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Zeitschrift für Numismatik, vol. 2 — 1875

Numismatische Gesellschaft, Berlin, 1875 · provisional German–English translation

The original page is shown on the left as scanned. The provisional English translation sits on the right; coin inscriptions, catalogue numbers, references, and plate labels are kept as close to the source text as the OCR allows. 346 of 421 pages translated. Showing pages 241-320.

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Since the cult of Zeus and Hera, both in Olympia, pia were at home, the closer and wider community drawing showing the different parts of the Elian country and the basis of the entire national history of Elis formed, then their sj-mbole were the given motives of Eliseher Coinage. They also granted the special advantage that the fees paid by the dependent localities to Elis given as contributions to the common shrines could be seen: the reminiscence of a religious am-

3) Pausanu« v. 16.

Coins from Olympia. 273

Phictyony served as an enphemistic expression for the state of affairs political subjugation, and the same was in a country like Elis of particular importance because, in fact, nowhere like this forcibly, as here, the rule of the state capital was established had been provided; but the more it was based on armed force, All religious motives were used all the more zealously to achieve this to forget the actual origin of national unity.

The furthest you could go was by actually using the money ^IvfiTimov vo^uiajua called.

Now let us remember that after Elis had striven for a long time to extend his rule to the Messenian border Lepreats, whose resistance this intention had failed, finally through one that came over them from the Arcadian side We were forced to seek assistance from the Eleans in times of war. and in this way give them the opportunity to express their to carry out an annexation policy at least partially. It became a state treaty with very peculiar provisions was concluded closed. Lepreon joined the association of the Elis landscape so that the local Olympians are now known as “Eleer were proclaimed and enrolled from Lepreona ^); your city- However, the area did not simply become the Periöceland of Elis was defeated, but half of it remained independent Territory, but committed to the other (northern) half the lepreats themselves without being disturbed in their possessions to send a talent to the Olympics every year pay^;. The Eleans now had a double territory, a narrower one and a wider one, and even if they come from her- an intention to compensate for these differences and the loosely connected neighboring landscape through complete incorporation ration merged with their perioecal land, so they niusted but at the beginning act cautiously and be aware of the obligation to pay tribute

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1 ) Paus, f), 3.

2) Thiik. V. 31. Peloponnese. II, 85.

274 Krnst Curtius,

give the lepreats as gentle a form as possible. Carrion this one Given the times, I believe that okv^nixov vofiiöfia explains to be able to ren, and if we assume that the state treaty with Lepreon, of which we only know that he was named after the Persians wars is closed and until the eruption of the Peloponnesian shy war existed in force, the middle of the fifth year- 100 BC, the style of Mttnze No. 1 correspond to this time determination. Should be after testing of the original confirm that on the front the name of the If Eleer is missing, this would make it quite unambiguous that the cap was the one be given the character of a temple coin in which the gift was paid by those who were not considered tributary sub- Thanes of the city of Elis should be considered, but as Hereditary tenant on a territory dedicated to the Olympian Zeus torium.

The gold coins with PI ZA testify to a much more unique more profound disruption of the traditional coinage system Elis. Because if Pisa also in poetic language, the loves the ancient, as a name for Olympia in Ge- custom has remained, so is this harmless survival of the old one Place name from its reappearance in Elischen State coins are essentially different, and it is completely un- It is conceivable that the Eleer, which Pisa does not even classify as a village wanted to allow the eight districts to continue to exist *), the hated one Name that she prefers to sink into complete oblivion because he always thought of the violent overthrow of older people Conditions warned that they should have relied on their coins.

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We must therefore think of a time when Pisa will serve as a center The landscape was renewed, i.e. to the Theban Pe- riode, the age of political restorations, when the labor Cadres, following their desire for great power, intervened in Elis,

1 1 Pelop. II, 49.

Coins from Olympia. 27&

which had just extended to the Nedon, and nnn in the heart of the landscape^ according to the Theban process Politics restored Pisa, which had been trampled underfoot by Elis. Because she apparently all together with the descendants of the ancient Pisatians prepared for the upcoming Olympiad (104, 1 ; 364)- th, this time the Pisaeans invited people to the festival in their name; the whole administration was in their hands. Olympus lay defenseless pia at the feet of the hill of Kronos, which is fortified by the arcade how the Phoceans under Philomelus had hidden in Delphi entrenched. Zeus' sacred treasures migrated to the Coin to pay Arcadian militias ;the Eparites) >) .

The fact that gold was minted was appropriate to the circumstances: This broke with the tradition of Elis and the whole Peninsula, caused a greater stir and attracted volunteers on. The Hera symbols had to be given up because they were based on the Connection related to Elis. Next to Zeus' lightning you go to the middle of the coin field with proud self-confidence the name of Pisa, which the Elians destroyed forever believed to have, and led him again into the people's story one.

But the whole restoration, which was a nemesis of the should be a thing of the past, was approved by the vast majority of the people viewed as a revolution; one saw the forebodings in the Eleem fighters of the law and in the dispute that arises because of the Holy money broke out in Arcadia, the just punishment a temple robbery. Since the whole interruption of the eleischen Acquisition may not have lasted much more than a year and a half Do not be surprised by the small number of Pisa coins; the However, if our interpretation is correct, the preserved ones are remarkable. worthy documents of Peloponnesian state history and equally very valuable resources to obtain the coins of Elis,

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1 ) \en. Hellen. VII. 4. 33.

276

Kcjiit Cutilui.

Welolie are of a high level of artistic history, neberer 2u datareii. •

äo simply the Hudvc of your pictures are, they show docli a diversity of Ütih. which is the Üctraebtiuig of the bulls eiüCu groseeo attraction. It's worth noting that the clisee be- hCrdeo aach had great enthusiasm in this relationship, Avenue to tJiun, which gave honor to the UeiUgthum; they have them vonUgLichetcu Masters used to create their MUazsteoipel i always produce new foi'iites 2it lasäeu.

The Eagle's Head ') is a masterpiece of ancient glyphics. Zensknpf is now recognized in two main types, but with that i the diversity is not exhausted, iud if in the scbHcb- The lower head is rightfully the style of Phidia. has been presented to us in the Fartheuonreliele So it is not yet proven that there is a nttehbildiu in it "The Colossi of Zeus" can be seen.

In the Herat-pus we clearly see a double period y Firstly, the head of older embossing with a strong, fosfel rude zugeit, who, agreeing with the Hera Argeia Ubarciu, returns in a very constant form, more often than not. auzuBchcu, through a high and richly i^chmUcked Stiroreir excellent: a head in which one can rightly see a monumental to renew the ideal role model.

Then a change occurs, which is obviously inevitable. rides. The traditional stir decoration is no longer necessary: the epic one Ihiraeliarakter becomes more and more powerful; the berho. Strictly! is softened, aud mau sees an autliige woman, soft i Apbrudite remembers, the lilich built up Ütiar, diu LitO .rriiiire give this Uebergong deiUliuh ku erkeuawi.

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The treatment of the symbols also recognizes m«a eiu lua orwtldlic.be» ätreboD iui:li uiiiauigfaltiger and fine Htllislruug,

^Kl>' orwtldli

K. «Oriik»Mll«I p, \('i.

Coins from Olympia. 277

without abandoning the traditional lightning form as the basic type will. The attempt was made on Prokesch's gold coin. makes half flashes as new elements for the artistic to utilize the equipment of the coin field, and if this is minting bild The reason was to move the coin to Cyrene, So the analogy with local coin types gave a certain amount of insight into this Authorization. Because in Cyrene you can find very old ones Coins three silphion stalks around a center point or one King compiled (dispos^s en trisköle ^)). One has in this Trinity a religious symbolism or the suggestion of a covenant nisse of three states or even a hint of the coin werthes (Triobola, Trichalka) is suspected. The most likely For the time being it remains that we are only dealing with an omental Com- The combination of three elements has to do with the coin field was intended to be filled with a s^metric heraldic figure. This is also the case on the Pisa coin.

At least it is likely that the Cyrenaean Coin types served as a model in the schematic application have, and even if we also in the younger Heratype, still but more so in the depiction of Nike, especially the sitting one den, perceive an elegance that is reminiscent of Great Greek If you remember the art of stamp cutting vividly, I think to be allowed to take that especially in the coins of Elis overseas influences have taken place.

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Olympia was a center of Hellenic culture and the main space for traffic with the western and southern Colo- not. The priesthood of Olympia was there in every piece- carefully considered, everything that related to the sanctuary, that is also the coin, preserved at the height of the Hellenic CHiltnr and to appropriate every advance. Of course it was The effect is reciprocal, and if you swipe between it

1) L. Müller, Niim. de rancieniie Afriquc p. 81.

276

which are of great importance in terms of art history fiiocl, ai KU dadrcD. •

This is how the modification of their pictures siml, they show There is a variety of styles that accompany the practice has great appeal. You can see that the eli&dieo Be- We also hear great enthusiasm in this regard. To do everything that would honor the sainthood: they had that TorzUgiiehsteu masters brought out to their Mliuzstctuple: always new princes of the highest quality.

The eagle kojif ') is a masterpiece of ancient glyptics. The | Zcuäko|)f is now recognized in two main types, but with that iet the diversity does not control, and if in the i^lilicb- tereu heads with voUetem Keoht the ätyl of Phiditw etkaiint as he appears to us in the Fartheuon reliefs 80 is not yet proven that there is a non-clibilduiig. ' of the Colossus of Zeus can be seen.

lui Ueratypus we clearly see a double period; firstly, the head of older people with “a strong, almost broad strokes, which, with the Hera Argeia uh«reharmonieDd, in returns in a very common form, more male than female to look at, through a high and richly happy Stirorcif excellent: a head in which you can have an inounmeu- with Iteeht believes that he recognizes a true role model.

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Then a sudden change occurs that "always seems to be in store for me." rides. The royal Htirushmnck is gone: the epic one Hearacter rewiKcbt sees more and more: the harsh severity rd softened, and one “iclit a graceful woman who also A|>hi''"iito remembers that delicately tied up hair, the curls, dii' Oliniii-t- ^pbeu this excess can be clearly seen.

AikIi In the structure of the symbols we recognize an un- Great striving with mamügfuUigcr and fine sliliiirnng,

IJ IL MtiiiKbibimi |i 1«)

Coins from Olympia. 277

without abandoning the traditional lightning form as the basic type will. The experiment was carried out on Prokesch's gold ounce. makes half flashes as new elements for the artistic to utilize the equipment of the Mttnzfeld, and if this is embossing* bild The reason was to move the coin to Cyrene, So the analogy with local coin types gave a certain amount of insight into this Authorization. Because in Cyrene you can find very old ones Coins three silphion stalks around a center point or one Ring compiled (disposSs en trisköle ^]), One has in this Trinity a religious symbolism or the suggestion of a covenant nisse of three states or a hint of the Mintz- werthes (Triobola, Trichalka) is suspected. The most likely For the time being it remains that we are only dealing with an omental Com- The combination of three elements has to do with the coin field was intended to be filled with a symmetrical heraldic figure. This is also the case on the Pisa coin.

At least it is likely that the Cyrenaean Coin types served as a model in the schematic application have, and even if we also in the younger Heratype, still but more so in the depiction of Nike, especially the sitting one den, perceive an elegance that is reminiscent of Great Greek If you remember the art of stamp cutting vividly, I think to be allowed to take that especially in the coins of Elis ül)sea influences have taken place.

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Olympia was a center of Hellenic culture and the main space for traffic with the western and southern Colo- not. The priesthood of Olympia was there in every piece- carefully considered, everything that related to the sanctuary, that is also the coin, preserved at the height of Hellenic culture and to appropriate every advance. Of course it was The effect is reciprocal, and if you swipe between it

1) L. .Müller, Num. de rancieiuic Afriquc p. 81.

278 Ernst Cuitius, coins: from Olympia.

Zen heads on the coins of Locri Epizephyrii and that of Elis has recognized a great agreement^), so be it It cannot be claimed that the type comes from Greater Greece was borrowed. But what could be learned from the colonies namely the art of stamp cutting as an independent art maintain and train the guys for the coins, that's what you have, I think it was used in Elis, so that here the art of the motherland merged with that of the colonies.

Where the type of Jupiter tonans is at No. 1 in Hanseatic League, is one of the most interesting questions about the history of ancient Greece. Chinese art types. All I notice here is that he certainly refers to an important work of Peloponnesian ore sculpture goes back. He also created one on a small scale know monumental character and is without a doubt a picture, which was not composed for the coin.

Ernst Curtius.

1) Friedlaender, Monthly Report 1874 p. 499.

Miscellaneous.

The alleged PM on colony coins Corinth behind the name of Danmvim is based on incorrect Reading. The well-known copper coin with COR INT next to it Laiskopf Rf. Bellerophon with the Chimaera, according to all of me known descriptions this inscription: Q • CAECIL NIGR • C • HEIO PM IIVIR. Eckhel says about the PM: »quid in eodem numo significent literae PM plane luculentae, mihi ignotum.« The correct reading leads first to one of Kamus [Catalogus etc. I, 165 No. 28) published, but by him also misread coin: P • AEBVTIO P M F • C HEIO PAMPHILO intra lauream. Bf. PMF TER COR Pegasus volans. EVER. 3. This coin, in two copies in Berlin, has the following inscription: P • AEBVTIO • SP • F • C • HEIO • PAMPHILO and the applicants PP (or PR?) F ITER COR. The The applicant's first three letters are not entirely clear PRF one would have to think of praefecti (duumviri) iterum; the coin is expected to fall in August time. So we're open This coin has no PM, both were misread by Ramus, sometimes it is SPuri Filius, sometimes it is PRF or similar. The one on The mint's second-named official, C. Heins Pam, philus is certainly identical to the C. Heins “PM” of the first Coin. This alleged PM is on well-preserved copies a clear monogram PA4, which is the cognomen of Heins, Pamphilus, means. — Since the previous incorrect reading

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28 miscellaneous.

The coins are certainly strange and remarkable to every epigraphist. It seemed to me that the right one should stand out worthy of attention determine reading. A.v. S.

The consecration coins of Caracalla are after common assumption coined under Macrinus, who, as is well known, had to allow the murdered emperor to be consecrated. This one As far as I know, this view is not yet disputed, but it seems to be so close examination of the style, metal and appearance of those rare pieces not correct; rather, I believe that they are under Elagabalus, with whose denarii those of the Divus Anto- ninus Magnus have an unmistakable resemblance. Also that one Head is similar to that of Elagabalus, from whom it quite naturally It would be understandable that he was considered the “son” of the Divus Antoninus Magnus - as he calls himself on the inscriptions - himself Minting of his alleged father's consecration coins be located Hess. Certainly the investigation of a larger Serene series of those consecration coins and weight comparison with Macrinus' and ElagabaF's denarii decide whether mine View is wrong or right. A.v. S.

Alexandrians of the Pesc ennius Niger (on page 241flF.j. In the Welzl catalog from Wellenheim Th. I No. 7508 there is one Pescennius Niger described as follows: C € BACTOC • KAI • F- n€CK • NireP-lOYCTOC- Tete laurie de Pescennius Niger k dr. Bf, L A L'Esperance marchant k g. (bien conservi) Pot. 6. The NIFEP makes authenticity doubtful for NIFPOC.

J.F.

Prize task of the academy. »At the request of the H.H. Friedlaender and Mommsen, the academy has awarded the conclusion: if a suitable one is found by March 31, 1875 Personality should come forward, through the same catalogue who lived in Bithynia until the end of the 3rd century AD. to produce and publish struck coins. The operator

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^

^

MisceUen. 281

Workers must commit to everything about it existing printed material as well as those in the larger ones German museums as well as those in London and Paris to work through existing such coins for this purpose, Topify the coins as far as possible according to the individual characteristics. to arrange graphically and chronologically, including the weights, to the extent that this is scientifically expedient to state. The More important coins must be given in figure. — There can also be another person instead of Bithynia by agreement geographical district can be set.

The more detailed determination of the execution and publication The copying of the work at the expense of the Academy remains the responsibility of agreement between the publisher and the academy. hold, which the latter alone has to decide whether wants to commission the scholar who comes forward to do this work, or not. The reports are to be sent to the academy as such

direct. «

(Monthly report of the Academy July 1874.)

Literature.

Brock, P., Numismatics Untersogelser concerns find the senere romerske Kaisertid etc. Copenhagen 1874 (doctoral dissertation). In the author's opinion, draw the letters and numbers in the section under Philip the mints during the celebration of the millennium status of Rome; they are among Hostilian, Gallusian and Volusian Distinctive symbol of the mint of Antioch. The characters XXI, KA, VSV, which first Dr. Missong (Vienna numism. Magazine I) as XX=I and V+V=S, i.e. 10» Vs explained,

282 Literary.

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the author also resolves and accepts. that 20 large pieces = one Kechnungsantouinian, 10 small = one bill be denarius. According to the author, before Diocletian means view SMH Heraclea in Asia Minor, HT Heraclea Thraciae. The Tarraco and Narbo mints are denied. The OB er- the author clarifies again for Obryzon, while one almost universally my Pinder and Friedlaender's explanation assumes OB = 72.

