that he has 20 and 22 points on both sides the opening^ could be easily read, after the put the side of the ring that we call the bottom, be closer to the root of the finger, or vice versa.

From what has been said, first of all, there is probability highlighted that the actual meaning of the points is not both in the total number than in the individual groups. And when we look at each individual side of the ring again it is likely that every single numerical group has its special meaning on both the left and the right. Because if one had wanted to designate the number 42, it would not be possible Watch, why not 21 points on each half, or something like that 42 would only have been entered on one half.

After these preparatory remarks, we turn the question of whether the points have a known weight or perhaps related to a well-known value equation can be. Because it is clear that we only have such oroses or values that are secured elsewhere for comparison

184 Ms. Hultsch:

research to be subjected to criticism; only the one who loves him Monuments published at the end of the second treatise a short discussion will be devoted.

We first repeat what Mr. Soutzo p. 51 about the Provenance, weight and probable significance of the Monuments says: ^Le baron de Saurma, Ministre d'Allemagne i Bucarest^), m'a gracieusement autoris6 k ötudier et publish un at anneau d'or qu'il a rapportö d'£gypte et dont la provenance Africa is certain. Nous reproduisons sui* notre planche III a. b. c. les deux faces de ce tr6s-interesting monument Kan- ncau p6se 15.40 environ; It's open and it's a primitive work peu en harmony with the richness of the matter; T^paisseur you m^tal (fig. c) qui est asscz forte, devait rendre this bague comforting incommode ä porter comme bijou. G'^tait selon toute vrai- Semblance un anneau mon6taire, et les points marqu6s en creoz sur le m6tal k Taide de la pressure ou du choc, pourraient fort bien indiquer la valeur mon6taire de Tobjet'.

The thickness of the ring has allowed for quite a bit Amount of points to be attached in such a way that if the Bing pl^tt lies there, on the facing side the same number Yon Dots appear to be on the opposite side. This is shown very clearly by Mr. Soutzo's f> figure; but we can use the same for the purposes of There is no need for further investigation if we look at one side (in the Figure labeled a) the top, and the other (b) the call lower ones. The total number of points has no doubt should be 84. In one case two points are so close pushed together so that they appear almost like a point; Only the strict symmetry of the dotting is the same obvious that there is an inaccuracy in the execution is to take.

The points start on both the top and the bottom page left and right of the open column of the

1) Mr. Privy Legation Councilor is Baron von Saurma-Jeltsch since July d. J. Imperial German ambassador to the Dutch court«

An ancient Egyptian gold ring with value marks. Ig5

Ring, namely appear on the upper side to the left of the Opening 8 pairs of dots and 4 single dots, right on the other hand, 9 pairs and again 4 individual points, which if we imagine the ring stretched out, this is how it would show itself

v

• ••• 1 ••••'

So it's on the top side to the left of the opening Number 20, and the number 22 entered on the right.

Exactly the same grouping kehit on the bottom side again, only here are the 22 points to the left of the opening, and the 20 are attached to the right.

So let's look at the ring in the position that the first mentioned upper side faces the eye and distinguish then on either side of the column the left and right ends of the ring, the left end has both on the top and the lower side 20, and also the right 22 points. Off This arrangement resulted in the wearer of the ring The advantage is that he has 20 and 22 points on both sides the opening - could be easily read, now wanted after the put the side of the ring that we call the bottom, be closer to the root of the finger, or vice versa.

From what has been said, first of all, there is probability highlighted that the actual meaning of the points is not both in the total number than in the individual groups. And when we look at each individual side of the ring again it is likely that every single numerical group has its special meaning on both the left and the right. Because if one had wanted to designate the number 42, it would not be possible Look, why not 21 points on each half, or something like that 42 would only have been entered on one half.

After these preparatory remarks, we turn the question of whether the points are based on a known question or perhaps related to a well-known value equation can be. Because it is clear that we only have such sizes or values that are secured elsewhere for comparison

186 Ms. Hultsch:

can be used, since vice versa only from the numbers of the points it is impossible to have any otherwise unknown weight or value norms could be constructed.

The factors we have to reckon with are in described in a few words. The main weight of the ancient Egypt, the ten (or outing), as approximate as possible Amount of 90.96 gr., has its tenth as a subdivision, the ket (or kat) = 9.096 gr., and as the smallest partial weight for the gold the Pek (or pak = V.28 Ten = 0.71 Gr.'). On Bortolotti') determined these weight ratios in the Yermuthutig ties that 1 pek of gold is worth 1 ret of silver, i.e. i. */“g tens of gold = '/io tens of silver, therefore gold for Silver with a value ratio of 12^/5:! have stood.

