Zeitschrift für Numismatik, vol. 5 — 1878

The denarius does not belong to Maximinus, but to Maximianus Hcrculius.

A.v. Sallet.

1) Cohen VII p. 371 with crowned bust and raised hand and sol in the quadriga is also referred to as M.

Bracteate of the bailiff Heinrich von Plauen.

1244, f 1295 or 1296.

H*75DVOC7n"VS-D9*PL The (sitting or standing person Coins from the front, in the right sword, in the Left flag.

Found the excellently preserved bracteate shown here I among the "undetermined" coins of a local dealer and acquired it for the Sgl. Museum.

For anyone who is even familiar with the numismatics of the Middle There can of course not be the slightest doubt about the old familiar be the reason for the large and completely clear transcription. It is called: Henricus Advocatns de Flawe, Heinrich Advocatns (Schatzvogt) from Plauen in Saxony, because only he can do that with the later Bracteates "Heinrich the Illustrious", Mark- Count of Meibsen, in the second half of the 13th century Exactly matching pieces belong.

I thought the coin was completely unknown; the Mr. Doc Toren J. and A. Erbstein, to whom I reported my find,

Bracteates of the Saxon Duke Bernhard.

There was hardly a prince in the Middle Ages who would like us would have left a more attractive and interesting series of coins, as the Saxon Duke Bernhard, Albrecht the Bear's youngest Son (1170-1212). Of course as Leitzmann (num. period 1850 p. 169) when he first dealt with him, he could only do 15 pieces guaranteed by inscriptions 1 ), all of them bracteates, mainly lead; but I have (möm. St. P6t. VI, 413 Plate XVIII and Köhne N. F. 291 plates IX, X) andre, (Berl. Bl. IV, 49 plates. XXXIX) also 2 denarii for one from Posern (Saxon mint. i. M.A. 138 plate XL VI, 16) described published, and finally the HH. Erbstein still through this wealth the result of the Trebitzer find, 9 written bracteates, from apart from the silent ones, increased. All this treasure to us Mr. has to demonstrate clearly. Elze in his “Bern Coins” hards, Count of Anhalt, Duke of Saxony" (Berlin 1870) undertaken, but unfortunately this work cannot be continued probably not in the near future.

This rich series of coins is characterized by a large variety of variety of shapes, the representations of which are often ours Maximize your interest. And this interest is not just about their beauty, especially the older ones among them, which fall into the flowering period of the bracteates, the same applies

1) This number 15 is Kühne N. F. 8. 292 Z. 2 v. o. to turn on the to make the sentence understandable.

258 A - v « Sallet, Bractett of the bailiff Heinrich von Plauen.

certainly now also the first four letters of Henricn's advo- catus De Plawe have been supplemented, 19 like our Bracteate points, the meaning of the last two remained unclear, and the piece shown here as well as the less complete and The missing piece from Kilian's collection is therefore of great importance Importance because it is far clearer and more indubitable Confirmation of the documented message from Heinrich's mint granted in Plauen, than the others, the inscription only in individual some pieces suggestive of enigmatic letters. Our coin is also one of the rarer examples of almost complete constantly written legends on bracteates of that time and the equally rare Advocati coins.

In any case, our precious, until now, except for the lost one, a similar piece from Kilian's collection of only Brac- Teat part of a as usual broken down among the uninformed scattered find. Unfortunately there was nothing about the origin of the coin to find out.

The Berlin Coin Cabinet is so happy, except for this one almost the only piece by Henricus advocatus de Plawe other strange and extremely rare monuments of coinage to own this dynast, led by Mr. Dr. Heritage stone already mentioned bracteates by Adorf, which was acquired from the Dresden auction in 1875.

A.v. Sali et.

Bracteates of the Saxon Duke Bernhard.

There was hardly a prince in the Middle Ages who would like us would have left a more attractive and interesting series of coins, as the Saxon Duke Bernhard, Albrecht the Bear's youngest Son (1170-1212). Of course as Leitzmann (now. Time. 1850 p. 169) when he first dealt with him, he could only do 15 pieces guaranteed by inscriptions 1 ), all of them bracteates, mainly lead; but on that I have (m&n. St. P6t. VI, 413 Pl. XVIII and Köhne N. F. 291 plates IX, X) andre, (Berl. Bl. IV, 49 plates. XXXIX) also 2 denarii for one from Posern (Saxon mint. i. M.A. 13S plate XLVI, 16) described published, and finally the HH. Erbstein still through this wealth the result of the Trebitzer find, 9 written bracteates, from apart from the silent ones, increased. All this treasure to us Mr. has to demonstrate clearly. Elze in his “Bern Coins” hards, Count of Anhalt, Duke of Saxony" (Berlin 1870) undertaken, but unfortunately this work cannot be continued probably not in the near future.

This rich series of coins is characterized by a large variety of variety of shapes, the representations of which are often ours Maximize your interest. And this interest is not just about their beauty, especially the older ones among them, which fall into the flowering period of the bracteates, the same applies

1) This number 15 is Köhne N. F. 8. 292 Z. 2 v. o. to turn on the to make the sentence understandable.

£

260 H. Dtnnenberg,

the new and original, which gives us artistic almost often encountered with completed coins. Is almost unprecedented the bracteate with the profile head of the Duke (Trebitz I, 1). We see him receiving the fiefs of another, two lions at his feet (Köhne N. F. X, 29), a third (Trebitz I, 2) has the lion as the sole type, which is probably only the im A symbol of his that has not become native to the Ascanian home of the fallen great opponent, the Weifen Heinrich; still others (m&n. St. Pet. VI, plate XIX, 681, Köhne N. F. X, 33 - 35) bear the most artistic equestrian figures you can see can, a bracteate (m&n. St. Pet. VI, plate XVIII b) surprises by the unusual arrangement of its transcription, which is divided into two Circling, partly perpendicular, partly backwards and in the middle breaking surrounds a building; finally call us, a rare one Case, a bracteate and a denarius (Köhne N. F. IX, 9, Posern XLVT, 16) in addition to the duke's name also the mint Köthen 1). It will therefore not seem inappropriate if I, Bernhard's panegyrist, once again gave my mite to the contribute to more detailed knowledge of the coin monuments of this prince, especially since the following Ineditis. those with one

1) This is not only corrected by Leitzmann, who has all of Bernhard's coins in Witten- Berg believes that he was defeated, but also Grote, who (Mzstud. VII, 317) made the statement does that bracteates and denarii are never the same in a German mint. was coined early; the Posern denarius, like the Bracteate, calls Köhne N. F. IX, 9 Köthen as a mint. They also confirm the same thing Coins of Jaromar of Rügen, because his bracteates and denarii are on sale It can be assumed that he was hit in various places in his small area Based on the above, there is probably not the slightest reason. And the same will apply by Konrad B. v. Halberstadt (of which I have 2 unedited denarii), - von Stol- berg, from Reinstein and from Brena, and it is probably also less striking of other localities, so that one cannot avoid that Sentence at least as a rule limited by numerous exceptions consider. At the same time, I have to take the opportunity here to express one of my own. to confess the mistake that has been made, because the one I made after a mere one Drawing published denarius with alleged • ACTG« Cl VITAS Berl. Sheet IV, Plate XLIII, 8 is, as the Erbstein brothers convinced me, nothing else than that pose niche with KOT6N6 Cl VITAS.

Bracteates of the Saxon Hero of Bernhard. 261

Exception, all taken from my collection one of the most important pieces, namely the following one with coins ■leisiername is located.

1) +BVRCHARD H6LTDVCIS B€RN three-towered Building with an open arch under the middle one Towers, in the same a point. (Plate VIII, No. 1).

This coin, most notable because of the mint master n&mens, has already been mentioned fleetingly and insufficiently - found in Berl. Sheet III, p. 180, in the description of Trebitz find p. 19 a. E. and in Stenzels number. Study p. 5. In the latter place it is said that the towers of this Bracteate are completely similar to those on two that call the Köthen mint - the coins of the same duke (Posern XL VI, 16 and Berl. Bl. Plate XLIII, 8) ; These, however, show only a distant similarity quality, by no means equality of architecture. The a. a. 0. ge- So I came to the conclusion that, according to the transcription, it was in Küthen struck coins of Bernhard the same Burchard Helt to attribute it might be going too far. It should also be mentioned that we only know one coin of this duke, which is not ihu, but represents a structure (M6m. St. Pet. VI, plate XV1IU), and that further our Bracteate all others of the same government leaves behind in size.

2) B6RNARDVS -O declining, and ' DVX- .-. the Duke in armor, sitting bareheaded, with flag and sword.

Plate VIII, No. 2. What sets this coin apart is the multi-thought Bracteates (M&n.St.Pet. VI, plate XVIII, 6) with two rows of inner writing-like bizarreness of the inscription, which represents the The title is written vertically and the duke's name is shown backwards. By the way, the O behind the name, the place between between the S and X is not entirely clear.

3) B DVX the Duke, covered with the balaclava, holds In his right hand he has the sword across in front of him, its blade

Ztluchrlft for numismatics. V. 18

232 H. Dannenberg,

he touches it with his left arm and that in his right arm Flag, on his right a tower, on his left the shield on the ground, next to his left shoulder a star. Plate VIQ, No. 3.

We probably already knew several Bracteates from Bernhard

with just DVX without his name, but not yet one with that

strongly abbreviated name.

4) DVX €T the Duke riding to the right, a flag like holding in front of him to attack. Plate VIII, No. 4.

The shape differs from the Bracteate M6m. St. Pet. VI, plate XIX, 68 only because on the latter the Duke galloping, here riding at a walk, and by the way not entirely clear €T, which seems to stand for €ST. About I have used this formula before (Köhne N. F. p. 293) expressed.

5) BRNHRDVS (or perhaps B6NHRDVS) • SVO\ . EGODNHARIVS bust in a round helmet, with Sword and flag with shield, under one with seven Towers occupied arches, above a ledge. (K. Museum to Berlin.) Plate VIII, No. 5.

A particularly fine stamp. Similar transcriptions see. Kühne N. F. Plates IX, 16, 17 and X, 27.

I conclude here the following, perhaps this

Duke Otto,

Attributed to Henry the Lion's second son, before his election as German king (1195 - 1198) teat to:

6) 'O DVX the Duke with sword and flag, between a tower and shields. Plate VUI, No. 6.

If the O were not as clear as it actually is, so one would take it for a B and the coin would be harmless those of our Bernhard, with whom they have the perfect

Bracteates of the Saxon Duke Bernhard. 263

has a lot of resemblance and with which they presumably Lich is also found ') . Now we're left if we don't have one Want to accept die cutter errors, only left, our looks to turn to Brannschweig, where, apart from our Otto, too his nephew, Otto the Child (1213-1252), since 1235 reigned with the title of Duke of Braunschweig. He must belong to one of both. Not all of these brown Silent bracteates, by the way, show the image of the lion, man just see, except those of Henry the Lion with the seated one Dukes (sheet f. Mzkde I, plate IV, 52 - 54) the rider bracteates Otto the Child (Mader II Experiment I, 3).

H. Dannenberg.

1) I received these bracteates except for No. 4 from Wiggert's estate, and remember hearing from him many years ago that No. 1 at Schiepzig was found among many other coins. Apparently According to, especially due to the metal color, numbers 2, 3 and 6 come from this.

18'

The coins of Helmstädt Abbey.

Our knowledge of the character has its origins in small beginnings of this Benedictine monastery, whose minting rights date back to 974 dated, quickly worked its way up to quite an extent. As is well known, Leitzmann was the first to demonstrate bracteates, which until then was based on erroneous reading of an apocryphal Heiligenstadt Abbey were attributed to them Quite a few others have been added over the last forty years to which I now again have some previously unknown pieces can add. It might not be unwelcome to many readers be, take this opportunity to provide a brief overview of the up to Helmstadt coins that have now come to light, at least about to receive the safe ones, i.e. with transcriptions, delivered. as I will give them below. The one from Grote (Mzstud. HI, p. 411) the coins of the with The Werden Abbey associated with Helmstädt are not taken into account here. The oldest coin monument in Helmstädt is a large,... Type of Helmstädter, Magdeburger and Quedlinburger (with Scs Dionisius) minted denarius, probably by the abbot

Gerold (Count of Limburg) 1031 - 1058?, or Gero (of Freimersheim) 1058?—1063. ♦ •••VDIERVS crowned head to the right. Letter SCS "LIVDIE" wall with tower.

(Mzstud. III, p. 471. Plate 126 No. 1, cf. Dannenberg Mz. d. Sachs, and Franconian. K. P. 272.)

1) see Nuni. time. 1834 p. 85, 1835 p. 126, 1836 p. 169.

II. Dannenbcrg, The coins of Helmstädt Abbey. 265

After a fairly long break, the next one follows oldest coin, which represents the older Halberstadt Bracteate (8. Leukfeld plates II and III) is related, perhaps from

Abbot

Bernhard (von Wewelinghofen) 1125 - 1141 or

Wernbert Count ofSchauenburg) 1141 - 1146. ♦ •HELCJIÄNSIDA over a wall the bust of

Abbot with a crosier in his right hand, and the

Gospel book with a second crook in

of the Left (K. Museum in Berlin).

Plate VIII, No. 7. The double crosier probably alludes to unification the sister churches of Helmstädt and Werden. What the embossing As far as this coin is concerned, there is so little on the Rf. this, as a second copy, has a trace of stamp discover, but I still want to believe that we don't with an actual bracteate, but with a half-bracteate teats of the kind such as e.g. B. the Henry I and Adelgods of Magdeburg (Dbg. 660 - 662), which are much more common occur unilaterally as well as bilaterally 1).

A third copy, similar to the one above, from Rühle v. Incidentally, it appears to come from Lilienstern's collection, the abbot with only a crook in his right hand and that Book in the left. The abbot

Lambert of Gennep) 1147 - 1152 is in the number. Time. 1845 p. 123 a beautiful large bracteate with CVNRATVS-.LAMPERTVS and REX » attributed, which, however, Schönemann (e.g. fatherland Mzkd. S. IS denies him, by calling him a man from Erfurt, and the Lampert a man from Erfurt Schutzvoigt from the family of the Counts of Gleichen explained.

1) Only now I find out that Dbg. 66ö as Itf. to Dbg. 662 heard. 2j Shown in Boden Coinage of Lower Saxony. Plate II, 8.

266 H* Dtnnenberg,

And Schönemann wants to be right. Because not alone, dagg Neither the title nor the image of the abbot appears, and so is it the style of the coin is completely different than that of the same Bracteates of his next successor Wilhelm, which should be mentioned, on the other hand, entirely in accordance with those found in the same numerous Erfurters were included. But Lambert is one Vogt, the absence of his picture and title is not so noticeable- due, and fully justified, if this name only the mint master, which is known to have occurred at this time Bracteates are sometimes the case 1).

Wilhelm (Count of Moers) 1152 - 1160. *VILLEHELMVS KKBB the abbot with staff and book, next to the one shouldering the sword, through the enclosed appointed PRIDIC's designated guardian (Friedrich II Count Palatine of Sommerschenburg) sitting between her Kneel a lily.

(Seelaender 10 Sehr. of German mining, plate II, 16,

see Mader II experiment p. 24.) Schönemann (loc. cit. p. 18) considers the authenticity of this Brac- Teaten is not sure, but his doubts don't seem to go away objective reasons, none of which he gives, but only because of that that he never received a copy of this rare coin had been seen, and that Seelaender was demonstrably the one Stamps cut into false bracteates published by him ten has. However, I can assure you that I am Years ago a beautifully preserved, undoubtedly eighth example, which which probably came from the Freckleben find 2 ), was sent by a coin dealer whose over- but driving demands prevented me from purchasing it. By Wilhelm's successor Adolf II (Count of Altena

1) Berl. Sheet III, pp. 179 and 180.

2) The stamp cut is also exactly like that of No. 17 u, 20 plate I of the Stenzean writing but theaeu find.

J

The coins of Helmstedt Abbey. 267

1 1 60 — 74) the coins are currently still missing, but it is still The following beautiful bracteate probably came from the next abbot

Wolfram (von Kyrberg or Kirchburg) 1175 - 1183.

1) SC-S-LWD6RVS-ÄBBKS Bust of the abbot, in of the raised pikes an open book, above He has a cross and a crook in his left hand.

(M6m. St. Ptt. VI, p. 412, plate XIX, 64). It is precisely this abbot that Schoenemanh a. a. 0. p. 4) also a silent bracteate that stands out for its beauty >Plate. B, 35). He may also have the following, even more unedited, in his possession Sr. K. Highness Prince Friedrich Karl of Prussia is lichen bracteate belong to:

2) **S*C-S*o-L-I--V:D*G-E*R-V*S- Bust portrait of Saints with cross and crook, over each shoulder a cross. Plate VIII, No. 8.

Heribert I Count of Berg) 1183 - 1199.

1 XH8R9B9RTVS • HBBÄS • IN • HQLC3DQNS the dept

sitting between two towers with a cross and crook,

a ring above each tower.

(Becker 200 since Mz. of MA. No. 174.)

2; *H9RIB9RTVS-D9I-GRHTIH-HBBH the abbot with

Church and flag, sitting on a pearled arch,

an asterisk next to each of his knees.

(Becker ibid. No. 175.