A.V.S. Numismaty chronicle. London 1874. III. Gard ner, P., a coin of Heraus Saka king. p. 162 — 167. An une- The highest belonging to the later Indo-Bactrian series interesting tetradrachm of an unknown Scythian 'Saka, King's Out, with woodcut: Head of the king with diadem. Robe, mustache, similar to Arsacid tetradrachms, of the tänien-like decoration, as on Seleucid coins, around- give. Rf. the king on horseback, lying by floating Nike wreaths, made of rough work, similar to the Azes coins. The notable A worthy inscription is TYIANNDYNTDZ HIADY ZAKA KDIIANDY; I is a P, similar to late arsacid coins, so: Tt'^ai'vorrTog ^Hganv 2(ixa xoiQavov, As Ana- For the purposes of this transcription, Gardner admittedly uses the much earlier one ßaadsvot'Tog Idya&o/MovQ on the tetradrachms of the baotri- schcu Agathocles as well as the x^qavo (or y.OQctvo] on Cadphises- et al. Coins from the late Indo-Scythian series. — Gard ner, P., Thasian manubria. — Bonipois, H. F*, explication d'un didrachme inödit de la ville d'Ichnae ^Macödoinej. Notice Suivie d'eclaircissements rclatifs k la numismatique des Bottiöens. p. 177-228. With illustration in the Revue Numismatique and the beautiful Didrachm by Ichnae that I have already mentioned. which I saw here, now in the British Museum: Warriors to the left, leading a horse. v^OA(v^) + l, V^yaoiK i^. bathroom. 9.2 Grm. Bompois sets the tactics that he like P. Lambros Macedonian Ichnae rightly assigned, according to the analogy of others

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Literature. 283

Works of art, with particular reference to a similar one piece by the Orrheskii (Bompois only introduces Head's new discussion) Chung, but the coin is already from Cadalvöne, recueil p. 76, published with illustrations) in the fifth century, before 450; ge- I know this dating is correct. That seems doubtful Bompois tried to divide the coins of Dicaea among the two cities of Dicaea (Dicaeopolis Thraciae and Dicaea Mace- doniae; almost all silver coins have the same type of the bull's head on the RF, the separation of the coins of the Bottiaeer, Bottaeer and Botteaten is certainly correct, in part already noticed by Imhoof.

1. Bottiaeer in Chalcidice, all with BOTTIAIQN. silver coin with female head and half bull (Imhoof, Choix plate I, no. 16) and copper coins with the head of Apollo and Lyra, mostly of very beautiful style, exactly with those also very beautiful silver and copper coins Chalcidian League consistent.

2. Bottaean in Thrace. Copper coins with the head of Heracles and horse and Pallas head and bull with BOTTAIQN.

3. Botteaten in Macedonia (Emathia) with BOTT EA- TAN. Silver coins with late Macedonian types: Macedonian shield and ship, just like the ones with MAKEAONflN. Copper coins with the types of No. 2 doesn't seem to belong here so definitely. — There are also copper coins with MAKEAONQN etc. and a monogram of B and T here given. A.v. S.

V. Mttlverstedt, The Halberstadt Groschen of Cardinais Albrecht Archbishop of Mainz and Magdeburg, administrator of the Hochstift Halber- city, 80 p. 22, with II plates. — It is not a dry setup counting these broad gold medals, which, given their relative

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284 literature.

Massive rarity significant number of 40 pieces partly without The year is partly accurate from 1515 to 1519 to 1526. draws and is depicted in 21 ways, but it will the same is linked to the question of whether these and the other large This type (thaler, half thaler and Ortsthaler) with Albrecht Names and coats of arms for him or the cathedral chapter and the city attributable. From the well-known fact that Bishop Ludwig in 1363 to the cathedral chapter and the city of Halberstadt has left the right to mint in perpetuity, one would ultimately like to teres, from the character of the former conclude. The controversial issue is 'through one of Mr. v. M. taught, previously unknown knew the certificate of our Albrecht v. J. 1523 in favor of fler The last opinion was decided, because Albrecht states here that after the cathedral chapter and council put his coat of arms on their pennies and have a shield set up, so that this will not be detrimental to them their injustice should be enough. — It’s worthy of gratitude also the brief overview of the beginnings provided above the penny coinage in Northern Germany, where only the oldest sten Osnabrück groschen from Bishop Konrad IH. (1455—82) and successors (Münzstud. lY plates 4 to 6) have been overlooked.

H.D.

y

The acquisitions of the Royal MOnzIcabinet

in 1874.

(^Plate IX.)

Is the progress made by the K. Coin Cabinet in the in the past years, not even with that of the previous compare the going in which Fox's collection is presented. was bought, there are about a thousand of them Pieces that were added, some of great value.

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I. Among the Greeks the most valuable is that on Plate IX, 1 depicted tetradrachm of King Arcus of Laconia It is a Unicum, Frölich has this specimen in his works: ad numismata regum veterum accessio nova p. 1 published, at that time it was in the Savorgnan collection lung, now it is exchanged in Italy by a coin dealer and sold to the K. Kabinett. The comparison of the Frülich's beautiful illustration with ours shows the same ones coincidences, and proves identity.

Frölich's illustration is only wrong in that it shows BAXIAEfiZ has. Eckhel, who described the coin according to Frölich, noticed correctly, as always, that both words have the same ending should have. The O in BAZIAEOZ is not completely German lent, and this explains Frölich's in-thum, but it is whole certainly an O and not a Q., both words end in

Ztitichrift f. Namism. II. '^0

280 J- Friedlaender,

Frölich has written the history of the Arc given. Arcus followed his grandfather Cleomenes II. in 310 BC in the government because his father Acro- tatus had died before Cleomenes. Arcus fell in 266 AD a battle near Corinth against the Macedonians. His son Acrotatus followed him. Athenaeus ^) says of them that they are were the first to adopt royal customs in Laconia. would have imitated, and this message corresponds to the coin ; Areas minted them based on the model of the oldest coins of the Diadochi with the types of Alexander the Great; Name and title of The coiners are named, but his portrait is not shown.

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Perhaps one can assume that only this one copy When his coin came to us, we conclude that he didn't have it many shaped because in his country there are strangers and outrageous act of royal power caused offense.

The octadrachmon of the Bisaltae is hardly less rare the record BIZAATIKON, an ancient one, only in a few Coin known from specimens. The silver wealth of the Mace Donic and Thracian mines led to these lands far earlier than in S^akus, which became rich through trade to strike large silver coins of 8 and 12 drachmas.

Among the other silver coins there is a beautiful one Tetradrachmon from Syracuse with the head of Arethusa at the front and the name of the die cutter KIMfiN, one Silver coin of Pharnabazus, of which only one example remains plar is known, one from Thebae in Boeotia with a beautiful Heracles boy sitting on the ground strangling the snakes. Among the gold coins is a stater of King Seleucus I with the Elephant quadriga, and the rare one of the Bosporan king Cotys L with the heads of Claudius and Britannicus.

The number of minting cities that were still not represented was also increased

1 ) *^ofi>c xai \4no6Tatog «vXixfiv i^ovalav C^kniaavtfg. Deipnoftophistanim lib. IV p. 142.

/"

The acquisitions of the K. MQoz cabinet in 1874.

287

again reduced by four: Isaunis and Carallia in Isauria, Hyrgalea in Phrygia, Rabbathmoba in Arabia. In terms of The Eabinet has completed the minting cities in recent years Made great progress over the years. Alone last year The following previously unrepresented departments were added: mostly through the Fox collection:

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Aulerci Eburovices Galliae Beneventum Samnii Galaria Siciliae Stiela Siciliae Apollonia Thraciae Agathopolis Chers. Thrac. Atrax Thessaliae Cassope and Molossi Epiri, in

connection Chaeronea Boeotiae Bura Achaiae Ceralitae Cretae Aristarchus K. of Colchis Pontus in general Gaziura Ponti Pimolisa Ponti Phamaces I. K. v. Pontus Pylaemenes K. v. Pahla

gonias Cisthene Mysiae Thymbra Troadis Nesiope(f; Lesbi Euippe Cariae Idyma Cariae Neapolis Cariae lalysus Khodi Acalissus Lyciae Cadyanda Lyciae Paleopolis (she Lyciae Podalia Lyciae Xanthns Lyciae

Andeda Pisidiae

Conana Pisidiae

Prostanna Pisidiae

Savatra Lycaoniae

Augusta Ciliciae

Epiphanea Ciliciae

Laerte Ciliciae

Ptolemais (Eye) Ciliciae

Philopator K. v. Cilicia

Paphos Cypri

Nicocreon K.v. Cyprus

Boeonus Lydiae

Hermupolis Lydiae

Mastaura Lydiae

Mostene Lydiae

Appia Phrygiae

Briana Phrygiae

Cidramus Phrygiae

Lysias Phrygiae

Nacolea Phrygiae

Ococlea Phrygiae

Timbrias Phrygiae

Germ Galatiae

Cybistra Cappadociae

Saricha Cappadociae

Orophemes K. v. Cappadocia

Laodice and Demetrius I., K. v.

SjTien Gaba Trachonitidis Antigonus K. v. Judaea Philippopolis Arabiae

20 •

288 J* Friedlaender,

Straton K. v. Bactria Diomedes K. y. Bactria

ZoiluB K. V. Bactrien Tiraeus E. v. Cbaracene

Calliope n. Hermaeus K. v. Ptolemy IV Philopator

Bactria Arsinoe Legs Gem.

Of particular interest is a coin from Hierapolis in Phrygia with the head of Proconsul Fabius Maximns; from These rare coins feature the heads of Roman Proconsnin There are now three people in the cabinet, apart from the one mentioned by Pitane with the head of P. Scipio^ and one of Temnns with that of Asinius Oallus.

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A number of important and rare coins from Jndaea and This interesting series enriched the neighboring countries; The collection now has Sekel from all four years in which was minted; We also won the rare big one Silver coin attributed to the first uprising, some equivalent to the Roman denarii from the second riots; a number of royal coins, including those of the An- tigonus ; then two silver coins from Ascalon, numerous bronze coins from Caesarea, Neapolis, Aelia Capitolina, Ascalon, Gaza, two from the Arab cities of Petra and Habbathmoba. To that entered Jerusalem as a gift from the Lord Preacher Weser Nabataean silver coin of Aretas and Chuldah.

II. Roman Mttnzeu. The collection came from Brindisi two gold coins of M. Antonius of high found there interest.

The first is the one already known in one copy the alleged head of Octavia.

A\ M • ANTONIVS • M • F • M • N • AVCVR • IMP • TE

Head of Antonius to the right. lif, COS- DESIGN- ITER-ETT(ER*I II •VIR-R-P-C) Female head to the right. 8.07 grams *).

1) The end of the RS label. If it is missing here, the stamp is missing Schrötling didn't hit it properly. On the VS. it says IMP TE, not TER,

y*

The acquisitions of the K. Muiu Cabinet in 1874. ^99

The title of Antomus shows that the coin belongs to the Jiibren 36 and 35 yor BC, or more certainly the year 35, because It is not certain, although probable, that he is in the year 36 Emperor JH. called.

Whether the female head represents Octavia is a matter of two* Terrible, it's probably an ideal head, Victoria; it seems trSgt she the lichen that goes from the forehead to the back of the head, which is also unique to Victoria. Don't care for images alone Nisse, also from women, on the coins more character and to show less beauty than this, e.g. B. that of Cleopatra, but it is also unlikely to appear on a coin of the tonius Yoin years 35 to find the head of his Qattin, since he, already in the snares of Cleopatra, the Oc^via of Athens, where she had traveled from him, sent her back to Rome. In general, no Roman women appear so early coins in front.

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Even stranger is the second one on Plate IX No. 2 ab^ formed gold coin with the portrait of the eldest son of Antonius from his first marriage to Fuliria, who was from the Greeks called it Antyllus. The copy is fresh from the stamp.

A/. M • ANTONI • M • F • M • N • AVG • IMP • TERT Head of the^M. Anthony to the right.

Ä/. COS • ITER • AESIGN • TERT • 1 1 1 • VIR • R • P • C Head of the antyllus to the right. 8^05 grams.

These refer to this coin, which is a unicum Title of both sides to the father, the son is not named, but on a second one, known in two or three copies Coin, which is on the VS. ANTON • AVG • IMP * IM • COS • DES • III • III • VIR • R • P • C stands around the head of the son M • ANTON IVS * M • F • and then E like wrong is specified ; This makes no sense, Seguin has the coin

as the specimen depicted in the Cohen'tcben Veneichniu has; his B^ •writennf lives at:f VS. and K8. TERT, what certainly did.

290 J* Friedlaender,

SO popular, and his successors, including Cohen, did it again- repeated. It's certainly an F; on the Duke's copy from Blacas, which is shown by Cohen, also has the first F a small line at the bottom so that you can hold it ftlr E could. So it says M*F*F and this means: Mard filias, filius. About father and son, who have the same name, both M. Antonius Marci filius is called, to distinguish the Added the second F to the son's name. Like me sir Prof. Mommsen says this type of designation is common in writings not uncommon.

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The similarity of the letter shapes of our Aureus with those of the well-known denarii minted in 34 BC, which have the heads of Antony and Cleopatra, shows that our Aureus was also minted in Egypt *) . Also at about the same time he is probably. Anthony's titles: consul II, designatus III, imperator UI, and the same only abbreviated title on the other aureus due to lack of space with the name of Antyllus: consul designatus III, impe- Rator III, denote the years 34, 33, 32 BC. Consequently these Aurei with the head of the Antyllus cannot go to the The battle of Actium was marked by the name Antonius at that time COS III-IMP lllh Eckhel takes the place of Dio, in which is told after the battle of Actium, Antonius I gave his son the toga virilis ^j , alone with this one Message the coins cannot be related, They are older, Antyllus must have been in there a few years earlier

1) In the passage from Servius cited by Kckhel doctrina Tb. VI p. 48: Antonius — monetam one (of Cleopatra) nomine in Anagnia civitite iuBBit ferlrl, one would rather assume Alexandria instead of Anagnia; if aach ServioB the If you make a comment on the occasion of the name Anagnia, he can be one Have had handwriting in front of you in which this word was written in an abbreviated form was that instead of alexandria he would have read anagnia, see already Num. Chron. N.S. VII, 269.

*2) Book LI Ch. 6: KhoTtaxQn jnh KaiattQltovtt, \4vt(ivioQ Sh^Avxvkkop

The acquisitions of the K. Münzkabinett in 1874. 201

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Egypt, and at that time this first became Yersneh mowed, as it were hereditary in the rule over the Romans* see publicity introduced by the image of the son was added to the father's. As is well known, this attempt failed search, Octanan also died soon after Antonius' suicide to kill this son of the same, even though he had previously killed him with his own Daughter Julia was engaged ^) . Dio says he spared Caesar rion (the son of Julius Caesar and Cleopatra) and the Antyllus not because they were supposedly men and had a sex. know that they had the appearance of official authority ^) ; this means: because given them the toga virilis, perhaps also: because of the tyllus' image had been placed on coins.

As on these gold coins, Antonius, also as a le- pidus had already been eliminated, the triumvir title continued, in return sentence to Octavian, who gave it up earlier; Antonius wanted emphasize his claim to a part of the empire, Octavian considered himself the master of it all.

First of all there are three coins from emperors and empresses to name those that have not yet been represented: a bronze Nepotian's coin, and two Gt)ld-Tremi8ses of Aelia Ve- rina, wife of Leo I, and Aelia Ariadne, wife of Zeno; then an Aureus of Severina, the first gold coin of this imperial serine, and a very beautiful aureus of Vespasian's Domitilla. Of particular value is an aureus of Augustus, from the Tri- umvir monetalis Sanquinius, with the head of the Divus lulius, who, without any portrait resemblance, is considered divine depicted as a young man, marked by the comet on his forehead is drawn, just like on Kavenna's lielief.

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The bronze coins are so high because of their artistic value the Roman emperors received a significant enrichment

i) Dio Blich XL VIII Ktp. 54. tt ngoaraaiag i^oyttav, iifilaato. Book LI Ch. O.

292 J. Friedltender,

through the acquisition of 131 pieces, the first selection of the dn beautiful collection of the late Senator Geoig Finger sn Frankfurt am Main, all in perfect condition. and some of them quite rare, e.g. B. Grossbromen of the Ifm lia Scantilla, Didia Clara, of Pertinax, of Diadumenian. Also A well-preserved medallion of M. Aurelius came from this Collection in the cabinet, on the other side Jupiter in the Quadriga, on the ground a prostrate enemy, similar to the Representation of the Cameo of Athenion in the Museum of Naples. Valuable coins were added from other purchases: two of them rare copper of M. Aur. lulianus, a larger silver one of Vetranio, finally a curiosity, a coin of Hannibalian, on which the name without H: ANNIBALIANO REGI is written.

III. The medieval and newer monasteries were also eagerly propagated, especially the series of Lombardi Kings see through golden coins of Aripert, Cunipert, Luit- prand and Desiderius from the famous collection of the ver- deceased Marchese Trivulzio. Also the one minted in Benevento Denarius of Emperor Ludwig II and his wife Engelberga, which has only recently been known, reached the cabinet. There is also a previously acquired denarius of Charlemagne to highlight which Plate IX No. 3 is depicted; Karl is here Rex Francorum et Langobardorum ac Patricias Bomanomm called, the meaning of the monogram is uncertain. The Coin was probably minted in Lombardy. Then several extremely rare Italian gold coins: those on the board X, No. 4 depicted by Johann Graleazzo Maria Sforza and his mother Bona of Savoy with her beautiful portraits, one of Gnidubaldo of Urbino, finally the Zecehino of Marino Faliero. Among the German coins, the one stands out rare from Faldem, a suburb of Emden, which is around 1400 had the right to mint. As a result of my publication of this

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y

The Brwerbiuigen of K. MOaskAbiaato in 1874. 2i%

Mr. Dr. Babucke in the north a there at Abbmch of an old monastery building found, copy dmk Cabinet.