These documents are sufficient to determine the probable to interpret the number symbols on the ring. Divide If we denote the weight of the ring by 20, or • by 22, we consider 0.77 or 0.70 gr. Because the ring, as far as you can tell The illustration may conclude, certainly a loss in his has suffered original weights, the legal Value found 0.70 gr. most likely the Qe- weight of 1 Pek (= 0.71 gr.). The ring was therefore full 22 peks of gold adjusted. What does the number next to it mean? 20? Mr. Soutzo recalled that from Lenormant and

1) Find the most reliable determinations of ancient Egyptian weight compiled in my metrology p. 373 note 1; Det Ansati t^b Lepsius, who made the ten to 3J^ Roman ounces = 90.96 gr. calculate, deviates only slightly from those determined by Chabas and Bortolotti Werthen. The decisive factor for the exact determination of the Ten is. tob Joh. Dümichen in the magazine. for Egypt Language, 1S79, 9. 106 note 1, reported observation that in the Edfurecepia 5 Ten («' i55 Qr.) Water should always be calculated equal to 1 Hin (= 0.455 liters). A con- trolls also provide the Yer equations with the water weight \de8 Cabna the large Egyptian cubit (Metrology p. 366) and the Cube of the Ueinen Elle (ibid. 372 with note 3).

2) P. Bortolotti, Del primitiTo cubito Egizio, fascicolo I-III and ap- pendice (everything paginated consecutively), Modena 1878—18i83, p. 118, 139 f. Me- trology 8. 378 f.

An old Egyptian gold ring with value mark. 187

Bortolotti *) in addition to the previously mentioned weight of the Ten another, noticeably higher one is assumed. Bortolotti sets the latter, at the end of a very extensive undertaking search, on 9.65 gr., Lenormant between 94 and 96 gr., mdvant Us ipoquea. So perhaps, says Mr. Soutzo, the number 20 to a larger Pek == ^/ijg of the larger Ten there. If we follow this conjecture, we get: effective weights of the ring for the Pek 0.77 gr., and for the ten 98.56 gr. But let's also take this into account the weight loss the ring has likely suffered, So we get an even higher amount. Now would like I emphasize less that the approach of a ten out of 100 Gr. or even seem questionable according to Bortolotti must, but rather from another consideration the development derive a solution to the question. The table of weights of the Museum of Bulaq at Bortolotti p. 158 shows how this once was weights that have been in use within very wide limits fluctuate. Because the heaviest Eet weight still existing represents 10.572 Gn, while the lightest weight in amount from Vt K^^ &uf a whole ket of only 8.07 gr. leads, and even if we ignore the partial weights and the distribution Restrict the equation only to the entire Ket, that's what it still says a minimum of 8.415 gr. the maximum of 10.57 Gn-compared. In short, we see that a weight whose norm depends on the most reliable investigations to almost 9.1 gr. fixed has been, partly below this standard up to 8.4 gr. down-, sinks, sometimes beyond this level to close to 10.6 gr. rises: Very similar results emerged from the overviews of Chinese and Roman weights, and in particular It can also be observed here that the fluctuations Often extending beyond the norm further than the target lagging behind the norm, therefore an average on a fairly large number of old Qeweights from the past

1) Fr. Leoömaot, La monnaie dans rantiqait6 I p. 94, Bortolotti a. a. 0. p. 167-169.

188 Ms. Haltsch:

System is drawn, can be higher than the normal It is important to estimate it according to other reliable sources may therefore be concluded from the series of weights of Bulaq be that in the practice of weighing the normal ten of almost 91 gr. more often due to weights that are placed too high exceeded than was pressed down by lighter ones, but it. is absolutely impossible to do by calculating averages from the large number of weights swaying up and down to construct a secondary weight, which is a noticeable liches is said to have stood higher than the original one, too Norm secured by inscriptions.

If so for several reasons the interpretation of the numbers 22 and 20 refer to two different weights with the same name and is likely, so there is no need to try whether the one number refers to the weight, but the other to the value. can be drawn. Let's compare the value symbols in Greek Chinese, Roman, Etruscan or Carthaginian coins, etc However, we only find one name, not two additional ones. each other. But all of these coins are based on fixed objects. Weight standards are applied, which are determined by the size of the Coin and its conventional minting are sufficiently described are, so it stops with the one digit that represents the value indicates. In the case of the monument discussed here, the indication of weight is certainly necessary; but this makes it possible It cannot be ruled out that, moreover, visibly distinguished by the gap in the ring, also an indication of value has been attached.

If one admits this, the number 20 on the RiBge means ^ which weighs 22 pecks of gold, the value of 20 kets of silver; So the value of ^%q tens of gold is equal to ^%q tens of silver set, which results in a value ratio of gold to silver of 128: 11 = 11.64: 1, i.e. i. IP/^: would result in 1.