3 * o H9RIB9RTVS • KB ° Bust of the abbot with *

Crooked and cross staff over a building in which a church with an open arch. (Ibid. No. 176.)

4, H9RIB9RT-ÄBBÄS the abbot's bust with palm branch and crook over a building in which Arch the roof of a church. Ibid. No. 177.)

5) H9RIB9RTVS • D9I • GRft • under a portal the abbot sits on one with a crook and cross staff

268 H Dwmeiiberg,

Lion chair, next to which in smaller letters HB-HIL (loc. cit. No. 178.)

6] HQRBB9RTVS on an arch between 2 towers sits the abbot with crook and lily staff.

(Ibid. No. 179.)

7, *H9RIB9RTVS-D9I-GRKTIK-ÄBBÄ in Portale

of a four-towered building the bust of the abbot.

[Ibid. No. 180, Bode Münzwesen Niedersachsen. Plate X,

No. 4, inheritance stone of the coin find from Trebitz p. 62 plate HI,

No. 65.) 8) * H6RIB6RTV .... GRHTIK • KB the abbot with flag and crook sitting on a lion chair. (Erbstein a.a.O. p.62, plate III, no. 66.) On considering whether one or the other of these Coins from Heribert's successor of the same name already have Erbstein (loc. cit. p. 62). Certainly from the last But terem is the following bracteate, which we have along with the others owe to the Salsdorf find described below.

Heribert II (v. Buren) tl99 — 1230. H9RIIB9RT 7 The abbot sits on a lion chair a lily on each hand, a ringlet next to each feet and above every lily.

(Schoenemann a.a.O. p. 20 no. 54, plate I, no. 9.

Gerhard (von Grafschaft) 1230-55.

1) G9RARD seated abbot with flag and scepter, above each shoulder a ringlet.

(Schoenemann a.a.O. p. 21 no. 55, plate B, no. 36.;

2) 69RÄRD the abbot with a lily scepter in each hand, .sitting on a bow.

(Schoenemann a.a.O. p. 21 no. 56. Plate I, no. 10.)

3, 69RARD the abbot sitting on an arch between

2 domed towers.

(Schoenemann a.a.O. p. 21 no. 57.)

The coins of Helmstadt Abbey. 269

4) Likewise, except that the abbot has a cross in each hand stick holds. (Schoenemann p. 21 no. 58.) Albert I (of Gk>er] 1255-58. KLB9RT the abbot with a palm branch in each hand, sitting on an arch. (Schoenemann a.a.O. p. 21 no. 59. Plate I, no. 11.) It is possible that this coin, which is the one from Schoene- mann a.a.O. p. 23 no. 70 note. mentioned can be connected, the following abbot Albert II (Count of Teklenburg) 1258-77, but who called himself Albero in his documents and seals, to the author.

Here the series of those secured by inscriptions closes Helmstadt coins, because that of Mader (critical contribution, vol. VI, p. 204) cited Raderalbus of Abbot Konrad I (1454 - 74) Due to its Rhenish character, it is probably not in Helm- city, but in Werden

w

H. Dannenberg.

1) Like me (Mem. St. Prftersb. Vol. VI, 8. 413) Grote also has (MiiBt- Studies Vol. III, p. 419) doubted that Mader had written the Ü9LM correctly. read. Alone with injustice, like a beautiful one that came to me some time ago specimen has proven. Mader's accuracy is once again bright provided. There are really two Raderalbus by Konrad that are otherwise completely identical, one with mone nova Werd, the other with mone nova helmet.

The Zöckeritz coin find.

Relatively more than some large coin finds have a small one recently near Zöckeritz between Delitzsch and Bitter- Medieval cash taken from the earth for use contributed to the enrichment of our numismatic knowledge New at the same time shows how advisable it is, even initially Inconspicuous incidents of this kind should be followed up with great care. approach. The coins found were given to us in their entirety 63 pieces were sent, while the larger part (110 pieces) to Berlin and there for the first selection at the Kgl. coin cabinet, whose new additions, the Dir. Dr. Peace Laender recently presented to us there in his well-known kindness, about 20 of these coins had.

Below we list the different varieties, which we saw from the find. The one buried Number of pieces shows the ratio in which among us The individual stamps were found in the 63 pieces received. Those numbers that lack such a number were in our share of the find was not represented and was sent to described in the Berlin specimens, but those were found Numbers with the addition KMB (Kgl. Münzkabinet zu Berlin) missing, only in our part. From most of the follow-up The discovery contained only a few specimens of the several stamps were only found once, the most numerous represented in our share were numbers 1 and 9, while the bulk of the part that came to Berlin consisted of copies of No. 9.

J. and A. Erbsteiu, The Zockeritz coin find. 271

The find contained already known coins:

f) Thuringian roast restaurants of Duke Wilhelm III. of Saxony (got Thuringia in 1445, f 1482). *W»D»G»D«S (Wilhelmus Dei Gratia Dnx Saxoniae) about the Saxon helmet jewel, attached to a crown towering high hat, in the style of the Duke. Saxon. coat of arms with horizontal stripes) surrounded by the diamond wreath which is crowned and decorated with peacock feathers.

25 pieces and KMB. (Schlegel, de num. Goth. IV, No. 15 and 16.)

2) Eisenacher Pfennige (Braeteaten) from the time of this ben princes. *:ISQI?Er: on a sloping edge. In the field a large W KMB.

cf. Posern-Klett, Saxony's coins in the Middle Ages,

Act XIX, 15.

3) Meissner Heller from Friedrich II (f 1464) with the

Lions above the Landsberg shields, to its sides

a) o — o (Dresdn. Doubl.- Cat. 245.) 1 p.

j) <9>_$ (Schlegel, de num. Goth. IV, 28.) 1 p.

Also KMB.

There is not only one completely similar to the above Heller with 2 patriarchal crosses as coin tokens (the symbol the Colditz Mint), but also one with SB — ♦ next to it the Landsberg shield surmounted by the lion, an emblem, this undoubtedly came from Friedrich's wife Margaretha, who known to have minted their own coin at Colditz, gone (Becker in Cutting's biogr. fragment, d. Kurf. Mar- garetha p.47, no. 53). Because of these pieces and in particular of the latter, the original of which is in the Kgl. Coin Cabinet for Dres- the above Heller, the Franck Num. Wilh.-Ern. tab. IH, 11 - 13) as Landsberger, Böhme (Saxon Grosch.-Cab. I, p. 317) as Leipziger, Götz (Gr.-Cab. No. 3770 - 3772) and v. Mention Posern-Klett (S. M. p. 41) as Colditzer, the spa

272 *■ *• A. Erb»tein,

forests assigned to Friedrich IL. The one popular on the same heraldic composition of the Landsberg shield with the By the way, half a lion is otherwise only available on that penny before, the Böhme (Gr.-C. Plate XII, 92) Duke Wilhelm HI., Götz on the other hand (No. 3573) real Duke Wilhelm II, the rich, allotted.

4) Meissner lion pennies from Elector Ernst alone, Minted in community until 1482:

a) with (cloverleaf) above the lion shield. 5 pieces

b) with (cloverleaf) above and o - o next to the shield.

1 pc

c) with + above and ♦ — ♦ next to the shield. 2 pcs.

(Dresdn. Doubl.- Cat. 300a, b and e.)

5) Pennies from Ernst and Albrecht of Saxony with the lion and the Landsberg coat of arms in the right split shields, minted since 1482.

(Dresden Doubl. cat. 308.)

a) with + above the shield. 1 pc

b) <£ > (shamrock and half four-petal rose) above the Shields. 1 pc

6) Coburger Heller. Mohrenkopf v. 1. S. up to now, about which O 1 pc.

Belongs to v. Posern, Saxony's coins, No. 100 - 106.

7) Heiligenstadt pfennigs (bracteates) from Mainz

Archbishop Adolf Count of Nassau, 1461 - 1475.

•*-h9ILS 7 wheel and lion. 2 pcs.

v. Posern, No. 571 and Plate XXVI, No. 4.

8) Count Mansfeld bracteates from the mint Ice 1 eben, after the coin agreement of Counts Günther, Gebhard and Busso v. Minted in 1459. O ISLQIB on sloping edge around the squared shield of transverse Furt-Mansfeld. KMB.

v. Posern-Klett, plate XXIV, 12.

The Zöckeritz coin find. 273

9) Hitchhiker's hollow pennies with the half eagle and 5 crossbars.

a) only with ray edge 11 pieces |

b) with • at the top in the edge of the rays 2 pieces / and KMB.

c) with 6 at the top in the edge of the rays 2 pieces.)

Stenzel in his Numism. Studies (I. On the history of Anhalt coinage p. 7 to Fig. 9) shares this pfennig based on the 6 to Prince George I of Anhalt (f 1474) to. However, since this 6 is on both the rare dime Duke Albrecht V (f 1475) above the coat of arms 1 ), as also on the back there are small, very low-content persistent ones Heller of the 15th century finds it again with a B in place of the 6, it seems to us in this 6 not the sovereign name, but a coin stamp to look for, which is then all the safer for the coin masters will be able to look at the Köthen half Groschen from Princes Ernst, Rudolf and Wolfgang from 1509 in similarly used letter Ä (in its place the Bernburg Gröschlein of these princes show a heraldic lily] can only be referred to the mint master, after- the names of the mint owners on these coins, as well the one advertised by the mint already exists are 2). But then we find this Ä as the only one

1) Stenzel, Num. Stud. p. 8 remembers this penny after the incorrect one Illustration of the same in the Num. Zeitung 1861, Plate I, No. 17. We use the opportunity presented here to correct the information in our collection originals located in the storage area.

HJ. : ÄLBGRTVS (° DQI ° GRÄCHÄ DVX o ÄRH The shield

with the half eagle and the bars (without a diamond wreath). Above *G* and to the pages o — *

Rf. :GROSSVS § IIOVVS § OV ÄIIIiÄLTT Bluiuenkreuz im \ierpas8, as on the Meissner

2) An interesting counterpart of this half that can also be attracted here Groschen of Magdeburg Archbishop Ernst of Saxony (1470 - 1513)

274 J - *• A - Erbsteia,

Lettering under the two coats of arms on one side persistent pennies attached, apparently about the same as the pfennigs belonging to those Köthen Gröschlein zn legitimize *) (just like this with the contemporary Bernburgers Penny happens again through the above-mentioned lily), so There is probably full reason, not only that in a very similar The O appears on the pennies, but also the 6 on the Albertsgroschen, as well as on the hellers mentioned and on here The pfennigs in question are to be understood as mint master's marks.

10) Groschen Duke Friedriche v. Lüneburg (d. 1478), like that in Bode, the older coin system in Lower Saxony, Plate IUI, 4 shown, but with G in “Gracia” and G — R — V (not C — H — V) on the main page and DVaS instead of DVOIS on the back. 1 pc

11) Groschen from the Duke of Braunschweig Albrecht von Herzberg (•{• 1486), of rougher cut and smaller lower content than the previously known specimens, one of which Bode Taf. Uli, 6 gave an illustration. The transliterations here are ÄLBO(sic) RTVSoDQI* eRÄOIÄoDVXom— and S0ROSSVSoDVaiS°m BRVNSWiaa (last 2 letters connected) — from Only Q - V can be seen on the inscription Crux. 1 pc

Both coins, as is well known, are replicas of the coins at the same time Meissner Groschen 2 ), where you can complete the

The Köthener Gröschlein is that of Bode, the older coin system of the Lower Saxony's plate IUI, wing 8 depicted Wolfenbüttler Gröschlein Duke Heinrich the Elder. Elders of Wolfenbüttel with B under the shields.

1) Because of this, these pfennigs are from Stenzel a. a. O. to plate I, 10 u. p. 7 for Prince Albrecht V, or for the brothers Adolf and Albrecht V. says. But that they, like those with the herald. Lily among the Schilden, from which Princes Ernst, Rudolf and Wolfgang came after their compilation here with those bearing the same brands half a penny of these gentlemen can no longer be doubted.

2) No. 10 is a replica of the diamond-grossed Duke Wilhelm'e III. and No. 11 one of Ernst and Albert's sight pennies, their coin coins were even inspired.

The Zöckeritz coin find. 275

The intended similarity even used heraldic shields fttr the shields of Landsberg, for the diamond shield and the There is a sign with the swords that should be viewed us xu a small correction of the Bode 1 see drawings cause. The shield that the lion holds on the back, is not, as those drawings lead one to believe, pure Copy of the Landsberg shield, but just similar to it more designed. Both pennies do not show the one divided into 4 times Shield with 3 high and 2 deep stripes (like on the Meissner Groschen), but instead of the middle strip appears here the same figure whose shield is on the main page of the penny EL Albrecht's v. Herzberg two, crossed, to the rear imitating the Saxon swords, namely Lich a rod that ends like a nail head at the top and bottom the edge of the shield at the top and bottom with just a fine tip touched.

While the small find is already due to its previously discovered The components mentioned are interesting to us in that they are shows what was happening in the area at the end of the 15th century of the site where it was found, it is particularly special Importance through the following 4 characteristics, the first of which is German ficial specimens have so far been completely missing, while the following ones were still completely unknown to both of them, but the fourth was ours As far as we know, no explanation has yet been found.

12) Hollow pennies of Elector Friedrich II v. factual sen, 1428-64. F°D°S° (Fridericus Dux Saxoniae). The shield with the swords. Dm. 17. KMB.

276

J. and A. Erbsteiii,

The discovery of this well-preserved coin, from which Unfortunately, the find only contained very few specimens seems all the more interesting to us because it is a conjecture confirmed, which came to mind when we were classifying it the famous v. Roman collection in the local royal collection. coin cabinet got their hands on the coin that Götz had in his contributions to the Penny Cabinet under No. 3348 and Duke Albrecht III. of Saxony (1419 - 1422) shared because he had the transcription attached to the price tag K°D°S° read. We believed in what was not clear Idolic specimens do not have an A in the first letter, the carrion sight corresponding to the middle of the 15th century the coin could not have been explained, but an F could have been read and to see one of those pennies in this coin, which in the Saxon coinage regulations of February 2, 1457 below is thought of in a way that is yet to be stated, without any examples to date. plare this character would have been proven. By now the Zöckeritz find to determine the true transcription This coin helps... and confirms our assumption but not only the Götzian assignment to Duke Albrecht III. obsolete, but also other things written in earlier times. benes. Because apparently Böhme had something very similar Coin with the price tag surrounded by 3 letters he in sftchs. Groschen Cabinet I, p. 143 shown and the Elector Wenzel assigned 1 ], while she then Mader (II. Attempt, p. 79) to Elector Rudolf I or II (1298—

*

1356 - 137Ö) was inclined to assign nothing more than a poorly preserved or not sharply defined specimen standing pfennigs Kurf. Frederick II in front of him. And same thing

1) The. second, very similar coin depicted there with apparently more than the three bachata tabs on the edge, is, as is now the case in the Royal. coin A copy of the dart hat that was once used for illustration in the Dresden cabinet an indistinct specimen of the first kind by impressing letters been forged. 2

The coin discovery from Zöokeritz. 277

We will certainly have to assume that with regard to the very similar in the Ampach catalog under No. 12581 the manufacturer said the coin given to Rudolf, based on the information there R«D°S° is said to have stood during a more detailed examination of the piece would certainly also have resulted in F<>DoS°.

The coin order to which we have just referred was between the princely brothers Friedrich IL and Wilhelm III. of Saxony, both of which have already been mentioned in our findings, by their representatives in Leipzig on September 21, 1456 advice and announced on February 2, 1457, after both Prince's brother-in-law, Landgrave Ludwig of Hesse, of the same had occurred. In this coin order l ) it says under the title writing: “The stamp on the nuwen Muntze in groschen Pfengen hellem and helblingen sal also sin" regarding the pennies: “We also want to strike both pennies, and the pennies Some of those whom we, Duke Friedrich, beat should have this Marshal's Office of Saxony, the shield with the two swords and ours, Duke Wilhelm's, pfennigs shall have the shield of Sachsland with the wreath, and shall keep these pennies the same in all coins 5 Loth 6 Green, and 30 pfennigs go out on the mixed lot.” There can now hardly be any doubt that the coins in this Duke Friedrich's pennies described in order, from which so far, just as little as with regard to those mentioned at the same time Wilhelm's pennies were to prove that they were really minted in the “shield with the two” offered to us here The pennies leading to swords have now been found. There By the way, in this coin order it is said that you can have both the princely brothers' common coin, "shield-light groschen", the two shields instead of the previously used Landsberg shield next to each other, "Sachsland with the wreath and the marshal's

1) Partially printed in the Mitth. of the K. Sachs. Association for Krf. and Krh. ▼iteri. History and art deiikm. XVI (1866), p. 91 flg.

Journal of Numismatics. V. 19

278 *T' Q - A - Crbstein,

should carry office with the swords, fight in Freiberg, But Duke Friedrich alone wanted to coin coins in Leipzig, as On the other hand, Duke Wilhelm alone in Gotha, the previous available sword pennies as products of the Leipzig Mint be considered. Aach the “schildichten” to be beaten in Leipzig Groschen« Friedriche should instead of the two labels of the first Freiberg community coin only mentioned the price tag, “that Marshal's office with the swords" during Wilhelm's Gotha's counterparts only have the ducal shield “Shield Sachsland with the wreath” should have 1 ;.