Seldeehocken emirs ruled after the great empire of Leoninm had fallen, around 1300 Klefaiamen in ten independent pending states; some of the clay they coined for trading with Europe Latin caps with the types of the kings of Charles U. and Roberts of Naples, types who are known to be far away spread goods. The first of these coins, with the name of I have more than 1,000 years ago of Sarcan, the ruler of Lydia made known twenty years ago; now it's also one of one Emir of Ionion came to light without his But the name is with that of his capital Ephesus, which is in Middle Ages Theologos was named after their patron saint, the Evan. listed John, who was called 6 Syiog &e6Xoyog; now it has become the place name Ajassoink. An exem- This strange coin was also purchased.

These are so beautiful and so rare in chiselled original casts German portrait medals also received the considerable Increase of more than thirty pieces, among which Me- daillen depicted by Luther as a monk at a young age (1521), Melanchthon, Bnllinger modeled by Hagenauer, and others through the depicted as well as through their artistic value located.

Not in beauty but in rarity these are still increasing surpassed by five Milanese silver medallions, all of them coined towards the end of the 15th century, while otherwise At this time in Italy the large cast bronze medals lons were pregnant. This one from the collection too Trivulzio.

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IV. The oriental coins were made by a two- th find in the Johanniter territory in Jerusalem (the the first happened in 1873) around some interesting pieces

294 J-Friedlaender, The acquisitions of K. Münik«binet in 1874.

increased. The purchase of the Georgisdian collection was more important Coins of Prince Baratajßf, who had these coins in one described his own works. There are 350 pieces, probably that most numerous collection of such coins; the oldest and most notable The most worthy are exact copies of Sasanian types with Georgian inscriptions. Among the others, obtained from other sources, A Hnlagoid group who had come from Aleppo stood out among the recruits. Gold coin with inscriptions in three languages: Arabic, Mongolian and Tibetan bears. This copy is in the period Writing of the German-Oriental Society Volume 28, 1, P. 131 published by Professor Pertsch in Gotha been.

Can't keep up with these beautiful acquisitions those of the year 1873, which gives us the Fox collection 1875 promises to be the cheaper because we can hope, one of the largest and most beautiful collections purchase Greek coins.

J. Friedlaender.

^

The coins of Asia and Africa with the images

the Prol(onsuln.

It was the general opinion that in the Roman Empires struck coins, no other images live- of the people were as those of the emperors and members that of the imperial family when I examined the coins Africa found that some heads that one for Augustus and Agrippas had held, representing the proconsuls of the province, and drew attention to it *) . Waddington then showed that even on city coins in Asia Minor there are portraits of some city holders are encountered 2) . I had a purely personal seen homage. Waddington explained this in the same way wise and showed that such a show of honor was nothing falling, by paying homage to something that goes much further Art were assigned to the governors in the provinces and the Proconsuls, whose images bear the coins, with the imperial were related at home. Professor Theodor Mommsen later announced a completely different explanation 5>) . By using the images of the pro- consuls first appear on the coins in 749 (5 BC), in In which year Augustus appointed his grandson Caius as his successor designated, this scholar believed that this was the cause should be searched for. He assumed that the emperor, to take over the throne

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i) Numismatique de TATrique Vol. 11 p. 40 and 46.

2) Revue number. N. S. XII, 1807, p. 102-126.

3) In the magazine Hermes III, 1869, p. 268-27;).

296 ^' Wall.

follow to ensure, had decided, the Senate really shares in the government of the state, and therefore the pro- consuls of Asia and Africa, as the most distinguished representatives aunts of the Senate in the provinces, gave the right to have coins struck with her image. Just like the These images appear on the coins as a result of this On the right, their disappearance should be viewed by the same After a few years, the reason for this was that Angnstas because of the death of his grandchildren, the succession in the Julian dynasty had to give up bad ones.

In the recently published on African numismatics I have given supplements regarding these from Mr Mommsen stated that she did, however makes sense, but is difficult to accept. Without on To undertake a criticism of the same, I have focused on the Application limited that the caps on which the head can certainly be seen as the portrait of the proconsul. whoever died were not defeated by the proconsuls, but rather from cities that had the right to mint.

Mr. Mommsen has one in this magazine (pp. 71-73). Reply given. It is written in one tone that surprised me. He refers to my location as doesn't think about it and accuses me of "getting into this one" striking questions of constitutional law are as much a layman as they are but the coin-educated person is not allowed to be either. I really- written with consideration and also did not fail to thank me with the constitutional conditions that are being considered here come to make known, as well as with the views that the highly respected and knowledgeable scholar himself talks about the same cherishes. The content of his reply is not the same as mine change opinion about the issue. I will in the following to explain why Mr. Mommsen's The explanation given is untenable, and at the same time the objections

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The coins of Asia and Africa with the images of the proconsuls. 297

refute that he made against Waddingtons and my AnUksrnn^ made asked. But later it will be necessary to use fbstznstel-^ len, which coins it is that bear the biMniss of a proconsnh included.

The coins in question are those that are At the top the name of a proconsnl next to a male one Carrying images. Of these, only those may be considered here come, on which the head is doubtless that of the proconsul is. Mr. Mommsen has the coin of Magnesia with the name M. Tnllins Cicero, who in all probability nnter dem Proconsul of this name is struck, the Untersncbnng enl^ pulled because it was possible that the head was not him, but represents his father, the famous speaker. With more grandeur The coins must bear the name Africanus Fabins Maximns, one of which contains Hadrumet's name, the other without 8 city name is >) , to be eliminated because the heads on these Coins can probably represent Augustus; they don't see him more similar to many other Angustns heads coins struck in the provinces, where, as is well known, imperial finds portraits whose facial features are missing. That these Heads represent the Prokonsnl, does not follow that his name is next; because on another coin from Hadmmet^) you can find Varu's name next to a head that looks very different. This is from the very characteristic portraits of this project consnls on a coin from Achnlla ^j and nnr that of Augustn can be. The fact that one of these coins is not contains the name of the city and consequently of the proconsul is beaten, suggests that the head does not have the proconsal represents; because the coins on which the image is certainly that of the proconsul, are all with the name of the city or the

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i) Num. de I AWque p. 52 No. 29, nnd p. 61 No. 37.

2) A. 0. p. 52 No. 26.

3) A. 0. p. 44 No. 7.

298 L. Müller.

City dwellers provided. Mr. Monimsen takes this coin with him. by mistaking his head for that of Africanus (this journal. P. 72, while he closes the coin with Cicero's name (Heimes p. 269] because it is a possibility that they don't carrying the head of the proconsul. The reasons that speak for it chen that on this coin the head of the proconsul Cicero represents, have \del weight ; I see her, like Waddington. for predominantly on ; this coin is brought into the investigation In it, Mr. Mommsen's hypothesis falls away, because this Cicero was proconsul in Asia in 730 (24 AD). But if Mr. Mommsen removes this coin, you are also, nnd nm thus more authorized to withdraw coins from Africanus without the city name see; at least the same cannot be used as evidence den^ that the proconsuls struck coins with their images have. Those coins which, with more or less Security, containing the effigy of the proconsul, are those of Temnos with Asinius Gallus name, the Yon Hierapolis with Fabins Maximus names ^) and those of Achulla and Hadnunetnm with Varus and Satuminus names. So they're just city dances. It is known that Achulla and Hadrumetum were free cities were. Regarding the two Asian cities, it is free It is not reported that they retained their autonomy, but It is very likely that this is the case with most cities of some importance in Asia Minor at this time was^): at least they did not belong to the Roman cities

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1) According to the images of these coins from Hlerapolit aaf the tablet in Review niim. To judge, it is quite possible that the heads with the Nuii«n of the ProlLonsul Augustus; it is according to Waddingtoni Vertidie* ment that the same from the head with Augustus name all Tenchieden, that I take these coins with me. *)

2) Handbook of Roman Antiquities by Marqaardt o. MommieD. lY. ROM. State Administration by Marquardt, 1st B. (1873) p. 189.

*) The completely perfect Berlin copy proves the correctness of the claim Waddington's point of view. It has a beautifully crafted design that is completely unlike that of Augustus. ted and extremely characteristic portrait of Proconsol. A.v. 8.

The coins of Asia and Africa with the images of the proconsuls. 299

Ver&88ang, who are subordinate to the administration of the Prokonsol were. The autonomous cities had their own influence. It is therefore- to assume that these coins were made by the Communid authorities kdt of cities are defeated; in the Asian one reads the names of the Greek officials who presided over the minting have stood. Mr. Mommsen is still of the opinion that all these coins are considered to have been struck by the proconsuls can be. His words are as follows (this magazine p. 71): “if I have described them as those that the governor halter has had it beaten, so of course this goes to the well-being well-known and sufficiently documented facts, especially for Africa thing that the municipal minting also takes place permüm pro^ canmlis.d But this does not agree with the constitutional law Conditions in which the free cities stood in relation to Rome ^) . Those cities which were under Roman rule free constitution had been given, according to this the authority to run communal affairs by locals authorities and independently without the influence of the governor. apply, and this must also be part of the privileges that come with it Right coins ^) heard about hitting ^j . That a special whose permission of the proconsul or the emperor does not require this was necessary is confirmed by the coin inscriptions; because only on the coins of the colonies and municipalities, not on those of the free cities, you can find the related existing formulas. Mr. Monmisen has declared himself to be said that the free cities were in possession of the right to coin money. were. In his history of Roman coinage he (8. 726) that in the order of coinage in the Pro-

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1) I assume that Mr. Mommseo is referred to in the passage quoted by “Muni- “Clpalprlgung” does not mean the Prifuog of the colonies and municipalities, but rather the the ProviniiUldte in general, because none of the cities from which here We're talking about it, it had a Roman constitution.

2^ Small monies applicable to the urban area.

3) Marqnardt a. 0. 8. 3&1—352.

300 I- Müller,

vinEen the basic idea is retained, that« »the thaMIck* lent dependence of the legally free treasury states on Born the coinage law (as an integral part of the Sonverttaetftt} not repeal”, and that this “the right to use of money prttsmntiT come fully." The city councils in question This is about an independent aatoritiU; ana- gone, and not by the governors. This is ea what I argued against Mr. Mommsen's hypothesis. If the coins are not struck by the proconsuls, It is far from the case that their portraits should be placed on the dmsdben. to deduce that Augustas would have given them the right to have coins struck with her image. But in doing so Coins are minted by the communal authorities, carefully Of course you can see the cause in the cities themselves, in the community their sentiments against the governor, and declares the homage conclusion from it.

Mr. Mommsen had this in his essays in Hermes The rights given to the proconsuls by Augustus said that he “ruled coinage called, as “the law strikes coins with its image.” let's call it. I stuck to it and committed myself to it the same expressions in French are used. In the article this- this magazine; Mr. Mommsen calls it “portrait law,” and it It is clear from his presentation that he is through the same thing Right understands, according to which the portraits of the Frokonsnln on which coins could be placed, including those who were not beaten by themselves. It let sieve probably assume that the attachment of the proconsul portraits the city's coins by granting such a right had been initiated. if this had really clicked. But this is based on a mere conjccture, which on closer inspection investigation proves untenable.

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Firstly, Mr Mommsen's hypothesis is not supported by the Coins confirmed. If the emperor agrees to what he has accepted

The coins of Asia and Africa with the images of the proconsuls. 301

for these purposes the Prokoogiliii portrait image would have yerHehen, Would this have had the consequence that not just some put the images of them on their coins, but that the consuls, who had the right to mint, even Mtlnsen would have had her picture beaten; a right, which was granted to the Senate with the intention of granting the same tftt Winning the Succession must have been something important and could not remain unused by the proconsuls. But, As I argued above, there are none of the programs Coins struck by consuls that contain their images.

Just as the hypothesis is not supported by the coins, it also lacks inner probability and histo* rian soil. In the opinion that it cannot be a coincidence can ^) that the portraits of the proconsuls first appeared in that year appear because Augustus appointed Agrippa's son as successor, Mr. Mommsen accepts a Cansal connection here. The politics At the same time, as he believes, the emperor received “a changed one Tendency (c; — i>through the final fulfillment of old promises Augustus also disdained ensuring the succession to the throne not"; — “the real participation of the Senate in the regiment of the empire should now be carried out" (Hermes p. 273). That's why Augustus granted the Senate: - the right to portraits, not even for all the senatorial governors, but only for two, the proconsuls. The admission does not correspond to this Purposes: there is no connection between them. A such a right, no matter how high one considers its importance, gave the Senate no influence over the government, but was

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1) Mr Mommsen also thinks (^Uerme« p. 272) that it cannot be a coincidence I can say that the oldest of these coins, those of Vsrus and Sstarninos, are not just Augustus's BUdnis, but seek that of Gaius and Lueias Caesar. Dar Orund is consequently in search that the same recently became Caesars de- were signed because Acbolla's authorities preferred the coins with the proconsal portraits. towards Hess. As is well known, one often finds the warriors of Caesar's brides on the "city" coins of this time.

Journal for Naroinin. II. 21

302 L. MfiUer,

nar an outward sign of authority, and the Senate intended here fake rights enough. Did the emperor really want the Senate? to take part in the government, he had to do the same make completely different concessions. Maybe Mr. Momm will take sen also acknowledged that the Senate had been granted more. Man However, there are no Begiemngbandinngen in Augustus' story, which might have had such a purpose. It is but- at all in the (coating not the slightest trace present. that back when Augustus named his grandson heir to the throne agreed that a change had occurred in his politics; Mr Mommsen's hypothesis is based solely on the facts; it is based solely on this that this scholar is a neaes and introduces a significant moment into Augustus's events. The disappearance of the proconsul portraits from the Mttn zen should come from Augustus' plan regarding the succession was thwarted; the portrait right of the proconsuls should therefore have been repealed. But it isn't It is credible that Augustus, who otherwise gave himself the appearance of To respect the rights of the Senate, a recently awarded I have taken the right away from him, not because this beeht him could prevent him from exercising his power because it concerned him only the external appearance of the Senate, but from the Grande, that he had the support of the Senate to carry out his Phuis no longer needed.

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I said that the African cities have the images the proconsuls had put on their caps to give them theirs to pay homage or to earn their favor ^) . Sir Mommsen, sticking to the first sentence, asks: “How was it?

1) Mr. Mommsen believes that these statements contain no explanation. You clearly state what is important here: “The origins of the Homage only in the city's relationship to the state age, not elsewhere, cn be looking for. But the historical motivation is missing; dlete Ug aniMrlitlb the

numismatic research.

The coins of Asia and Africa with the images of the proconsuls. 303

This politeness is possible in a monarchy of which almost all ▼Today the word applies: whose is the picture and which Sehrift? And why did this politeness only become apparent? nor for about three years and only in Asia and Africa Instead! proven? « I will answer both questions.

However, it was rare in ancient times as well as in modern times The connection between the monarchy and the Mttnz form; but regarding the image on the head side of the However, there is a significant difference between the Roman Empire and the later monarchical ones States. In these latter the coins generally bear on the Arerse the head of the Regent or Münzherm; but Many of the Roman imperial coins have the image the Empress or various people of the imperial family milie instead of that of the emperor. This shows that back then different views prevailed than in modern times. It has to It should also be noted that in ancient times there was a monarchical There was a state in which, it seems, the heads of the Governor on the coins struck in the provinces were set, namely the Achaemenid Empire; it's true- apparently the portrait of the satrap, and not that of the Persian king, which is based on some of the satraps in Asia Minor minted coins. However, since this view is not valid As everyone shares it, I don't want to take it into account any further. It is not necessary to point this out. The present one The question is this: under Augustus could the portraits of these proconsuls on the caps struck by the cities be set without the emperor having the right, which lord Mommsen calls portrait rights, linked to the proconsulate had? I'll explain why this is very different can probably be accepted.

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The Roman state was not a complete one under Augustus Monarchy, but a monarchy whose sovereign rights are between

21*

304 L* Müller,

the Senate, which represented the people's sovereignty, and the leaders were divided. According to the constitution it wasn't the emperor, but the Senate, to which the sovereignty is in the senatorial provinces arrived and the governors arrived were the representatives of the Senate. The senatorial representative The holder therefore had to have the same right as the Ejuser, a place of honor on the coins minted in the province ^] , and the city authorities wanted to take it believe they are entitled to put his portrait on their caps. There was no fear that Angnstns would face such a situation Show of honor should be resisted. One was in the provinces used to the fact that the governors are granted much more far-reaching diguugen were proven without the Roman government mixed in with it. Waddington has proven that one in the last period of the Republic in honor of the governor Spi^ and founded feasts that bore his name, and temples for him built where he was worshiped as a god; this Cnitos continued under Augustus without him banning it let it go '^) . Mr. Mommsen is against this comparison the remark made that on a god more or less There wasn't much in the area of the Roman state but, if on the nnd struck in Roman territory - running coins a new image can be seen on the head cap, thereby setting up "a new sovereign" within it, in order to which Augustus had valid reason to be concerned about

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1) Mr. Mommsen himself said this about it (Hermef p. 270 u. 271): “The idea of the coordinated double sonyrainitit of the Senate and the Im- perators leads with compelling necessity to the senatorisdiMi Pkh koiisul is entitled to the same rights in its district as those with aU^meliMr to the emperor endowed with proconsular power throughout the empire. It is a simple application of this that the governor has the right to speak with lal» “It is your right to have coins struck from a picture.”

2) Augustus only tried to limit this bad habit through his own nen Cultus bctrefTenden command that temple only him and Roma in community were allowed to be consecrated. Suetonius. Oct. 52.