Under the Ptolemies gold and silver were sought after fixed value ratio of 12'^ :1. To how The gold ring was made many centuries before this era

An ancient Egyptian gold medal with stamps. Ig9

remains uncertain, but that in Egypt the Qold in generally lower than in the area of the baby Ionian currency, which is based on the value ratio of 131^: 1 is probably beyond doubt. The one just calculated Gold rate of 11^:1 is closest to the ratio 11*^:1, according to which in Greece towards the end of the 4th year Hundreds of gold were exchanged for silver (Metrology p. 239).

Ms. Hultsch.

JMiMbrin rar NomiimAÜk. XIU. 13

On the titulary of the Flavians.

By chance on the correct reading of one so far misunderstood group of coins by Vespasian prompted me to take a closer look at the Flavian titulature. and also focus on the relevant recent literature approach. In the following pages I put together, what I found to notice or correct; this or that may not seem useless.

I. The title of emperor of Titus. Was Titus before he became co-regent with his father, ebc Imperator designatus for a while? — The answer to this question from the point of view of general Roman constitutional law can only be a negative one. It is by Mommsen^) It has been shown that the designation is only permissible with this ordinary temporary office. But this is what the No imperial title, neither in the Republic nor in the Eaiser zcit. It is either just a supplementary honorary title that belongs to to take up an ordinary or extraordinary office can') - and so are the imperial acclamations to be understood in the imperial title - ; or he denotes when he is as Part of the emperor's name appears, an extraordinary magic strature'). In both cases the designation is inadmissible*). —

1) Strange constitutional law P p. 559 ff.

2) that. I, 121.

3) The justification and further explanation of these sentences will be given later given in a summarized treatment of the imperial title become.

4) That the case of Caracalla (Cohen lY^, Carac. n. 53. 54) others

B. Pick: On the titulary of the Flavians. 191

If, however, it has so far been generally announced that Tito's for a time he had been deaignatu' imperator Bei, and Mommaen, initially supported by the case of Titn, in the secondary procon- Bulgarian violence declared the designation to be permissible. 80 gives this contradiction to Roman constitutional law*) solely due to the incorrect reading of some coins. It These are the well-known large bronzes of Yespasian the year 71, which on the back the two sons of Emperors show, facing each other, with liatta and para- 20Rtum. Cohen (Vespasia 46 - 51) gives six copies B only by different abbreviation of the words deeignattu and iterum on the back differ, only at the last one the emperor's head also turned to the other side, and is in the Rf. CA£SAR. for CAES. and II for ITER.. The head and its transcription shows nothing remarkable; the back The page whose legend is important is shown here*}.

Nitor is, Mommsen (St. S. D, 1100 A. 1) emphasized scboD. Also ■if the WaU dea Aosdnicka dettinaHM imferaior, this is just about the actual entitlement to the AngustnawArde acts; then just iit the BtaatsrechtUcfae expression detignat Termieden. VgK St. B. I, 559 A. 2.

1) St. B. II 1100 with A. 1. - In the passage dei phi- loitrU (Tita Apollo 7, 30) is iya^iMt with proclamatna, idcht with de- ■ignataB in UberBetzen; 9. about it below p. 3S7.

2) Ibid. I, 559 ff, — Daa "the dosage for the Principate himself" nkht sutthaft Ut, Hommsen (II, 766) has emphasized clearly. cf. I, 659 A. 2.

3) The specimen shown is in the rich Santmlong by Prof. t. Kanfnann in Bertin.

13«

192 B.Pick:

Cohen (at n. 50) describes this coin as follows- masses:

IMP • CAES . VESPASIAN • AVG • P • M • TR P P - P • COS • IH. Sa t^te laur6e k droite. RF CAES . AVG • F DESIG • IMP • AVG • F COS • DESIG • ITER SC. Tite et Domitien debout en regard, Tenant chacun a haste and a parazonium. At first glance the description seems to be education to match; and that you are in good spirits accustomed to adding Cohen's readings without hesitation take, then the resolution and interpretation of the story lies end closest, which led to the introduction of the imperator desig-^ natus has led to constitutional law:

CAESar AWGusti Yilius DESACnatus lNi?erator, AWGusti Filius CONSul DESlCnatus ITERwm.