13) Bracteate-like pennies of Count Wilhelm V. von Henneberg '1444 - 1480), an extensive replication imitation of the same type of coin from Duke Wilhelm III. of Saxony, which we described above under No. 1. #W»D-6»a»I«h« (Wilhelmus Dei Gratia Comes In Henneberg). On a crown rises a tall, crowned hat decorated with peacock feathers, in which In the middle, very small, the hen walking to the right on three a pointed hill appears. Dm. 17. 3 St. and KMB. The crowned hat shown here is not the hen Berg helmet jewel, but only a part of it. The one Henneberger helmet adorning the torso of a virgin namely wears on his head such jewelry, a crown, from which cher a high hat rises up, which, again crowned, is on top decorated with peacock feathers. This is how the Henneberger Helmet shows

1) All three types of pennies have actually been minted and are still coming often before.

The coin discovery from Zückeritz. 279

adorn the beautiful pennies of Count Wilhelm VII. of 1500 and 1501 and older monuments, while later the Has become more and more shortened and finally the peacock "Feathers immediately protrude from the lower crown, but soon as well." which the hat turns into a crowned column decorated with feathers transformed. By the way, this hat is decorated with the hen was, on it as well as on the Saxon that Coat of arms image repeated, Hesse Henneberg coins to whom this part of the gem always seems very small, up to now, just as little as the Hennebergi illustrations shear monuments and seals in diplomatic history of the Count's House of Henneberg by Joh. Ad. Schultes (1788 and 1791). But the fact that you only see the top one here Part of the jewel was placed on the coin, the wished for a similarity to the ducal Saxon pfennigs Status, which, by the way, is still supported by the same noisy beginning of the transcription, with weak ones specimens is downright deceptive.

Another coin is said to be very similar to our No. 1 3, but... instead of the six letters there are only three, namely W'D-G- had to be used for transcription, were found in the find, which however not seen.

14) Quedlinburger Pfennig, Bracteat with looking right- the) eagle in the edge of the rays, on which between the Rays distributed +— Q — W — Q— (Dj— Dm. IG.

1 pc

19*

280 J - "• A - inheritance stone,

The letters are touched by the rays and bind changed in the stamp, which previously reversed the inscription (starting in the wrong place) seems to have been included, since under which 3 traces of a W can still be seen. All this It makes it difficult to discover the letters, but they are completely safe are.

The eagle's drawing style corresponds to that on the beautiful penny from Abbess Hedwig, née Duchess in Saxony, 1458 - 1511 (Cappe, plate II, 96). in their time our coin is too misplaced.

This little coin, which is even more interesting than it is At this time, only the wide ones were available for Quedlinburg coins Groschen were known, by the way, there is one to be confused with suitable resemblance to the frequently occurring identical early Kurbrandenburg hollow eagle pennies and demands thus, among the numerous Brandenburg coins, this I'm looking for more interesting imprints of this kind to keep a careful look around.

15) Another such pfennig, which is in 1 s Kgl. Mttnzcabinet reached Berlin, shows between the rays the Letters *— Q — G — D — L—

16) City of Eger in Bohemia.

Bracteat On the edge Q-8-Q-0- In the field of

Eagle. Dm. 18.

1 pc and KMB.

The coin find from Zocke ritz. 281

17) A second stamp shows the E reversed B'B'B-B-

1 pc This penny can be minted under the same coin We couldn't accommodate Thuringia, so we thought of Eger. A visit to this city showed us that we were on the right track been saving. In the collection on the mayor there At home we found the ones we only knew from our discovery. coin, apparently from there, i.e. h. in or near Eger Finds made in several specimens among others Components of our find coins from the same time *) . We So here you have an imprint of Eger, older than any known so far. knew coins of this city, which had been with the right since 1444, Heller and pennies to beat was equipped. That 4 times repeated 3 is reminiscent of those with a 3 on the back Egerer Heller, which already has the new city coat of arms on the front (half eagle above the grid), while the eagle of our penny nigs finds its explanation from the older Eger seals, of which particularly the beautiful one, from the 13th century originating Sigillvm Civivm in Egra of outstanding domestic

1) We cannot surmise a new appearance among these pieces. let us bring this to more general knowledge on this occasion. It's a Bracteat in the format and in the factory of the above-mentioned Duke Wilhelm III. ▼. Saxony (No. 1):

•X* * F V .... • Shield rounded at the bottom with a cross in it.

The coat of arms and the beginning of the inscription leave no doubt for a moment that we are in With this piece we have a coin from Fulda Abbey in front of us.

282 J. and A. Erbstein. The Zöckeriti coin find.

is interesting because it is a representation of the Royal Court offers *) .

The burying of the small treasure of coins is not complete long after 1482, after this year because The pennies listed under No. 5 were found, which were the first have been beaten since 1482 (cf. Tb. Erbstein's overview, P. 580, Annierk. n.).

Dresden.

J. and A. Erbstein.

1) The explanation of the representation on this interesting seal has how Melly, Contributions to the Sealology of the Middle Ages (Vienna, 1846) to depict the same, 8. 125, noted, so far not wanting to succeed, and that the figurative language This strange monument was not understood even later, proves the naive explanation given in the “Bohemian private coins” in subject of the new coat of arms of the city of Eger. To explain the picture is very simple. It represents the king. Judge is behind the bars that hold him separated from the accused, and the king's head, like the one on display stuck lance hanging shield with the king. Eagles point to the power perfection by virtue of which the judge exercised his office. The shape of the Judge is unmistakable, he sits on the sword, the symbol of his office, supported, the right leg crossed over the left, as was the custom. A grid, like that depicted on the seal behind which the judge sat, in order not to Being able to graze as seen by the defendant can still be found in the document Torture chamber under the town hall in Regensburg. The explanation of this seal but that of the current city coat of arms of Eger, so to speak, closes yourself. The lower part of it does not owe its present appearance to as it is in the »Boehm. “Private coins” means “scraping out”, cassation, etc. der contains the grid discussed above. So the newer coat of arms is wider nothing but the monogrammatic union of the ones on our ancient seal two symbols appearing to each other, the Adlerschi idea, which takes the place of the royal. Head kicked, and the court bars. The coat of arms designed in this way says: so much as: “the German king’s former place of justice.”

Unedited medium old rm ounces.

King Conrad the Peaceful Ton Bnrgnnd in Basel.

In the 1844 publication About the Find of Obrzycko 8. 16-19 I first gave coins to the above-mentioned king divided by Basel. This was the most important result find; it proved what was not yet recognized at the time, how important for the correct allocation of medieval coins. Descriptions of finds are in their entirety. At the same time With these earliest discovery records I also had the request Order of the coins according to the design of Germany at the time tried; This innovation was recognized by Dr. Grote, and has since become commonplace.

What I mentioned in the writing About a coin of Kourad and three complementary fragments of a second said I have, I repeat here in the excerpt.

-The city of Basel had through the Treaty of Venlun “The Lotharingian Empire was fornicated and was later divided when this happened “It fell to the German Empire until it became king -Rudolf IL von Bnrgnnd with the Burgundian-Arelatschen ver-

284 J - Friedender,

“It was agreed upon. With this she remained, Mb in the year 1025 “German King Konrad II returned them to the German Empire- “took.

“There was no coin found in Obrzycko’s find “King and (since 1027) Emperor Conrad IL, not even one “Coin of his predecessor Henry II. Consequently, the “Basel coins of a King Conrad, which are in this “The finds were not the German Konrad II, but her “must belong to Conrad of Burgundy, 937-993. The German “Conrad I is out of the question because he never lived in Basel or Burgundy “Had power.

"Conrad of Burgundy ruled his father's kingdom for 5 years, "and finally a long series of years in peace. It can “It is therefore not noticeable that he was in the already important position at the time “The border town of Basel minted coins. The church building “The flip side of one coin of the find is reminiscent of the one on “the neighboring coins of the bishops of the same time were acquired” “Bold from Strasbourg and Adalbero from Metz. That in Lyon “Coins minted by the same King Conrad differ and “like those who visited the French kings in the Lyons” Neighboring cities have shaped it, of course, as every area “had their own types.

“Other coins minted in Basel by King Conrad can be found which can be found in Mader (contributions part IV, p. 83) and in Beyschlag "(p. 78). You have it without having to think of the Burgundian Conrad "think, assigned to the German Conrad the Second. I “cannot deny this attribution, but would like to remember that “that these coins are just as well suited to the Burgundian king” can hear. 44

In Basel at that time they had this new news as one desired greeted because these coins are the only monuments the time in which the city became part of the Burgundian Empire heard.

unedited medieval coins. 285

Mr. City Judge Dannenberg also has my condolences. tfng repeated, first in 1870 in the Berlin papers Th. V, 8.67, and then in his beautiful work on the coins of the Saxons schen and Franconian Emperor p. 365, where he wrote a number of Conrad's Basel coins, which have since come to light are coming. He says: “Most writers have these Coins of Konrad II included etc., only Friedlaender appears “To have guessed that they were all from Conrad of Burgundy.”

The semblance of a premonition! that wouldn't be much. From the The above excerpt from my writing shows that I am the allocation I have justified this in detail and with complete certainty, and that no new reasons have been added since then.

The year the Obrzycko find was buried was I stated 980. Mr. City Judge Dannenberg says in the Berlin papers, part V, p. 67: “the find contains none Coin that needs to be minted after the year 965." This but it is a mistake because it contains coins from John Zimisce8, who began to rule in 969, and Arab coins zen from the year 970. I have the year 980 as the time of the The excavation was not only scheduled because I assumed at the time that I would bold from Strasbourg began to shape what happened in 974 has since been proven wrong, but of these last coins because of. Byzantine and Arabic coins have the second The distance from their home always takes some time to reach to get to our areas; Experience shows that in each of these finds the latest Arabic coins five to ten years older than the latest Occi den Talischen. There now In this find the Arabic dates back to 970, I believe still that the year of burial was about 980.

The coin of Conrad of Burgundy shown here is un- edited, because the three fragments of the find from Obrzycko, from which no other specimens have come to light since then are, had the crowned head of the king from the front, but here

286 J - PeaceUendei,

The head is that of the Savior with a cross in the nimbus. Is the one mentioned in Mr. Dannenberg's work under No. 969 According to Meyer, it is not exactly described there and pictured. This Savior's head is a Byzantine one Gold coin imitated. The oldest savior's head finds seven on a coin of Justinian Rhinotmetus, 685 - 695, later he returns sporadically until he is under Constantin rogenitus, 913-959, begins to become common. Certainly it was a gold coin from this contemporary, Konrad von Burgnnd has imitated. In Bohemia they also have this Byzantine copied to the original type.

Duke Heinrich I of Braunschwelg In Elmbeck.

+ hen v RICVS-,DVX-IÄV« the Braunschweig lion as on the ducal seals of this era.

Bf. +QNBQRQ-CIVIT(ÄS) The Braunschweigsche Wap- penhelm with two sickles decorated with peacock feathers are, the feathers here are designed like leaves.

This coin was clearly minted around 1300, i.e. one Time when Eimbeck already belonged to the BraunBchweig princes. At the death of Duke Albert the Great in 1279, they divided the three sons to his lands; the eldest Henry I (the Eimbeck also received whimsical ones with other landscapes He took up residence in the neighboring Grubenhagen Castle. He later went to Braunschweig, that of his youngest brother

Unedited medieval coins. 287

had fallen to Wilhelm and wanted it after his death but this failed, he returned to Grabenhagen back. He died in 1322 and is buried in Eimbeck.

So if he left his mark, it was certainly in Eimbeck happen.

- So you'll probably see him on this Eimbeck coin the Henricus Dax can recognize if aach the word IRV* remains unexplained.

People wanted to see Jauer in it. Of course it has to do this- At that time there was also a Heinrich von Jauer: Heinrich I, Son of Boleslaus III. Already during his father's lifetime in 1297 he had been introduced there as the future master, he then raised his voice 1303 Jauer became an independent principality and the city became Residence. It is documented in Dux Silesiae et Dominus in Vorstemberg et Jawor called. He was married once, with Agnes, Emperor Wenceslas' daughter, and died in 1345 or 1346. So he has no demonstrable connection to Braunschweig confessed. I don't see any way to give him this Eimbecker to allocate coin.

There is also a Silesian Duke Heinrich at the same time. rich, who was related by marriage to the people of Braunschweig, but the coin could not have been minted either: Henry III, Son of Conrad IL, Duke of Glogau 1298-1309 (still standing these years are not fixed). He had Mechthilde, daughter of Duke Albert the Great of Braunschweig as his wife. But he did not possess Jauer; it seems impossible that he should call himself Duke of Javier instead of Duke of Glogau, and that he lived in the far away capital of Eimbeck brother-in-law, Duke Heinrich of Braunschweig, a minted should have been right.

We have a Silesian coin with a helmet, which is similar to that of the Braunschweig coat of arms, and the one at a helmet with a strange inscription clipeus de Brunswig, on which

288 J - Friedlaender,

Reverse of the Shooter's Eagle '). This coin is used in relation to depends on the aforementioned Braunschweig Mechthilde, wife of Duke Henry of Glogau, even though he wasn't himself is mentioned on it. That may well be correct. But ours The coin does not have the visual coat of arms, but rather the name the Braunschweig city of Eimbeck, so she asked with that one no relation. On the other hand, she's not into the type but in the external characteristics and the forms of the books staben kinship with those in the same time and in their Neighborhood, to Höxter, coins minted by the abbots of Corvey Henry III. 1275-1301, and Robert 1301-1336 * h

I already had a print of it six months ago Coin to Dr. Grote sent asking for the coin to publish and explain; I repeat my request here for his opinion on this coin that is close to his homeland. Until he has decided, it seems better to me, the uncertain IRV* should be left unexplained rather than explained by Jauer then the safe QNBGK8 would float in the air.

Heller of King Wenceslas of Bohemia, In Neisse

shaped.

From the coin collections of the city library in Wroclaw, which are now to be sorted, I have some coins at my disposal Decision about their authenticity, partly presented for reading

1) Vossberg in the Berliner Blatten für Münzkunde I (1863), p. 43. T) Grote, Blatter für Münzkunde I, Plate XV, No. 205; Schellhas, catalogue No. 995.

Unedited mid-Jal terra coins. 289

been: among the latter is the one shown above with the inscription +Wan

King Wenceslas of Bohemia. 1378 - 1119, so it has this one Heller minted in Neisse, with German inscription on the reverse.

As written on this Heller rej with German letters is written, a rare ducat from him also has the whole thing Inscription in German letters. The recently purchased, true apparently from the Princely Pless collection Copy of the Royal Coin Cabinets has: + mtntt$lana$ ♦ at ♦ gratta. romattor . rrj and in the field in a decorated hexagon Bl , and on the flip side + $tmp * ftttgttt . et . bormir. rej, in Fields of the Bohemian Lion, surrounded by a circular bottom surrounded by a looped bandage. Also another ducat with Inscriptions in Latin letters have a large ft in the field.

In Voigt's description of the Bohemian coins Th. II, p. 201 is a Prague penny from Wenceslas' successor, Emperor Sigis - mouth pictured; also this extremely rare coin, from which Voigt only knew of two copies and has the inscriptions in German. cal letters, and the x in rex has almost exactly the same shape like on the Neisser Heller.

Elector Joachim I of Brandenburg.

I came across the coin pictured here during a visit to... Dukel. Coin cabinet in Gotha, and there she is also there further research turned out to be unknown, so I asked him Head of this famous collection, Mr. Hofrath and Pro- Professor Dr. Pertscb for permission to publish them, which

1

he granted with his usual kindness. The coin is located has been in the cabinet there for a long time, and is in Schlager's hand-written in the first half of the last century written catalog described; this means everyone is suspicious a modern forgery excluded.

The characters are so beautiful that you would believe one of the good painters of Cranach's time and school they were sketched out to the die cutter. The Naked Angel The child's moving posture moves away from the clothed one Winged boy or youth standing quietly there Scbreekenbergern, and the Brandenburg Groschen with that Types of the Schreckeubergers, which Joachim I. and II. have shaped (catalog Reichet Th . IV title page), considerably. The apostle Paul appears almost as well drawn as on our coin, also on the gold guilders of Joaehim I, and on which he and his brother Albrecht, the next Electors of Mainz, coined together; but there he keeps it Sword in the right arm upright, and in the left hand the Gospel book, which is missing here. The types of our coin so they are new.

In the inscriptions glOKa°MRR°BRKNDtNBVR'°P° ELfOTV nnd "MON^NOoRRGo BRRNDINBV is that electu is a typographical error by Ätempelschneider, which is unusual the shape of the e on Brandenburg coins of this time.

Unedited medieval coins. 291

Whether Moneta Brandenburgensis means that the coin is in The city of Brandenburg is minted, says other coins refer to themselves as Berolinensis, Francfurtensis n.s.w.

According to Mr. Hofrath, the weight is Pertsch 4.46 grams, which is twice as much as that of the old Schockenbergers the Brandenburg penny. The fact that the coin unknown, so probably only present in this one copy which, in terms of its perfect preservation, has never been was run, perhaps suggests that it was a test coin which, perhaps because of the error electus instead of elector, was thrown.

J. Friedlaender.

^

Investigations into ancient Hebrew coins.

IV.

The Shekel era.