The coins of Asia and Afikts with the images of the proconsals. 305

(HtTmes p. 270) . It is then confirmed that this is probably the case Kalaer gtoiehgttllig . may be, the "di" Anzdil in dea Pravinen worshiped gods were multiplied with a new one, but not if the governor was Dieeer Oett. There were only Kteige, the Iriahers, in Amen and Egypt, the subject of a divine CuUus; Augnstus had himself his temples in the provinces; if you tell the governors Temples were built, they were worshiped as autocrats and equal to the emperor. It cannot be said that one through such homage paid to the proconsul allowed a new sovereign to appear; they were found on the Roman According to Mttnsen, the portraits are not just of Caesar and the Triumph vim, but also other rulers or commanders, like this Sextus Pompeius, Brutus and Labienus. It must also be It should be remembered that this is not from the Reichsmüttnze, but rather we are talking about local networks. They were small coins Copper intended only for the city and its district were, and not for circulation outside of it; that on The image of the governor takes pride of place in such coins. actually didn't mean much. The instead holders who were given this honor stood as pro- Consuls of Asia and Africa are more worried than the rest; the latter also had the military high command Province. Finally, as Waddington has shown, that the four proconsuls, whose images can be seen on the coins meets, by birth, personal characteristics, service or Wealth occupied a prominent position, and moreover through relatives or marriageb with the imperial family were particularly connected; the less the city could authorities are reluctant to mark them in this way. If you are still of the opinion that the cities... not to put the portraits of these proconsuls on the coins on their own initiative. zen could have set, it does not follow that the proconsuls

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306 L-MüU",

was generally awarded by the Emperor Bildnissreoht. The common authorities can do the EänwilUgang dw Emperor received. It can just be assumed that that the emperor had given permission to some cities the image of a deserving and favored governor To bet coins rather than for a political motivation Governors of two provinces were granted a general portrait right have ^) .

We finally come to the second question. The answer lies in the previous one. The proconsuls of Asia and Africa had the greatest fear, and it came to them instead holders of the Senate, their portrait on the coins of the province to have. The four proconsuls, nm which are concerned, were influential people and with the ruling Hanseatic League related; It is also permissible to assume that they are themselves Cities that put their images on the coins, especially had earned. This type of homage only took place in the specified periods instead because only in this period the people and the circumstances gave rise to this. The cities may also have stopped because the emperor didn't received cheaply. That the portraits of the proconsuls appear on the coins at the same time as Angustus took the throne The result must be regarded as a coincidental coincidence. According to Mr. Mommsen, it seems that all the iJenigMi PersooMiy whose portraits were seen on the head side of the Roman Empire Flying coins, having received portrait rights. Regarding the imperial marriages and It was determined first and foremost by the senatorial influence, wolehe KApfe to be placed on the coins instead of that of the emperor; et iit alKur It is not likely that this provision will apply to the local government provinces. As is well known, you can sometimes find them on the banks of the Provincial towns portraits of empresses with people of the emperorCunUlei dio nidit appear on Roman coins. If the same portrait right TerUehen If it were, their portraits would also be found on the imperial coins. Dlet is an analogous case. Motifs of the same kind underlie the attachment of this BUdnfuo and that of the proconsuls at the bottom.

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The Must Aileiie and AAikee with the BiMniteen of the Prokonsoin. 307

seiieii be. Neither the historical data nor the coins gdben the slightest reason to assume that the prominence of these portraits by the Emperor Vorkehrongen, the succession concerning, was caused; Very much, they speak against it.

Copenhagen, December 1874.

L. MOIIer.

sewing script. According to Ab£EU9sang of the above article, I am the unfinished 1st Part of Waddington's Fastes des Provinces Asiatiques de l'Empire Romain came into their hands. It fin- There (p. 92) there is a motto mentioned that one, the v(m The hypothesis put forward by Mr. Mommsen is the claim can take. It is one of the former Fox collections Copper coin belonging to the city of Pitane, which is on one side Augustus has his head and name on one side and the other on the other Name H* CKiniUUNA next to a head that, without a doubt, as also Waddington anninmit, the portrait of the proconsul F. Cornelius Scipio is. This Scipio was consul in 738 (16 years and It is therefore likely that it was still under Augustus current Pompeian (law) the Consnln usually five Years after her consulate, she took over the administration of a province occurred that he was proconsul in Asia in 743 - 744 [11 - 10). is. This place is also given to him by Waddington in the chronological logical series of proconsuls; you know Augustus's time of desire is only one example that this legal quinquennium has been exceeded, namely that- that of the Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, Consul 740 (loc. cit. p. 12 and 101). Father Scipio, as Waddington has pointed out, was like that other procqnsuls of the Augustan period, their portraits Figured on the provincial coins, with the imperial family related; related; he was the son of Queen Augustus

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308 L- Müller, The coins of Aflen and AfrikM with the Bildnieeon n.i. w.

Scribonia from her first marriage, half-brother of the Toditers Augustas, Julia. Furthermore, it is unclear whether Fabin's Mazimas, whose portrait can be found on the mentioned coins, in Year 749 - 750 was Prokonsol and Asinin's Gbllns saeoe* dirt, as Mr. Mommsen assumed. Waddington has pointed out (a. 0. p. 98) that it is very true It is possible that Maximus, who was consul three years before Gallus was, also preceded him as proconsul and thus, like Gallus, the proconsulate before the exit of the five-year-old I received the space; he was in custody due to administrative arrest associated with the Eaiser family, as were the two other consuls, to whom the favor was shared by the Proconsnlat Gate of the to take part in a certain period of time, L. Domitius Ahenobarbns and Gallus (cfr. a. 0. p. 12j. The result is this: it is achieved to assume that under Augustus before the year 749 (5), in to whom his grandson was designated heir to the throne, the picture* nisses of three proconsuls were placed on the provincial coins are those of Cicero, Scipio and Maxim. It's mine Dear opponent whether to assert his hypothesis, that to prove the opposite.

Copenhagen, January 3, 1875.

L. Malier.

he coins of the Persian satraps in Asia Minor.

The capes of the Persian satraps in Eleinasia are also first put together by the Duke de Luynes and one subjected to detailed discussion. Then Mr Waddington in his Etudes de numiBmatique äsiatique (Ber. Numbers 1860, 1861, 1863) some of them are treated again, several hitherto unknowns have been communicated and some new additions divisions were drawn up and undertaken to justify them. The of The results obtained by him are then generally accepted and expanded through the publication of new coins.

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It is not without interest that the numismatic tradition ferung About the political division of Asia Minor under the Persian rule with the other related consequences to compare and answer this question utilize. A brief description of the development process, the political formation of Asia Minor since Darius I. men, must discuss the coins, which are almost exclusively belonging to the fourth century, should be mentioned in advance ^) .

In the case of King Darius L around the year 515 menen re-division of the entire Persian confession the Li^nd west of Paryadres, Euphrates, Amanus in four Satra- pien divided into:

1) The historical Untersochanf, whose resoluteness is discussed below will, in their ToUen scope in giving lies outside the scope of this Magazine.

310 ^-Droyscn,

The "Ionian" the (area of the twelve Ionian cities from Miletus to Phocaea, the eleven Aeolian settlements in Kyme, of the Doric cities in Caria, the (area of the magnets on Meander, the Carian, Lycian, Pamphylian nmfSasste.

The Dlydian” which includes the “Myser, Lydian, Lansonian. Kaba lier, Hytenneis" belonged; About the Lansonians see Stein zn Hero- dot Vn, 77. The Hytenneis probably identical to the Dnrch Mün- zen known and by Polyb. V^ 79 as vä vjiiq Sldtp^ iq%ivä xatoixovvteg mentioned Etenneis were the furthest east resident tribe of this satrapy.

The "Cilician" in the east up to the Euphrates, in the north to Melitene and further west to the right bank of the Halys, in the south extending to Poseideion.

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The "Phrygian" which contained the entire rest of Asia Minor >).

With the exception of the Cilician satrapy, in which a unified royal family had the satrap power ^ they stood under Persian governors.

Over the course of the fifth century, several changes occurred- problems occurred.

The satrapy of Cilicia is located in the area south of the Tanms and was limited to the west by the Amanus; the ttbergrosae Phrygian satrapy was divided into three smaller ones: the "Lesser Phrygian" [or "Phrygia on the Hellespont") the zn xeno- phons times from Hamaxitus on the Trojan Ida to the Fiir- Thenios reached, the "Greater Phrygian", which in the west reached the Meander in its direction from northeast to southwest, in South to over Iconium, in the east to the Halys, and the “Cappadocian” east of the Halys, which includes the former Kilian Kish area was located north of the Taurus. When the Ver- smaller size of Cilicia and the division of the Phrygian satrapy happened and whether both measures were taken at the same time.

i) It must be noted that this is the Satnpfen- in Herodotus III, 90 directory offers multiple inaccuracies.

The tails of the peniselia Sttrtpeii in Asia Minor. 311

Our sources no longer reveal this. Feriler passed m

Xenophon's time Caria already as a separate Salr^rie >) .

The coins that came to us from Persian satraps

in Asia Minor are distributed among successive satraps and

Mint locations.

Phamabazos of Lesser Phrygia Cyzicus Cilicia

Datames of Cappadocia ** Sinope Cilicia

Orontas from “Mysia” I rn

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"^I Klazomenai

Spithridates of Ionia and Lydia i t ^ i_ ^

Ariarath of Cappadocia

LampsakuB Sinope Gaziura?

The Duke de Luyues first noticed this makes that the imprint of the satraps in their own satra- pien a small, but the more extensive that is in Cilicia, without the same being in any way beneath them and he has this with the large fleet equipment in Cilicia during the fourth century brought. There may still be a striking appearance to be pointed out: this is mentioned relatively often Persian satraps in Asia Minor and Cilicia in the fourth year- There are hundreds of writers, nowhere does it happen like this seems to be a Persian satrap of Cilicia in the fourth year- hundred mentions.

The Duke de Luynes certainly rightly suspected that the Cilician satrapy as a result of the failed uprising of the

1) There are these statements by Xenophon in the Cyropidy, who was responsible for politics In part of Asia Minor the conditions of the period of anatasis are fundamental lie. It is not right for Hekatomnos Maussollos and Idrieu's “kings”. to name; accurate writers and, above all, official inscriptions show that they were Persian satraps; for Hekatomnos harpokration under the word Inl^ ara^idog, fQr Maussollos C. I. Or. 2691 ede MAVZZOAAOV EZAIOPAFEVON- TOZ T. J. 367, 361, 355, for Idrieus 2919 (copy of the first imperial period Bdekh Kl. Very. VII, 327) EaZATPAHEVONTOZ IAPIEQZ.

312 H. Droyien,

younger Cyrus was sucked in by the Persian king; man I might add that it is the important connecting link Between Eleinasia and Snsa there would be Persian rule existed, has not been occupied again. Was KiUkien in the rationed Century, so to speak, directly into the empire ^) , this also explains why that governors of satrapies in Asia Minor (born to the two called Tiribazos comes from ^Armenia) in Eilicia allowed to shape and really have shaped.

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Our sources are silent about how it happened after the construction the Carian satrapy was held with Lycia and Pamphilia. has been done. At the time of the Macedonian conquest Lycia and Pamphylia^ d. h. the area from Telmessus to Taurus, a satrapy of its own, to which "by royal command" which also belonged to Milyas. Maybe this satrapy owns them Satrap coins with APTOXPAPA and AAtNtFlAf (Brandis Coinage p. 42S].

Diodorus tells of a great uprising in XV, 90 and 91 of the Persian satraps in Asia Minor and in this oe- In addition to other satraps, Orontas t^g Mvaiag aa- TQcinrjg, According to Mr. Waddington's process, you have the with the inscription OPONTA in Lampsakos and Klazomenai minted coins ^; referred to this Orontas, whom he called a satrap of Mysia and Ionia had them beaten. The Zniheilmig is certainly correct, the only thing that is doubtful is whether Orontas Satrap von Mysia was. The only Diodorus knows a satrapy in Mysia, To accept the same on his authority alone is questionable. lich, especially since the good tradition contradicts the assumption of one speaks of such satrapy. The land of Mysia, that of Xenophon Time south to Keramon agora and over the Kayatros

1) The coins with KIAIKION *^^n without stepeniums speak for this (Brandis p. 350j.

2) See the compilation of the same by Mr. t. Seilet In der Wieaer Numism. Magazine 1871, p. 419-423.

The capes of the pe niee b w i Satri^n in Kleinttien. 313

A billion times over Kio! EindMiloag of the fourth JahAnsd^ts ÜwiUi vtr Idmofkrypmkmi ÜieilB ZBT lydiseheB äateapie 0« bt ans Diodor nklit «raioaNiHeh, which satrapy Orontas had ume in the year 362, eo lehroi-die in LampsakoB with his name embossed, the« 4n8 4ie Lesser Phrygis which was^).

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&rr y. äallet has Namiem in Vienna. Zeksehr. 447 t, p: 424 ff. two Mftezes from the Spitfaridate, the sn Acaunders time Satrap of Lydia and Ionia was discussed; he waists the tiae from Mr. v. Banch first known enjoyed aaeh Laaipsakea (she shows the half-floated seahorse) and takes its Ym^- mnthnng, Spithridat has her ak Satrap of Lonia nnd LydieD have it minted in Lampsakos. If this statement is correct, so be it she would be the only example that a satrap aieh in a Mr other sentences I had allowed to be coined; the Beichdaad Cilicia cannot be drawn into comparison. The A not inconsiderable number of satrap monks provides this no second example and one can therefore probably wait until further notice the validity of Mr v. Belly Tar-hit Za- draw part of the coins into IVage.

In an essay in Bev. Num. 1860, p. 439 ff Mr. Waddington the yom Duke de Lnynes the D^mes of Cilicia treated coins from nenrai and sent them for Datames the Satrap of “Cappadocia and Paphlagonia” in claimed. They will be discussed again here,

1) However, Herodotus lists the Myter nar in the Lydian satrapy, alone Everything justifies the assumption that a part of Mysia became a Phrygian satrap belonged. Near the Tkeilmi, the Phrygian part of Mysieiu resembles the same to have come to Lesser Phrygia. Because that is probably what Xenophon says about Qber Keramou agora and the message of Arrian Anab. 1, 29, 5 that Gordion was too small Phrygia belonged to connect.

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2) Dasa Orontaa received the Ionian satrapy as a reward, says Diodorus not, but his coins minted in Klazomenai show that his wishes

regarding Ionia (Diod. XV, 91 vnolnßmv yit^ nnga fiaailiw^ r^^ na(fU'

thaXattiov naam nmgalijiffta&ai aatgantiav) have been fulfilled.

314 H* I>n>yten,

because there are several oversights in this essay, which then have gone further, and especially because these Mttnsen have as well like that of Ariaratb, which is not without errors and not very good. Steep tradition in some points yerbessem and brighten.

According to Cornelius Nepos Dat. 1. had Camisares des Datames Father and then this himself Ciliciae partem juxta Cappadociam quam incolunt Leucosyri as provincia d. h. satrapy. Mr Wad* Dington has p. 441 this one, which is striking for its precision Note rightly declared that the satrapy of the Datames and his father's, which formerly belonged to the Cilician satrapy included land north of the Taurus. One will probably go further and relate it to this allowed to do what Strabo p. 534 says: t^v de KaTtnadaxicgp elg ovo aavQanelag fiegiad-eicav vnb %u)v Ile^Cüv naqaXaßövtBg Mcnt9^ doves. . . cSy Ttjv fiiv idi(og Kannadoxlav wySfiaaay mat ngog %tp TavQip xai vtj Jia fieyaltjv %ijv di IIowov. The Satrapy Kappa Dokien was therefore already before the middle of the fourth century (as a result of the elevation of Cyrus, who had held it?) was further divided in such a way that the urban satrapy (Cappadocia in the new sense) extended north over the Halys and was larger than the northern one, the so-called PontOB. Man also called Datames Satrap of Paphlagonia, alone wrongly, it seems. However, it is now at POmpejns Trogus prol. X Datamen praefectum (i.e. Satrap) Paphlagoniae, only this Paphlagoniae is supplemented and, as it turns out, sadi- Certainly not correct, first of all because the information given by Comel is definitely correct is reliable and then because Paphlagonia was still at that time one that appears to be independent of the surrounding satrapies Satrapy has formed what it already was in Xenophon's time. But it is certain that Datames was lord of Paphlagonia >) .

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1) From a donation from Paphlagonia to Datames on the part of the PenerköDigt after the victory of the local “dynast” Thuys, the sources contain oichu.

The coins of the Persian satraps in Asia Minor. 315

Coiuel 5, 6 reports that he had Cappadoeiae (d.Ai. Pontus) ecm^ jimetam Paphlagoniam occupied, and those in Sinope with *seHiam Coins minted with names show that this occupation lasted until extended to Sinope, but it was only a temporary going, because in Alexander's time the Paphlagonmi appeared again as self-employed; Arrian. Anab. 2, 4, 1 nchcei avt(p nQeaßeia dipiKveltai naq>Xay6ywv %6 %b e^og hdiddvttov xal elg bidoloyiav ^fAßaiv6v%a}v,

For those with the name Datames in Greek and Arabic According to legend, the coins were minted in Sinope and Cilicia Mr. Judas in Bev.Num. 1863 p. 103 ff. a new division suggested by giving a number to the Cappadocian Satraps Datames, the other one mentioned by Diodorus XXXI wants to assign the king of the same name to the son of Anaphas. It is necessary to take a closer look at his reasons.