When I was at the order of the y. Commercial collection The coin shown was the usual one for me Reading not present; otherwise I probably would have just... read like Cohen. Instead I read:

IMFerator AVGuati Filius COuSul DESlGnatus ITERttm,

CAESar AWGusti Filius DESIGna^u^

and convinced myself afterwards that this reading alone was correct can be. — A citation in a work to be mentioned below by Chambalu ^) later taught me that the usual reading comes from Eckhel himself or is defended by him. Eckhel had this in the Catalogus musei Caesarei Vindobonensis Coins described in such a way that when he uses the word MPerator reading began. He joined Vaillant, who, however, before the second DESlGnatus another COS. had interpolated, since his reading would be without this COS. seemed untenable. In Eckhel now develops the Doctrina nummorum in detail the reasons why he rejects the older reading. Vaillants

1) In Fhilologus XLIY (1885) p. 107 A. 4, after Eckhel's reading, doctrina nnmmorum veternm VI p. 325'^

On the titulary of the Flavians. 193

Reading violations of general usage that the reading genden a parte numi dextera (according to today's usage i.e. start on the left); furthermore, since every part of the inscription refers to the figure standing first, in Vaillant's Inter- Pretation Titus takes the less respected place on the left. This The latter law initially states that the more honored person has the place (from I have to take the picture on the right, but it's never strict been carried out and it takes e.g. B. on the one at Cohen p. The coin depicted in 424 n. 8 appears to be Doroitian's head right side. So it can also be on our coins Titus stand on the left. That, on the other hand, on the vast majority of the Roman coins the legend begins on the left cannot to be denied; but also from this lex Romanorum mone- Taria, the exceptions are not rare. The numerous coins, where the legend has to be read from the outside and That's why it usually starts from the right, comes here of course not invoiced. But also those legends which... can be read inside, do not start so regularly on the left side, but often also at the top in the middle. Gone there hear those groups of coins that are listed in the catalogs separates tend to be listed because on some of them Legend on the left, on others in the middle begins, and the same Therefore for those who basically read below left begins *), of course takes two different forms. May it Suffice it to cite the examples that are in Cohen's case. Find the writing of Vespasian's coins. Otherwise they are the same and only different due to the different position of the transcription the coins with:

1) Cohen does not deviate easily from this law; the one time, where he did this with Vespasian's coins, he made a mistake made. I mean at n. 422, where he uses the words cos . itervm • tribvn • POT-, with which the legend of the reverse begins, behind roma-et- AVGVSTVS provides; he believed that those titles were based on the word avgvstvs the back, while in fact they represent the legend of the main continue page.

194 B-Pick:

COS HER . FORT • RED • (n. 81—85) and FORT REDCOSITER

(n. 171, special = n. 84) COS ra TR POT . (n. 101) and TR • POT • COS • ffl (n. 548) FORTVNAE REDVCI (n. 179—184. 185—199) and perhaps')

REDVCI. FORTVNAE (n. 401)'). The striking appearance that appears on the Roman coins with the same pictorial representations so many small deviations especially in the terminology and abbreviations in writing has often been noted. One of the Viennese special collector, Mr. Markl'), has observed, which he added to his large collection of Claudius coins Gothicus made the suggestion that in the coin stamps first the portrait respectively. the picture of the back was let in, and only then were the transcriptions etc. taken out were re-engraved freehand, “according to the requirements of space, which was unnecessary in addition to the portrait and figures, either connected or interrupted'^^). There's nothing standing in the way, The rule initially established here for later times also applies to extend to the earlier imperial period; back then, where the picture was still characterized by artistic execution, it still lay much closer, image and writing engraved by different hands to let. The fact that such a procedure is technically possible said the director of the Imperial Mint in Vienna, Mr. v. Seriously, confirmed by approving MarkP's hypothesis'). — This appealing suggestion seems like deviations adequately explain the above. coins with

1) The attributes of Fortuna are slightly different on n. 401.

2) From the holdings of the Berlin Cabinet could also be used for the relevant Legend victoria-avgvstI' knew another variety avgvsti«victoria- be taught. — See also Cohen, Yesp. 52 and 570; as well as the Asian coins. embossing p. 423 n. 1 2, the legend of which, of course, refers to the word LIBERI begins like Vesp. 248-250.

3) Vienna Num Magazine YIII, 243 ff.: About the production of the Embossed stamp in the time of the later Roman emperors.

4) that. P. 246.

5) that. Vol. XII, 22 ff.: The art of coining. (pp. 49. 50>

On the titulary of the Flayians. 195

such small differences in the inscription as varieties may be included in the catalogs for the convenience of collectors be permitted as long as no damage is caused; In any case, if they are otherwise the same, they do not belong different emissions. — From the above statements So much emerges from the legends that the legends of the Roman coins zen start in the bottom left corner, but this law is not strictly enforced; you will read and Describing involuntarily begins at that point; but where at Such reading violates well-founded experience If you stand out, you won't hesitate to use the ordinary one Custom to drop and the legend somewhere else to start. Strikingly, in all of the examples, plating our coin - at least I know of no exception — the legend appears to be at the bottom left of the section with the Words CAES. Despite this agreement, you have to For objective reasons they begin with the word IMPerator let. — Against the Eckhersche reading CaesCar) Aug(u8ti) /(üius) desig(natus) imp(erator)^ Aug(u8ti) /(üius) co(n)s(ul) de8iff(natus)