The completely autonomous coinage, which is analogous to the Sekel n Judea's neighboring cities stand, as shown above intimately connected with the arrival of one of the cities own time calculation. These have, while they are only as long as they were still under Seleucid suzerainty. zens suggested, exclusively the Seleucid era for the year designation used after the introduction of the autonomous coin Minting, as the surviving coins show us, shows the years Their coins are usually named after an era specific to them. We would do the same for the almost simultaneous Sekel can assume a time reckoning specific to the Jews, themselves if the year details of the same do not in themselves represent such a thing required calculation. But this is undisputedly the case.

The only question is whether, as with the Syrians, schen city coins the era of the Shekel as one of starting at a certain point in time and then for a longer period of time period captured era or whether one accepts men have that the Sekel only after years of the reign of the prince sten who initiated their coinage were dated.

The former assumption must be rejected as unlikely. be meadowed. She might be able to justify herself, if the simultaneity of the Shekel and that copper

Dr. Eugen Merzbacher, studies on ancient Hebrew coins. 293

coins, which I classify as coins of indeterminate age lined up (No. 134 - 136 of the directory), with certainty Hesse states that the copper coins have the inscriptions M1K WV "Fourth Year" on the front and 'jTO rbtitib "the Liberation of Zion” on the other side, presumably are dated after an era of the liberation of Zion. This era, This is what some thought, who made the above assumption without proof joined (Cavedoni, Bibl. Num. I, p. 16; Beichardt in Egger's Vienna. Num. Monthly 1866, p. 143), refers to the Er- Conquest of Akra, the castle of Zion, by Simon the Maccabee, The years of the shekels are therefore also according to the same to calculate, although the era is in the inscriptions of the Shekel is not named.

Apart from that the prerequisite of which one went out, is uncertain and, on the contrary, reasons for that There is an assumption that copper coins will be minted at a later date (cf. Evans, Num. chron. 1857 p. 12; de Saulcy, Rev. num. 1864 p. 377; Garrucci, Diss. arch. II, p. 31 ; Madden, num. chron. 1865, p. 200) is the identification of the Akra with Zion according to more recent ones Research 1 ) still controversial; it thus becomes a mainstay for the assumed era of Zion's liberation (=Akra) becomes obsolete.

On the other hand, let us consider the years of the shekel as Years of reign of a prince, we can rely on the Jews of Palestine have been naturalized since ancient times Use, the years in documents after the reign of to describe princes (cf. e.g. Ewald, Gesch. d. Volk. Israel I 3 pp. 295 and 98), appointed; a use that is also in the Epoch to which the shekels are to be assigned was in effect, as both the tradition of the first book of Maccabees and the

1) Hupfeld, German magazine. -morning). Society 1861 p. 185; Orätz, Monthly magazine for business 11. Know. <1. .Tiulth. 1870 p. 145 fT. ; cf. about the rest here relevant literature L. Mendelssohn in Kitschl's Acta sor. philol. Oops. V, 8. 89, note 2.

Z«H*cl»rift for numismatics. V. 20

\

294 D*. Say Meribacher,

various legal provisions of the Talmud *) that are... Part expressly refer back to the time of the Maccabees, confirm.

The only thing that remains striking is that all the remaining Maccabean ones Coins - lack any designation of years at all 2 ), and only under Herod and his successors as well as under the Roman emperors from Augustus to Nero figures based on the years of desire of the princes refer 3 ), to those in Judea minted coins occur.

If one now assumes - as usually happens - that that Simon the Maccabee coined the Shekel is because of this Prince ruled for eight years and only in the III. or IV. years his government is said to have received the right to mint, under- look for how the data on the coins can be reconciled with this can be.

According to tradition, Simon was given the right to coin money I. Book of Maccabees first by Antiochus VII, as it is appears to be shortly before 174 d. Be. awarded 4). He dies after- same source in 177 d. Be., but begins as early as 170 d. Be. the count according to the years of one's reign.

The shekels known so far have years from 1 to 5; So the shekels from last year would be approximately the same year

1) There»« in the time of the Maccabees after the reign of the high priest was calculated, emerges from a decree (Ros-h-Ha-shana 18b), which Grätz, History of the Jews III 2, p. 422 probably rightly dates back to the time of John Hyrcanus sets. See Herzfeld, Gesch. d. People. Israel I, p. 326; Derenbourg, Essai snr l'hist. et la ge'ogr. etc. p. 161; from older writings Barthelemy in Me'm. de l'Acad. of the Inscr. T. XXIV (1756), p. 56; Reland, Diss. I. de num. Sam p. 16.

2) The alleged data, which Fabricy, Barthelemy, Mionnet, Cavedoni and more recently Reichardt believed to have been found on Maccabean coins. are, as I have shown in various places in the coin catalog, erroneous.

3) Madden, Jew. coin. p. 82; Mommsen, Rome. coin w. p. 719 note 190; Vienna. Num. Magazine 1871, p. 453 ff. ; de Saulcy, Num. de la Terre Sainte p. 70.

4) See Levy, Jfld. Coin. 8. 38 ff., and Madden, Jew. coin, p. 40, which, however, as will be shown below, did not determine time quite correctly.

Studies on ancient Hebrew coins. 205

174 cL Be. correspond if we determine the start of the minting According to tradition, Simon died in 170 AD. Be. his first year of desire counted (I. Makk. XIII, 42), just in set this year. The expression of the Sekel would therefore may have stopped after the right to mint was granted if we according to the existing coins are allowed to close while they apparently illegally three or four years previously would have liked.

People wanted to get through this strange phenomenon earlier explain the fact that Antiochus VII shortly after he had ascended the Syrian throne, the treaties which he had previously concluded with Simon, broke up. whereby this first the silver coinage and then after a short period, the end of the fourth year, in which he did the above-mentioned I had copper coins struck, including the copper stamping was forced to stop. (Frölich, Ann. reg. Syr. prol. p. 83; Bayer, De num. Heb.-Sam. p. 121 ; Cullimore, Num. journ. 1836, p. 36; Madden, num. chron. 1866, p. 60; cf. de Saulcy, Rev. arch. 1872, p. 5 ff.)

This is due to the discovery of a shekel from the year 5 The explanation has become completely untenable after it has been used in itself was already unlikely; because how could Simon, he already from 170 d. S. without having acquired the right to buy coins is said to have minted coins at the time when he was given the right to mint coins had been awarded, just because of its exercise be stale because Antiochus VII, against whom he was victorious fought, declared the treaties invalid?

If we uus but on the other hand by the news that the land of Judea in the last years of the reign of Simon the Mac- Kabäerg was in its most flourishing state, moved to accept it Hesse, that the Sekel at that time, i.e. h. in the period after division of the right to mint until the death of Simon 8 (I. Makk. XVI. !:>ff. ; cf. Levy, JUd. Münz. 8. 39 and 116;

20*

296 Dr. Bow Merzbacher,

Madden, Jew. coin. p. 40ff. ; Bertheau, near Ersch and Graber, Encycl. Sect. II. Vol. 28 p. 12), would be the first year of Sekel about 173 or 174 d. Be. correspond, the dating of the Shekel thus in contradiction to the tradition, according to which Simon's first year of government was 170 d. Be. corresponds.

Tsar eliminating this chronological difficulty which was mostly not given due attention, has recently started to have bones (Gesch. d. Jud. III 2, p. 48 note 4; 3rd ed. p. 58 note 3) follows the following suggestion was made. In I. Makk. XIII, 42 it only says, the people began to count according to the years of Simon's reign, when the yoke of the Syrians had ceased (i.e. without further calculation) cessation, only later (I Macc. XIV, 43) was the formal law znm fait accompli added; because Simon is in the year 170 d. Be. neither through recognition of the Syrian crown nor been legitimate through popular election. He himself has how It appears that the concessions obtained are not yet complete Independence viewed and dated his independent direction* only later, when he was also granted the right to mint.

As appealing as this conjecture is, it cannot be approved without restriction, and is required at all a more detailed reason, which we now have to determine task is.

About the story of Simon the Maccabee from the time, where he took over the leadership of the people after his capture Brother Jonathan took over through Tryphon until the time when he is said to have concluded an alliance with the Romans There are two places in the book of Maccabees that present us with reports that... overall well covered, in some cases for the chromium However, important points in science contradict each other. A completely satisfactory attempt to resolve these contradictions same and thus to better organize the chronology of this time, As far as I know, it hasn't been done yet; it is therefore, since the solution to the chronological puzzles that occur here

Studies on ancient Hebrew coins. 297

7 it seems to be closely related to that of For us, the Shekel stands in the era that determines it to go into this investigation in more detail.

The main report by cap. XIII, 1 - XIV, 24 contains in The following appears to be in chronological order.

Simon went to the news that Tryphon was his brother Jonathan captured in Ptolemais and a lot of war gather people together to invade the land of Judah Jerusalem - he had previously (according to chapter XII, 38) in that Adida to be mentioned below, which he attached, hold. — Referring to the deeds of his father and his He searched through the brothers who had all fallen for Israel Tryphon and the neighboring peoples' plans to investigate the troubled people courage, declared himself ready for his people and their holy thtimer to fight and was then called out by the people assembly to become the leader of the people in place of his brothers Jnda and Jonathan chosen. He now offered everyone capable of carrying weapons men, hastily completed the fortification of Jerusalem Jonathan had already begun (according to chapter XII, 37) and sent part of his force to Jope, which now, after There was a Jewish occupation there earlier (according to chapter XII, 34). was left after the expulsion of the pagan invaders Residence of Simon respectively. constantly occupied by his troops became.

Tryphon, who carried the captive Jonathan with him, set out from Ptolemais to invade the land of Judah; But Simon camped in Adidah, facing the plain. Than that one learned that Simon had taken the place of his brother Jonathan he entered into negotiations for the release of the latter with Simon, but hess after he got money and hostages had pressed, regardless of which the prisoner was not released and followed suit with the intention of carrying out the invasion of the country Adora (hivulwaev odöv %i)v eig s/dwQa), while Simon with

298 I)r - Eugen Merzbacher,

his army went to his side wherever he went. schirte [ärtinaQijyev avtw) *) .

Meanwhile, those on the barg 2) sent express messengers Tryphon, let him come to them and give them food. send. Then Tryphon prepared all his cavalry to march: but on that night (i.e. in which he set out against Jerusalem a lot of snow fell, so he couldn't go on the march could compete, set off from Adora and through the Galaaditis about Baskama, near which he killed and buried Jonathan Hess, returned to his country.

Simon, it goes on to say, left the bones of his brother ders, in the city of his fathers, Modin, buried and there erect a large tomb, which is described in detail. But Tryphon went with King Antiochus the younger deceitfully (inoQeveio doXy), killed him 3 ), sat down himself the crown of Asia and brought much misfortune upon it country. Simon built fortresses in Judea and chose men which he sent to King Demetrius (II) for the country a decree (i.e. first pardon for Jonathan's apostasy, who had allied himself with Tryphon against Demetrius, cap. XI, 54 ff.).

Demetrius granted this in what appeared to be a literal

1) Adida is probably identical to today's el-Khaditeh nearby ton Lydda (cf. Grimm, Exegct. Uandb. z. d. Apocryph, d. A. T. z. St.). It lies on the way from Jope to Jerusalem at a point in the mountain range ridge, which turns towards the Philistine plain, from where Tryphon am was able to advance towards Jerusalem with the greatest ease. Blocked the pass at Adida Simon nnd thereby forced Tryphon to take a detour to Adora (j. Dura) iu Idumia. (Cf. Grimm z. St.)

2) The occupation of the castle of Jerusalem, which was hostile to the Jews, was already by Jonathan (lant cap. XII, 36 ff.) by a strict siege of every connection connection with the city has been cut off.

3) In passing, it should only be noted that Antiochus of the VIT. Not death in the year 170 d. Be., as one wanted to conclude from this passage, what falls to- first Müller, Fragm. hist. Graec. II, p. XX note 5 drew attention.

Studies on ancient Hebrew coins. 299

shared decree, by which the country receives perfect tax* freedom was granted forever.

"In the hundred and seventieth year," writes the report- author literally, "the yoke of the Gentiles was taken away from Israel" men and the people of Israel began in documents and letters of purchase to write: "in the first year of Simon the great high priest, General and leader of the Jews.

It follows at the end of the XIII. A brief description of the chapter writing the conquest of Gazara! ) , the sv ia?g fjfieQatg ixei- rcug was executed, and the no less short of the Surrender and occupation of the castle of Jerusalem, in which Simon rfj %qixjj xal elxadt, xov devxiqov ^irjvog jfcovg wog %ai ißdofiijxoaTov Aal exaTooxov moved in 2).

In Chapter XIV the story goes to Demetrius the Elder. over, whose unfortunate campaign to Parthia iv hu dei- t€Q(ü xai k(idofirjxooT(p xal exazooTio started and, if one after the somewhat dark and brief words, in the sense of the author of the first book of Maccabees still in the same years ended with his imprisonment 3).

A poetic depiction of the peace that this represents The land of Judah enjoyed at that time, concludes the previous one (chap. XIV, 15) pretty well connected narrative.

That in the Vss. 16 - 23 about the alleged letter from Spartiates, whose connection with the Jews was decidedly tet is (cf. Grimm z. St.), handing over what has been communicated is only highlight the end of the report, which literally reads:

V. 24. Mexa ravxa cuzioxetle Zlfitov tbv Notfirjviov «ig

1) For the reading of Grimm, cf. 8t. and Stark, Gaza, p. 494 ff.

2) Cf. the fasting scroll Megillat Ta'anit II, 3: (T^x) ma »rtm «p-twa D^OlT'Ta SOpn *^:n 1pB3 (Grätz a.a.O. p. 417; cf. J. Schmilg, Ueber Entste- Hung and historical value of the victory calendar Megillath Ta'anith. Leipzig 1874. 8. 37).

3) Cf. Mendelssohn in Acta soc. pbil. Lips. V, 8. 101); that this time- There is no doubt that the determination is incorrect, cf. Mendelssohn loc. cit. 8. 110.

300 l )r - Kugen Merzbacher.

Pwfiirjp e%ovta aaniia xqvorjv peydlrjv olxtjg fiuuv yiliwv eig %6 otfjoai Ttqbg aitovg tfjv ovfifiaxiav.

The relationship of the fieta xavxa in the context, in It is not entirely clear where the passage stands in our text; but it eats, even if one assumes what I would be inclined to do, that the Vss. 16 - 23 something foreign to the original text Insertions are 1 ), at least so much certain that the absences dung of the embassy to Rome in the sense of the narrator the time around 172 d. Be. (= 141 BC) falls. Confirm this also the Vss that line up directly here. 25 - 49, which the tradition about a decree of thanks from the Jewish people included, that on the 18th of Elul 172 (== August, September 141 v. BC) 2 ), in the III. Years of Simon's reign, as explanatory added, was enacted.

So much for the main report; we now come to the second Reports mentioned above, which are in the motives for what has just been said mentioned popular resolutions of the 18th of Elul in the Vss. 29 - 40 of Chapter XIV is included. Following the Announcement about the departure of a Jewish embassy We read Rome in our text: 2b u>g de rjxovoev 6 dr^tog twv loywv zovttov, ehiov Tlva %aqtv a/iodcoooftEv 2ifiwn xal xoig vlolg avtov ; 26 iatiJQioe yaQ airbg xal o\ aöeXq>ol avtov xal o olxog rov naxqog ccvrov, xal lrtoXif.irjoav %obg ix^QOvg 'IoQafjk an airdßp xal eattjaav avTy ikev&EQiav. 21 xal xatiyqaxpar sv diXtoig jforAxaig xal e&evto iv otrjkaig iv oqei 2itov. xal rovto %b arclyqaq}Ov rfjg yyatprfi' ^Oxtwxacdexavjj 'Elovk, ixovg

1) Mendelssohn, Chicken, Mus. 1875, Vol. 30, p. 422 describes this entry schebsel rightly as a senseless avroaxtdfafffjitt. But that he is citing on Grimm also the Vss. 25 - 49 so named (in his reference p. 107), I cannot approve.

2) When converting the years of the Seleucid era, it should be noted that that the author of the first book of Maccabees predates this era by half a year. since he was from Nisan 312 ▼. BC. See Mendelssohn in his beginning. Sihrift 8. 89 Note 1.