According to the good tradition at Arrian, the per- sian satrapy Cappadocia at the time of Alexander the area in the big bend of the Halys and even far beyond it left bank (An*. 2, 4, 2 Aleftnder inl KartTtodonlag ilaaag from Ankyra from Svfinaaav njy ivrog 'jiXvog nota/iov nQogtjyayeTO xal eti vTtiQ %ov ^'Akw nolXrpf] , so that Pontus is only small in circumference may have been, and was then reoccupied by Alexander. Now Diodorus XVIII, 16 reports that Ariarath dvvaarrjg from Cappadocia naqoQa^Big from Alexander after the kingship and fell in the battle against Perdiccas in 322. The same Diodorus gives in the 31st book a family tree of the "Cape" Padokian" kings from Phamakes to Ariarath, who was much considered contains: the tax exemption of the Cappadocians, the donation kung of Cappadocia to Anaphas, one of the co-conspirators Darius, one of Phamake's first kings of Cappadocia at the time of Cambyses and (husband of Atossa, Anaphas as father of Datames, who is only known to be the satrap of Cappadocia can, are unknown to good tradition. The last of the

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316 H. Droyien,

family tree, Ariarath falls against Perdiccas, avttj di fj Katt^ nadonia xol %ä nXrjaidxb^a avTrjg come to the diado marriages, his son of the same name later wins %^y oImUk» dwafnip again. In order to make the confusion complete, Diodof the following statement, which is certainly wrong in its first part Year 302 Mid'Qidatrig. . dinj^dd'r] negi Kioy %^g Mvalag äf§ag avrfjg scot KoQhrjg irij i^\ vijv di dvvaotelav diade^Ätupog Mi^if^ datrjg 6 viog avtov noklovg TtQogextijaato tijg di Kann€tdmUag xal nag>kaYOviag fjQ^ey etf] kg. Hieronymos also mentions from Kardia in (Luc.) Macrob. the Ariarath ßaaiXevg täp Kafw* nadommv next to Mithridates Ktistes »K. from Pontes”. .

You can see that it is not just the Stanun tree preserved by Diodorus not the kind that one could build hypotheses on, but rather the entire tradition about the countries east of Halys at the time and after the Macedonian conquest is a very sad and demanding.

There are some masks of an Ariarath with Aramaic composition. font of the name. Mr. Waddington has some syllable dances in Sinope and a Pontic city *Tiallightly Gaziura shaped in the Rev. Num. 1861, p. 5 published and the Arian^hes I. dem Alexander was given to the concurrent satraps of Cappadocia. Mr. Merzbacher worked in the Vienna Numismat. Magazine 1871^ p. In 427 a copper coin from an unknown place of minting was published, which he describes as probably being coined by Ariarathes I. It can no longer be seen in the present material whether the nh;ai6x(OQa r^g Kannadoxiagy the Ariarath I. under see had, extended to Sinope; viehnehr is PapUagonieni which Alexander subdued to the sea, from this assigned to the Grand Phrygian satrapy and as seen stayed with this one. It would probably be worth considering whether the coins with mi'^nK not the Ariarath ü. the first Kings of Cappadocia would be assigned to those in Sinope and a Pontic city perhaps Gaziura struck silver

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The Manxes of the Persian Satraps in Asia Minor. ^^

coins and which, according to their style and factory, are not cappado Kish button coins would fit well on this king, the that covered eastern and northeastern Asia Minor except for the Kttstenstrioh Pontes united among themselves and their imprint in the time before his recognition as king by the Diadochi fall.

Finally, a compilation of the previous The Cilician and Satrap Empires were treated according to the Follow the results obtained <) .

Beichsland Killkien

KIAIKION "^n helmeted male head) (female head of

from AI KIAIKION

Female head of vom, right tuna 1. dolphin) (^bn

helmeted head after 1st jR

ibn Woman's head from vom) (helmeted head n. 1. AI

Pharaabazos of Lesser Phrygia ibnim^nfi helmeted head v. in front'

(nnbrn Baal sitting AI

nrnnc that.

Datames of Cappadocia yü^lT) helmeted head) (female licher head V. from AI

yosnr\ seated satrap) (nnbm Baal sitting)

Brandt's p. 429.

itinn two against Ub. standing Men, in between. Smoke barrel^ (nn brn Baal sitting AI

TbD^ITflym that. Bramlü p.430.

TtrH^zos of Armenia irn'^nn Zeus with scepter and eagle)

Auramazdah^ Brand, p,430.

I) It will be discussed below with the exception of the more recent publications tnf Brandif MQntwesen rwieMn, which contains the earlier literature number.

*) Jodaa ReT. Ifom. 1868, p. 109 reads *«3Wnn. Z«iUckriri f. Naaiiiai. II. ^

318 H. Droysen,

Satrapies

Lycia

APTOXriAPA bearded head with Persian headdress)

(Pallaskopf from AI

Bearded head with personal headgear) (AAlNtpfA? Pallas- head yR Brandts p. 428.

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Ionia and Lydia

Spitbridatcs bearded head with miter n. 1.) (ZTTIOP half

winged seahorse to the right ^ W. N. Ztschr. 1871, p. 424.

,, bearded head with miter to the right) (ZTTI half horse

n.r. ^ W.N. Zischr. 1871, p. 424, Kyme?

Lesser Phrygia.

Pharuabazos

front part then. Dolphin dav. Tuna AL Kjrzikos Bran- you p. 427,

Oronta's head of Pallas n. 1. (OPONTA half winged

Seahorse to the right ^ LamjMwkos W, N. Ztschr, 1871, p. 421.

, , Köuigskopf j ( • ONTA half winged seahorse

n.r. JE Lampsakos W, N. Ztschr. 1871, p. 421.

Künigskopf: (half winged seahorse n. r. A^

W. N. Ztschr. 1871, p. 422. Lampsakos, belonging here f

lonia Orontas Kneeling Warrior n. 1.) (OPONTA halfway

winged boar u.r. ^Jto»-

menai W, N. Ztschr. iSSß, p. 423. Cupdocia

Datames woman's head) (AATA1 eagle on dolphin p. JR

Sinope Brandisp. 427.

The coins of the Penian satraps in Asia Minor.

319

Karlen

Hekatomnos Zens from L'abranda) (EKATOM Lion Jl

MauBBollos. Apollo head r.) (MAYSSSIAAO Zens v.

Labranda AI

that.) (lAPIESlS that. AI

that.) (niZÜAAPOY that. A^\ AI

that.) (OOONTOnATO that. AI

Brandisp. 47 ö and 476,

rdrieus

Pixodaros

Othontopates

Ariarathes II vouCappadocia Woman's head dav. acrostolium,

(mn-'lÄ Eagle on dolphin. A( Sinope Brandts p, 427.

inabrn Baal sitting) (nil'^iÄ Griffin deer eating AI Gaziara? Brandt's p, 427.

Archer aiming n.r.y (niT^iÄ Capricorn n. r. ju W, N. Zuchr. 1871. p. 428.

Berlin, Dec. 1874.

H. Droysen.

* fe .11.-.

•2*2 •

The Monz find from Kowal.

In the kingdom so rich in such treasures Poland, namely in the former Cujavia near the The town of Kowal, located on the Warsaw-Bromberger Railway Last year, 42 (Polish) lots of old coins were collected, approximately 450 of them were excavated there for over nine and a half years. hundreds had reached because of the presence of so many sites from Henry II's imperial era with a complete lack of all opulence with the name of his successor Konrad IL, and the prefix Coming of a denarius from Bishop Rudhard of Constanz (1018 to 1024) teach that the deposit of these coins between His mass took place in 1018 and 1024, the year of Henry II's death. In In relation to their small number, the value of these months is zen significant^ and important especially the enrichment, which science through two denarii of Duke Emst of Swabia learns 9 whose character has so far escaped our knowledge had. Due to the favor of the buyer of these coins, which After sending it to me to choose from, I'm ready set to provide the following description of them, However, I have to note that I am describing them too could only be recorded based on the information given to me. Our find is of great interest, especially because because he, like AlthOfchen's ^) who had previously belonged to the Duke Denarius allotted to Mieczyslaw II of Poland on his Orets father Mieczyslaw I. refers.

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1) Coin flow. VIII. (I only have an offprint.)

H. Duineubeig, The Miimfanil vnn Kowil. {)2l

Germany.

Königsrnfinzen without city nameii.

Ludwig dftB child 911-919.

1) HLVOOVVICVS IMP (declining) Cross with S Idi 1., and a loop (the so-called gurdiBchcD node] in 3. Angle. Rf. ++PSAAIA RELIGO diesel lead. [Köhne magazine. I plate II, 10). Weight l,ir> Gmi. 1 ex.

Otto III and Adelheid ;983-99«;.

2) The ordinary denarius (fWitz 70 - Sft, S>i - 99. Cappe KM. I plate III, 11, 12). 102 tbsp.

3} Similar Obol (Götz 871. Opposite 0,r.sGnn. I Ei.

Henry II (1002-1024, emperor since 1014.

4) *IMPeRn{TOR) ') Bust to the right. RF: “HEIN RIC(VS ^) Cross, in the middle a ball in a dot- t circles, at each angle a ball Cappc KM. I Plate XVII, 285. Berl. BI. III plate XXVni, 101. wt. l,.sGnn. l,.iGrm. 2 egg.

fi) The RS. the previous Mltnzc. Rf. Arab Inniid Fnistep. ;Lelewel XVII. 2. HnWi-sZcitsolir- I, plate VI, 1 and 2). Weight l,;t5Gnu. l,4;iGrni. I,r.i Onn. 3 egg.

FraDken.

Mainit. Otto III 083—1002, Emperor Reit OOÖ .

»1 4OTT0) MIP AVG ;reverse);; Cross with a cog«« at every angle. ///. +OMGCI(AC(J üirth^'. (Mader IV, 23 Götz ir>2.j Gew. l.afißnn. ' *■

Syiandnisrl. «-r*m«c*i«. «r«U- «ndc {Q^ ** ■■""■ 't i ■ “Egg.

322 H. DamienlMrg,

Würzburg, Otto UI.

9) -S-KILIANIS) Head to the right. Petitioner •OTTO IMPE Cross with a ball at each angle. — (GU^ts 149, 157. Cap I Plate XIII, 214). Weight of white: 1.1 Grm. 1.13 grm. lÖ Ex.

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Saxony.

Duke Bernhard I (973-1011) or U. (1011-60).

10) BERNHARDVX small cross. Bf. In nomine Dni amen, small cross (Bohemia Sachs. Gr. Eab. Taf. I, 4. Lelewel XXI, 3). Weight of two- 0.97 wildebeest.

I, IS Grm. 19 ex. Dortmund, Otto III.

11) +ODDOREX Cross with a ball at each angle. Bf. THERT—MANNI marked with a cross in 2 separated lines. (Götz 165. Cappe I Plate II, 6). wt. 1.31 grm. 1 ex.

Hildesheim. Otto HI.

12) + D ^ i (qR ^A REjX Crosswith ODDO in the angles. Bf (SCAM) ARI A Church (Berl. Bl. UI Taf. XXVUI, 8) . Weight 1.31 grm. 1 ex.

Hildesheim, Bishop Bernward (993-1022).

13) B(ERNV)VARDEPS head to the left. Bf HIL • DEN ES)HEM Cross with a ball in the 2nd after 4th win- kel Blatt, f. Coin Studies I Plate I, 3. Cappe Hildesh.

II, 15). Weight 1.24 grm. 1 ex. Magdeburg, Otto lU.

14) + DADRADEX (i.e. di gra rex) cross with OTTO in the angles. Bf IIAGADABVBG Kirehe (Oöti 131. Cappe I plate UI, 14). Weight 1.28 grm. I Ex.

The Mftoiliiwl of Kowal. 323

15) Denarius with Magadabarg and church. RF, In noiiiiue Dni amen am a small Kreaz (KMime N. F. Plate XIV, 2) . Weight 1.46 sq.m. 1 ex.

16) Similar ones with less correct, sometimes very different inscriptions depicted the transition to the turning point forming pennies. Weight of three: 1.1 grm. 1.22 Grm. 1.32 grm. 43 Ex.

Friesland.

Thiel, Henry II.

17) HEINRICVS IMPER(A)T crowned head. RF, XTI EjFE Cross with a ball at each angle (Götz 283, 296. Sheet f. Mtinzk. lU Plate X, 187. Cappe I Plate VI, 87). Weight 1.3 grm. 1 ex.

18y Similar, but with the inscription HEINPI* starting at the bottom CMZm ••• R . Weight 0.95 grm. 1 ex.

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Lorraine.

Duke Theodoric (984-1026).

19) (+THEOD)ERICVS DVX bearded bust Unkshin. Rf, (EI)L(CIV) and (SIGI)BOD on a wide, crosses formed by dotted lines (Köhne III Plate V, 10). — Weight 1.7i Grm. 1 ex.

Deventer, Heinrich 11.

20) HENR(ICV)S, in the field AUU, with A above and S underneath. Rf. Davantria (disfigured) cross with a Sphere at every angle (Köhne Hl Plate V, 17. Cappe I Plate XIV, 225). Weight 1.16 grm. 1 ex.

Dinant, Otto HI.

21 ) (+ OTTO) REX Cross with a ball at each angle.

e

i^. DEON. Weight 1.14 grm.

A A rare Mttnxe that also occurred near Dobra (see Vol. I

8,355). Weight 1.14 grm. 1 ex,

324 ^* I>AndDdDberg,

Huy, Otto I. (936-973), or HI.

22] OTTOREX(IMP)ER head Unkshin. Rf. + HOlO (MONE)TA one of the so-called Gordian knots (see No. I) similar figure (Köhne II plate XU, 1). Weight 1.21 grm.

1 ex.

Cologne, Otto I.

23) (+OTTO(REX) Cross, a ball at each angle.

Rf. COLON lA (Götz 111 — 113. Lelewel XIX, 30. AG

Cap I plate UI, 1.

Cologne, Otto lU. ^'

24) +ODDO IMP AVG same cross. RF COLON II Götz 115, 116, 118. Cappe I Plate XV, 238. ^

Cologne, Henry II. ^

25) HEINRICHVS-REX same cross. RF COLONII Götz 194. Cappe I Plate IV, 51. ^

Of these 3 coins Nos. 22-24, 78 were mostly Bchlecht distinctive specimens.

Maestricht, Henry II.

26) Denarius with head turned to the left. Rf. Sea Maria in Fields. Weight 1.12 grm. 1.17 grm. 2 ex.

A similar coin was found at Farve (Friedlaender Taf. II, 13). The poor expression with mostly just as perfect menem stamp cuts like those on the present examples It is clear that these tactics are to be reprimanded so far." You have it if you don't take precautions against Friedlaender contains further provisions, according to Verdnn (Ktthne N. F. P. 266 No. 10, 16. Beri. Sheet II p. 61).

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Metz, Bishop Theodoric II (1006-1041).

27) A very polished obol with a temple. RF Kreos, like Grote MUnzstud. II Plate 32 No. 7 (cf. Berl. Sheet I p. 19). Weight 0.56 grm. 1 ex.

The MUnifimd ^on^ Kowal. 325

Trier, Otto ffl.

28) (+)OT(TOREX) Cross with a ball at each angle.

Rf. TREVER (Cap I Plate II, 7. Friedlaender Farve

A II, 4. Weight 0.95 grm. 1 ex.

Swabians.

Augsburg, Bishop Liutolf, 988-996.

29) +LIVTOLFV2EP2 Cross with i ball, 1 ringlet and 1 ball. Rf. AVGV2TACIV church gable with VVI (Beyschlag 1,12 and 13. Mader IV, 34. Cappe Baiem VIII, 93). Weight 1.57 grm. 1 ex.

Augsburg, Bishop Siegfried, 1000-1006.

30) <^IGEFRIP<^>EP<^>• (declining) cross with 3 balls, 1 triangle, 1 ringlet and again 1 triangle in the angles. Rf. AVGV<^TACIVI Church gable with VVI (Cape Baiem VIII, 94). Weight 1.32 grm. 1 ex.

Augsburg, Henry II.

31) HINRIC — RX (or similar) columnar next to the crowned head. Rf. AVG^^TA (or AVGVc^TA)- CIV (or CIVO) cross with 3 balls, 1 ringlet, 3 balls and 1 triangle (Götz 227, 228. Cappe I plate V, 72. Beyschlag I, 4-6;. Weight l,ii Grm. 1.24 grm. 1.25 grm. 1.34 grm. 1.85 grm. 1.43 grm. 1.46 grm. 7 ex.

Breisaeh, Otto III.

32) +IIOTTOIIV/IIII Cross with € and a cross

in two opposite angles. Rf. BRIISI (Coppe I panel.

A* Xm, 217. Weight 1.27 grm. 1 ex.

The last I in the city name seems to be safe here. rouHtanz, Otto III.

33) Illegible transcription, cruciform cross. RF. (CON STA) NT Church. (Cf. M«m. St. Pet. HI plate XH, 3.) Weight 0.5 grm. 1 ex.

326 ^- Da^ieuberg,

Constanz, Bishop Rothard, 1018-1022.

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34) (RVO)DHARV---- Head Unkßhin. Rf, (CONS)TA(N TIA) Church (sheet f. coin studies KI plate IV, 56). wt. 0.76 grm. 1 ex.

EBslingen, Heinrich II.

35) Imitations of the denarius with HEINRICVS*R Rf, S VITALIS, similar to Köhne V plate VI, 2. Weight of the 9 Ex together 10.1 grm.

Strasbourg, Henry II.

3()) [Heinricus rex) head with crown of rays to the right. Rf. ARGEN (TI)N[A Church (Götz 256. Cappe I plate. V, 81. Weight 1.1 grm. 1 ex.

37j (HEINRi;CVS IMR AVG crowned ämstbUd.

Rf. Between 3 churches the cross-shaped interior font ARGEN— TINA (Götz 311. Cappe I plate. VII, 113). Weight 1.61 grm. 1.54 grm. 2 ex.