Investigations into ancient Hebrew coins. 301

öevtiqov xai eßöofirjxootov xai exatobtov , xai tovto tqitov etog eni SifAWvog aq%ieqiwg evoaqafieX, **inl ovvayw- y?JQ fieydXrjg leqewv xai Xaov xai dq%6vtwv e'&vovg xai twv Ttqeaßvteqwv tijg %wqag iyvaiqioev r) /ulv y 29 inei itoXXdxig eye- vrj&rjoav noXefioi iv tfj x^qq > 2iftwv de 6 vlog Mattad'iov o vlog twv vlüiv 'Itaaqiß xai ol ädeXq>oi aitov eöwxav eavtovg tiji xtv- dvvw xai dvtiotr^oav xoig v/revavtioig tov e&vovg avtwv, onwg ata&ij td ayia avtwv xai 6 röftog, xai d6£t) [teydXj] ido^aaav to e&vog avtwv 30 xa* föqoioev *Iwvd&av tb e'9vog ai twv xai iyevrj&rj avtoig dqxieqevg, xai nqogete&t} nqog tov Xaov avtov. sx xai ißovXrj&rjoav ol ix&qoi avtwv ifißatev- aat elg trjv %wqav avtwv tov ixtqlipai trjv xtiqav avtwv xai ixteivat yeiqag eni td ayia avtwv. 32 dead« dviotrj 2i(xiov xai ijCoXefirjOe rceqi tov e'&vovg aitov , xai iöaTtdvrjoe %qi)- (.lata noXXd tüv eavtov xai dinXodotrjoe tovg avdqag ttjg dvvdfiewg tov i'&vovg aitov xai edwxev avtoig oipwvia, 33 xcr£ w%vqwoe day noXeig tijg 'lovdaiag xai tr)v Bai9oovqav tr)v eni twv bqlwv trjg 'lovdalag, ov rjv td onXa twv noXejtuwv to nqoreqov, xai e&eto ixel qyqovqdv avdqag 'lovdaiovg* ' sx xai y Ionrjv l ) loxvQcoae tijv i/ri trjg &aXdooijg xai tfjv rd^aqa trjv hri twv bqiwv s4twtov iv y (jlxovv ol noXifiioi to nqoteqov ixei, xai xatipxioev ixel 'lovdaiovg , xai ooa initrjöeia r ( v nqog tjj tovtwv inavoq&woet eiteto iv avtoig 35 xat eldev 6 Xaog trjv n tot iv tov 2i[AWvog xai tr)v So^av r]p ißovXevoato noi^oai Tf/7 e&vei avtov, xai e&evto avtov fjyovfievov avtwv xai dq%teqia> did to avtov nenoiTjxivat ndvta tavra xai tr)v dixaioovvtjv xai trjv niative Vjv ovverfjqrjoe t(f> efhei avtov y xai i&LrjTrjOe navri tqoniii ixpwoai tov Xaov avtov, 36 xat ev talg i t (.iiqaig avtov evoöiotttj ev ta ig x^qoiv avtov tov e^aqx^rjvai td e&vq ix tijg x^qag avtwv xai tovg iv tij noXei Javiö tovg iv * leqovoaXrm , o'i inoirjaav iavtolg axqav ig rjg i§e/io-

I) On the use of the name 'fonrj seven Mendelssohn in his siigcf. Writing. p. 104 note 1.

&

302 Dr. Eugen Merzbacher,

gevovio xai Efiiatvov xvxXip twv ayiaiv, xai enoiovv nktjyr^v fte- yakrjr h %f t ayveiqt . 37 xcri xatiuxioev ev avtf] avÖQCtg 'lovdaiwg, xai loxvQiooev ccvttjv kqoq äaqxilsiav rfjg %(üQag xai xr\g noXewg xai vipwoe ra Teixrj 'leQOvoah'jfi . ZH xai 6 ßaoikevgJrjiurjTQiog ioTtjaev avztp tt/v aqx ie 9 0)O ^ vr i v xorT <* xav%a y * 9 xai enoirjoev avxov xwv q>iXwv ccvtov, xai ido^aoev avxbv do£y /ui- yaXtj. *°yxovo&t] yaq o%i nqogrjyoQevvvai o\ 'lovdaioi vno 'Ptofiaiiov (plloi xai av^i(.ta%oi xai adeXcpoi, xai oxi änrjVTrjoav %olg 7tQ€ößBvtalg Slfitovog ivdo^wg l ).

This brief repetition of history Simons up to this time - the history of his predecessors only insofar as it relates to him, in a few words (Vss. 29 - 31) mentioned - is, like Grimm (Exeget.Handb. to d. Apocrypha d. A.T. III. Lief. p. 21 9 ff.) noted, in presented in an arrangement that deviates from the main report, which results in the following.

lj At the time when Jonathan died {t6ts) } Simon appeared, fought for his people and turned much of his own He accumulates wealth by serving the warriors of his people gave pay, equipped. He fortified the cities of Judea: Bethsur, Jopc, Gazara, and only when the people saw this action, he was appointed ruler and high priest.

So Simon was initially without a mandate, only as a private citizen, active in the fight against the enemies of the Jews and was short before or probably only after 2) Jonathan's death, from whose Capture is not even being discussed here, with an official one entrusted position.

1) The reasons why Keil, Commentary about. d. Book. d. Makk. (Leipzig 1875) e.g. St. decide to view this verse as an addition or gloss, hold I don't think it's valid.

2) If Simon had become high priest before Jonathan's death, we would have There were two high priests in office at the same time, which according to Jewish laws would be impossible.

Studies on ancient Hebrew coins.

303

2) In his days, the motifs continue, i.e. so, after he was raised to the rank of high priest, let the heathen take it. the country and the enemy occupation to drive out of the castle of Jerusalem and after these That (xara ravva) confirmed him to Demetrius IL as high- priest, since the rumor had spread that the Jews also called friends and allies by the Romans were.

The chronological order of events according to the two The reports are therefore as follows.

Narrator's main report,

Jonathan is by Tryphon captured in Ptolema'is taken.

People's Assembly in Jerusalem.

Simon by acclamation leader of the

People, arm against Tryphon

and constantly occupies Jope.

Tryphon's campaign Adora. Embassy of the Jews enemy occupation of the castle in Jerusalem to Tryphon, whose direct march against the city thwarted by snowfall

will.

Withdrawal from Adora. murder dungeon and burial of Jonathan

by Tryphon.

Funeral of the same

Simon.

Assassination of Antiochus VI

Report in the motives of the people decision,

Simon as a private citizen equips own means against TryjtAon,

304

Dr. Bugen Merzbacher,

Narrator's main report.

Fortress buildings in Judea.

Departure of a Jewish ambassador to Demetrius II.

170 d. Be. Tax class of the same. First supposedly official government year Simons.

171 d. Be. Siege of Gazara, Conquest formation and occupation of the barg

from Jerusalem.

172 d. Be.

Train Demetrius of the IL to parties, capture of the same.

f Peaceful situation in the country

Judaea.

Departure of an embassy to Rome.

Report in the motives of the people decision.

and fortified the cities of Judea. Death of Jonathan.

Simon Supreme and High Priest of the Jews by popular decision.

Expulsion of the pagans from the

Land, Capture the Barg

from Jerusalem.

172 d. Be.

Decree of thanks from the Jewish people

from the 18th of Elul.

Embassy to Rome.

Demetrius II recognizes Simon as high priest.

Decree of thanks from the Jewish people from the 18th of Elul.

The detailed description of the events in the time after from the capture of Jonathan to his murder, which we find in the main report, we doggedly 1 ), like one

1) When assessing the short historical notes that appeared in the tives to the referendum resolution are included, one may not make claims that

Studies on ancient Hebrew coins. 305

Comparing the tables above teaches us that in the historical leadership of the popular decision. Not even the capture Jonathan is mentioned and everything that Simon did before after his brother's death, only very briefly and in contradiction Statement on the main report as a private company of the same Asked only after Jonathan's murder, around the time When Simon led the fortification of the cities of Judea, he is said to have been Leader of the Jews and at the same time appointed high priest be the one, while according to the main report he is already at his first appearance in Jerusalem, when the news of Jonathan's capture became known, to the leader but Joden was not made high priest.

However, this contradiction resolves itself when we consider ten that, according to both reports, Simon's fortresses were built in J«dia and the death of Jonathan appear to be almost simultaneous and shortly afterwards, after the main report, the official count the reign of the high priest Simon began during According to the motives, Simon's elevation occurred at the same time to the leader and high priest of the Jews. Both The targets are apparently aimed at one and the same event, the installed Simon in his brother's offices his death.

So the only difference is that... Main report not mentioned in the motifs at this point the charter of Demetrius II, which gave rise to the keeping the official count of the years of Simon's reign Simon is supposed to have been here before his death his brother was appointed leader of the Jews and his

one is entitled to place in an annalistic narrative. Some things are without Backlight on the chronological sequence compiled only according to factual aspects, and in this respect Keil's comment in this regard is, for example, St. only to approve; not But if he believes that he can eliminate all contradictions, since the... The expressions vie tot* and x«ri< ravta aimed at determining time are not the same let it be interpreted away.

306 I* r * Eugtn Merzbacher,

War relief as such, not, like the motives, as private let the man drive out.

The same part of the Hanpt report is contradicted by another Note taken from the motifs. Demetrins EL just issued it the above-mentioned license, as concluded in the main report, in 170 d. Be., in the time before the conquest of the Barg from Jerusalem by Simon (171 d. Sei.) and before sending the embassy to Born (around 172 d. Sei.); in the motifs This decree is made by Demetrius II as a result of these events referred to

Furthermore, it is striking that in the narrative part of the referendum decision - from the probably editorial input circuit at the entrance of the same (v. 27), according to which the year 172 the III. Years of Simon's reign are equated, see — from the introduction of the bill according to government years of Simon in 170 d. Be. no notice is taken.

Before we try to resolve these difficulties, we want the actual, alleged decision of the people meeting of the 18th of Elul 172 d. Be. get to know. It reads:

41 %al *) evdoxrjoav ol 'lovdaiot xal ol t€Q€tg tov elvai avttSr Sifioiva yyov/nerov xal aQ%ie(>ia etg tov alwva ask tov dvaorfjvai 7TQoq>rjTfjv nio%ov } 42 xai tov elvai in ccvtcjv OTQatrjyov, xai ontag fiiKt] avzoji Ttsqi ttüv ayiwv xa&tordvai dt avtov int twv SQytov avTuiv, xai ini %r t g %(iqag xai ini %Qy onktov xai ini twv 6%v- QiüftaTiov, 43 (xat ontog ftelrj avzcp neqi %üv aytaiv) xai ontog äxovtjrat ino ndvrwv 9 xai oTZtog yQaqxovrat int T(p 6v6- f.iati avzov näoat ovyyqa

1) location is missing in the code. 71, fvJöxrjOav is according to hntTg in the Fritzarhe e.g. 8t. listed Codd, which belongs to the best Ciasee. See regarding the deletion from often wedge z. St.

Studies on ancient Hebrew coins. 307

avev avxov, xai neQtßäXXea&ai noQqwQav xai ijU7iOQ7rovo$ai Ttd^tfjv xQvorjv. 4 *og

TW* €VO%ÖQ &OTCU. 46 X0ft €VÖ6xi]0€ Tt&Q 6 IctOQ &€ ü&Ct l 2l-

patvt xai notijaai xaxa zovg Xöyovg tovtovq. A1 xai inedi^axo 2 ifutov xai evdoxrjaev OLQ%UQateveiv xai elvai orqa- vijyog xai $&vä(>xVG r( ** v ^°vdai(ov xai uqbwv xai rov nqoora- Hjaai navTCOv. **xai trjv yQaqtrjv ravxrjv elnov xteo&ai iv öekxotg XakxaTg, xai orrjoai avräg iv neqißoXy rcuv ayiwv iv xony im- oriiMp, * 9 rä de ävvlyqaq>a avxwv d-iad-ai iv xqi ya£oq>vXax4(p f orswg $xg £i^aav xai oi vtoi avrov.

With this decision, if we consider the correctly understand the text provided, Simon the Maccabee the hereditary granted high priesthood and rule over Judea and at the same time apart from other sovereign rights that are given to him grants, determines that all documents in the country are in its should be issued under a name. With other words ten, the same is stated here as in the main report according to as early as 170 d. Be., after Demetrius II Jews are supposed to have been granted tax exemption forever should be. So we have - the correctness of these interpretations tion presupposes a third chronologically important contradiction statement of the main report against the contents of the document dated 18.Elul, to which Grätz also refers, as stated above.

In order to explain these contradictions, Grimm (a. a. 0.) assumed that the alleged copy of the official file piece from the 18th of Elul, as in the author of I Maccabees As is often the case, it can only be viewed as free reproduction. the contents of which were “unclearly remembered”. have reproduced.

That a free reproduction of an official document exists, can be admitted, but never can from a historian, like our author, who otherwise proven reliable, believe that it is a document

308 Dr. Eugen Merzbacher,

of such importance has been handed down to us “in unclear memory”. have. The authenticity of the documentary, although not translated literally Nowadays, no one doubts this, you have to Therefore, in order to resolve the contradictions mentioned, to a different whose means of explanation work.

The contradictions that are particularly important here can all be boiled down to one point, the determination of the first official year of Simon's reign, back- lead. In the main report the same thing is done in the year 170 d. Be. short after the death of Jonathan and after the issuance of a decree deme- trius of II. The popular resolution, which is a similar one Determination like that in the main report for the year 170 d. Be. mentioned, also appears to be based on the motifs close as a result of a decree of Demetrius II. It lies close to this same referendum decision with that stated in the main report. interpreted to identify and claim to be the author of the first book of Maccabees in the chronological arrangement of its material the first real re- Year of Simon the Maccabee (170 d. Sei.) with the first official of the same (172 d. Sei.) changes.

This assumption would lead to the most significant contradictions disappear and the historical part of the document from the 18th of Elul come into its own without adding too much weight to the main report Mistakes attributed. The events of the event in question here However, the current period would be chronological in the following way: arranged logically:

d. Be. BC

170 143/2 Autumn and winter of the last government year of Jonathan.

Capture of Jonathan. Simon prepares for battle

against Tryphon from his own resources, as a private citizen,

after speaking in a popular assembly in Jerusalem

1 -.

Investigations into ancient Hebrew coins. 309

d. Be. ▼. BC

had declared his willingness to do so. Continued Siege of the Castle of Jerusalem. Cast Jopes by the Jews. Tryphon's failed campaign. Murder of Jonathan.

170 142 (January?—April). First real review

Simon's year of birth. Simon receives by resolution of a (second?) people's gather the offices and positions of his brother. Siege of Gazara.

171 142/1 Second real year of reign

Simons.

Conquest of Gazara, conquest and occupation of the Jerusalem Castle.

172 141 Third actual year of Simon's reign.

Demetrius n. begins his campaign to Parthia. Peaceful state in the land of Judea. Funeral Jonathan's through Simon in Modin. Death of Antiochus of the VI. Departure of a Jewish embassy Rome and one to Demetrius II on the news from the favorable reception of the ambassadors in Rome the charter Demetrius of the IL is issued. folk Resolution of 18 Elul (August - September 141 v. BC).

From then until April 140 the third real equal to the first official government year Simons.

It must now be examined whether this chronological arrangement also through messages that we receive from others provided by our source from a third-party site is supported.

Given the lack of detailed news of this kind a short note from Justinus about this is of particular importance to us.

ZeiUcbrlft for numismatics. V. 21

310 Dr. Eugen Merzbacher,

their importance. This epitomator of the Historiae Philippicae des'Trogus Pompey tells in XXXVI. Beech (Chapter 1 ff.) the History of Demetrius II'), his rival Antiochus of the VI. and his brother Antiochus VII, and joins in Opportunity to report on the latter's battles against the cities that fell from the Syrians at the time of Demetrius II and about his fight against the Jews and their history from the most ancient times to this epoch in a short time demolition. This in a strange way false and true confusing section, which is certainly not a Jewish source (ver- probably taken from Posidonius), concludes with the following Words (a. a. 0. cap. 3, 8 and 9): »Primum Xerxes, rex Per- sarum, Judaeos domuit; poötea cum ipsis Persis in dicionem Ale- xandra magni venere diuque in potestate Macedonici imperii sub- jecti Syriae regno fuere A Demetrio cum descivissent, amicitia Romanorum petita primi omnium ex orient- talibus libertatem acceperunt, facile tunc Romanis de alieno largientibus.”

The fact that Demetrius II is meant here is clear from the The hangar in which this note appears is undoubtedly evident 2 ). According to Justin or So Trogus Pompey was the Jews Time when they entered into the alliance of friendship with the Romans went, not yet allies of Demetrius II. The reconciliation According to this source, Simons with Demetrius II would be probably only after the conclusion of the Roman alliance

1) Please note in particular that in the entire book there is nothing that refers to... Demetrius I relates, is told, except in the next note the place to be visited, which there are good reasons to emendir.

2) Those in the same stream further up (cap. 1, U) refer to Antiochus VII. relevant statement: »Judaeos quoque, qui in Macedonico imperio sub Demetrio patre armis se in libertatem viudicaverant, subegit" contradicts the above statement not, since one assumes a corruption of “patre” instead of “frattt”. must. — On the other hand, see Kitschi, Rhn. Mus. 1873 p. 588; Mendelssohn in his started Paper p. 287 in the additions to p. 100; Grätz, business d. Jew. III2, p. 4M. —

Studies on ancient Hebrew coins. 311

bear" have taken place, or at least both results would have taken place. events over time may have been so close to one another. that the former, as in the motives of the referendum could be viewed as a consequence of the latter. Which inter- Pretation is the more correct, the following consideration arises.

About the mentioned alliance with Rome, as can be seen from the The latest research l ) shows that between 613 and 15 a. etc. = 172 - 74 d.Sel. negotiated. But it has to be finished first on the Ides of December 615a.u.c. = 139 BC BC under the Consulate of L. Calpurnius Piso and M. Popillius Laenas (Ritsch 1 a. a. 0. p. 602). At that time I. Mak According to the Book of Kabes, Demetrius II was already a prisoner of the Parthians, the issuance of a decree on his part would therefore be at this time Hard to accept. But on the one hand, nothing forces us, neither the words of the document nor those of Justinus, which refer to the Btind- anything related to Rome, to a formal conclusion of the to obtain the same; He didn't even need it at that time to have taken place, it is sufficient to explain our tradition, if we assume that in Judea and Syria during the year 172 d. Be. (= 141 BC the favorable reception of the became known to the Jewish envoys sent to Rome

[rjxovOxh] . . . Sri aix^vxr^av [oi 'Ptofialoi } toTg nQeoßev-

ralg 2i/ncopog evdogwg), and that this message was sent to Demetrius II. to the issuance of his license and the Jews to that of their people decision 2). On the other hand, the chronological one is

1) Ritschi, Rhine. Mus. 1873 Vol. 28 p. 591 ff., 1874 Vol. 29 p. 342 ff., 1875 Vol. 30 p. 428 AT. j L. Mendelssohn, De senati consulti Romanorum ab Josepho antique. XIV, 85 relati temporibus commentatio Lipsiae 1873, Acta societ. philo- logae Lips. Vol. V, 1875 p. 191 IT., Rhine. Mus. 1875 Vol. 30 pp. 4l9ff.; against it üutschmidt, Lit. Centralbl, 1874 p. 1259; Mommsen, Hermes Vol. IX (1875), p. 281 fT. ; cf. Lange in Bursians Jhrsb. about d. Progress d. class. Alterthmskde 1st year 1873 vol. II, p. 872 et seq. ; more recently Werner, Johann Hyrkan (Wernigerode 1877) p. 34.

2) Justinns, whose quality as a kpitomator is not ignored it seems to have been too brief. The Uiiterhandluii,

21*

3 12 I> r - Eugen Merzbacher.

Determination of the capture of Demetrius IL, which can be seen from the Texts of the first book of Maccabees concludes, by no means as certain as one usually assumes; on the contrary, we have good reasons Here too we decide against the usual assumption t).

The issuance of Demetrius II's charter to the Jews must therefore both after specifying the motives of the people conclusion like that of Justinus in a certain, albeit decisive limited relationship as a result of that established under Simon Negotiation with Rome can be considered and is in a later earlier than 170 d. Be. to set. But if this is correct, then also gains the assumption expressed above that the related introduction of the official count of Simon's years of imprisonment only through the referendum of 18. Elul 172 d. Be. came into force, in probability, and We can therefore claim that the I. official request year of Simon the Maccabee of the time of Elul (September) 172 d. Be. (141 BC) to Adar (March, April) 140 BC. BC,

the second year of the reign of Nisan (April) 173 d. Be.

(140 BC) to Adar 139 BC,

the III. Reignal year of the period of Nisan 174d. Be. (139 BC)

until Adar 138 BC. BC,

the fourth year of the reign of Nisan 1 75 d. Be. (138 BC)

until Adar 137 BC. BC,

the fifth regnal year of the time of Nisan 1 76 d. Be. (137 BC)

until Adar 136 BC. BC,

The Jews' relationship with Rome had begun at a time when they were still considered enemies Demetrius II could have been considered, but his dismissal only took place after the reconciliation with Demetrius and after the popular resolution of 18. Elul 172 d. Be. This circumstance may lead to the confusion mentioned above between the first real and the first official year of Simon's reign, which we attribute to the author of the first book of Maccabees.

1) See Müller, Fragm. bis, Graec. II, p. XX note 5 and Mendelssohn in the started Writing p. 111 ff. as well as my dissertation (De siclis etc. Berol. 1873) P. 26 f., where I ask the question about the chronological determination of Antiochus of the VI. Death, which is connected with the one mentioned above, is treated in detail have.

Studies on ancient Hebrew coins. 313

the VI. Reignal year of the time of Nisan 1 77 d. Be. (136 BC) to Shebat 1) (February, March) 135 BC. BC

is to be set equal.

That this count of the years of Simon's reign is really the was official, can be determined by chronological information to compare a calculation relating to this time ation by the contemporary Jewish historian Eupolemos with the tradition of later chronographs, almost up to prove to be certain.

In Clemens of Alexandria (Strom. I, 21 p. 146. 16 Sylb. = 404, 3 Pott.) we read: Uvi de xal EvTtnle/nog ev Tfj bfioitf 7iQayftaT£i<£ (sc. 7tbqI tlov iv rjj y Iovdaiq ftaoikiiov) zä nana errj q>rjoiv anb *Ada[.i a%Qi tov nt(.un;ov ezovg J^irjzqiov ßcujikeiag IlxoXefialov %6 dwdexatov (1. iure %b ?xxov) ßaoi-

XtvovtOQ Alyinxov ovvdyeod-ai tzrj SQU^' (d. i. 5149)

anb di tov %q6vov zovzov a%Qi xtov sv 'Pioftt] vrraxutv räi'ov Jofietiavov Kaaiavov (1. Tvalov Jo^uxiov x. /faiviov) ovvct- $Qoi£exca etrj htaxov ewooi (1st exazbv ovo). (Cf. Müller, fragment. hist. Graec. III, p. 208).

Under the Ptolemaic, whom Eupolemus leads, is how G. A. Kuhlmey (Eupolemi fragmenta prolegom. et comment. in- 8tructa, Diss. inaug. hist.-crit. Berol. 1840 p. 32) of course with demonstrated partially erroneous arguments, Ptolemy Euergetes II. to understand. This prince was in the year in which De- metriu8 I. Soter counted his fifth year of reign, i.e. h. 155 d. Be. = 158/7 BC BC, not king of Egypt, as he was is mentioned in our place, but only by Cyrene, since he as early as 164 BC was expelled from Egypt and not before the year 146 B.C. BC returned there. (Clinton, F.H. III, P. 386 ff. and 399, cf. Müller, ibid. III, p. 726). The words to dcodexarov are therefore necessarily viewed as corrupt

1) Simon's death occurred in the 11th month of the year 177 d. Be. (I. Makk. XVI, 14) d.i. I33T or February 135 BC BC

314 D r - clinking Merzbarher,

Kulilmey a.a.O. 8.30) and probably with Müller in une xh V/.tov to change r . The first year of the reign of Ptoleniae Eucratic getses of II begins in the period after his return Clinton showed on September 28, 146v. BC The sixth would therefore be the period from September 28, 141 to September 28, 140 BC. BC correspond (i.e. in the sense of the first book of Maccabees in mid-172 until mid-173 d. Let., according to the real calculation at the end of 171 until 172 d. Be.). This corresponds to approximately the same period of time fifth year of the reign of Demetrius the IL, which took place during the year 167 d. Be. (146/5 BC) came to rule in Syria should have. I. Makk. XI, 19.)

The remaining paragraphs also contradict this declaration not in our place, if we want to see the corrupt readings in the possible improve as closely as possible to the tradition. The Number, which according to Eupolemo's calculation, the first year after Creation of the world (according to Adam), can be seen in bring the closest agreement with the beginning of the Lord of the Egyptian gods, which Müller named after Panodor 5290/89 B.C. Calculated since 5149+ Hl - 1 =5289 *). — With

1) Freudenthal's opposing view (Hellenistic Studies II. liet, Breslau 1875 p. 213 ff. J I can, although it has the not to be despised advantage for itself has to change the readings of Clemens less, do not join because I 1) the time of the year 158 BC. BC, until which Eupolemus is reckoned should have, does not seem to be important enough to be a pivotal point for the to form chronology, and because 2) the counting of the Ptolemy's years of itegation, who, as I said, was not king of Egypt at the time but only of Cyrene, does not make sense to me despite Freudnthal's appeal to Porphyrius. The throw-in because of the contradiction against I. Makk. XIII, 41 is illustrated by the above representation probably irrelevant. By the way, see what U ratz (monthly magazine f. Gesch. u. Wisaenscb. d. Judcnthums, Breslau 1877 8. 64) has noted this. — Grätz own approach The view regarding the timing of this note by Eupolemos is based on one Combination of information from the 1st and 2nd Book of Maccabees, which I consider in view of the cannot follow the known unreliability of the latter.

2) Müller, Fragm. bis, Graec. II, p. 537, III, 8. 208 note - On the other hand, there is Ideler, liandb. II, 8. 447 the year 5492 BC. BC as Panodor's invoice; cf. Freudenthal, Hell. Stud. 11, p. 212. — From the Exodus to that described above Eupolemos calculates the correct period to be 2580 years, a number that, according to general my assumption is corrupt and cannot be taken into account without that we are moving too far away from our topic.

Studies on ancient Hebrew coins. 315

The chronological order can be just as easy. Explain the sentence of Clement the Alexandrian. The names of the con- namely, which we here of the most likely emen- dation Masson (Hist. crit. I. p. 35) and Kuhlmeys (loc. cit. p.34) read below refer to the year 714 a. etc. = 40 B.C. BC

From then onwards you would calculate 120 years Year 40 + 120—1 = 159 BC Be conducted. So that's it Although in an emergency the fifth year of the reign of Demetrius I Soter can be brought into harmony (according to Kuhlmey a.a. 0. p. 32), but not Demetrius II. If we hold on to him If we want to, we have to make an emendation here too. This But it can and may happen because the numbers in the hands do not necessarily write with words, but probably not themselves th only, were specified with numbers If it is now allowed is, at this point for axazdv iUooi the corresponding numbers To put qx (or PK) it is obvious how easy it is from Qß' (or PB) may have arisen. So corrected, this is correct the duration of the actual Hasmonean government! ) expressive number exactly agrees with our explanation; because 40+102—1 equals 141. —

The year 141 B.C. So Eupolemos, like Clemens, has as Starting or ending point of a chronological calculation serves, and it is the same for both writers there must have been important reasons for a very Mttller's eloquent conjecture, if he as such the epoch making event of the liberation of the Jews from Syria assumes rule (a. a. 0. III, p. 208) 2 , .

This assumption is also - and this is as far as I know has not yet been highlighted anywhere - by another if

1) Also elsewhere (Seder Olam towards the end, Aboda Sara 9a; cf. örätz in the one started above. Magazine 1877 p. 65 Ann». 1) finds this calculation of the has- monierherrtebaft a confirmation, since a period of 103 years is specified for this will give, which can easily be combined with the figure above.

2) See Niebuhr, Gösch. Assur's p. 359.

314 Dr* Eugen Merzbacher,

Kuhlraey a. a. 0. 8. 30] and probably with Müller in zo%e %o 1'y.tov to change , ). The first year of Ptolemy's reign getses of the U. in the time after his return begins, like Clinton showed on September 28, 146 B.C. BC The sixth would therefore be the period from September 28, 141 to September 28, 140 BC. BC correspond (i.e. in the sense of the first book of Maccabees in mid-172 until mid-173 d. Let., according to the real calculation at the end of 171 until 172 d. Be.). This corresponds to approximately the same period of time fifth year of the reign of Demetrius II, who died in the course of the year 167 d. Be. (146/5 BC) came to rule in Syria should have. (I Macc. XI, 19.)

The remaining paragraphs also contradict this declaration not in our place, if we want to see the corrupt readings in the possible improve as closely as possible to the tradition. The Number, which according to Eupolemo's calculation, the first year after The creation of the world (according to Adam) can be said in bring the closest agreement with the beginning of the Lord of the Egyptian gods, which Müller named after Panodor 5290/89 B.C. Calculated since 5149+ Hl — 1 =5289 »}. - With

1) Freudenthal's opposing view (Hellenistic Studies II. Heft, Breslau 1875 p. 213 fT.) I can, although it has the advantage for itself that should not be despised has to change the readings of Clement less, do not join because of me 1) the time of the year 158 BC, up to which Eupolemos reckons should have, does not seem to be important enough to be a pivotal point for the to form a chronology, and because 2) the counting of the years of the Ptolemaic reign, who, as I said, was not king of Egypt at the time but only of Cyrene, does not make sense to me despite Freudeuthal's appeal to Porphyrius. The throw-in because of the contradiction against I. Makk. X1I1, 41 is represented by the above representation probably irrelevant. Cf., by the way, what Orätz (monthly magazine for business and knowledge) d. Judentbums, Breslau 1877 p. 64) noted this. — Grätz own approach The view regarding the timing of this note by Eupolemos is based on one Combination of information from the I and II Books of Maccabees, which I consider in view of the the known unreliability of the latter.

2) Müllet, Fragm. hist. Graec. II, p. 537, III, p. 208 note - On the other hand, there is Ideler, Handb. II, p. 447 the year 5492 BC. BC as Panodor's invoice; cf. Freudenthal, Hell. Stud. II, p. 212. — From the Exodus to that described above Eupolemos calculates the correct period to be 2580 years, a number that, according to general my assumption is corrupt and cannot be taken into account without that we are moving too far away from our topic.

Investigations into ancient Hebrew coins. 315

The chronological order can be just as easy. Explain the sentence of Clement the Alexandrian. The names of the con- Sttln namely, which we are here of the most likely emen- dation Masson (Hist. Crit. I, p. 35) and Kuhlmeys (a.O. p. 34) read below refer to the year 714 a.u.c. = 40 BC

From then onwards you would calculate 120 years Year 40 + 120—1 = 159 BC Be conducted. So that's it Although in an emergency the fifth year of the reign of Demetrius I Soter can be brought into harmony (according to Kuhlmey a.a. 0. p. 32), but not the Demetrius of IL If we hold on to this one If we want to, we have to make an emendation here too. This But it can and may happen because the numbers in the hands do not necessarily write with words, but probably not themselves th were only specified with numbers if it is now allowed is, at this point for kxavöv el'xooi the corresponding numbers To put qx (or PK) it is obvious how easy it is from Qß' (or PB) may have arisen. So corrected, this is correct the duration of the actual Hasmonean government! ) expressing number exactly matches our explanation; because 40+102—1 equals 141. —

The year 141 B.C. So Eupolemos, like Clemens, has as Starting or ending point of a chronological calculation serves, and it is the same for both writers there must have been important reasons for a very speaking Yermuthung Müller's, if he as such the epoch making event of the liberation of the Jews from Syria assumes rule (a. a. 0. III, p. 208) 2 ; .

This encouragement will also - and this is as far as I know not yet highlighted anywhere - by another if

1) Also elsewhere (Seder Olam towards the end, Aboda Sara 9*; cf. Gratz in the one started above. Magazine 1877 p. 65 note 1) finds this calculation of the has- monaerial confirmation, as a period of 103 years is specified for this. will give, which can easily be combined with the figure above.

2) See Niebuhr, Gesch. Assur's p. 359.

316 £> r - Eugen Merzbacher,

also supported by later testimony to which we now turn. In Sulpicius Severus (Chron. II, 25, 3 ed. Halm) we read after the report of Jonathan's death, the following: "Tum Deme- trius refecto cum Judaeis foedere, contemplatione cladis a Try- phone illatae — nam post Jonathae necem urbes eornm (sc. Judaeo- rum) atque agros bello vastaverat — annua ice vectigalia in per- petuum remittit : etenim usque ad id tempus regibus Syriae, nisi cum armis restiterunt, scholarship pensitaverant. id gesture De- metrii regis anno secundo, quod ideo signavimus, quia usque in hunc annum per tempora Asianorum regum cucurrimus, ut ratio temporum digesta luceret; nunc autem per tempora eorum, qui Judaeis vel pontifices vel reges fuerunt usque ad Christi nativi- tatem verum ordinem digeremus.

Igitur post Jonatham Simon frater ejus, ut supra dictum est, Hebraeis praefuit jure pontificis. id enim ei tum etasuiset a populo Romano 1 ) honoris delatum. here, cum secundo De- metrii regis anno civibus praeesse coepisset, post octo annos in- sidiis Ptolemaei circumventus ocoubuit."

Like the latter words of Severus, with which he declared the first government equates the year of Simon with the second Demetrius of IL Nicator, can be understood from the summation of the government years of the preceding Syrian and subsequent Jewish royal princes. The latter result in the following numbers:

Government

Simons Hyrcans I

2 years?}sulp.

Sev. chron.

II,

26, 2.

w

Aristobulus I

1

ibid

3.

w

Alexander I

27

n

4.

»

Alexandra

9

n

5.

»

Hyrcans IL

34

w

7.

»

Herod the Great Big ones

33

w

27, 2.

Summa

138 years.

1) On this Halm: id enim — populo scripsi: et id eitim et tuü et a suis et a populo P, id enim ei tum a suis tum et a populo b. (Drusius a legibus eju* loco quod did a populo Ho.)

Studies on ancient Hebrew coins. 317

In the 33rd year of Herod the Great's reign, Sulpicius Severus Christ born (II, 27, 3) »Sabino et Rufino consulibus VIII Kai. Jananias.”

C. Calvisius Sabinus and L. Passienus Rufus are the con- Suln of the year 750 a. etc. =4 v. The first government year Simon the Maccabee falls according to Sulpicius Seyerus the year 141 B.C. (= 138 + 4 - 1)..

The previous numbers lead to the same result Reign years. We read in Severus (II, 18, 7 ff.) » . . Antiochus (sc. Epiphanes) . . . Hierosolymam adiit . . . multa caede vastavit. id gesture from excessu Alexandri anno centesimo uno et quinquagesimo Paulo . . . Crassoque consulibus, post quin- quennium fere quam Antiochus regnare coeperat.« L. Aemüius Paul and L. Licinius Crassus are the consuls of the year 586 a. etc. = 168 B.C. BC and this year after Severus that fifth year of the reign of Antiochus of IV Epiphanes, 1 1 years is said to have ruled. So this remains from the reign of this one Princes to be reckoned with: 6 years. To this end

Reign of Antiochus V. IV2 “ Sulp. Sev. Chron. II, 23, 4. Your tri us I. 12 “ “ “ “ II, 24, 2*

Alexander I. 5 “ 9999 “““5.