38) H E + N R crown. Rf In one through 4 with star Crosses formed by a filled bead arch: AR GEN— TINA--- (Götz 199 and 246. Cappe I plate V,80). Weight 1.15. 1 ex.

Ötrassburg, Bishop Widerold (991-999).

39) (OTTO IMP€ AVG) unbearded imperial head to the right. RF VVI(DEROLT) EP Church. Weight 1.61 grm. 1.38 grm. Unedited. 2 ex.

Strasbourg, Bishop Alutwich (999-1001).

40) (OTTjO IMF AV unbearded imperial head to the left. RF CVS EPI Church. Weight 1.13 grm. 1 ex.

The doubt as to whether the copy, which is also very imperfect of the Farve find; Friedlaender I, 7) by this bishop or from his predecessor Widerold is, it seems, through our copy, which of course also has the c not entirely defiant shows, solved in the former's favor.

D«r Mdnffood from Kowal. 3^

StraBsbnrg, Bishop Wizelin (1029).

41) tVICELINVEXI, by the way, goose like Heinrichs n. last stamp (No. 37) (Köhne Y plate m, 6). wt. 1.15 grm. 1 ex.

Zurich, Duke Ernst I (1012-15) or U. (1015-30).

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42) +DVX ERN(S)T Cross. Rf. +TVR(E) C-VM Ge- building. Weight 0.75 grm. 1 ex.

43) +D-VX(ER)N2-T. Rf, (+) T- (VR)E-C(V)M-, otherwise likewise. Weight 0.75 grm. 1 ex.

We still missed the coins of both dukes. zen. Which of the two dukes of the same name, father and son, The above denarii will certainly not be the case let the decision be made, but the longer one is likely to take place, albeit through imprisonment and imperial ban shortened reign more for the younger Seriousness celebrated by the heroic legend and Uhland's muse Swabians speak. Both coins, thin and with plenty Traces of the Quadratum supercussum, already have a noticeable lish attraction to the semi-bracteates, whose empire is in the Switzerland starts earlier than elsewhere.

Baiem.

Regensburg, Duke Heinrich II, first period 955 - 976.

44) H---RICV<^> DVX cross with 3 balls each in 3 win- keln. .Ä/. REGNA CIVITA<^> Church gable with ENC. (Similar to Cap V, 49, 50). Weight 1.68 grm. 1 ex.

Regensburg, Duke Heinrich II, for the second time

985-995.

45) HENRICV<^> DVX cross with 1 ball, 1 ringlet and 1 ball in 3 angles. Rf, RE-.-NA CIVITA<^> Church gable with ECCO. Weight 1.68 grm. 1 ex.

40) Likewise, but +*HENRCV<^> lOV- Rf, REGINA CIVITA^> and ELLN (Cap V, 53). Weight l, 29 grm.

1 ex.

328 H. Dannenberg.

17; Likewise with HENPICV<^> DVX. RF, R-GNACIV TA^ and ^\C (Cap V, 54-. Weight 1.55 Gnn. 1 Ex.

Regensburg, Duke Henry IV, 995 - 1002 (then king).

48) +H-Nc^>IVqiC-OV Cross with triangle, ball, ringlet and ball in the angles. RF, DEGTNA CIVTA<^> Gable with VVICI (similar to Cappe V, 55 and 57. Saul- castle IV, 83 and 84). Weight 1.34 grm. 1 ex.

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The same as king, 1002-1014 (emperor 1014-1024).

49) +HENT5ICEIV<^> Cross with 1 triangle, 1 ringlet, 1 triangle and 3 balls in the angles. Rf. RC-O- NVCIVT-12 Church gable with ENC (similar to Cappe VI, 63). Weight 1.12 grm. 1 ex.

r>0) Similar, but T|TUVHCVc^>NRCX. RF RCONA

CIVITA^ and DN3 (Similar to Saulburg I, 2nd wt.

1.55 grm.

One can see from these and other numerous examples that

that the so-called Imitations or replica coins neither later

need to be even lighter than their original pieces.

51) Similar to No. 49, but with the Mttuzmeister names ECC, MACC, I39IS, WM (Similar to Saulburg I, 1-9 and 12, 13. Cap VI, 64, 65). Weight 1.1 wildebeest. 1.15 grm. 1.49 grm. 1.59 grm. 4 ex.

:>2) ENIRIC — IRX columnar next to the bearded one Köuigskopfe. Rf. +ITaV-2C VN NO (declining) Cross with 1 ringlet, 3 balls, 1 triangle and 3 balls in the Winkeln (Saulburg I, 48). Weight 1.62 grm. 1 ex.

53) Similar, but barbarized II+P-+II. ^f. ^W^- ^IK^CM, the triangle in the cross through a second Ringel replaced. Weight 1.67 grm. 1 ex.

51) Similar, but with the image facing left O*!* — 3113 Rf, +RTI2DVCIZ-I-0 (Saulburg HI, 76). wt. 1.47 grm. 1 ex.

The MOnihiBd wa Kowal. 3M

Regensburg, Duke Henry V, 1004~100ftu. 10t7—26. 55) H€INR — tAa-l' on one in every corner with 1 triangle and 3 bells decorated wreath. Officer RCGIN CIVITI (reverse) church gable ait AZO: (Saul- barg IV, 101). Weight 1.42 grm. 1 ex.

56—59) Similar to AZO, OMO, HOO, tCCO (Similar lich Saulburg IV, 94-100. Cap VI, 66-70). wt. 1.51 grm. 1.44 grm. 1.38 grm. 1.35 grm. 4 ex.

Salzburg, Archbishop Hartwich (991-1023).

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60) Head and inscription like No. 52. Rf. +-.-HARTVVI CVSEPS cross like No. 52 (Köhne HI plate VI, 1. Saulburg VI, 130, 131). Weight 1.5 grm. 1 ex.

61) Similar, but with ancient royal name. Rf. •:• HARTVICVC^EPE Cross with 1 triangle, 1 ring gel, 3 balls and a 2nd ringlet, (tcw. 1.13 grm.

1 ex.

Mark Verona.

62) OTTO I^PERATOR Cross. Rf, VE — RO — N— A

Cross (Lelewel XIV, 45, but much smaller, Mill. 1(^). Weight 0.68 grm. 1 ex.

63) Imitation of the same coin. Weight 0.72 grm.

Bohemia.

Duke Boleslaw III (999-1002).

64) Denarius. Rf. OMERIZ-PRAGACIV (Lelewel XXII, 2. Voigt I p. 123;. Weight 1.55 grm. 1 ex.

Duke Jaromir 1007-1012.

65) -l-N2RCOH2HaMTCD Bust of Christ. Rf. + lAR 92IRDA22 Bust to the left, cross staff in front of it. wt. 1.25 grm. 1 ex.

330 ^* Dannenberg,

Duke Ulrich 1012-1037.

60} VDALRICVS DVX bust portrait with flag. RF SC — SVVENCESLAVS: his bust with KrensBtab, next to on his left a cross [Voigt I, 214 No. 5) Glew. 1.2 grm. 1 ex.

Indefinite German coins.

T 67) OTTOIM(PERAT) in the field 0>. Rf. 4 SCSPE

X TRVS, the inscription in the field around a cross

■•••TVDIN. Weight 0.97 grm. 1 ex.

Cappe brings such a coin with him (K. M. I Plate XX, 330). blurred imperial aamen, which he assigns to Charles the Fat he reads the inner letters of the Bf, KARVLVS. His departure education is true to style, but the inner transcription of the BS. he allowed to transform yourself into TREVRIS with the usual freedom. Riebtiger Köhne (Mäm. St. Pet. IV. P. 59] reproduced this motto, but he relies too much on Cappe, and that's why he can leave little of his Treveris than of his Karl, in whom he

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Of course, more correctly Duke Charles of Lower Lorraine (964 - 992)

D

sees. As an inner legend he gives > + X letter TVRI^ .

This one is closer to ours, because if you use the C forir

T D takes, the only deviation that remains is V instead of T: O >

DX

or h-

v clearly, he says it could also be a K, his words Immb

but also other options. So BCan becomes IKIi

Give up thoughts of Karl, especially Treviris

is in no way more justified. Because Kühne's TVRI^^ also seems

to rely on Cappe's statement, namely, he says this

Cappeschc TREVRIS explains the transcription of his mflnie.

l>er Bltoifuid ^on Kowal. 331

Nan are the letters, and quiteiidB these little ones, yoii rather indistinct shape, so that D and R ; N and ^ hardly is to be distinguished; Nevertheless, if only you will unbiased and unperturbed by Cappe's completely worthless evidence - niss sees, without question, I would rather read ■•••TVDIN than TVRI<^>, whereby it must not be left secret that behind the cross and there appears to be an indistinct sign in front of the T seems. But what this ■•••TVDIN and what the T DVX (?) means^ I dare not make any judgment about that at the moment.

ijTa) VVIGMAN COm Cross with 1 ball at each angle.

ERBISI ■^/ DORIBI (I^^^^wel XXI, 4 and 5). Weight of four

Example : about 73Grm. 0.7 grm. 0.86Grm. 0.87grm. 6Ex.

The only thing that is certain about this common coin is that it came from...

older Count Wigmann (944-968), to whom Köhne attributes it

(Magazine III p. 178), does not originate; she comes in older ones

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Never found.

68) (REX) OTT(O) Cross with a ball at each angle.

M- Ä/. VmA2 (Köhne V plate III, 4. Cappe 1 plate XIU, 218).

(C) Weight 0.95 grm. I Ex.

Through the attempts to produce this coin in Metz, Namur and Nim-

Because of looking for a home, we have greater clarity

not yet reached them.

69) +ODDO*t anchor cross. Rf. almost unrecognizable. wt. 1.11 grm. 1 ex.

A replica coin, from Cappe (K. M. I Pl. XIU, 211), eye- with reluctance on the part of the engraver, heavily restituted owt made into a Cologne.

70) t*l6IMI^h church. ßf. -MIEOlOailOI Kreaz. Weight 1 grm. 1 ex.

Cappe (I plate XIV, 219) has this coin with the same clearance is treated like the previous one and its transliteration +OTTO

332 H. Dannenbeig,

IMIIR* Rf. H-COLOI*IOI stated. Much sooner than on But Cologne would be worth thinking about Magdeburg.

71_87) Various imitations, after Cologne masters,

Bernhards et al. b%) Turning pennies of the larger type, like Köhne III plate. X, I. Total weight of the 8 specimens. 10.80 Gnn.

8 ex.

89) Large, thin denarius (Mill. 23)^ perhaps imitation

an Arabic dirhem. Weight 0.82 Gnn. 0.8 Gmi.

2 ex.

France.

Ludwig IV (936-954) Langres.

90i -t-HLVDOVVICVS in the field RX in monogram. RF, -l-LINGONIS CVTS Cross. Longpirier, eat Rousseau p. 214 No. 536. Weight 1.23 grm. 1 ex.

England. '

Ethelred 978-1016.

91-94) Pennies like Lelewel XII, 14 (Lincoln, London). 4 ex.

95-96} pennies like Lelewel XII, 15 (London, York). 2 ex.

97-100) Pennies like Lelewel XII, 13 (Lincoln, York). 4 ex.

101) Penny like Lelewel XII, 1 6 (Wallingford) . 1 ex.

1 02 — 1 03) Pennies we Lelewel XII, 1 1 (Lowes, London) . 2 ex.

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t04 — 105) Pennies like Lelewel XII, 13, but with E in one

Angle of the cross. 2 Bx.

Canoe the Great 1016-1035. 106-^113; Pennies like Lelewel XII, 21. (Bath, Ipswicb, Lon- don, Stauford, Winchester.) 7 Ex. 114) A barbarized penny. 1 ex.

The Muiizfond dies Kowal. 333

Poland.

Mieeislans I — 992.

Denar ¥ne Stronczjnski T. IIa (poorly preserved] Gtew. 1.8 Orm. 2.05 Orm. 2 ex.

Boleslaus H. 992-1025.

Denarius like Stronczynski T. 2. Weight 2.05 Gnn. 2.1 Gnn.

3 ex.

Berlin, October 1874.

H. Oaimenberg.

Z«lto€lirin f. HrnmlBM. U. 23

Remarks on Barclay V. Head's History of the

coinage of Syracuse.

This work is for everyone who is interested in Sicilian Namibia. matics, be it in particular numismatic interest, be it in historical or art-scientific terms, a highly pleasing appearance. However, it is now in these BULt tem has already been discussed (Vol. II, p. 184); nevertheless it will perhaps a friend of the history of Sicily will be allowed to to also appreciate the same from his point of view, and to share some comments that occurred to him at the Stadiom have imposed the same, all the more so since Head himself (p. 3) his work as a numismatic commentary on the Gesehohle of Syracuse.

Head has completely achieved its purpose. It's nothing against the 15 periods he established (see in this ZdtsiAr. Vol. II, p. 184, 185) and little, as we will see, the> against the allocation of the existing halls into the one- individual of these periods. The panels give a clear picture continuous development in its gradual increase snr height and the subsequent descent from it. Only in individual points does the undersigned hold Head's results for less certain, and he would like these points below bring to the meeting.

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Head astutely finds the beginning of the Friigng (lelon's there, where Nike first hovers over the team and says-

Ad. Holm, BamerkuDgen tta B. V. Head*8 History etc. ^ 335

let Z get the shape it will permanently have later. holds. In the course of Gelon's reign, the trust Seeing Q with K, as well as under Gelon the an&ngs Hair on the front of the head still marked by dots is denoted by lines. For all of these points there should still be the different classification de Luynes in the French Rerue Numismat. from 1843 (also quoted by Head Article) to be compared ; This classification is for the previous Geion period goes into so much detail that de Luynes apparently There were more examples of the oldest Syracusan coins must have been used by most researchers are. For the identification of those coins that were given to Hieron I. are attributable, Head then exploits the fact that There are many tetradrachms, which apparently belong to the first half of the 5th century BC and in the section of the reverse ehi Sea monsters (pistrix) have a hint in them on the famous naval victory of Hieron at Kyme, 474 BC. sees, so these coins during most of the were characterized by the reign of Hieron, which lasted from 479 to 466. The same are on PI. U shown. Here it seems to me to be Head in the assignment of certain types to certain periods, which he Otherwise, in a very happy way, you practice having gone too far. No. 12 and 13 from PI. 11 seem out of date to me To belong to Hierofi*s I. These coins differ namely High in several respects from the rest of this table. to- next they have nicfat P, like almost everyone else on panel n (No. 1 1 also seems to have P) and no. 2 Table m , but P . Then, and this circumstance seems to me To be important, the horses are in a completely different movement shown as on the other coins attributed to ffieron and still on the first one from plate HI, which shows the time 466 treated, up to No. 5. Third is the hairstyle of the head the Vrm asf the obverse gBxa different than usual on panel Ü.

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23 •

336 Ad. holm,

Fourthly, the dolphins are formed differently than usual Plate II, not as thick but narrower. From all of these For reasons No. 12 and 13 will be considered later than 466 and the pistrix cannot be taken as decisive for this It can be assumed that they must be from the time before 466. With regard to the movement of the horses, the katanasehe Mttnze No. t1 from plate XIX of the large work by Ralinas compare ; This type is probably more at the end of the series with short vowels. Why should, assuming that the pistrix was on the coins as a result of the victory at Eyme came, they couldn't still be used after 466? I can remember that in 453 the Syracusans had a successful undertook extensive sea expeditions to the Etruscan coast; like that The pistrix was still contemporary back then, and it is absolutely from not impossible that one back then, perhaps after a long time interruption, returned to this symbol. My personal However, my personal opinion is that coins Nos. 12 and 13 are still later than 453, whereupon, as it seems to me, the movement of the horses.

PI. III deals with the fourth and fifth periods, and Although 1 - 8 belong to the period up to 412, 9 - 16 belong to those of you 412-406. Here the determination of 7 and 8 can be used as in The period before 412 seems doubtful when it comes to copper coins. However, Ilead is probably right that she is not like Brandis wanted to set in the later period of the reign of Dionys I be. But if you follow the style of the coins, that's it They probably date back to around 400 BC. BC belong, and If Head sets them earlier, it seems special to him the p. 16 of him noticed resemblance of the head with dark that of the coin II, 12, which he did before 466 sets; so that III, 7 and 8 are as close as possible to 466. have to arrive. However, I think probably done to have that the placement of II, 12 in the Hieronic period

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Remarks za B. V. Head's History etc. 337

is not at all certain. Now if II, 12 falls later than Head accepts, so nothing prevents m, 7. 8 from being placed even later. P. 16 says Head v6n these coins: the occurrence of the P preclndes the possibility of their being earlier than this time (466-412). Now considering that p. 11 heads says: the R, I imagine, towards the close of Hieron's reign gives place to the P, so you can see that that's why Head HI, 7 and 8 could have been placed before 466, and you get to the result that only the pistrix leads to the positioning of H, 12 and lU, 7 gave reason^ and that we do good bet these coins later than Head did, The copper coins probably only appeared around 400 BC. BC (cf. v. Sallet in this magazine. n, 185.)

Plates IV and V deal with the Dionysian Dynasty 405 — 345. With the rich treasure of correct constellations, the Here too, we believe that Head's work is only present in a few having to raise objections. The first concerns the gold coin IV, 2 with a youthful head and on the right verse of a horse with a star above it. On this point Head p. 20 himself that the type of free horse is more appropriate for him democracy appears to be for the rule of the tyrant, However, he assumes that the stamp could have been pi%ed earlier be. Considering that horse and star about it later occur frequently, for example on plate VI, 16, which coin after Head Z¥risch 345 and 317 falls, so I would rather like to take it to be that IV, 2 is not the time of the transition from democracy belongs to the monarchy, but vice versa that of the transition from the Dionysian tyranny tsar Repnblik, and one might be inclined to consider this coin a little- at least to the time of Dion^, who otherwise had no secure dykes of his rule in the Syracusan Numis- matics left behind. — IV, 4 certainly seems to me III, 16 belong together, and it's not clear to me why

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33S Ad. holm,

after 1<):> should fall when III, 16 before 405 ftUt. — On panel Y Seems to me No. 4, the head itself on p. 22 as late in style Because of the head, it dates back to around the time of Agathoclee to have to be set; compare with V, 4 the head of IX, 1 and 2, where expression of the face, ¥ne arrangement of hair are poor. However, it cannot be ignored that the reverse of V, 4 corresponds very much to that of V, 2.

Plates VI and VII deal with the democracy of 345-317, So primarily Timoleou's time. Above all, here is the allocation of the electron coins to Timoleon benierkens- wcrth. Read the astute discussion on p. 26 ff. But shouldn't VI, 1 be a little later? If you take the pre* compares the side of the Agathoclean coin IX, 1 3 with VI, 1, So you want to turn the reverse of VI, 1 & Us into a better one Set time. However, the following two hang with VI, 1 Coins VI, 2 and 3 close together so that these can also be used would be pushed down a bit.

Plates VII and VII a are of particular interest. which I discuss in more detail. I have No. 2 of Plate VII in my business Sic. U, 463 from there fell apartMi Reasons for older than 397 BC BC explained. I can't Iftog nen that these reasons are not necessarily compelling; that, if internal reasons speak for a later origin, those externally would have to resign. The conflict head's p. 32 has a lot that is impressive: the Pallas head fits her better Timoleon's time than that of Dionysus. However, it would be It is not impossible that Dionysus, if he wanted to make weavers, the Corinthian types would have been used for this purpose. With VII, 2, VII, 1 probably falls into the same period, and there Mheinea me against the whole system from Head, on which the chroma- nological setting of VII, 1 in connection with the Table VIIa is based, but some concerns have been raised to be able to do that. Plate VII a contains the coins for the prt*

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Comments on B. V. He«d*6 HUtory etc. 3)9

gug specimens vett VII, 1 are benatet. Nnii Binmt Head to the fact that VU, 1 equal to 944, at the start of his Maebt, when Timoleoa was prigned, but the skippings were carried out on the following the following locations and times. #1 in Adranon by Frennden Timoleon^' Meb 344 ; No. S yon a tyrant in Agyriom before 339; No. 3 from a tyrant in Kentoripa as well- if before 339; No. 4 by Andromadios, friend of Timdeon Tauromenion; No. 5 of Timoleon's mercenaries in Eryx around 341; No. 6 in Aetna of Campania, mercenaries who kill Timoleon 339 defeated; No. 7 from Timoleon's allies around 340 ;Head p. 38) . One may ask: is it likely that in a period of 5 years, - because according to Head the Ori- originally minted in 344, and when it says No. 1 is written after 344 prigt^ this also means: not long after 344 — from friend This one weapon has been used so many times by the enemy isif 1. 4. 5. 7. 8 should be one of Timoleon's friends; 2. 3. 6 from his enemies. Did his friends have it so well? Bedttrfhiss to make your own coins that after hardly When Timoleon had finished his mask YU, 1, they had already ■take mnsstra to create the ihrigra 1 With other words left: it's likely that the original YH, 1 isn't already existed for a long time when it was used for overcoating? It seems to me that these overprints are just fine at the time between 344 and 339 or a little later Gmnd more about Ikgen, YU, 1 not to set as late as Hend it thal, but around the 400th century. Dam would be one of Dionys I. embossed Minie especially from his enemies for production ifaver Mänaen were mentioned, which is not at all untrue. would have been nice.

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leh MMHi here especially on No. 7 and 8 from Tifel YUs MSmaUmm macAen, along with the text p. 37-39, as «nf

weientlyli# Berefeberang of our knowledge of the sieiUseken To you Tmd UhmitM Mgende only now sufficient,

340 ^^' Holm,

some of which are made known here for the first time but only a minority of them are also shown:

1) lEYZ EAEYOEPIOZ head dea Z. Eleath. To the right. Rev. AAAlZINfin ZYMHAXIKQN torch between two two ears of corn. 2] ZIKEAIA Head of Sikelia to the right. or 1.

Mv. ZYMMAXIKON Torch between two ears of corn.

3) APXArETAZ Apollo head after 1.

Bv. ZYM MAXIKON Torch between two ears of corn.

4) Obverse as in No. 3.

Mv. ZYMMAXIKON Lightning and grapes. Some of these coins had been defective for a long time incompletely known, so we are even more interested in the publication Head's for the final precise description of the same and the Illustration of some of them Thanks ¥nssen mttssen. The development However, coverage of the most important among them, those who bear the name of the Alaisines and the inscription SIKEAIA, ver- We would like to thank Salinas, who also shared it with a smaller circle communicated, so that I e.g. B. from the discovery of Sikelia on coins as early as 1870, and that's why in the second volume m. Sic. P. 337 the Factum Wenigataui could mention, but without being able to do so to describe the mttnze as accurately as Head. It would now be n wish that Salinas, who in any case has the most precise and comprehensive has the most comprehensive knowledge of Sicilian numismatics both the types that Head couldn't publish, abUldeii, as well as his view on the time when it was created. want to wrap. However, it is also of interest to see in in what imperfect manner the coins discussed so far were known. They can be found in Uteren Münzwerke anter Emift and Tauromenion. Under Enna at Mionnet I, Sicily No. 206, the T^pns described by us above under No. 3, but with the w^.

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Benerklingen on B. T. Head's History etc. 341

called Inachrtilt S¥MMAXOZ ; also TorremniszR XXVIII, 6. On the other hand, this seems to be from Torr. XXVUI, 5 illustrated coins, whose inscription t

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342 Ad. holm,

However, Head says in note 50 on B. 39: the re^rerae type of these pieces, viz. , Torch between ears ot barley^ oeonrs also at Enna, and it remains to be seen whether there really is an in-drilling No evidence can be provided that they are in this city belong. Finally I have to add that l^piis 4 was misunderstood by me when I was on one near Imhoof glaobte and MAMEPTINfiN added this, but it says [ZYH] MAXI [KON] there ; So the conclusion I drew from this story is no longer valid in m. Sic. ü, p. 487 on the Gnltos of the Hamertines believed he was allowed to move. So all four guys are berdts before Head, but, due to the condition of the specimens, in nnvoUkom- has been made known in some way and it is only through Salinas' discovery that those Mttnzra ftlr me Federal cooperative were formed, at the nch anler Others involved the Alaisinians. There are a few created here Questions that I do not dare to solve definitively: I mSobte nr point out some difficulties. ZnnSdist : How is AAAlZINfin ZYMHAXIKON to understand? Does it say: the alliance of the Alaisines, or: Allied Mttme of the Alaisiner, d. h. is Qv(i(iaxiii6w noun or A^jeetty nad depends jilaioivwv from av^ifiaxiKOP or from a n eigiinaeBdeii voiAiOfia from? The matter does not just have a grammatical meaning. interpretation. In the first case, if j^kaiaipwp means av^/ioxinap: the Alaisin alliance, have these on the Spilu confessed to them and it was named after them. the; in the other case it is a cooperative society in which the Alaisinians do not have priority over other members of this HMa need to have. In the first case all members of the Federally minted with the inscription Idlaialvmp miiiutit,nü6m^ in the other, every federal city has its name after the Ml set and we could, expect, one day or TavifOfAevifäv mfifiaxinop. To get the Aage in

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Remarks on B. T. Head's History etc. }43

separate, ki^niien iweier E^meiile into consideration koDiraen, the namismaüsobe usage and the history of Sicily. About the first dare to make a decision; I don't know if it is the Ustt8 more appropriate ÜJMiabmp avfifiaxin6p zn üoMm ak Covenant of the Alaisinians, or as an alliance of the Oseis, the coin of the Alaimner. The elements that make up the Geeehichte SicilyB snr decision of the question; are also not from one Art that the question is finally decided Hesse, but glanbe I use these to arrive at a likely solution can. If we go from the chronological First of all, the coin should be fixed in place, and in the case Looking for the appearance of the city of Alaisa in the Aicilian layer, which could entitle them to mint coins on which If there was talk of an Alaisinian alliance, that would be the case we only find it from the second year of the first Punic War, 263 B.C. BC, which records that from the Sicilian cities to the Roman Consnln ^ov nfiaßetg nf(S%op na^ I^laialvtap' slta dsillag neoovarjg xai h %aiq alXatg ndlBOi^ xai ccitol nffioöstig iniatuhxv nsQi ^If^vrfi^ xai iniitaouv day nvkeig 'Pküf/ialoig (Diod. XXUI, 4). Only this time Alaisa comes in one like this excellent way that it could have been at the top of a bun- dee cooperative can be thought of. On this alliance or rather it refers to this submission to Rome recently and probably rightly so, the bronze coin, which is at Torrem. XII, 6 and on No. 4 of the plate to G. Ro- maaoy Monete Romano-Sicule del Munieipio di Alesa. Pal. 1855. 4. Its obverse represents an apoUo head, its lapel has two pressing twitching hands along with the ear and the note stick and the legend AAAI ZAZ APX ; p. 9 and 10, Romano sets the relationship to the federal deal with the Romans; Torremuzia still had the Harmony and peace of the citizens are intended. It would now be conceivable that the coin discovered by SaUnas with jäXai^ipmp (H^/uoxixdr ehtolalhi aaf jeM» alliance with the immem going? In inhibition

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344 Ad. holm,

In this case the inscription would probably say: Alliance of the Alaisines, sn German be ten. If you read Head's statement on p. 38 reads, will you don't believe it, rather you agree with him that the truth probability speaks for the era of Timoleon. Head ver- resembles the obverse of type 1 with the syracnsian cap on Plate VII, tO of his work, and if you look at the engraving at Alcssi, the one that is only available to him as long as Salinas did not publish the complete mtnze itself, only the obverse of Type 1 exists, compares it, and you can see that it is in VII, 10 and not the l^ns of Zeus contained in VII, 8 Eleutherios is the one who took charge of the Alaisines at this test. was giving. Head p. speaks about VII, 10. 33, from which one can see sees that this coin cannot be “earlier than Timoleon”; its reverse has an analogue on a coin from Alezander of Epirus around 330 BC. BC. If it seems so now could, as if we were allowed to use the Alaisinian coin a little go further down than Timoleon, it certainly seems them in the year 263 BC. to set; We would have then too the Syracusan coin VII, 10, which probably belongs to the Alaisini schen at the same time is to place in this time, and yet it is There is no evidence of this, it is only anter To think of Hieron II; it is decidedly earlier. If but we are looking for an alliance from the time in which the coin belongs to and accepts based on its artistic character can be set because of their types, the one from Head p. 39 quoted passage from Diod. XVI, 73, where it is written by the Sicilian and Sican cities means that they' see in J. 342 BC at Timoleon naQalfig>9^¥ai n^6g trjv av^^iaxiav. But there is nothing reported about that In this symniachy the city of Alaisa is particularly outstanding played a prominent role; she is not even named. From this I would like to conclude that if this alliance refers to the Alaisinian coin, the inscription reads sdle:

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BemerkoDgeii la B. Y. Hetd*8 History etc. 345

Band coin of the Alaiomers, but not: Alaisinian League; and on the other hand, with this latter assumption it seems to me that of Head's assumed timing is completely justified; so that for the time being there is nothing left but the chronological one Head's determination and interpretation: Bundesgenössische Mttnze the Alaisines, to accept.

Now just a few words about the lapel of 1. 2 and 3. There can be no doubt that the same has a direct connection to Sicily. Designating the ears of corn it as the fruitful one, the torch as that of the deities Demeter and Persephone ruled land. I have elsewhere the assumption is made that on this lapel the one from know coins, which like Cavallari mine writes, on one side a head of Ceres, on the other 3 ears of corn show, and those that have so far been found particularly in Sardinia the one recently discovered by Cavallari in the soil of Selinus have been, rather such coins, even partially If you have 2 ears of corn instead of 3, then sometimes coins are with them The inscription AlBYfiN has not yet been sufficiently explained according to Müller, Numismatique de Tancienne Afriqne I, p. 131, and it is a peculiar fact^ that just such coins with AlBYfiN, but in silver, which is another much greater rarity, in the number of sevenSn together were also found in Selinus by Cavallari. Man can be a relationship between Africa, Sicily and Sardinia in do not forget the relationships between these coins: Coins marked AlBYfiN found in Sicily are minted over coins with 2 or 3 ears of corn, which were in Sicily Lien and Sardinia. The assumption is permitted be that these coins were made by the Carthaginians for Carthaginian Settlements in Sicily were determined, and that the'Aehrra it's just the ones that are supposed to go where they are Furthermore, it would not be likely that the Carthaginians

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346 Ad. holm,

this symbol from those on the occasion of the Jubilee of the Year res 342 BC. borrowed from coins minted in 342 BC.

In any case, the use of the ears in Sicily, if it is correct; took place at a relatively late time found ^ obsehon this symbol just in the west of the InMl, alRo the estate opened to the influences of Rarthago, early in more limited relationship occurs. Of course it can't be done here be the meaning of individual ears, as they are used as accompaniments e.g. b. appear on Syraknsan monasteries; you have one more in the pleasant application of that sign of fearfulness ity to look for. This can now be found initially on coins from Segesta. The didrachms of Segesta are well known female head on one side, the dog on the other: behind these there are 3 ears on many specimens: cf. Torrem. LXIII, 1-— 3. These coins are still allowed in the fifth century BC. Then 3 ears of corn were harvested between the legs of the Triquetra in front of the beginning of Pia- normos and laitia, in a relatively right way late time. Finally the first panel shows the Torremnua'see Works y on the Mttnzen are compiled, the bUA on the whole of Sicily relates to that in even later times, on one to characterize the female figure as Sikelia, giving her several ren in the hand or as a headdress. It's number 15. 16. 18, different from Cohen No. 626. 1088. No. 15 is ehe Mttnze Hadrian's, on the lapel under the inscription ADVEN TVI AVG SICILIAE a female figure with ears mf dem Head and in hand, standing in front of a trio; No. IS, same- if by Hadrian, shows on the lapel under the cuff RESTITVTORI SICILIAE the kneeling one, from the emperor nlj^ said Sikelia, also with ears of grain on her head and in her hand; Finally, in No. 18, a mask of the Emperor AntamiiiM, is written on the lapel under the inscription SICILIA before ^rubbing- lish figure, with 3 ears of corn on the head^ with the left HMid

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Bemerkongen m Bi T^ Httd*» Hiitory etc. t4f

loving the coat; m the ansgMtreekteii Recblen Kraus ^ . After all, one wouldn't be completely mistaken, if one assumes that the 3 Aebren snceessiT in the following Wisely were approached: first in Segesta cur Beseiehnnng the FimehttMurkeit of the area around this city; then 3 Aebren or % Aebren with a torch in between in the 4th century as Symbol clay of all Sicily, introduced by the Allied Ti- moleon's but soon used by Carthage; related to this set with Sicily, which has also been inhabited since the 4th century-- drawing symbol of the Triquetra, in the coins of Paner^ mos and laitia, and finally in Kaisermttnzen with that Image of the SikeUa connected and accompanied by the same be-- drawing inscription.

Head has a keen understanding of Agathocles' numismatics divided into 3 periods, the first of which is shown on Plate VIII has been established. The only thing that could be doubtful here is that It seems as if the bronzes Nos. 9 - 12 were really from Agathocles are, as the lapel, apart from the ones on it letters, such a great resemblance to the court chronicle Coin Plate XII No. 6 has; as does Head himself on p. 60 This similarity is acknowledged.

Table IX contains the second period of government in Nos. 1-9. nng of Agathocles, 810-307, in Nos. 10-12 the third, 307- 289. This can happen with the two silver coins No. 11 and 12 dissolving weight of 8 liters will prompt the question, efc These pieces are not of later origin. The third Multiplies with 4 predetermined multiples of an Utra tre- otherwise only appear under the direction of Hieron's U; cf. the table

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1) they kfil la 4er Limkm Aebiea. From««icheB4 is the BeMbreitong M Collen, Antoninot No. 832 JS. 1. — From the Triquetram old headdress is on de^i Berlin specimen nlelito xn leKen, there seem to be three cases. The Aebren in ItHhMi Mm ufHtentlM, M niMln« elMr eis Mlmke^. JedMifatlfl ▼erdiOMR dit äkmk M ianp fMüpew VtKtmmdkwm «üi» ^a OriglaalM. (A-t, S.>

348 Ad. holm,

belle at Head p. 80; thus forms an AehtlitreiuBtttok, which in dn Hieronic system fits perfectly, under Agathocles lent a striking exception.

Numbers 14 and 15 are coins that, because they have l^pen, the correspond to the Agathoclean, and yet with AlOZ EAEY OEPIOY are referred to, from Head soharfnuamg in the short Time of freedom after Agathocles' death.

Plate Here The following remark seems appropriate. The guys from #7 and 8 can be found embossed over 5 and 6 of the same tablet (female lich head R. team, above star) also over IK, 13 (the Agathoclean coin with the Soteira head B. Bliti) like Head p. 55 states, and finally what Head doesn't say about them also Agathoclean coin IX, 3 (Head of Heracles Bev. Lion, club). Doesn't it follow from this that X, 7 and 8 are not will belong to the same government as 5 and 6, that much- more if 7 and 8 are correct from Head under Hiketas are, against which there is nothing objectionable, 5 and 6 in the same area yung time must be referred to where IX, 3 and IX, IS belong without a doubt? Then of course X, 3 would also be and 4 have to be placed a little earlier, namely also in the Agathoclean period, and it is probably impossible to deny that that the type of head X, 3-6 is somewhat more agathoUeiselies has. We would then summarize in the time nadi Ag»- Thocles and before Hieron the masks IX, 14. 15; X, 1. p. 7. 8 put.

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Plates the time when Pyrrhus ruled in Sicily.

The coins from Hieron^'s long reign are on display Plates XI and XII, 1-8 illustrated. In very remarkablewwfher Weise puts Head p. 62 ff. apart that both the Mflnun with the inscription ZYPAKOZIOI rEAfiNOZ as aoeh the very well known with the inscription BAZIAIZZAZ ^AIZTIAOZ

Notice lu B. V. Head*s History etc. 349

were minted during the reign of Hieron. Apparently If Hieron used his own name, he probably didn't just out of modesty; It was also understood by seldom, that he still stood above Oelon and Philistis. I'm allowed in this one Relationship refer to what I said in m. Sic. Vol. n P. 503 about the names on the platform of the Syracusan Theaters said. I came to the conclusion there, that Hierou did not give his own name to any department, but because only Philistis, Gelon and Nereis appeared there. Lies There is no certain analogy here with his procedure in relation to meeting of the marches on which, according to Head, he also made his name men are overshadowed by those of Gelon and Philistis let lf That the well-known coins with the inscription ZIKEAlfl TAN also belongs to Hieron, is another interesting thing Results of Head's research (p. 67); the same assumes that the word Sikeliotes means the Hellenic subjects of Hieron in contrast to the inhabitants of the Roman province, should. The coins of EUeronymos on plate XU, 9 - 13 are all identified by the king's name on them.

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On board XHI we then have the mtnzen, which head the short period of democracy 215 - 212. There are strikingly many fttr the crisis of the time and the unrest that at that time Syracuse fulfilled, but can be said of almost everyone who Head put here prove that he did it rightly has. Salinas has dealt in detail about some of them his excellent^ also from Head p. 66 cited treatise The money from Regina Pilistide. Fir. 1869. S (Estratto del Periodico di Numismatica e Sfragistica). who also earns it has to have first proven that those with the name The Philistis and Gelon did not denote caps, as is often the case had meant, only the time of Jerome or those can belong after the death of Jerome, namely Dadareh, that he has shown how ttabout those coins those

Z«iUckrifl f. Nvnitii. U. 24

I

lioM A«. il.

^ coins »iml. welctie Ti XIU at No. 7

depicts. Now look at i 7 8 find the

XAP. we can therefore assume that a, (

an^w5similar inscription, apparently A e ^t

name, if you don't know it also belong to this time. This is how Xm, 3 1 belongs, also has XAP. Since there is now the sound of this Mttnse (1 Kev. .Sohiesseude Artemis' there are other specimens which have letters YA Z A or YA Z A, then wtA the other coins with this proprietary inscription in eba this time must be set. These are Xni, 4 (Pallaskopf 1 Lightning and XIII. 2 which probably came from Salinas at the same time dressed font PL IX. S and 9) and by Imhoof in Berl. Sheets for coin studies etc. V, plate lAV No. 14: Published rare coin with a laurel crowned zenith bowl and team. On the other hand, with XIII, 3 in the turps is duck- from Match the gold coin XIQ, i, so that they too belongs to the same time. On some of the Uta- However, the following three epithets occur here: SA, ZiL MI , and we will have the coins, which would otherwise be the same hibeDr If the style allows it, we must also put here: the flii' XIII. G, which has ZA, and XIII, 10 (Artemis head Sev. Owl), te with M I preconimt. To the last-mentioned Münse sehliessen ba then look at the coins XIII, 9 and 11 again, looking at both on 10 as on 9 and 11 the individual letters A, K or ^ find, apart from other analogies between XÜI, 9 and U and never return the aforementioned coins. That's how everyone is Head of this time allocated gold and silver mtlnzcii as their is actually justified, with the exception of XÜH^ A, in different inscriptions are, and the head of the obverse is visible which points to an earlier time. Of course the Bersn fits very good with XIII, 2 and XIU, 6; the obverse should be aUeiB lltar be? Head notes on page 66 that he cited the

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Notes on B. V. Head's History etc. 351

lnng by Salinas only used it late, apparently as his own work was already finished. So he missed a coin that... Salinas depicted there under No. 3, also a cap with XAP, and also coined ttover one of the with ZYPAKO ZIOI FEAfiNOZ. She has a female in the obverse lichen head with a wreath of leaves, in the lapel one on one Oespann driven scepter (the handlebars are completely missing). This from Salinas p. 9 of the specified document described highly specific Traditional costumes can be found in Naples and Paris.

On panel XIV, which shows sjTakusa minted in Roman times contains niche bronze coins, according to the comments Weirs in the third volume of Bursian's annual reports (p.243) nothing to add.

I conclude my comments about the beautiful work Head's with the wish that the author would use it as a reference know the great interest with which I view his have read scripture; I don't think he succeeded to satisfy only the numismatists but also the historians; Both can learn a lot from him.

Lübeck, January 1875.

Ad. Holm.

24

Denarius treasure from Cömpito.

The latest issue of the Florentine Periodico di nurniumatica e sfrctgütica (a. VI 1874 p. 109-120) reports again about one newly found denarius treasure from the last Roman period Republic. The same was at Cömpito in the province of Lncca made: a golden bracelet was found in an earthen pot volume and 979 Roman denarii and quinarii; this number little- At least Mr. S. T. Baxter, who carefully described the find has, can acquire. It is to be regretted that the be it in ancient or modern times, some younger Mttnxen in- have been mixed; These are a denarius of L. Mussidin Longus (Cohen plate 29, 5j and six legion coins of Anto- nius (of the legions H. UI two. YHI. XX. XXI), of which the one struck in the year 711 (see above p. 67), the one in the year 723 and the latter, moreover, depends on the state of preservation of the first Not to say - they are so heavily used that they only last for a long time may have come into the earth some time after their imprint. If this fact were to be attached to this treasure, tendeu conclusions seem to be deprived of their evidentiary value but for the rest the existence of it is so similar, - * that it nevertheless appears permissible to the same for a more detailed determination of the chronology of the Roman denarii use. He fills a gap here in the desired way, by burying himself among those in the years 680-682

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Tb. Mommsen, Denarischatz Ton Cömpito. 353

Treasures of Palestrina, Frascarolo and Roncofreddo (above p. 62] and the famous one from Cadriano aas to the year 705.

The very careful management communicated by the owner There would be no point in reproducing the drawing in its entirety. Those struck up to the yergrabang of those treasures and Coins represented in the same are according to the order of French translation of my Roman coinage Chambers 2. 3. 5. 7. 51. 52. 59. 60. 62—65. 67-74. 76-78. 91. 93. 95. 99. 100. 102—111. 120. 123—130. 132-137. 141. 142. 144. 147. 155—157. 160-168. 170-178. 181-191. 193-203. 205. 208-216. 218 (the one and a half sester ore piece). 226— 237. 239-241. 246. 248. 250. 251. 253. 254. 256—259. 262— 265. 299. Because the last-mentioned denarius with CPo- stumi Ta, which belongs to this era, is shown earlier (p. 61). been, and is further confirmed by the fact that of the 5 at Cömpito found specimens, three slightly, two heavily worn were. — The concurrent varieties missing from the new treasure are the more or less rare ones with almost no carrion taken, and the non-occurrence of individuals as a whole can also be more common, especially given the massive size of the treasure, only by chance abilities are returned. - The state of preservation is given by Publisher of these older denarii only a few varieties to >) and nothing further can be found in these communications.

Essentially, only the most recent directory is branchable Denarii of the find, in which the publisher also from the preservation inventory. Afterwards we found each other Cömpito the following in the older treasures down to that from Roncofreddo missing denarii.

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1) No. 2ö9a \^Cn. Len. g.): 10 fruch, ö somewhat reasonable. — No. 2b% {Cn. Len. cur. •/!.): 3 slightly dirty. — No. 262 L. FartuUi Men9or: 6 sth. now. — No. 263 L. Luereti Trio: 1 frUoh, 2 TernuUt. — No. 264 L. Butii: 1 used.

354

Th. MomiDseii,

No.

266 P, Galb,

267 M. Plaetorius M. f. Cestianus

269 Faustus

270 a Püo L. /. Frugi. .

271 Sufmiaa

273 M, Scaur.y P. Hupsaeus

274 P. Ypsae

2S0a Paullus Leptdus. 2S0bPaunuii Lepidus, Libo . 282 M\AquiJ. M\f. M\n.

284 Q. Cassiun (with vest.) . " " (with eagle) .

285 Longin

287 C, Considi Noniani r . 290« P. Fonteim P. f, Capito

291 L. Furi Cn.f, Brocchi .

292 C. Hostdi C. / Geta .

293 P. Crasswi M.f, . . .

295 Philip

296« C, Memmi C,f. . . . 300 L. Rosci Fabati

4 3 fresh, 1 slightly worn 1 5 2 fresh, 1 a little vern. ,

3 very sensible.

1 fresh

5 almost fresh

11 4 fresh, 7 little vern. 28 15 fresh, 13 little vern.

9 7 fresh, 2 vern.

1 4 9 almost fresh, 5 little vern.

19 9 fresh, 10 little vern.

7 fresh

2 1 new, 1 slightly worn. 1 suspected

6 4 fresh, 2 little vern. 1 fresh

1 a bit nebulous, but nice

4 nice, but a bit bad

12 5 fresh, 7 slightly off. 1 fresh

12 10 fresh, 2 little vern.

4 somewhat vern.

5 2 fresh, 3 little vern.

This means we can continue to compile the directory of the modern denarii, which are not available from Gömpito, but are from Ca- driano found each other and which ones, as far as they are common, with Probability can be viewed as beaten after the former treasure was buried. Those, for which Because of their rarity this conclusion does not apply, are in SLlam- included.

No.

272 Brutus AJiaYes '11h Faust.

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276 Cn. Plancius, A. Plautius. [277 MessaL f.]

278 Caesar

279 M\Acilius

Deiiarächatz from €öoipito. 355

No.

'2Si)c Libo with receipt. event. *) [281M, Lepidus] [283 L. Axstus L,f, Naso] [286 Caidus]

[289 Q. Creper, M. f. Bocm] [294 L, Torquat,] !;297 Q. Po;/y>ei' iili//.] [298 Q. Pomponi Musa]

301 C. Ärr^^l C./. [302 aS^. /S'tt//^.] [303 T. Vettiu^ Sabmus] [304 Z. Vinici] [305 Z. r/o. Z. /. Strab,]

The result is simple and essentially already correctly named to the owner of the treasure. The youngest in Certainly dated coins found in the treasure are those of the Aediles of J. 696 No. 273, 274 ; among the frequently occurring The oldest ones are certainly there in and out of the treasure. those of the aediles of the year 700 No. 276 and the simultaneous one of Faustus Sulla No. 275. So the treasure is between 696 and 700 were formed. This is true with everything else for them individual coins given by me^), only that coin number 272 with the heads of Brutus and Ahala After that, it was not struck in 693, but in 696 at the earliest. But hereafter leave at least among the frequently occurring ones Denarii of this era, as long as there is no more precise fixation, those struck after 696 and those struck before 700 are now certain demarcate. Given the high historical interest, which

1) The editor describes as the one of the three under No. 280 xu>am- The types never included in the text are missing the .coin of Libo with hon. cvent.^ elsewhere<

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2) I have to point out that the method I use HezeichiiuiiK "around J. Küii<5 700" in the French translation is inaccurate for this stated ii>t with an de Romt 700.

356 '^^- ''Vlüiiiniscn, denarius treasure from Gdmpito.

If several of them belong, research will gain this benefit do not regard it as insignificant. Would be worthy of bet Of course, it is possible to draw the boundaries even tighter, how can this be done? the publisher of the treasure tries to get the coins of the Paullus Lepidus No. 280 and Philippus No. 295 are more precise winning time determinations; but those asserted for this ten moments lack evidentiary value.

Tb. Mommsen.

Coins of King Darius of Pontus and Mithradates

(Pergamenus) from Bosporus.

The zealous non-mismatist Mr. Georg von Alexiefif published in 1870 ^) first a coin of extremely striking, strange appearance:

Hf, head with faint beard and diadem ^ to the right.

Bf, (B)AZIAEÜ(Z) (MI)©PAAAT(OY) Zeus a«tophorus enthroned, facing left. In front of him in the field is the badge of the Achaemenids, star, crescent moon underneath. A, Vj^, wt. 4.5; damaged.

Mr. Alex^ieff has this extremely crude, barbaric coin in Ekaterinoslav in central Russia for a few kopecks, like him told myself, acquired ; she is an excellent coin expert, as Bartholomaey, Becker in Dresden and others, declared to be eight and it also seemed to us here when it was presented by the owner. was laid, quite ancient, even if by everyone else Coins with the name of a Mithradate differ. Alex^ieff divides the coin quite rationally Mithradat UI. to — but it is according to Waddington's research, Mithradatus IV, f around 190 ago BC^ cf. Waddingtons Mölanges U, 3 - whose rail tetra- drachmas have the same types, but thinks it is likely lich, that the coin because of its rawness, from the pieces Mithradates IV's completely different factory from neighboring^

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1) Notice on a mtfdaiUe antlque tn^dite alnsl qae sur deux autres tr^- rarea from Phanoiot and from KerkinitU. Dreads 1870.

358

A.V. Sallet,

perhaps characterized by dependent barbarians; but he also asks as a possibility that we might have a new one had to do with unknown Mithradate. Another copy The same mask has recently resurfaced: from tradition Suddenly we received a shipment of carefully made paper impressions of coins whose owner lived in Cerasus, uuter this little silver coin of Mithradate; exactly with that Corresponding to Alexdeif's piece, only the head seems beardless; There may be an indistinct letter in the field on the left.

But much more important was a second small silver coin, also under those paper prints:

llf. Completely raw, poorly defined head, without a beard;?)

with diadem (?) to the right. lif. AAPEIOY BAZIAEfiZ Zeus nicephorus, enthroned

to the left, in front of him in the field is the crescent moon and star (that

Achaemenid badge) and F. behind the scepter of

Zeus n. jB.. 372; of rough work.

Unfortunately, the Berlin museum managed to do so very quickly Make no effort to acquire those coins; the owner gave There was no response to a letter addressed to him. I believe but that given the great importance of the matter, the current one The owner of those coins must not be angry if I buy them without formal authorization to the subject of my discussion do.

Coins of King Darius ^mi Pontas and Mithradates, etc. ^9

Both masks seem to be, as far as one can judge from Abdriloken. lea can and if we compare Alexöieff's Mttnze with that, ächl ; A falsification of this kind would also constitute an identification of the Namis- matics and history presuppose the kind that they are unlikely to have the area of Gerasnnt and Trebizond; — freilidi such suli^eotiva uses are no longer valid; straight pontise Bosporan parades are held in Kerch or Odessa. Excitingly, even ingeniously faked, as did the two described Mttnzen as well as the Pharnaces discussed below certain style consistency, so one might think, all of them came from an office. I therefore expressly note that that everything I say here is only entitled to some Security is allowed if the originals or at least that one with the name of Darius in the hands of more knowledgeable ones Numismatists reach it and it is recognized as undoubtedly eight.

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Now who is King Darius who coined the coins? To a Persian king, also to the last one, Codomannus Of course not to think about it; the cap is of later, rough workmanship beit and the type of Zeus a6tophorus and nicephorus is before Alexander is unthinkable. We know a Darius from Appian, Son of Pharnaces U., as King of Pontus, by M. Antonius used until 36 BC at the latest. BC <). The location or the The origin of the Mttnzen is the area around Trebizond, i.e Pontus, and certainly the relation of the Mtnze to that one Darius of Pontus the highest probability. With the treatment The mood of this music is also used for the other, similar liche of Mithradates gained a lot: around the same time, or only a few years earlier ^j — 47 to 46 BC. BC - was king of the Bosporus, appointed by Caesar, Mithradates of Pergamum^

1) app. d. bark. civ. V, 75. taitj (^'j^yttivtos) 64 ntj xal ßaoikiai x. r.JL TIoviov (aIv JttQttov Joy 4>aQvdxovi rov Mt&Qidtitov x. t.X. See my comments trige X. Etcb. u. Num. the K. of the Cimm. Bo«p. 8.34.

2) Cf. my « Beiirige a.t.w. P. 6. Waddington Mdl. 11, 119. Dio 43,46.

360 A. ▼. Sallet,

the natural son of Mithradates VI the Great. The her- Places of origin of the two Mithradate myths described here, sometimes southern Russia, sometimes Pontas, do not speak of the allotment to the Mithradates of Pergamen; It may also be added that both caps are not too unlike the only strange piece of Pompein's appointed Colchian king Aristarchus (Berlin, Fox). free Of course, some difficulties still remain: Mithradates VI. has be- In addition to the royal title, he also had a nickname, his son Phar- naces II. several more; what would be striking would be the modesty ity of the later Mithradates of Pergamum, who with the would have been satisfied with a simple royal title; likewise would also have Darius only the simple title of king. But the same can be done by Aristarchus of Colchis is said to be simply the one Royal title APIZTAPXOY BAZIAEfiZ next to KOAXAOZ (KOAXIAOZ?, it says KOAX'A'OZj has. That would be striking the type of coins of Mithradate, it exactly imitates that of According to Mithradates IV, Darius would do almost the same thing, only that Zeus here wears a Nike instead of an eagle, i.e. both would be almost exact replicas of much earlier coins.