"Demetrius II 2"

Total 26 */i years, difference of 167 BC. BC until the first year of the reign of Simon the Maccabee, what, since that The beginning of the second year of Antiochus V can be counted as full can and 167 - 27 + 1 = 141, also to the year 141 v. BC indicates 1).

The timing of the first official year of the reign Simon the Maccabee, here from various combinations

1) Noteworthy}! Is that Severus, as if he wanted our interpretation of tradition, with the mention of Simon's appointment to the High priest particularly highlights: ld enira tum et a suis et a populo Romano honoris delatum (as Halm reads). However, I would like too much weight in this place not settled because it is difficult to control Severus' sources.

3)8 Dr - Kufen Merzbacher,

was won, now gives us the opportunity to do so Annual tasks of the Sekel, to which we now return explain.

The 1st year of the same is assigned to the year 14 1/0 BC. BC

the V. “ “ “ “ 137/6 BC.

correspond, we are now only missing shekels of a VI. year, so that we have a complete series of the shekels minted under Simon would have.

This explanation of the years of the shekels will be given cannot argue that the granting of the right to use the license by Antiochus VII came later and was the largest Part of the coins were actually minted illegally the document that Antiochus VII issued (I Macc. XV, 2 - 9) not, as Levy (Jtid. Münz. p. 39) does, with regard to what reported from vs. 10 onwards, claimed to be in the year 174 d. Be. (— 138 BC) was enacted, but with consideration of that Previous to the period before the return of Antiochus VII. to be sent to Syria.

From other sources 1 we learn that Antiochus VII. at the time when Demetrius II was taken prisoner by the Parthians men were - he received this message on Rhodes - from Cleopatra, his brother's wife, was asked to to marry her and rule together, there Tryphon after the murder of Antiochus VI. the rule presumptuously and treated her (the queen) and her children harshly urge.

These events all undoubtedly occurred before the year 174 d. Be. (see my dissertation p.28). The letter of Antiochus VII. but was erected ä/tö tu/v vqowv trjg d-alaaarjg (I. Makk. XV, 1) So it's not at all unlikely if we do

1) Josh. A. J. XIII, 71 ff., Diod. Exe. Esc. 25 p. 19 sts = XXXIII, 28th ind.; Athens. VIII, 333 B after Posidonius; Just. XXXVI. 9 ff.; Appiau. Syr. cap. 67, 68.

Studies on ancient Hebrew coins. 319

take him to the same time when he was in Rhodes and asked by Cleopatra to take over the government was, d. h. so around the year 173 d. Be. (= 140/39 v. BC = the second official year of Simon's reign) 1).

Simon would then only have the coins of the first year bar illegally coined. But this is in view of the then Given the current situation of the Syrian state, this is not at all striking.

(To be continued.)

Munich.

Dr. Eugen Merzbacher.

1) Cf. de Saulcy T Rev. arch. 1872 p. 7, which of course comes from another way reached the same result.

Asclepius and Hygieia,

the so-called anathemas for heroic deaths.

With the help of coins it has often been possible to find archaeo- to solve logical puzzles and disputes; also the following one A small investigation ensures the interpretation of part of an in The strange series of ancient ones that have been widely discussed in recent times monuments and, in my opinion, will not only serve the numismatic maticians, but also the archaeologists, not entirely unintentionally be coming.

An extremely numerous series of mostly small reliefs shows us a couple sitting or lying down at a happy feast, a bearded one (sometimes depicted as a youth, often with the Modius, holding a drinking horn and also a bowl man and a woman; the serving boy stands in the corner next to a large wine vessel, often drawing from it; until- holding a small drinking vessel in his hand; above to On the other hand, you often see a horse's head through the window The animal has to be thought of as standing behind the room. Often adoring figures come bearing gifts often have a pig or sheep next to you as an offering; sometimes we see weapons hanging above. Under that Camp, the feasters, sometimes around a tree In general, you often see a snake and sometimes a dog.

Previously, these representations were considered harmless for askle- pios and Hygieia held; the mode would be the known one Headdress of the god, "the turban-like headband, &€qi-

Asklepioe and Hygieia. 323

The period of time during which this large number of representations listening to lungs, it seems, judging from the style of the works, a very large one; sometimes from the good times of the Greeks Art, they are often very clumsy and raw, handcrafted Store goods at the latest time.

Before we go any further, let's see after all or at least Many of these monuments share essential parts of the Presentation and exclude the less important accessory: always The couple is shown feasting, sometimes taking several, men and women, sharing the meal; almost always that one Boy serving next to the large wine vessel, usually creating, often the snake and the horse, sometimes Weapons are hung up and those who bring gifts appear often, their number changes.

Stephanie's 1) achievement is to put the coins in the first to have drawn the circle of this investigation. Of course he has which are completely undoubted and very clear in their meaning He misunderstood the speaking depictions of coins, and he also has something for this purpose the main thing is — refrain from ■ Illustrations provide a comparison of the coins and the reliefs enable; so his note probably receives little attention have found; It was only by looking through one that I was guided newly published book, the excellent catalog of the Thracians British Museum coins by Head and Gardner, on the Item because, in addition to the description, there is a good picture education immediately recognize the object Hess and me the education brought back memories of the reliefs. I immediately realized that that interpretation of heroic deaths - so exclusively said - must be wrong.

The reliefs are not entirely anathema to heroic figures Dead, they are votive representations, which, like the old interpretation already mentioned, to whom Asklcpius and Hygieia were consecrated.

1) Resting Heracles, p. D'2 ff.

322 A - ▼- falls,

A similar stone to Mannheim with related in- font made Ad. Michaelmas known 1):

"°fll ANEOHKEN EYKOAfil i]Qtoi ävi&rjxtv Etitdlq* , so here is a certain one from the heroized one Stone dedicated to the dead, strangely the same rare one Containing names like that of Fränkel published what Michaelis appealingly explained that EvxoXog, a Hermes meta- pont and an epigram 2 ) occurring epithet, probably in several cases the heroized dead instead of his actual could be attached to a proper name. On a whose relief is of the type that Hollaender calls Hanptbeweisstttck When discussing its interpretation, those for name and appear above Title, nickname, words declared by the dead: HITEMflN APXA rETHZ, the latter a title also used by the Spartans Kings rode 3).

So the representation seemed pretty clear, they are votives reliefs for the heroized dead, who becomes a companion to the happy one Mahle is accompanied by the woman; the remaining survivors are the sacrificers and adorers; which are so common as an accessory appearing snake, in which most naturally the domestic Bötticher 4 ) calls it “the Mane snake.” of the already buried hero, who is neither connected to the common household snake can still be confused with the genius loci «. — That Horse that one used to be adventurous rather than to death as a journey regarding etc. pointed, is now generally referred to the knight status of the deceased related b).

1) Ibid. VIII, 1876, 48 ff.

2) EvxoXog 'Egpifas, to noipivts, iv cW ydXaxrt

XaiQOWy xal dgvtvtp anevdoptvog fitXitt etc. The tvxoXog translates Jacobs: appositis facile contentus. ^Delect. epigr. p. 21.)

3) Dutch 1st c. p. 12.

4) Bötticher, 1st c. p. 120.

5) As I believe first from Gerhard ; That's how it will be on a certain one The Athenian relief dedicated to AsUepios was interpreted by Duhn, votive reliefs n.s.w. in the middle of the arch. Institute, Athens II, 1877 8. 214 and 216, where the recovered Consecrating his koss leads. — See below.

Asklepioe and Hygieia. 323

The period of time during which this large number of representations heard, judging by the style of the works, seems to be a very large one; sometimes from the good times of the Greeks Art, they are often very clumsy and raw, handcrafted Store goods at the latest time.

Before we go any further, let's see after all or at least Many of these monuments share essential parts of the Presentation and exclude the less important accessory: always The couple is shown feasting, sometimes taking several, men and women, sharing the meal; almost always that one Boy serving next to the large wine vessel, usually creating, often the snake and the horse, sometimes Weapons are hung up and those who bring gifts appear often, their number changes.

Stephanie's 1) achievement is to put the coins in the first to have drawn the circle of this investigation. Of course he has which are completely undoubted and very clear in their meaning He misunderstood the speaking depictions of coins, and he also has something For this purpose the main thing is - to refrain from Illustrations provide a comparison of the coins and the reliefs enable; so his note probably receives little attention have found; It was only by looking through one that I was guided newly published book, the excellent catalog of the Thracians British Museum coins by Head and Gardner, on the Item because, in addition to the description, there is a good picture education immediately recognize the object Hess and me the education brought back memories of the reliefs. I immediately realized that that interpretation of heroic deaths - so exclusively said - must be wrong.

The reliefs are not entirely anathema to heroic figures Dead, they are votive representations, which, like the old interpretation already mentioned, to whom Asklcpius and Hygieia were consecrated.

1) Resting Heracles, 8. D'2 ff.

324 A.v. Sallet,

A copper coin from Bizya in Thrace, under the emperor Philip (244 - 249 AD) is coined by the English Scholars describe it something like this:

Hf. AYT M IOYA

Emperor with wreath to the right. Bf. BIZYHNÖN Asklepios on a bed, his right hand on the shoulder of the person sitting next to him Hygieia legend, below next to Hygieia staff with Snake, in Asklepios tripod (or three-legged table). To the left of the middle group tree, on which a tank is hanging, next to it is a small figure laying (creating) rights to a large wine vessel, right front part of a horse, above shield.

uJB., large. Stephani mentions the following coins: Copper coin of the same City of Bizya by the same Emperor Philip, in Florence, already by Gori (1740) in his Museum Florentinum (Plate LXXVII) explained as Asclepius and Hygieia, in the representation exactly consistent with the London Mint, except that the three- base (as on many reliefs) a three-legged table, horse and Weapons are missing, the boy serving at the wine vessel is standing in line - Yes, with the man, behind the woman two smaller ones approach depicted adorers. A look at Gori's miserable image but proves that this coin is identical to the London one, just less well preserved. The admirers were not shown posed, it's like in London on the left of the tree of the Oinochoos, The horse was shown on the right. You can see traces of the above Shield, also the tank, every detail is so far very clear- It is clear that for the numismatist the identity of both pieces is From then on it becomes clear that all the faintly drawn deviations are Mistakes and illusions. The serpent staff is quite clear. The third coin, a second size copper coin (after the old scale), from a place far away from Bizya

Asclepius and Hygieia. 325

City, Thyatira in Lydia, minted under Hadrian *) has this types*);

J5j/. ..AI AN AA..ANQ... Bust of the emperor, erroneous drawn without a beard, with a wreath on the right.

Bf. Group of man and woman on the clinic, as shown the coins of Bizya, apparently a love scene. Left the boy with a small drinking vessel, right front part of the horse. 9YHNQN

If due to the poor quality of the illustration and the man- The meaning of the coin of Thyatira is also reflected in the attributes. could be uncertain about the correctness of the coin description. There is of course no doubt about Bizya's hunger: Asclepius and Hygieia are the main gods of the city of Bizya, on many others Coins from that city's sparse presence in other groups appearing on a coin of the same size from the same sers Philippus, also in London, alongside Apollo and Teles- phorus standing 3 ), sitting next to each other in the company of Telesphorus 'and Apollo?) on another coin of the same emperor; standing on coins of Antoninus Pius, Hygieia alone in Faustina the Younger, Asclepius alone in Phi- lippus etc. 4). So those already from Gori and now also from The English scholars certainly recognized the gods Asclepius and Hygieia are so absolutely certain by attributes as well as by analogy

1) Sestini, descr. delle medaglie etc. Benkowitz, plate no. 13. One is just relying on the poor illustration. The GY is presented as quite clearly provided.

2) Stephani explains the depictions as him feasting with his wife Emperor, worshiped by the residents of Bizya. This is completely unbelievable and is determined by the character of the representation as well as by the character of all types of coins refuted at all. — Whether this is the case with Fröhner, Medaillons romains (1877) p. 58 The pictured medallion of Antoninus, which was previously attributed to Heracles, is one bears a similar representation, I dare not decide.

3) Catalog of Greek coins (Thracia etc.) p. 89 with ill.

4) Mionnet, descr. d. m. gr. I, 375 and Suppl. I, 233 and 237. Ours Illustration based on the sulfur cast from the Paris Mint of Philip.

Journal of Numismatics. V. 22

8

s*

— 1

fS3| j

u

I^J^

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^

Ascleplos and Hygieia.

327

It is clear that it is - and I don't mean just for a numismatic "matic" eye - it is completely impossible to interpret the Mau- sen to cast doubt on those gods. Aach in Thyatira. «is city with a rich character are Aescnlap and Hjgieia extremely common.

Now let's look at the representations. As in the middle ancient art in depictions of the legend of saints deviations, such as those created by the thinking artist, often occur come, but always the same basic types. the same characters, the same gestures and gestures repeat stereotypically, such as When Mary died, Jobanne always gave the dying light is enough, Peter holds the holy feather n. s. w.: so are also with antique depictions of stereotypical figures, groups, Movements are the guiding fingers for interpretation'}.

The coins show (all three combined) in full Correspondence with the whole series of reliefs that in tran- A couple sitting in community at the meal, the bearded ones Man and woman. Left is exactly like it is on the stones

1) I'm not denying the Greek artists' penchant for themselves to keep the given goodness in characters and compositions and to the public well-known popular ideas in changed relationship and meaning. . . before- supply. (Welcker 1. c. 383). See below; that "a representation" appears something that originally had something different significance, it also seems to me in the foregoing lying trap safe.

21*

328 A - v - s * llet >

the serving boy scooping next to the large wine vessel, On the right, as in the marble works, the horse appears on the tree Like some of the reliefs, the weapons hang. Then the snake curls up under the seat, namely about the staff, - so the coin image gives us more: it charac- terrifies the gods with serpent staff (and Apollo's tripod, if not table) irrefutably as Asclepius and Hygieia, the main gods well known from many of the city's coins of Bizya and Thyatira.

These coin representations, which by the way do not have the slightest most relationships with the grave and death can have, take how I think the greater part of the reliefs in question, the so- the above-mentioned anathemas for heroic dead people with them, yes they give them an easy, informal interpretation of the entire presentation and of their accessories: the tank hung on the tree like that in tasteful space filling the group itself removed The shield, like the weapons on the reliefs, are obviously anathemas for the lying gods: armor, weapons and horses: that Taken together, it is the equipment of a warrior. Isn't the simple meaning perhaps obvious: the warrior returns back unharmed, he consecrates his armor, shield! ) and horse the favorable health gods who beckon him in battle protects. This would then also be the meaning of the above-mentioned ten reliefs published by Duhn, only the two are standing there gods; This is certainly the oldest way of seeing it Depiction of the feasting couple of gods precedes. That would be the simple explanation of the so-called knight's horse (like the Noble coat of arms on the tombstones of recent times! ) and the displayed hung weapons 2;. But quite apart from that, the horse

1) So only the protective shields are very fitting on the coin!

2) The fact that on some reliefs there are helmeted riders riding instead of horses- seem to be, there is certainly no counter-reason: they are just the happy ones warrior (see Bötticher 1. c. 121); a very well preserved one of its kind in the Berlin Museum.

Asclepius and Hygieia. 329

In general, in ancient times, he was often closely related to Asclepius is brought, is proven by the strange coins of Gordian III from Nicaea (well illustrated in Mionnet, Suppl. V, Plate I, 2). the following back: innON BPOTOIIOAA rider with phrygi- shear cap, in the right wreath, to the right, decorated by Nike wreaths (i.e. one who returns home victorious). The horse stops the front leg formed as a human arm [ßQoxonovg). the serpent's staff of Asclepius, instead of the tail does it have a snake. Likewise, the coins of Phila- delphia Lydiae, by Severus Alexander, a prancing horse, on whose back a snake curls up; Alexandrian imperial coins x ), e.g. from Domitian, are similar and L. Veras. — The horse's close relationship with So Asclepius stands firm. Yes, on a large copper Coin from Tlos in Lycia (Gordian III), which I have in the imprint is present, an armored man appears, wielding a spear Rider, below him, running along with the horse, as it were, «a curled snake!

The dog, which appears on the reliefs with this idea sometimes taking the place of the serpent is also that well-known sacred animal of Asclepius, the numismatist common from the coins of Epidaurus, on which the of Statue of Asclepius described by Pausanias, with a snake in front of him, the dog appears under his throne 2;.

Also the inscriptions of Eukolus, the hegemon Archagetes I would like to put it differently than what is being done now. I can too no names of heroized dead can be seen in these. You like it now the nominative on the stone published by Fränkel EYKOAO[2l or like Michaelis based on the analogy of Mannheimer

1) I owe these notes about the coins with the snake on the horse I Friedlaender.

2) Friedlaender, Berl. Sheets for coins etc. Kundf III (1866 J p. 25 plate. 30, 3. — Break. II, 27, 2.

330 A.V. SaUet,

Steines suspects EYKOAß I read, I don't think so the name of a heroic dead man, but for an epithet of Aesculapius. Already twice the occurrence of this rare one Name in two identical representations would have to be on the thank you lead it to be a name of the gods, as is actually the case Michaelis suggests. Even in the HPfil I don't see any too- great difficulty. Michaelis reads:

“D AI EYKOAAI so the stone is badly damaged at the beginning. I dare not It would be wrong to assume some sort of error here the possibility that instead of the destroyed HPQI, something like OEQI or also IATPQI? &edg evxolog, the gentle one, cheerful ones, perhaps also those who make do with small offerings- mende, satisfied God, would not be an inappropriate epithet for Asclepius, although the evnokog has so far only been mentioned in Hermes. is known. Of course, there is nothing wrong with one grammatically to say such a name: Cybele is called on coins of Pes- sinus OEA IAEA, a feminine form of ikewg 1 ) ; &eoi dxQatoi The three gods are called Zeus, Poseidon and Hades in Mytilene 2). It is well known how ancient Greece loved them Gods are sometimes not given their main names, but rather nicknames not just substantive, like Soteira instead of Artemis, Archegetes for Apollo, but also with adjectival epithets. First of all, there are two such epithets of Asclepius himself Omission of his proper name: I1ANKPA TIA HC on coins from Mytilene, from the Empress Matidia 3 ) r and <(>INAIOC (both around the standing Asklepios) on coins zen that used to make people think of Phina Ponti, but she

1) Friedlaender, in the Numismatic Chronicle 1867 p. 79.

2) Eckhel, D.N. II, 504.

3) Eckhel II, 503. Mionnet III, 51 etc. - The alleged Hygieia with The same (poorly read) transcription is an error made by older, uncritical books. On the bad illustration cited by Gessner (see Matidia) there is a whole More clearly Asclepius, not a woman, is depicted!

Asclepius and Hygieia. 331

born after Nieopolis Epiri, by Augustas and Traian l ) ; further nacix^dreia for Persephone on the famous inscription of Selinu8 2 ), similar is aQtatfj for Demeter anf the coin of Metaponto 3) in the Berlin Museum. Also THN QPIAN on a Stnyrnaean coin from the same collection (Zeitschr. f. Num. IV) as the name of Demeter, AKPAIOC for Zeus in Smyrna (Eckh. II, 561). But even if that's what I'm not sure about dare to doubt whether HPQI really stands, would this be for Askle- pios so completely impossible, for Asclepius, by Otfried Müller says: “Asclepius, a god in cultus, although in poetry a hero"?

Now finally the inscription of the one discussed by Hollaender Steines: HrEMfin APXArETHZ. These are supposedly safe Designations of a mortal: 'Hyenwv name, äqxayhrfi Titles, although from the outset they are both something of an honorary title have. 'Hymtov occurs more often as a personal name 4 ), ifxtffhr t g never. as Hollander correctly observes; but aQx*IY* is probably tf J€

1) First a copper coin of Augustus, clay smoke (not exactly because unclear) published (Mittheil, der num. Gesellsch. Berlin, 1, 1846 p. 28), then another in the (later) Rauch collection, by Trajan. In the same Collection I found a copper coin from Nieopolis Epiri, which depicts the head of Augustus from the same stamp as the one with e) INAIOC. This is thus an unexplained nickname of Asclepius in Epirus. The three coins are:

1) HJ. KTICMA C6BACTOY Head of Augustus, 8cepter across behind

the neck, to the right. üf. NIKOnOAlC. . Bust of Nike with wall crown to the right.

2) HJ. from the same stamp as the previous one.

HJ. 6)INAIOC Standing Asclepius with serpent staff from Yorn.

/fs. o.

3) HJ. AYTO KAI C6B TPAIANOC Head of Traian with wreath on the right. RJ. 4>INAIOC Asklepios as before. .£. 4.

So the same collection has two unedited coins, one incorrect destination and their rectiflcatlon contained!

2) Similarly now: “the bestowed one”; the name is omitted.

3) See my artist's writing. in Greek M. p. 53. First by Friedlaender published.

4) Pape-Benseler, Wortb. d. Proper names s.v. 'Hy/utJt (Hyi^my), ^Hyr^uv.

• i

332 A.v. Sallet,

(otQXayitag) the well-known frequent nickname of Apollo, Askle- pios' father, e.g. on coins from Alaesa, Tauromenium *; , and if you look further in the manuals: it is a supplement name of Asclepius! Pausanias says 2 ): axadlotg di dvwteQw Tt&OQiag kßdo^trjxovta vaog iative sJ oxAjjtt tov, xaleltai di 1/q- Xayivag • rifiäg di naqa avTWv &%u Ttd-QQtwv xal in l'orjg nciQa (Dwuiüv times alkwv. So the HTEMßN is APXArETHZ not a heroic dead man, it is the depicted Asclepius the monument is consecrated.

Now a third inscription 3 ; of a similar strangeness dignified monument 8, to which Conze thanked me in the most grateful way drew attention. It is a representation of the ordinary Type: lying man (with fake head) holding a bowl, Seated woman, snake below, boy on the right in the corner with wine vessel. A tank and a sword hang above. Everything is plastered over, including the place where the inscription is. An old one strangely unfaithful drawing apparently depicts the same relief and gives Athens as the location at the time. now that's thinking- once in Trieste. The old drawing, completely unfaithful in its depiction position, even in the position of the inscription, there is Essentially the reading is not bad.

Now you can read above the representation:

:IOX T--I EYEirTIGI KAI TEI BAXIAEIAI:

azioz tä : : EYzirrßi kai thi baziaeiai

reads the old drawing. Conze says this about the inscription supposed grave reliefs, the most natural way could be. . ,no Zev^l/irrq) xal %fj ßaoileiq read, the most immediate result is TQI EYinnQI. One cannot give a specific explanation give. — But I would like to read differently.

1) Head, coins of Syracase (Num. Chron. XIV, 37 f.). Eckhel, D.N.I, 248.

2) Break. X, 32, 12.

3) Discussed by Conze in the proceedings of the Vienna Academy Vol. 71 (1872) p. 317 ff. (“Greek grave reliefs”).

Askleptos and Hygieia. 333

Dem AZIOZ »il I: EYZIPPßl KAI THI BAZIAEIAI

both like that

•IOZ T--I EY&rnfll KAI TEI BAXIAEIAI

• would initially correspond to:

azios Tai EY^mnai kai thi baziaeiai

so, . . aaiog ttp Evginnq) xal tj] ßaoileleitf (perhaps incorrect TEI instead of ifj) d. i. ..asios (dedicates this] to Euxippos and the Queen. These don't sound like mortal names, because which came to me (not from the scholar mentioned) in conversational terms suggestion made, for example a wife of an Archon ßaailevg to recognize in the "Queen" seems to me very daring. I Be glad here too, they are names of gods. I don't want any emphasize that, as the manuals teach, the names Zeuxippos and Euxippe native to Apollo's family are: Zenxippus is the son of Apollo and the nymph Syllis in Pausanias (II, 6, 7), who ruled Sicyon; Euxippe is the wife of Acraipheus, son of Apollo, founder from Akraiphia in Boeotia. This proves nothing for Asclepius, as tempting as it would be for my investigation to have an as- klepios EYIinnOZ to create. the so beautiful to the often horses depicted fit, so not, as was said, EvSinnrj = Z€v$i7i7trj , but from £t'/0f/at and %nnoq, dem Horses are praised as victims. But this would be the desert area the conjecture. Things are different and better with the second one Dedication: THI BAZIAEIAI: that is the seated woman. Bcxodeig, an epithet otherwise appropriate to Zeus, is a Epithet of Asclepius 1 ), as ctQXW&ySi is also called As- klepios himself Show ÜG/X^niog. So when Asclepius ßaatXevg is, then the one that appears with him is completely undoubted love scenes depicted on the reliefs and coins his seated wife, Hygieia (according to the more common

1) Pape-Benseler, Würterb. d. Proper names S. Iö9 s. v. 'yfaxkrjnioe. He leads to: Aelian. and anim. 9, 33. Aristid. orat. 6 p. 71, compare with Orph. hynin. prooem. 37. See also C. I. O. No. 5974 B.

334 A.v. Sallet,

version his daughter) the ßaaileia. So I want to here too See the nicknames of Asclepius and Hygieia, no deaths lichen, not even apotheosized or heroized.

As much as I am aware of the uncertainty of my interpretations I think I have shown that this is changing in many ways Epithets are common with Asclepius, with the omission of his actual name, and that the ones I discussed, for Partly as the main evidence of those who interpret differently Writings rely much more on Asclepius and Hygieia for interpretation lean towards the opposite direction. We also have in the Coins from Mytilene and Nicopolis related to Asclepius and the ones mentioned by Metapont have similar analogues this changing epithet of a god, with omission its actual main name: Demeter is the name of the latter once HYriEIA, once APIZTH, on coins that are each other completely the same and which are definitely at the same time 1 ], Asklepios soon nay^Qaxiirjg soon <|>INAIOC.

So I want to look at the beautiful Londoners and the Florentine coin of Bizya, that of Thyatira and the Inscriptions believe that initially the ancient interpretation of those reliefs is to be held as anathema to Asclepius and Hygieia and that “the knight’s horse”, “the house and mane snake”, perhaps easily also the “Modius as an attribute of Hades” 2) or Serapis etc. must be eliminated for these representations: the so-called called knight's horse is the god (equal to the armor) of the Consecrated, perhaps sacrificed, to a warrior who returned healthy; The snake is the sacred animal of the healing gods (the same is true). dog Aesculap's sacred animal), the Modius I would consider As- consider Klepios' usual headdress, or at least out This was created 3). •

1) See my artist inscriptions d.s. w.p. 53. V\ vats, 1st c. 119.

3 ) A pantheon head of Serapis (with Modius) -Helios- Ammon with Askle- pios' serpent staff over his shoulder, see Zoega, Num. Aeg. Plate XII, Antouinui P.

Asclepius and Hygieia. 335

That the two gods are not according to the usual version father and daughter, but what [most depictions, especially the coins, make it much more likely are understood as a married couple - so perhaps &eoyafua - is just noticed on the occasion of the inscription with xfj ßaoileiq been.

The inviolable documents that the coin images give us, perhaps, as so often, the reproductions of larger works of art, grant, cannot tolerate changes. That's where it would go Everything belongs, if one could say, to the coin artist Bizya (and Tbyatira) “thoughtlessly” understood the motives of the Grave representations of heroic deaths from Aesculapian hygiene groups borrowed. The only solid basis for any explanation of art are the monuments themselves. The interpretation must be based on them. close and subordinate, but not existing ones Opinions and interpretations that subordinate monuments. This The first is to learn from the monuments themselves, but not from them, because this or that doesn't seem to fit, as unreliable to suspect. Neither are the monuments of the imperial era zn discard; and the most official monuments, the coins, are now and never thoughtless inventions or even easy to eliminate anomalous curios^; they are officially announced ordered, well-considered, mostly witty, although often cursory, many replicas of older, larger works of art, like this one There are numerous examples to teach, such as the Farnese group Bulls on coins from Thyatira! ), the kneeling Aphrodite Coins from Amisus 2 ), the Sauroktonos in Nicopolis 3 ), which from Pausanias described group with Cleobis and Biton in Argos on coins from Argos itself 4 ), the two of Pausanias

1) Eckhel, Numi anecdoti plate XV, 1 minted under Seveniä Alexander.

2) Friedlaender, acquisitions of the royal family Coincab. Arch. Newspaper XXVII. — By Sabina et al.

3) Ibid. — By Septimius Severua.

4) Ibid. — By Plautilla.

336 A - v - S* 11 **

written representations in Tanagra: Hermes and the group Bacchus crowned by two Niken on coins from Tanagra 1;, Finally, Phidias' Zeus, who has recently been discussed a lot, appears Coins from Elis, from Hadrian.

Finally, those reliefs seem to me a difficulty, which otherwise agrees in the representation with the others, show a young, unbearded man - two safe ones in the Berlin Museum, particularly pretty and of good work small (No. 93]: lying youth with bowl, woman, left the servant boy, the snake under the seat - not closed offer, at least not a compelling one, because Asklepios was more than often revered and portrayed as an unbearded youth Here Asclepius may very well be meant by the young man 2, . Let's see him in a very similar, trusting group, only standing, with Hygieia, on medallions of the Emperor Hadrian as an unbearded youth 3). But I am far from believing that ben that with the help of coins the interpretation of these monuments somehow exhausted.

According to finds 4 ) and inscriptions 5 ), it is certain that the like votive images were used for gravestones. This be- to educate the anathemas for the healing gods on death clarify is a matter for the mythologists. Whether here is one of our modern ones Christian view of true health and happiness Bliss in death is based on a similar concept - I don't dare express an opinion about it.

1) With M. Aurel's head. S. Imhoof-Blumer, e.g. coin box Boeotia. Viennese Num. Magazine IX, 1877, 32.

2) Müller, Hdb. d. Arch. § 394, 2 note in Sicyon Gortyna, Phlius. The However, the coin of this city only shows him as bearded, as Eckhel correctly suspects (II. 259). Statues see Müller-Wieseler plate LX, no. 775 and 776.

3) Grueber, Roman Medallions in the British Museum p. 4, plate 111.

4) Dutch, 1st c. p. 14. Finds in lyric graves, in the necropolis of Piraeus.

5) E.g. NIKON • • • XA I PE , with horse head, suspended weapons and snake see Welcker old monument. II, 251, No. 37 of Chandler.

Asclepius and Hygieia. 337

Also the Modius, which I prefer to get out of my head The bandage of Asclepius would like to have been created, is for one Attribute not given to Asclepius explained. Whether you have one must accept separation, as Welcker wants: Serapis and As- klepios, or a combination of two deities in one person x ) , as they appear more fully on the pantheistic minds of Alexan- Drinian imperial coins appear, the further investigation may reserved for search.

Finally, as aggravating and the clarity of the German The preservation of those monuments is cloudy and confusing 2 ) considered safe be taken that, as Welcker does this in a similar way emphasizes, we often appear to be in the same class Belonging to the grave with a real family meal of the dead (often with many figures), also with representations of a separated married couple 3 ). A sub- distinguishing these representations from the real Aesculapian Reliefs are often difficult here. Completely in the manner of the reliefs Asclepius and Hygieia we see the lying bearded man, the seated woman, the servant on a tombstone of the Berliner Museum 4 ) with the inscription -EIAIAC EYBOAO XAIPE, similar, with another child (girl) and the inscription YnOMNHMA AEYKIOY O EflOIHZEN AYTfi O YIOZ 4>IAQTAZ, destroyed, but clearly recognizable 5 ) etc. Other

1) S. Stephan! , resting Heracles p. 91.

2) The variety of small objects held by the figures: Drinking horn, bowl, box, the existence or absence of the table, the food, etc. I would consider it insignificant. Such insignificant deviations are allowed Don't put too much weight on it.

3) E.g. Welcker, 1. c. p. '254. Those from Hollaender probably also belong there Cited very poorly depicted tombstones at Waxel. Waxel, recueil de quel- ques antiques trouv. 1. bords de la mer noire No. 2 and 10. On the former we see man, woman and child. No. 10 is very unclear, it seems man and wife.

4) No. 494.

5) Ibid. No. 493.

338 A - v - 8*Het, Askiepios and Hygieia.

Depictions of the family gathered at the meal on gravestones stones, but more or less moving away from the original, often very different, no longer belong here.

Because, so little I intervene in archaeological questions If I would like to venture, I am inclined towards this view: the votive pictures for Aescnlap and Hygieia are the original, the family meal or the union of the family on Eline, chair, etc. is what emerged from this *) . Starting with the serious and worthy old votive relief from Athens, which Duhn published 2 ), where the gods stand and drive the horse listening to the admirers, moving on to the second view, where Askiepios enthroned, Hygieia standing next to him, the sacrificial receive gifts 3 ), the gharacter of this thinking will finally become paintings a less dignified one: the gods feast and are often happy about the donations offered in a somewhat free grouping and of wine or nectar.

This latter view and conception ultimately becomes — perhaps quite early on, on such and such Dead themselves transferred, which now replace the original Gods appear in similar groupings themselves. Both types of monuments go side by side in time. One Divorce of real votive reliefs and gravestones will not be possible always be possible. Even if a part of that representation lungs certainly has a kind of death cult as its object Interpretation of the larger, and probably the older, part on As- Kiepios and Hygieia seem secured to me.

A.v. Sallet.

1) Welcker, 1st c. 283 is of the opposite opinion.

2) See above. In the latest issue of arch publications. Institute (Athens).

3) Berlin Sculptures No. 94.

Coin discovery near Beneventum.

In December last year, near Bene- ventum the find described below was made, small Although, it is of interest because it shows us for the second time 1 ) Coins of the allies in association with Roman denarii delivers.

The alliance coins are consistently well preserved, the denarii are consistently massive: from the four stages of use, which I have referred to as numbers for convenience have, you are usually only used by 2 = massive, 3 = heavily used, find represented.

First of all, the list of the 50 specimens found plare from Socialmfinzen can be found here:

Friedlander, OSK. Coins, plate X, 18 Bompois, les types mon£t. de la guerre sociale PL I, 3. . . In the section on the downside you will find so far came up with the plank, the following number- characters: