Revue numismatique, vols. 8–9 (4th series) — vol. 8–9 — 1890

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Mr. Mater thinks that the viscounts of Bourges continue to to coin to the types of Charles the Bald, until the reign of Lothario. It is wrong, in my opinion, to attach great importance to the weight increase observed on a denier with LOTERIVS REX (I- gi*- 30) and to conclude that the weight of the raonnaies strikes weighed by the viscounts exceeded that of the preceding species. The type of the temple was replaced on the coins in the name of Lothair by that of the monogram. As for the series with the word BITV — RICES in two lines, it is difficult to classify it with some certainty. The type of the temple would be from the northern influence asks.

If a few points of detail can thus be discussed, in the work of Mr. Mater, one cannot ignore the research happy with the author who certainly brought a great gres in the classification of Bourges currencies.

The Numismatic Bulletin^ written by MM. de Kersers, Berry and Ponroy, who comes next in the same volume (p. 273-304), indicates some Gallic coins [Catalogue of Muret, n*>» 4070, 4154, 4216, 6170). A pi^fort, which is attributed to Phi- lippe III, bears the legends PHILIPVS REX and TVRONVS CIVIS' The Cabinet of France also has a stronghold of the penny parisis with the legend pRA — NCO in two lines in the field, which one would be tempted to attribute to Philip III. However, it is unlikely that the pi^forts appeared before the reign of Philip IV.

J.-Adrien Blanghet.

In Saint-Erailion (Gironde), we recently found a pot made of stoneware converted from a strong piece of wool. This jar contained two coarse canvas purses, containing about fifteen hundred mon- naies. Two pieces were shown to me as samples; this are: 1^ An esterlin of Edward I, king of England (1272-1307), struck in London; 2° a denarius of the same Edward I", minted for TAquitaine, with the legend 1)VX AQIT BVRG (Poey d*Avant, 2775, pi. lx, n^ 14). According to my correspondent, the find would only include coins that could be used for the first time. c^teeth. The burial would therefore have taken place in the first years of the 14th century.

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CHRONICLE

The Royal Beige Numismatic Society has just celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of its founding by the first congress international numismatics, which met in Brussels on 4 July 1891. The congress was opened by the minister of rinstmc- public action and continued over the following days under the pres- dence of Mr. B. de Jonghe, assisted by MM. A. de Witte, Cumontet Van den Broeck. Let us cite among the scholars who were rendered k The invitation of the Society: Mr. Canon Bethune, MM. Maus, General Cocheteux, C. Picque, B<«Chestret de Hanefre,B'*"de Surmont, Dirks, Roest,Snoeck, Hildebrandt, Rig- gauer, Ambrosoli,C^ Papadopoli, A.-J. Sambon,M. from Palczieox, Caron, M. de Marchville, de Marsy, Maxe-Werly, etc. The congress was opened in the presence of about sixty-five members; It will be understood that I cannot cite them all. The Memoirs presented at the Congress to be printed later in a special volume, it will be reported later. Today I will limit myself to warmly thanking, on behalf of my compatriots, our excellent colleagues from Belgium, for their cordial sympathy and for the charming hospitality they offered us offered.

To remember these celebrations of her fiftieth birthday, the Sociele had to strike a medal, the description of which is as follows.

Adjoining heads of Lelewel and Chalon, on the right. In Irgende circular: JOACHIM LELEWEL RENIER CHALON PRE- SIDENTS DHONNEVR. Under Lelewel's TV, the signature by the artist FERNAND DVBOIS.

Two allegorical figures, one of which, standing, has just take a coin from a coin counter and show it to her loincloth who is seated, on the right, holding a labletle on her knees on which the following names are engraved: CHALON, VAN DER GHYS, GAILLARD, BARON DE CHESTRET. Basically, a library topped with a cartouche bearing REVUE BELGIAN NUMISMATICS. In front of the figure's knees seated, we read: 50 “ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOUNDING OF THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. In Texergue: 1841-1891 and FERNAND DUBOIS • BRUXELLOIS. - Money; bronze, 60 mil.

The members of the congress, who attended the opening session ture, received an attendance token, the description of which is as follows:

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H.H.H. MONSIGNOR PRINCE BAUDOUIN OF BELGIUM. Bust of the prince, headdress of a kepi, on the left, between the dates 1869 and 1891.

9*. COMPANY: ROYALE DE NVMISMATIQVE DE BEL- OIQVE. — INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF NVMISMA- TIQVE 5 JVILLET in eight lines. Below, a cartridge with the date 1891. Tree branches occupy the side^ left of the field.

J.-A. Bl.

The supplement to the Catalog of oriental coins of Bri- tish Museum has just been made public. It is the work of MM. Stanley Lane Poole and Reginald Stuart Poole; the authors of this catalog the whole of which currently forms ten volumes giving the des- description of approximately 4,400 Muslim medals and Arab legends part of the English collection. The last volume includes takes three alphabetical indexes of the years, the minted workshops taries and sultans, princes, emirs or governors whose names are found on the coins, with indication of dynasties and reference to the page of each volume. The index of proper nouns constitutes a veritable repertoire of Muslim Tonomastics which will be as useful to historians as to numismatists.

If ^

We reported in the Asian Journal and here mdme (see Rev. numism.y 1890), from the important monograph of Mr. Vin- hundred Smith on the coinage of the Gupta kings of India. M. E.-J. Rapson, of the British Museum, re-examined the coins from the Bodl^ian collection which had only appeared very briefly in the work of Smith, and he has just published in the last notebook of Numism. Chronicle the result of his research. Several uncertain readings are rectified. The Bodl^ienne has a golden statere of King Samudra-Goupta (375 to 400 AD) containing the rarely complete legend of this sovereign. We give it here because of its rarity: sa/nn^ rncUa vilatavijayo jitdri poure djito des^ojayati « winner in

1. 2 vol. in-8% London, 1889-1S90.

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a hundred great battles, destroyer of the cities of his enemies, victorious in his majesty. The two memoirs of MM. Smith and Rapson give the almost complete table 4 of numisma- tick of the Goupta kings.

E. Drocik.

“ “”

Mr. N. Sioufin, French consul in Mosul, had it printed in 1870, for private circulation^ the list of Muslim coins of his collection. This list consists of a series of detailed sheets chees forming together 68 pages in-4® and giving the description summary of approximately 1,600 coins, weights, glasses and amuletsa Arab legends. Almost all dynasties are represented there. tees. He has just published a supplement * containing approximately 600 new pieces including some interesting and belonging k little-known dynasties.

E.D.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL BULLETIN

Blanghbt (J.-Adrien). The coinage of Picomte de Castelbon (1374- 1378), octavo of 10 pages, Dax, 1891.

Mr. Blanchet specifies the situation of Castelbon that Poey d'Avant wrongly placed in Bigorre while the main part pale de la vicomte and the town itself of Castelbon are located in beyond the Pyrenees, south of the county of Foix. The Viscount of Cas- telbon owned some fiefdoms in Bigorre and he received from the Duke of An- jou, in 1374, the right to mint coins in silver and in billon like those that the Lord of Lescun had made of his alive. A new document, given in Tarbes on February 6, 1376 ^v. St.), grants the viscount the right to mint a thousand gold marks for two years, specifying that this currency will be similar

1. Mosul, 1891, printed. des P^s Dominicaint, 33 p. K

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to that of the king, and that the profits will be shared between the king and the viscount. The free stamps issued by the Viscount of Castelbon are therefore in no way distinguishable from those of Charles V. This concession is very interesting to note and one must know g;v^ aM. Blanchet for having shed light on this chapter of the numis- feudal matics.

E.B.

#

A. DE Barthelbmy. The coins of Beaufremont^ 1891, in-8®, of 11 pages. (Extract from the Biblioth^que de fEcole des Chartes^ t. lii, 1891(.

We know the half-gross bearing the following legends and types: vants: * IBI FI1)ES* IBI'AMOR. Hand extended, placed in pal supporting a fleur-de-lis. ^f. MO AR PLEASE VVSIS. Cross cutting the legend. Plantet and Jeannez, and later Poey d'Avant, attributed this coinage to Gautier I®', lord of Beaufremont, died in 1440. M. de Barthelemy shows that this piece is analogous, as types, to the demi-gros of Thann, Vieux- Brisach, Golmar, etc., and he is inclined to recognize the product from the raonnayage of Nicolas I®^ aleul, or of Erard, father of Nicolas las II of Ghastelet. From the latter we have numerous coins imitated from those of France and Besangon which were criticized on several occasions. A new half-big to the legend MO ARG SVP VVSIS, i.e. Moneta Argentea supre- mitatis Vauvilarensis, wears a shield from the chastlet and gold on the sand fascia which is Gicon. The wife of Nicholas 1st was this last family; it is therefore probable that Nicholas II took the coat of arms of his ancestors to form a type imitating some piece of its neighborhood.

Mr. de Barthelemy then establishes the falsehood of a diploma of Frederic I" confirming to the lord of Beaufremont the right to mint coins (1168). This document, which had not been suspected until today, was manufactured, as well as several others, towards the middle of the last century, by a certain abb^ William, who wished to win the goodwill of the Prince of Beaufremont.

J.-Adrien Blanchet.

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A. de WtTTB, SuppUmeni aux Recherches sur ics currencies des counts of Hainaut, of Renter Chalon. Brussels, 1891, in-4% 52 pages and 2 plates.

This work is the fourth supplement that R. Chaloa would intention to devote to the currencies of Hainaut. Mr. de Wlte collected the notes left by Chalon and continued his research in various public and private collections. His work contains interesting pieces struck in Valen- ciennes and Maubeuge. Let us particularly mention the little big one to the rider of Jean II of Avesnes (1280-1304) issued in this latter deny workshop. The big lion of Emperor Louis of Bavaria, with MONETA HANONIE* is a capital piece, preserved vee to the Brussels Cabinet. A double black billon moth, minted in Valenciennes, bears the name of Charles the Temeraire: it is the only currency of this prince that you know for the Hainaut.

The documents collected by Mr. de Witte are of great interest. r^t. One of them, dates from May 1325, establishes that the master of the currency of Valenciennes depended on Jean HI, due to Bra- bant, as well as William I", Count of Hainaut. This/has would show, in my opinion, that these princes must have struck a There is no convention prior to that of 1337.

J.-A. Bl.

Le Girant^ F. Feuardent.

NEW COINS

FROM ASIA MINOR

{Supplement to the numismatics of the kingdoms of Cappadocia, Bithynia and Pontus),

PI. XIV

Since the publication of my volume entitled: Three kingdoms of V Asia Mincure^ Cappadocia^ Bithy- nie, Pont (Paris, 1888), whose different chapters had appeared successively in the Re{>ue numis- malique, I became aware of several pieces interesting and new, belonging to the three series studied in this work. I believe the moment come to bring them together in an overall memoir, which can serve as a supplement to the small Corpus drawn up three years ago; I will attach the rectification of some details on which my personal reflections nelles or the observations of my friends have convinced of the accuracy of my previous opinions laughing. I would like to thank you once again, and in particular, Mr. Waddington for the com- pleasure with which he made this article profitable, and consequently the science, of the latest acquisitions tions of his beautiful medallion.

1891 — 1 24

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I

Achaemenid period.

We know that there is a small series of drachmas of Persian weight, to the types of Sinope, with

A new copy of this drachma, which is recently entered the collection of Mr. Wadding- your and that I had drawn, pi. XIV, 2*, obliges to modify the reading of the legend. We note, in indeed, that the 4* and 5° letters (counting from

1. Due dc Luynes, NumUmali^/ue des salrapt'ea, p. 65, ft. XU, I Waddiin^toii, MtHangea, I, 85; ft. VI, 5 (Revue numismatique, 1861, p. 4, ft. I, 5); Brandis, Miinzwesen in Vorderaslen^ p. 427.

2. Weight 4 gp. 97 instead of 5 gr. 12 (piece by Luynes). This difference explains in depth detail that he sees indicated in our drawing. The two rooms are not on the same corner.

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the right), which we had believed to be different, actually feels identical and both present three dens- telures on the upper part: on 1 copy of the Cabinet de Luynes, the small median serration of the 5th character had disappeared due to friction. In the same copy, the 6" character was out almost completely from the flan and as a result Mr Waddington had not taken this into account in his reading. We now see that it is a mi^y and the The entire legend becomeslDDlSJ?, Abdammou.

By the admission of all the specialists I interviewed g6s, this proper name does not correspond to any form known Semitic; I don't see a name either Iranian who reminds him even from afar. But it is necessary say that, even ignoring vocalization, which is arbitrary, the values that I adopted for the different Aramaic characters are not all some. For \ain and the heth there is little possible doubt (r^m, V-shaped, does not appear completely on our copy, but it is com- full on that of the Cabinet of France). As for the dalethy we might as well read resch, the shape of these two letters being absolutely identical in Aramaic scripture: the resh of the drachma of Ariarathe has exactly the shape of the so-called Daleth from our room. The 4^ and the 5® character have is generally taken for mem, by analogy with the same ph^nician; but in a pinch they can- could be schin^ letters whose shape does not have still been noted in the Arabic monetary alphabet mten. Finally, the last letter we read vav^ could represent a terminal noun.

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We see, by combining these various hypotheses* how many different readings are obtained, all also possible: Abdammou^ Abdammon^ Abdassou^ Abdsasan, AbramnioUy Abrassou^ etc, Some of these combinations are reminiscent of known Semitic names; for example Abdsasan can be compared to the name Abdsasam^ a servant of horses,” which is found on several inscriptions Phonician tions (C. /. Sent., I, 46, 49, 53, 93)*. But we must be wary of the temptation to seek in our legend a compound of the radical would be tic 13;7, “servant.” » The holder of this medal was undoubtedly a Persian or a Paphlagonian, and why would a Persian or a Paphlagonian have bearing a Semitic name*? one is always too encJin to conclude from the character of an alphabet to that of the language written in this alphabet; but h this account the oldest Greeks would have spoken Phoenician and the oldest Romans Greek!

I will not leave this subject without recalling a word a prelendu second copy of our medal, cited by the due de Luynes with the men- tion: “of barbaric manufacture, in the Cabinet of Medailles', » This piece, currently classified in false, appears to be made of copper; engraving and shape the slice are also suspected. The head of the nymph on the right is surrounded by a pearl circle Ires

1. I have these references. & roon snyant friend, Mr. Hurtwig* Dcrcnboarg.

2. Among the probably Iranian names cooimencanl ovec Abd^ I do not Yois gucrc k sigimler que Abdissares, name of an Armenian dynast of the iii* aa from the 2nd century, known only by its medals.

3. Luynes, op. cU. and pi. XII, 2.

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^troit. On the reverse we only decipher the characters On the right we notice two characters ^Oqui also appear in the scope of some pieces of Ariarathe [Three Kingdoms^ p. 26 and ft. IV, n" 1). These letters are ordinarily read and Mr. Six interprets them too ingeniously dm\, people. It is, however, singular that ain has different shapes on the right and reverse of the same room. To explain this particularity, we can suppose that we are in the worst situation of a date, but if the numeral value of \aia in the monu- Phoenician ments is known (20), it is not known same as that of the mem. In any case, we cannot conceive not that the same date can appear on the drachma

of Ariarathe and on the bronze of Abd and it is a

further reason to suspect the authenticity of our bronze*.

11

Hois of Cappadocia.

I gave Ariarathe 111 (died in 220 BC) a bronze known from two rather crude examples, to the types of heads wearing a leather cap and Pallas, standing, armed with a spear; legend BAIIAEni APIAPAeOY {Trois Roijaumes, p. 33, no. 6; ft. 1, 6). We can object to this attribution that on the tetradrachm of this king, the Pallas is represented sitting; the standing Pallas only appears under the king

1. It occurred to me that the letters could represent the initial letters of the Persian name of the town of Aniisus; coins struck h. Sinope would have received restumpille from the latter city.

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next, Ariarathes IV Eusebius (220-163). A review acquisition of Mr. Waddington further shakes the attribution of our pieces. This is the bronze figure a black pi. XIV, n* 3, and which legally represents the television of a king, wearing the same helmet or conical cap in leather (compare the bronzes of Ariararane and dWriaos); on the reverse, the Pallas Nicephore seated, leaning against his shield*, in a grfenetis; legend BAZiAEflZ APIAPA0OY. The reverse of this piece is a reduction so faithful to that of the tetradrachm of Ariaralhe III {Trots Kingdoms y pi. I, 7), that it is difficult not to not attribute both pieces to the same prince. He is true that on the bronze the king wears the helmet instead of the diadem; but the same difference in hairstyle is observed serves between the drachmas and bronzes of Ariarathes Eusebe Philadelphus, two hundred years later {Three Hoyaumes, n** 22 and 27). It seems that the parts of bronze, intended for small local circulation, have keeps the national hairstyle longer, family- linked to the people of the countryside. Besides, there exists a real resemblance between the two portraits of the tetradrachm and bronze; the characteristic grin tick from the head of Ariarathe III is found on our room and would have ten been accused more energetically by Tarliste*.

As for bronze n* 6, I don't really know anymore that in do. Perhaps, despite the absence of a nickname and the substitution of the lance for the Nik6, does it belong to

1. El non “centre son ^gide”, as I have printed plasiears times by error in the Troia kingdom.

2. I unfortunately did not confide to him that I had an ao print paper.

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Ariarathes IV Eusebius; but the two copies known are so crude that we cannot make a useful comparison- deny the physiognomies of those of the tradrachm of this king: we must be wary of drawings that are too pretty for the public in the Zeitsc/irift fl\r Numismatik (IV, 271).

One last trait common to our two bronzes and which distinguishes them from all the other pieces of the Cappadocian series, is that the royal portrait there is turned to the left and not to the right*.

in

law of Bithynia,

Here are three new t^tradrachms from Nico- mede II Epiphanes which are added to the table drawn up in the Three Kingdoms (p. 124 following).

1. Ordinary types and legend. No date# Monogram ^ (See Three Kingdoms^ pi. VII, 25). Waddington Cabinet (pi. XIV, no. 4).

2. Ordinary types and legend. Year 6MP (149). No monogram. Waddington Law Firm,

3. Ordinary type, and, in addition, to the left of the legend, a palm branch. The royal portrait is surrounded by a net composed alternately

1. Jc points out in notes a few additions and corrections of lesser importance tance tk the Cappadocian series. I came across a 3* example in the store to please the beautiful tetradrachmc of Arinrnthe IV Eusebius [Three Kingdoms, p. 35) and chcz MM. Imhoof and Feuarde copies of tetradrachm no. 11 (Ariaratbe Eusebe Philopator I") identical to that of the cabinet of France (p. 38, note 1; p. 4fO, note 2). Some small chronological errors relating to tives to the last Ariarathe and & Ariobavzane I" have already been corrected in my book MUhridate Eupator, II had to delete in particular the remark inaccurate on p. 53 on the date on which the bacterial emblems appear laugh on the coins of Milbridate and his friends.

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olives and pearls. Legend: BAZIAEflZ EnjANOYI NIKOMHAOZ {sic). Monogram (§j (see Three Rot/aumcs, ft. IX, 28). Date VP {sic). My coltec- lion. Waddington Cabinet, British Museum (example public pleasure by M. Wroth, Numismatic chronicle. 1891, p. 129, no. 26, pi. IV, 17*).

Of these three tetradrachms, the most interesting is n** 2 which offers a new date, the oldest who appears and probably who could appear on the Bithynian coins. So far the most The oldest known date was the year NP (150), corresponding dant to Tan li8/7 BC. The date GMP (149) cor- responds to Tan 149/8 BC. J.-C. But the advent of Nicomedes II is placed in Consular Fannee H9 (Zonaras, IX, p. 465), and it is from this prince what date was the adoption of the Bithynian T^re or the minus the use of this iron on medals. What proves it is that during the first year, or the first months of his reign, Nico- mede again struck undated tetradrachms. The specimens of these Emissions known until now feels {Three Hoj/almes, p. 124) were tones more or less less suspicious; the magnificent tetradrachm n' I removes all objections. The factory of this

1. This article was already in print when Mr. Wrolh asked me nick a letter from a distinguished collector from Bombay informing me that he A few years ago we sent a whole stock of moons to Bombay. Greeks, Tenant dc Persia, among others two silver copies of notrc n* 3 and one in gold. This last piece being visibly false, Mr. Wroth wonders if the same would not be true of copies in money. I cannot hold this opinion; the piece of gold has undoubtedly lee ct it is not impossible that a certain number of the copies in silver are in the same case, but there was an antique corner and it is The essential.

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This piece leaves no doubt that it belongs to the first Emissions of Nicomede; the flan is very flattened, the engraving careful; the juve physiognomy nile of the king recalls that of Prusias II, his father; finally, what is quite decisive, the monogram is the same as that which appears on a drachma of Prusias II {Three Kingdoms^ p. 108, n** 8; ft. V, n" 7), struck therefore in the last times of the rfegne. The procedure followed for access registrations evenings on Bithynian currencies therefore seems to have was this one: Monogram without date (three first first kings, first broadcast of Nicomede H); 2"* date without monogram (Nicomedes II, ah 149); 3" date and monogram (Nicomfede II and III from Tan 150).

Tetradrachm No. 3 has already been made public by Mr. Wroth, but I have a few corrections and observations- vations to make regarding its notice. This piece is remarkable several titles: i** by fault spelling of the legend, NIKOMHAOZ for NIKOMHAOY; 2" by the odd shape of the second date digit; 3" by the accessory symbol of the palm; 4"* through the circle of olives and pearls.

Firstly regarding the spelling mistake, Mr. Wroth explains it through TY's Tomission; but this explanation is worthless, the invariable form of the genitive of Ntxou.TQor^^ on the currencies being NIKOMHAOY and not NIKOMHAOYI. He is a lot more likely than the engraver from the mon6- silencer used, for the letters of the legend, mobile punches, and he will have picked up an I instead

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UNPUBLISHED COINS from ASIA MINOR 371

can lead to irremediable confusion, and this so-called economic results in unnecessary expenditure of time and ^errata.

The Bithynian year SP, that is to say i90, corresponds to laid in the year 108/7 BC. AD We would like to know which event was able to justify this year, what can be in the second half of this year (because we know that there are coins without a symbol accessory), Torgueilleuse addition of a palm on the coins of Nicomedes II: the palm, like Mr. Babelon* recently reminded us, is, in fact, the classic symbol of victory, and when it appears suddenly in a series, we have the right to seek historical significance. The first military success of any importance which makes mention the story of Nicomede is the conquest of the Paphlagonia, done at joint expense with the young person Mithridates Eupator (Justin XXXVII, 4). Naguere again, in my Mithridates Eupator (p. 95), I place- but at the event cost, not without express reservations, in Tan 104 BC. AD The new t^tradrachm of Nicomedes obliges us, if I am not mistaken, ^ in move the date back to 107. So the journey of Mithridates in Asia and Bithynia and the birth of his son, who immediately precedes him, treats him with Nicomedes, placed in 108 BC. J.-G. and he becomes very probable that the son, during the absence of the king^ but whose legitimacy has not been contested, was the future king of Cappadocia Ariarathes IX, who, during his advent in 99 BC. J. C, was eight years old (Justin, XXXVIII, 1).

1. Roii de Syrit et d’Arminie^ p. cxxvii.

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All I have left to do is explain the rosary of olives and pedes, or astragalos^ ^ which frames the head of Nicomedes II. Mr. Wroth has already brought this ornament of one who appears on several medals of Seleucids, and it is probable, in fact, that it is from the Seleucids that Nicomus Fa borrowed, like They had previously borrowed the use of the tiles monetary. However, a difference should be noted exxlveV astragalus i\Q Nicomfede and that of the Seleucids: while in the first each olive alternates with a unique pearl, in the Seleucidian rosary and in those which derive from it (coins of Camnascires of Babylonia, from Diodotos of Bactria, cities Syrian) there are always two pearls coupled for an olive; on the tetradrachm of Ariarathes III of Cappadocia, on the contrary, the rosary seems uni- only composed of olives.

M. Babelon wrote {Kings of Syria^ p. lxxvi) that in the Seleucidian series this ornament appears for the first time on the currencies of the small Anliochus, son of Seleucus IH (222 BC), but this opinion is denied not only by Tana- ology of certainly older currencies of Diodotos, but by a beautiful tetradrachm of Antio- chus Hierax, which I recently acquired and that I had pi drawn. XIV, n"5. This tetradrachm present already V astragalos classic in all its purity. It is still remarkable: l^'by the resem- striking white of the portrait with that of Seleucus

1. On the exact meaning of this word, see Tarliclc Astragalos in the Diclion-' nary of Suglio’s antiquUs.

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Callinicus, brother of Hierax, says that this person resembles white actually exists, although the engraver of the lettradrachme garlic simply used a corner of Scleucus'; 2** by the monogram (n"* 124 of the lisle of Mr. Babelon), whom I have not yet met be on pieces by Hi^rax, but which appears on those of his brother Seleucus (Babelon, n*** 255 el 256; British Museum Seleucids, p. 16, n*" 5) and its nephews Seleucus III (Babelon, n*** 296-298; Selcucids^ p. 22, n"' 1, 2, 6, 7, 13) el Antiochus the Great (Babelon, n^^ 340 3; 397-400; 410; Seleucids, p. 25, n" 12; p. 26, n^ 25; p. 28, n*»* 49-51). We have 1^ obviously the name of a monetary officer Eij... T$... or better still ZeO^^i^j or Zeuf^iiiTOc), which remains operated for a long series of years.

I must not fail to point out that Mr. Babe- lon, k Tinslar of Cavedoni, considers Vastragalos like a strip of wool with knots of distance in distance, released from the rope network- similar letters, which covers Tomphalos on which Apollo is seated” (on the letradrachm of the Seleu- cide). This explanation seems more ingenious to me than plausible. If it were founded, the alleged ban- delette would affect the oldest copies an irregular shape like that of any ribbon of fabric; but on the contrary, from the time of Antiochus Hi6rax, we see that the drawing is perfectly uniform and somehow architectonic; it is, in fact, to architecture, and in particular to order Ionic, which is borrowed from this ornament. I would not be

1. I do not know of any other Utradracbme of Hi^rax where this prince bercpr^- held with equally marked fayoris.

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TH. KEINACH

not surprised that we encounter it on coins of Ionian cities in the 3rd century, from where it passed over those of Antiochus Hierax, who reigned and lived in Asia Minor. In any case, I refuse to altri- buer a symbolic value, no more than gr^netis (oercle perl6) or has the crown of foliage which became fashionable later*.

rv

Kings of Bridge

In the description of the third coinage of Mithridates Eupator, 88-85 BC [Three Kingdoms^

1. I will be allowed to correct h. The occasion of these Bithynian coins a heart that crept into my determination to be proconsular of Bithynia {Trois Roy aumeSy p. 143 seq.). I left, like everyone else, It dates from the government of Pansa. This government cannot be later & at the end of Rome 708 (46 BC), where Pansa is reported k Uomc (Cic. Ad jam. VI, 12, 2), neither before & the battle of Pharsalus, August 706/'i8. In April IQll^l^ Pansa is with Quintus Cic^ron, that is-li-dirc in Syria, in Cesar's staff [Ad AU, XI, 14, 3); he therefore did not yet taken possession of its government, which is administered, as well as all the Asian provinces, by Cn. Domitius Galvinus, the vanquished of Nicopolis. Pansa was therefore appointed governor of Bithynia by Caesar immediately after Zela, aodi 101l'kl\ and he remained in office until the end of the following Tele, 708/46, where he returned to Rome; his successor is P. Furius Crassip^s [Ad fam. XIII, 9). It is therefore not, as I said, Tan 706/7 from Rome (48/7 BC) which corresponds to the date 236 inscribed on the coins of Pansa, but indeed the year 707/8 (47/6 BC). The starting point of Tere is done (scptembrc) 282/1 BC. J.-G., no 283/2. Gelte date is garlic- our only compatible with that which is registered on the first mon- Carbon berries, 222; because then 222 corresponds to 61 BC. AD and it’s csl precise- It was in that year that the successors of Pompey were appointed who until then had brought together the government of all the Asian provinces [Ad AU, I, 13, 5). The era of 282/1 is very good, as had been assumed Mr. Mommsen, to link himself to the fall of Lyimachus which seems to have had place at the beginning of 281, seven months before the death of Seleucas I*% 01. 124, 4 (Eusbbe, ^d. Schoene, I, p. 249). I owe thanks & Mr. Ramsay for drawing my attention to my calculation error, although his note on the question [Historical geography of Asia minor, p. 440) is not irreproachable. Mr. Imhoof pointed out a Carbon currency struck at Tios with the date 224 [Griech. Miinzen, p. 65).

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^. 191 following), I neglected to point out the important telradrachms discovered in Athens, near Dipy- lon, and already public [Archdologisclie Zeitung^ 1875, p. 165). These pieces, of the type of deer, all have the monogram placed below an A. A

lexergue we find the letter B once, and twice the letters f and A*.

The tetradrachms in question are extremely difficult to classify. On the one hand, the type, of the deer and the numeral letter A seem to link them to the class Pergamenian currencies (class D) of which they however, they do not have the characteristic monogram; on the other hand, if the letters to Texergue are, like me everything seems to indicate it, month marks, they are incompatible with this attribution; because the Pergamenian coins do not have months and, in besides. Tannic A beginning in September 89 BC. BC, months 2, 3 and 4 are before the conquest of Asia by Mithridates which only took place in the spring time 88. Must we therefore admit that these currencies were minted in Athens itself, for the pay of Pontic troops in the service of Aristion, and that there makes use of a special era, beginning with example, in September 88? The striking of these mon- naies would have been interrupted by Tarrivce d'Arche- Laos which issued undated tetradrachms, to the types of Pegasus. I only offer this explanation with a lot of hesitation; however, it seems to me a a little less bad than the one I indicated in a note by Mithridates Eupator (p. 474): I

1. The second copy with A is a broken piece from which it was found at Mr. Hoffmann cn 1885 (information from Mr. Imhoof-Blumer).

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proposals to read the EYMAXOY monogram on the pla- ^but the minting of these coins in Galatia.

I would like to point out, in closing, a few additions less important to my catalog.

Mithridates II (250*190). Tetradrachm. Mono- grams Ifl and n** 4 {Trois Rot/alumes, pi. 12), letter A. Dupre catalog\ pi. II, n** 240.

Mithridates Eupator. Year E2 (205), month F. Cata- Lemma logue\ n"" 198.

Year ni (213), month E. In commerce, notes of Mr. Imhoof.

Year CIZ(216), month there, with a variety of mono- gram 17. Same provenance.

Year AK2 (224), month B, same iconograms as those of month f. Wunderly Cabinet*.

Appendix

I used ulilis6 Tespacerest^ available on the board XIV to reproduce (n** 1) a (Juart de statfere in gold of Phinlias, tyrant of Agrigento and other places (m* century BC) The type and legend of the reverse (common language, BAZIAEHZ INTIA) are identical to those of the known bronzes of this tyrant, the best of which

1. Mr. Imhoof recently proposed [Griechische Munzen, p. 37 seq.) of recognize the portrait of Mithridates Eupator with his head wearing a leather helmet which appears on various bronzes of Amisos and other pontoons ticks. This opinion appears to be accepted for the piece at Pdgase (pi. HI, 4 and IV, 12), but not for the pieces in the quiver (III, 1-3) or h. Tetoile (III, 7-11); The head of these coins is rather that of Mithridates II. During the minority of Eupator, these broadcasts took place in the name and the effigy of his mother Laodice.

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their list was given by Salinas, Le monete delle antiche cittd di Sicilia (Palermo, 1867), p. 36, n**' 351- 355 (pl.XllI, 34-35). The right type (wing genius) is different and indistinct. The legend of law is sin- widely distributed. We could try to restore it title as follows:

KA (fx) - API -

N (ecov)

It is not impossible that Phintias extended his domination over Camarina and mints gold coins like Agathocles, Hicttas, etc., but the absence of silver coins should be surprising. Furthermore, the legend of the right is suspect, the wild boar, of a bad style, very inferior to that of the bronzes. I don't want you- I wouldn't be sure that this piece is fake, but I I would also not like to guarantee its authenticity. I held it in my hands in Constantinople without have time to weigh it, but I took one good imprint of which my drawing is the reproduction exact position. It's up to the experts to decide.

NEW COIN OF DEJOTARUS PHILADELPHE LAST KING OF PAPHLAGONIA

Until now, no other currency was known of the kings of Paphlagonia that the small and medium bronzes with the legend BAIIAEHI nVAAIMENOY

1891 — 2 25

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EYEPRETOY. The coins are of a good style and of careful execution (5th; several types (head of HeracIes and club, bull's head and deciduous) do not have again and6 explained*. The most recent authors (Messrs. Imhoof, Head and Wroth) award these bronzes has a son of Nicomedes II of Bithynia, whom his father placed on the throne of Paphlagonia around Tan 105 BC. BC, making it take the name Pylemene (Justin, XXXVII, 4); but it is more likely that they belong to an earlier Pylemene, the king who came to the aid of the Romans in the war of Aris- tonic in 130 BC. (Eutrope IV, 20). The nickname Evergete was very fashionable around this time: we found it worn by all the kings of Pergamum (on the inscriptions), by Nicomfedes II (at Licinianus), by Mithridates III, and as the latter prince was an adoptive by Pylemene in his will (Justin XXXVIII, 5), I am inclined to believe that it was on this occasion that he ecliangea the nicknames of Philopator Philadelphus, which he had carried until then, against that of Evergete.

The bronzes of Pylemene Evergete, to some king that it is necessary to attribute them, offer no interest ico- nographic*. It is not the same for the room following which I am happy to publish for the first time first time, and which I know by a print whose

1. See Eckhel. H, 394-5; Mionnel, U, 408. ct Suppl. IV, 585; Wroth, Cat. Brit. Mas. (Ponlus, etc.), p. 103, pi. XXIII, 11-12. A special essay by Sob. Faeschius (BAlc, 1680, in k*} reproduced in the Thesaurus of Gronovius (IX, 1601) and Spon's Curicuse Researches in AntiquU6, p. 307- 25. Heracles and the bull are found on the coins of Gangra.

2. Kckhel and Mionuet's "TV king's claim" came true Idle of Ileraclcs.

1

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I owe communication my friend, Mr. Ernest Babelon:

a King's head, right. The features are young; the long hair, held back by a headband, at the ends floating. Circular legend: [l]AAAEAOY — BAZIAEHZ A (? indistinct character). Behind it t^te, vis k vis and in the opposite direction of the word ^tXaSeX^pou, the letters IKV.

9". Head of a queen, right; hooked nose, Tceil round and head flower; the hair, held by a diadem, is tied in a crobyle behind the head; traces of clothing at the base of the neck. Legend circular: [AAOBO]rinNAI — BA2IAI22HI (the five first letters are only preserved when they are sent lower tie).

iR. Drachma. »

This remarkable piece interests both history of Galatia and that of Paphlagonia: the king who Your strike reigned, in fact, over the latter kingdom, but he was, like his wife, of origin Galatian. It will therefore not be out of place to give provide here some precise information on the history and the genealogy of the dynasties of these two countries, during the last century of their independence *.

1. There is no monophony on Papblagonia; on the Galatians, I consults with fruit Van Gelder, Dt GallU in Greece and Asia (Amsterdam,

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I

The Galatia, after which it resided for a long time, was divided between a large number of dynasties or trarqiies — twelve, according to Strabo (XII, 5, 1), or four for each of the three peoples who made up the confederation deration,— lives its constitution singularly simpli- fi^e in 86 BC. BC by the general massacre of t^tarchs to which Mithridates Eupator proceeded. II did not escape the butchery, according to Appian {Mith. 46), only three tetrarchs*, who succeeded shortly after in drive the Pontic satrap, Eumachus, from the country. In 73, Mithridates again occupied Galatia by Eumachus, but he is soon expelled (i by the t(5trarque Dejotarus who stays until the end of the Tallinn dedicated and useful war of the Romans. The war finic, in 64 or 62 BC. AD, Pompey restored the Galatia to the hereditary tetrarchs (Appian, Mith. 114; Strabo, XII, 3, 1). According to Strabo (XII, 5, 1), there were three of them: xaO' TrjpLa^ ...ei^ Tp£r^...'?^)C£v T?) Suvao-TEta*; according to Appian {Syr. 50), there were four of them: FaXaTcov T(ov bf 'Aortqc tot;

oufxpLajj^TT^o-aaiv oi xaToc MiOptSzTou. The testimony of

1888) ct Nicsp, Galatien and teine Tetrarchen in the Rheinisches Muscnm, XXXVIII, 583 ff.

1. Niese suspects this figure. To the three elarchs of Appicn it was added young B^politun who was spared by Mitbridate 6 because of his drunkenness (Plut. t^iri. mul. 46). It is claimed that, since the time of Manlius (189), every death three nations, according to Tite-Liye, had a single regulus: cetic institution It was perhaps special during wartime.

2. KaO'fjjxaj, by StrabOn, means the time of his birth (around 63 ar. AD). Cp. Niese, loc, cit., p. 567.

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Strabo is a priori preferable to that of Appian and You may suspect that this last author allowed to be misled by a false interpretation of the word tetrarch, However, to decide deniti- ve the question, it is good to review the different tetrarchs whose names have been given to us transmitted for this period by the texts. How- cons by the most C(5lfebre of all:

1" Dejotnriis, tetrarch of the Tolistoboians (Stra- good, XII, 3, 13). The name of his father, who was tetrarch like him, is provided to us by an ins- Athenian scripture (C. I. A. Ill, 544) which must date of the last years of his life (44-41 BC).

6 S'/jlx] 02 AHIOT[apov Ao(x] NOPirOI

evexaj

Dejotarus must have been born around 130 BC. AD, because, has At the time of his death (41 BC), he was OirepyT^po); (Dion, XLVII, 24) and already at the battle of Pharsalus, he had to be hoisted on horseback. It is probably one of the three tetrarchs who escaped the massacre of Tan 86, because Cicero speaks of the services he already renders Sylla and Murena [Phil. XI, 13, 33). At the end of the Mithridatic war, Dejotarus received from Pompey, in addition to its hereditary tetrarchy, Little Armenia and the neighboring territories, with several plots du Pont proper, and the title of king*. (Strabo

1. The residence of Dejotarus in Armenia appears to have ^td Sintoion (Elienne of Byxunce: S'vt')'.')v, ^poj^Jtov *Ap{i£vta;, xtiijia FaXatcliv); in

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XII, 3, i3; BelL alex. 66.) This liter was confirmed to him officially by the Senate in 59 and by the Clodia law in 58. In 47, when Caesar, on his return from Egypt, passed through Asia Minor, he found Dejotarus in possession session of almost all Galatia {Galatiw poem totiiis^ BelL alex. 67), but the other t^tarchs, which he had possessed, filed a complaint and C6sar upheld part k their complaints. If he left Dejotarus royal liter and its hereditary tetrarchy of the Tolisto- well, he took away Little Armenia from him, which he gave to Cappadocia, and the tetrarchy of the Trocmes which he attributed to Mithridale of Pergamum (Cic. De divin. I, 15, 26; II, 37, 79, etc.). In October 45, Dejotarus, accused before C^sar by his grandson Castor, ful defended by Cicero. Immediately after the death of the dic- tator (March 44), he regained possession of all his ancient States, adding to it, as we will see lout k rheure, the tetrarchy of his son-in-law Castor (Tectosages). This usurpation was confirmed by Marc Anloine, who will ddlerra, silver prize, a pre- the decree, found in the papers of Caesar, reintegrating Dejotarus in all its areas (Cic. PhilL 11, 37, 95). Dejotarus is mentioned for the last time in 42 BC. BC, he died Tannic following boasts (41).

The coins of Dejotarus * are bronzes with types of Victory and Taigle; the latter emblem could allude to the habit that he had

Galolie c 6Uit Bloucion (Strabon XH, 5.2; Cic. Pro rege Dejoiaro, VII, 21, o& lesmss. have Luceium),

1. Mionnet, IV, 406; ZeiUchrifl fOr Numt$matik, 1885, p. 371.

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Dejotarus to consult the auspices, in particular the flight of eagles (Cic. De divin. I, XV, 26). The legend BAZIAEHZ AHIOTAPOY proves that these pieces have not could not have been minted until after the year 59 BC. AD

The wife of Dejotarus, Stratonice, was barren, but he took, with her consent, a concubine, Electra, who bore him several children (Plut. De virt. muL and Cat. mm., 15); we do not know with certainty study only two of these children: a married daughter Castor Tarcondariuset that his perefit died (around 44*), and a son, Dejotarus 11, whom he had designated for his heir tier and who received from the Senate, before 51 BC. (Cic. Ad Alt. V, 17, 3), the title of king. In 50 he was engaged the daughter of Artavasde, king of Armenia {AdAtt. V, 21, 2), but we do not know if the marriage was consummated. Dejotarus II, who still lived in 43 (Cic. Phil. 12, 31; 13, 33), appears to have died before his father; in in any case, he did not succeed him.

2° Drogitarus was tetrarch of the Trocmes, like we learn with certainty the following inscription iEgae* discovery.

O AHM02 BPOriTAPON AHIOTAPOY TAAATflN TPOKMflN TETPAPXHN APETHZ ENEKA KAI EYN0IA2 TH2 EI2 EAYTON

We see that his father's name was Dejotarus; he doesn't should not be confused with Dejotarus the Tolisto- good. Brogitarus obtained from Pompeius, in 64 or 62,

1. Pluto From Contrad. aloicorum, 32 (p. 1283 Didot), parlc de a plusicura children t> that Dejotarus put to death to prevent the fragmentation of his heritage.

2. G. Hirschfeld, Bullettino del Clastiluio, 1873, p. 227; Hermes, XIV, 474,

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with its hereditary telrarchy, the fortress of Mithridation, detached from the Bridge*. In 58, Clodius, who had taken money from him, had him awarded, by a Iribunitian law, the title of king and the great priesthood c!e Pessinonte; he expelled the former holder, but he It wasn't long before (before 56) that I was chased out in turn by Dejotarus the Tolislobolen*.

Brogilarus had a sister, Adobogiona, who is mentioned in the following inscription discovered at Lesbos'.

O AAMOZ

AAlOBOriflNAN AHIOTAPfl EYEPrETHKOIIAN TAN nOAIN nOAAA KAI MEfAAA APETAI ENEKA K]AI EYN0IA2 TA2 Ell EAYTAN (for iauTov).

It cannot be a daughter of Dejotarus the Tolislo- boicn ; otherwise there would be PaaiXeox; AYjioTapco. Moreover this Adobogiona is mentioned by Slrabon (XIII, 4, 3), a girl from a family of Ictrarques.” She had married a considered citizen dc Pergamum, Menodole, he had his sons Milhridates of Pcrgame; but this son generally passes for a biUard of Milhridates Eupalor.

It is generally believed that Brogilarus married a daughter of Dejotarus the Tolisloboian; but this opinion is based on a text by Cicero whose interpretation nVsl unfortunately not certain*.

1. Strobon, XII, 5, 2 where the messages. have BoYodiaiapco.

2. Cic. Pro Scatio, XXVI, 56; From haiusp. resp. XIII, 28-9; XXVII, 59.

3. Conze, Beisc auf der insel Lesbot, p. 19, etmieuz G. Hirschfcld, Hermes, XIV, 474.

4. Cic. From harnsp reap. XIII, 29. After having drawn a central parallel Dcjolnrus el Brogilarus, Irbs oulrogpont for the latter, Cirdron roppelle that DtSjolarus killed Brogilarus de Pessinonle o to purify the temple houilld pnr this sacrilege", and that unlike his rival he never

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Brogitarus was last mentioned in 55 BC (Cic. Ad Quintum fr. II, 9, 2). It must be died shortly after, because in 47 we learn that Dejo- tarus had been for several years {paucis annis) in possession of the tetrarchy of the Trocmes [BelL alex. 78).

The unique currency of Brogitarus — a tetra- drachma minted at Tavium, with the types of the eagle and the head of Zeus* — bears the legend BAZIAEHZ BPOriTAPOY OlAOPflMAlOY with the regnal date C (6) in emphasis. If Brogitarus counted his years of reigns from the recognition of his title by the Roman people (58 BC), this obligatory tetradrachm would go down the date of his death at least until Tan 53; but it is possible that he counted them from shot of its effective advent (64 or 62 BC) in which case the tetradrachm provides no information chronological order.

3® Mithridate of PergamCj of which it has just been question, was, through his mother Adobogiona, the nephew of Brogitarus. He must have been born around 87 or 86, period from the stay of Mithridates Eupator in Pergamon. In 47, Caesar, who ruined his life, restored to him the tetrarchy des Trocmes over which he had hereditary rights laires, ywr^ gentis et cognationis [BelL alex, 78), and which D6tarus had seized*. This proves that Bro-

Toulu gave money to Clodius: mauuHqne genernm suum munrre Itto qttam he/ud fanum anli^uitate religionit carere. But this gener, nu place do Brogi ta- read, would it not be pcut-^trc Castor, to whom Dcjotarus wished to ensure the great predestination of Pessinonte, provided that it costs him nothing?

1. Mionnet IV, 405, n- 12 {Suppl. VH, pi. XIII, 3); Luynes, Wrf. numism., 1845, p. 264. The piece is in the Cabinet des mddaillcs (exhibition).

2. Cf. Cic. Phil. II, 37, 94; Da dhin. 11, 37, 79; Strab. XIII, 4, 3.

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gitarus had left no direct heir. In at the same time as this tetrarchy, Mithridates received the investiture of all the States of Pharnace, Col- chide, Bosphorus, etc. He seems to have succeeded in seizing rer of Colchis*, but he failed in his attempt to conquer the Bosphorus and was killed by Tusurper Asandre, around 45 BC. J.tG. We have already seen that Dejo- tarus took advantage of his death and that of his protector to recapture the tetrarchy of the Trocmes.

4* Castor is called by Strabo (XII, 5, 3) Cas- tor the Saocondarian (KaaTopo^ toO Saa)xovSapiou), by Caesar {Bell, civ. III, 4) Tarcondarius Castor. This to define the lesson seems preferable, although the name of Tarcondarius does not have a Galatian physiognomy. II recalls certain Cilician names (TapxcvoTQixo;, TapxovStfxoTO^) and the TapxovSapef^, tribe of Mylasa (C. I. G. II, 2694). According to Cicero (Pro rege Dejo- taro^ XI, 30), Castor would have been of very obscure origin — abject and obscuring — and owed all its ele- vation to his brother-in-law Dejotarus; but it is not necessary receive this lawyer information only under bene- inventory sheet. In any case we cannot accept Suidas' opinion which identifies Castor,

1. Slrabon, XI, 2, 17. ^

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(Appian, Mith. 108), and received as a reward, Pompeius, the liter of friend of the Roman people (ib. 114). A rigor, the last two characters can be identical and your Peul can allege in support of this opinion that the Chronicle of Castor stopped at the triumph of Pompey, in 61 BC. AD (fr. 12 and 19, Mailer, Sila continuation of TH^rodote Didot). But as for confuse one or other of these two Beavers with the tetarch of the same name, as Clinton did and others, this is what is unacceptable. Without speaking intrinsic and moral reasons which oppose it, it suffices to point out that Beaver of Phanagoria, subject of Mithridates, could not have married, living from his master, the daughter of Dejotarus, enemy invested in it. If then the tetrarch were identical tick with the Phanagorian, her marriage would be placed at the earliest in 63 BC. AD, and the birth of his son Castor II in 62; but we know that this son served as a soldier under Cicero, Tan 51 BC. AD {Pro rege Dejotaro^ X, 28), and that he commanded the contingent of his father in Tarme^e de Pomp6e k Pharsalus, in 48 {BelL civ,, III, 4): there is therefore \k a chronological incompatibility and Suidas left himself deceive by Thomonymy.

Castor certainly possessed sovereignty independence in Galatia, since he sent, from concert with Domnilaiis, 300 auxiliary riders Army of Pompey (Caesar, loc, cit.) \ where was the siege of this sovereignty6 Pthis is what no one tells us learns in a positive way. All that we do know is that Castor's residence was Gor-

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beous (Strabo XII, 5, 3); or the itineraries remain place this town on the road from Ancyre to Archelaus, h 20 or 24 miles from Ancyra, therefore in the land of Tectosages*. We concluded, not without likelihood, that Castor was a T^trarch of the Tec- tosages (or at least part of this people).

We have seen that Castor married a daughter of Dejotarus; this marriage, judging by the age of this girl and that of Castor's eldest son, must have taken place around 70 BC *. In 48 Castor was already old or broken, since he did not go to the camp himself Pompey. The father-in-law and son-in-law were also in very poor intelligence and their animosity erupted in the accusation of murder that Castor II brought against his grandfather, before Cesar, in October 45. Shortly after, Dejotarus took revenge by slitting his throat. son-in-law and his daughter in their residence in Gorbeous which he razed to the ground (Strabo, loc, cit.). This event- .ment is placed after the criminal process, and not before, as Mr. Niese argued. In fact, we we have on this point: 1** the testimony of Suidas, that Mr. Niese misunderstood; 2** that of the scoliast of Cicero {Seal, Gronov, p. 421 Orelli: gener misit qui

1. Cp. Ramsay, Historical geography of Asia Minor, p. 255, which identifies Gorbeous ovcc Beinam. At first sight the text of Strabo would appear to be cer Gorbeous on the Sangarius, that is to say among the Tolistobotens; but he There is only one efficient redaction. Strabo simply said that Gorbeous was an ancient Phrygian town, like the towns of Sanga- rius.

2. According to Plutarch, Dejotarus bore his children to a Greek captive; he hardly anyone acts as a prisoner taken in the Mithrida war- tiquc, after 86. His daughter was therefore hardly able to marry before 70.

3. Trjaa; $£ ojto; Ar/.OTxpov toj T^yxXr^Tixou OuyaTipa avTjp^OTj uj:' ocjtoO a;ia ttJ pvaixt, otoit (because) auiov Kaiaap. oi^6aX£v.

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accused Dejotariim); 3"* finally the individual testimony rect of Cicero himself, who, on several occasions, when addressing young Castor, uses expressions in the plural {yestra domus, vestra fortuaa^ etc.) which imply the existence of the father. Besides, how suppose that Dejotarus, already very badly seen by Cesar, would have had the audacity to commit, with an uncovered face, a similar crime during the dictator's lifetime? and how Cicero, after that, would he have had the shame to reproach Castor II “for not being the support of the old age of his grandfather”? On the contrary, in the troubled period which followed the Ides of March, the Dejotarus' crime must have gone almost unnoticed; he took advantage of the opportunity to get his hands on both the tetrarchy of the Trocmes and that of the Tecto- wise, and it was then that it could really be titled, as the Athens inscription calls it, “king of the Galatians. »

5** Domnildus is only mentioned in the text already quoted from Cesar, jointly with Castor: CCC (equites) Tarcondarius Castor and Domnilaus ex Gallograecia dederant; horum alter {Bomailaus) una venerat^ alter filium miserat [DelL civ. III, 4), We have wanted, very wrongly, to correct Domnilaus into Donnilaus or Dorylaus (name that we imagined finding at the end of the Pro rege Dejotaro), there is no doubt that Mr. Niese was not correct in identifying the Domnilaus of Caesar with the tetrarch Domneclius, AofxvexXetOi;, of Strabo (XII, 3, 6). The son of this AofxvexXetoc, Adiatorix, received from Antoine (probably in 41) a part of the territory of Heraclea and massacred all the

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Roman colonists, as punishment for which he was put to me by Augustus after Actium (31 BC). His eldest son had he been condemned to perish with him and he then gave himself up a beautiful fight of generosity between his two sons, each of whom wanted to pass themselves off as the elder. The survivor, Taini Autcutoc (that is to say, according to the engineer deny conjecture of Mr. Van Gelder, BiTurro^) obtained of Augustus the great prefecture of Comana, which he delegates was still born, it seems, at the time when Strabo wrote wrote his XII* book, in 19 AD (Strabo XII, 3, 35 and 37.)*

To return to Domnilaus or Ao[xv£xX£ioc, we see that this character was effective tetrarch in 48 BC. BC, 6th time of the battle of Pharsalus. But what part of Galale territory? This is what we don't know. Mr. Niese makes him the son and successor of Brogitarus and suppose that he perished at the battle of Pharsalus, this which allowed Dejotarus to confiscate his principality. But this hypothesis is hardly admissible, because: !• according to Caesar, Dejotarus, in 47, was already master of Trocmes country for several years; 2* Dom- n^clius having left a son (Adiatorix), Caesar would not have hardly able, in 47, to spread his guns to give his t^trarchy k Mithridale of Pergamum. What com- begs the question again, is that our Adiatorix, or at least an Adiatorix, is mentioned by Cic6- ron in 50 {Ad famiL II, 12, 2): this is the character to whom he addresses on behalf of Coelius to pro-

1. Besides these two sons, Adiatoriz seems to have left one daughter who is men- tioned in a ^ph<§sian inscription {Colledion of greek mscriplio/u U the Br'Uith Museum, Ephesus, n" 558).

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cure panthers; and the text indicates that, for To get to his house, you had to go through Pessinonte*. Should we conclude that Adiatorix was high priest from Pessinonte? is he the brother or son of Domn^clius of Strabo? did he perhaps reign over a part of part of the Tectosages, that where the city of An- cyre? so many problems it seems to me impossible to give a positive answer in Status of documents.

6® Ateporix, also from a family of stalkers, obtained, according to Strabo (probably from Antony), a part of the territory of Z6la (Strabo XII, 3, 37). II He had already died in 19 AD and the Romans had inherited his share. His son Albiorix appears mentioned on an inscription from Ancyra (C. I. G. Ill, 4039). We absolutely do not know which family belongs to held these characters.

Let us summarize in a few dates the history of families of the Galatian tetrarchs since the end of the wars of Mithridates.

In 64, Pompey divided Galatia between three main tetrarchs: Dejotarus (Tolistoboians), Brogitarus (Trocmes) and probably Castor (Tec- tosages). D6jotarus and Brogitarus soon obtain the liter of kings.

Around 53, Brogitarus disappeared; D6jotarus seizes of the tetrarchy of the Trocmes.

In 48, ^1 the battle of Pharsalus, three tetrarchs

1. Diogenes* iuus, homo moJestus, a me cum Philone Pessinunta discessii, (This lesson is preferable & taken from a few manuscripts; Cicoron nc never passed through Pessinonte which was neither in the province of Asic nor in the sicnne.)

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TH. RBINACH

are present or represented: Dejotarus, Domnilaus, Beaver. After this date, there is no longer any question of Domnilaus.

In 47, Caesar removed the tetrarchy of the Trocmes to give it to Mithridates of Pergania, nephew of Brogitarus. In 45, Mithridates of Pergamum and Castor are killed, Dejotarus seizes their tetraarchies and takes the title of "king of Galatia". II died in 41 BC. AD

Thus the concise summary is rectified and clarified of Strabo (XII, 5, 1): “Galatia, after having been long-lived divided into twelve tetraarchies, did not form more, towards my time, than three States, then two, then finally only one, whose king was Dejotarus. »

II

The death of Dejotarus marks, so to speak, the confluence of the destinies of Galatia and Paphla- gony. We must therefore start from a little higher history of this last kingdom.

In the century before our 6th, Paphlagonia, — and by 1^ we must understand the Mediterranean region, between the coastal range and the border of Galatia, excluding the coastal district — the Paphlagonia had a national dynasty, whose last king is this Pylemene mentioned above, who bequeathed his States to his neighbor Mithridates Evergete of Pontus (between 130 and 1:21 BC). Mithridates Eupator tScha to assert his hereditary rights on this kingdom falling into anarchy; for this purpose,

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he came to an understanding with Nicomedes II of Bithynia, and the two allies conquered and divided Paphla- gony (around 107 BC). Nicomfede installed in his one of his sons left the kingdom, whom he had taken name of Pylenifene, but the senate remains, after long negotiations, forced the two kings to evacuate their conquest and proclaimed the “liberty” of the Paphlago- niens, that is to say, the abolition of all sovereignty royal (95). We therefore see that Eutrope and his copyists* are wrong to mention in Paphlagonia, in time of the Pontic invasion (88 BC), a king Pyl6mfene “ally of the Roman people”; this so-called Pylemfene is not named in the very detailed account of Appian, nor in the conditions of the traits of Darda- nus (85) who tore off, for the second time, the Paphla- gony to Mithridates; Above all, we must not think about pseudo-Pylemfene, son of Nicomedes II, because we we know from Licinianus that Nicomedes in dying did not left only two sons, Nicomfede HI and Socrates; gold, in 88, Nicomfedes III was king of Bithynia and Socrates dead. At that time, Paphlagonia was in republic, or rather in Anarchy. She stayed there for twenty years Reconquered in 73 by Mithri- date, it was taken from him again by the victories of Lucullus, and in 64, when Pompeius proceeded to The provisional organization of Asia Minor, he gave, says Strabo (XII, 3, 1), the interior Paphlagonia descendants of Pylem^ne, Tor^ dciro IluXatfxevoui;.

1. Eulpopc V, 5; Orosius VI, 2, 2; S. Rufus, c. 11.

2. Mommsen's hypothesis {ZeUschrift fur Num. XV, 217) that the Paphla- gony was, in 85, erected into a kingdom for the benefit of a son of Milbridates^ is without foundation,

1891 — 3 26

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Eutrope (VI, 14) lets us know the names of these supposedly Pylemenides: Attalus and Pylemenes; but Appian {Mith. Ii4) only names Atlale Ila^Xayovia^ "A^TaXov 5uva<7TY)v) and I admit that I pr6- share your testimony. At most we can admit that there are some pseudo-descendants of Attalus of Pylenifene managed to maintain a certain time in various cantons of this mountainous country; this is enough to justify the sentence of StrabonfXII, 3, 1 1):

The new dynast of Paphlagonia crossed without accident Perilous times of civil wars or every revolution in Rome had its counter-effect in the xVsie Mincurc. He must have died in 41 or 40, without posterity, because Dion Cassius, summarizing the cve- nment of these two years*, says that Dejotarus and Attalus being dead, their States were given (by Antoine)Ji uncertain Castor, KaaToptTtvi (XLVIII, 33). This “certain Beaver”, we recognized you for a long time, is none other than the son of the t^trarch Castor, son-in-law by Dejotarus*. This young man (born around 70), who, Tan 45, had sought to take his grandfather's place in I blackening before Cesar, achieved his ends in 41, undoubtedly at a price of money; because Antoine had

1 » Cf. XLVIII, 34: Tauta jilv 5v ToTj $uo k'tsatv ey^vno. 2. Castor was therefore not the nevea or Dejotarus like Irii M. Gardthauscn, Augustus und seine Ze 'Uf I, 2'i2.

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then establishes a real fair of royalty. By the death of Dejotarus and his son, Castor was also their rightful heir of Galatia; as for Paphlagonia, unless we assume he has a Spouse a daughter of Attalus, there were no rights.

The union of the Paphlagonian and Galatian kingdoms did not last long. Dts Tan 36 BC AD, Antony gave Galatia to Amyntas, former secret silence and general of Dejotarus, and previously invested with Pamphylia (Dion, XLIX, 32)*. We sup- posits, not without plausibility, that this change took place following the premature death of Cas- tor II; in fact, of Tan 31, we find equal- lies in Paphlagonia a new king, Dejotarus Phi- ladelphus. The most explicit text about this prince is of Strabo (Xil, 3, 41): cc In Paphlagonia, the last prince who bore the name of king was Dejotarus Philadelphus, son of Castor: he had chosen for his residence Theformer capitol of King Morz^us*, Gan- gra. » Dejotarus Philadelphus is mentioned once by Dion Cassius (L, 13) under the name of Philadelphus simply, twice by Plularque {Anion, 61, 63), the first under the name of Philadelphe, the second under that of D(^jotarus; but it is not doubtful that it is not always the same character. The substitution of the nickname an own name is not a a rare occurrence at this time: Milhridale the Great is

1. At the death of Amynlas (25 qv. AD), In Gnlatic dcTinl Roman province. It is believed that Slrubon himself is defeated by having Amyntas immediately succeed him. & Dejotarus.

2. Morzcus or Morzios is a conkmpoiuin dc Pbarnacc 1*% around 176 av. AD

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are called Eupator for short, even on niedailles; in Cilicia we find a king Philopa- tor, whose first name is even unknown; the sons of Antiochus IV of Commag^nc are entitled simple- ment Epiphanes and Callinicus^ etc.

Several authors have made D6jotarus Philadelphc the son of Castor II, but this hypothesis is inappropriate missible. Indeed, he was a man made in 31 av. BC and Castor II, who made his first weapons in 51, was only able to leave children at the bottom. he is even probable that he did not leave any at all, and that Dejotarus is his brother. The nickname Philadelphus is moreover worn as a general rule by kings who succeed their brother, for example Attalus II Phi- Ladelphus, Mithridates II Philopator Philadelphus, Ariarathes X Eus^be Philadelphus, Antiochus and Philippe Philadelphe in Syria. No doubt Ptole- mee Philadelphe owed his nickname to another reason, his marriage to his sister; but how likely white that the use of these incestuous unions had enter Galatia?

All we know about D6jotarus Philadelphe is that he was among the vassals of Antony and that he made defection on the eve of the Battle of Actium, which left him was worth being kept on the throne by Augustus. The date of death, which was followed by the reduction of the Paphlagonia in Roman province, is not exact- known; it depends on the origin that we admit for VbvQ used on the bronzes of Germanicopo- lily (Gangra) and Neoclaudiopolis (Andrapa); this ori- gine obviously coincides with the date of Annexation

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397

roniaine. It has generally been accepted, on the basis of Sestini*, that Tfere of Gangra left from Tan 7 BC. AD, but Mr. Imhoof rightly observed that nothing is less demonstrated. In reality they alone known dates on the currencies of our two cities are:

Germanicopolis^ Septimius Severus 214, 215.

—Julia Domna 214. Neoclaudiopolis^ G6ta (C^sar) 214.

— Septimius Severus 206.

Septimius Severus ascends the throne in 193 and dies in 211; Geta was created Cesar in 198. It results from the that the extreme dates between which Tere is placed are 13 BC. (corresponds to 206 Neocl. = 193) and 4 BC (corresponds to 215 Germ. = 211). The era of 7 BC is therefore only an average and Ion should avoid, in second-hand works, to give it with assurance as the date of the reduction of Paphlagonia into a Roman province.

ill

The historical details in which I am famous allow me to will be brief in the commentary itself said of our medal.

This piece, according to its intrinsic characters,

1. Mu8, Ilederuar, II, 32.

2. Mionnet II, 307-8; Supp. IV, 566-7. Imhoof. Gr’iech. Mtlnzen, p. 65, following. Wpolh, Brit. mus. Catal. (Pontus, etc.) p. 92.

3. Mionnet, Suppi. IV, 569. He still cites according to Sestini “who bears without describing them, » the dates 20S and 209 under Caracalla; it is impos- possible to take such indications into account. At most it is about plays with Caracalla Cesar.

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incontestably belongs to the second sort umvirate. It is only then that it is introduced into the numismatics from Asia Minor the use of legends circulars (the first dated pieces of this kind are those of Archelaiis, king of Cappadocia, 36 BC-17 after J.-C). Likewise the two royal portraits ofTrent a great analog in the treatment of hair, headband, etc., with the last pieces of Mithridates Eupator, those of Pharnaces and of Asandre, and also with the bronzes of the queens of Prusias-sur-Mer. On the other hand, the absence of any effi- imperial gie and sigma square or lunar defend to descend too low into the reign of Augustus. Of therefore, there is no doubt that our piece does not appear hold on to the only king of this era who has, to our acquaintance, bears the nickname Philadelphe^ to know Dejotarus, son of Castor, last king of Paphlagonia. Is the king designated on the medal by his nickname? alone, as in Dion and in a passage from Plu- tarque, or is the Icttre which follows the word BAZIAEOZ really an A, beginning of the name AHIOTAPOY whose remainder would have been erased by usure? It's a point that I cannot decide, not having held between my hands the original piece.

The reverse lets us know the name and the portrait of the wife of Dejotarus Philadelphe, Adobo- giona. I say the woman, because, although we sometimes find the portrait of a king accompanied by that of his sister (Tigrane III and Erato), in such a case the motaSeX^r^ is expressctleword PaatXta^raomis. On the other hand, Adobo- giona cannot be the mother of Philadelphe, since

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UNPUBLISHED COINS from ASIA MINOR 399

we know from Strabon that this, the daughter of Dejo- tarus P% was put to death by his father at the same time as her husband Castor. The name Adobogiona, whose restitution is certain, is already known to us: it is that of the mother of Mithridates of Pergamum, mention- born by Strabo and the inscription of Lesbos. He goes without say that the Adobogiona of these texts is not identical tick to that of our medal; but the name is rare enough for us to be tempted to explain its return by a relative's report. For my part, I would believe willingly that Queen Adobogiona was a daughter of Brogitarus, or better yet from Mithridates of Per- game; this last filiation would explain well why Dejotarus, unlike Tuusage, did represent his wife on his currency: he believed thus enhance its prestige in the eyes of the population of Asia Minor which have long preserved a superstitious respect for the name and blood of the great Mithridates. It's not impossible either that Dejotarus was inspired by the numerous mon- naiesou the portrait of Antoine parallels that of Cleopatra (for example the beautiful tetradrachm of An- tioche, Imhoof, Porfratm'inzen, VII 1, 15).

The most difficult detail to explain in our drachma is the date engraved between the head of the king and the word OY- L*^ place of this date does not by itself- not even anything extraordinary: we seem to find some clearly placed on some pieces with legends circulars struck by the Seleucids in Phenicia (for example, Babelon, Hois de Sf/rie, pl. XVll, i), but it is already singular that, to read the date, it

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must return the item: as a general rule, a date is arranged or parallel to the earth line of the type, or concentrically with the word under which it is placed and in the nth direction: I do not I don't remember ever meeting an oriental date. t6e like this one. Secondly, the date itself there is even reason to surprise us: it is impossible to read something other than IKV, that is to say 427 (the characteristics teres, on the plaster imprint, are perfectly net). Now, admitting for the reign of Philadelphus the extreme dates 36 BC. and 4 BC AD, a such a date would postpone the start of Tere employee between the years 463 and 431 BC. AD, that is to say more a century before the origin of the oldest of 1st known currency, that of the Seleucids! A what event could correspond to such a ere? At the founding of Gangra, capital of Phila- Delphi? this is unlikely. At TafTranchissement of the Paphlagonic of the yoke of the Persians? Without doubt, we find from Tannce 400, during the passage of Ten Thousand, an independent king of Paphlagonia, Cory- las *, and it is not impossible that TafTranchissement of the country dates from the troubled years that followed the death of Xerxes'. But is it admissible that the precise date of this distant event is preserved Are you alive in the memory of the Paphlagonians? If improbable that the thing is, I do not see however no other explanation to offer; all the others which presented themselves to my mind collide with

1. Anabasis, V, 6, 3-10; VI, 1. 3.

2. Ctesias, Persica, J§ 27-31. Xerxes died in 465 BC. AD Du rcsle la Paphlagonic was reconquered by Datame.

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IN^OITE COINS OF ASIA MINOR 401

even more serious objections. After all, Tarch^o- logic could be fashionable in a country where the name even of kings, Pyl^m^ne, seems to have been simple- menl taken in Tlliade*.

Theodore Reinach.

GENEALOGICAL TABLE

DOMXORIX

t^trarqae of the ToUttobowiu

DKJOTAROf I (f 41) Tartar of the Tolistoboleas, king of Little Armioia, country of Gslatia

DiiOTAROS

t^trsrqae des Trocmes

= SnuTOKhere and Elkctrr

BnooiTARCs Pbiloromkus Utrarque das Trocroas, king since 58 =: FiUa de D<-jouras I (?)

Adorooioxa

Ml2«OIK>TR DR PmOAMR

D^ioTARcs II a 41) FiLLR (f 44) =: Castor I Tarcokdarids (-f- 44)

king dapnis 51 ar. AD

titrmrqoa das Tectosages

Castor U (f 36) king of Oalatia at da Psphlagoalo on 41

MiTHRIDATB DR PrRGAMB (f 45)

Utrarqua das Trocmes, king of Bosphorus, ate.

(?)

DSJUTARLS 111 PUILAOILPHI (f 4?) S AdOBOCIO.XaII

king of Paphlagonia in 36

1. For example: 1* read the date & reverse: the Area read Z> the V» A for A or A; rette the K renverae which has no meaning; if we take it 6ga\ & Z we obtain the Pontic date AZZ = 264 (34 ay. J.-C.); 2*do not take into account the V and consider XK as a normal date (year 27 =3 9av. B.C.); 3* instead of a date see in I KV beginning of a noun of telephone or monetary (but what name? Ku^ixo;?); 4* see a formula euphemistic abbreviated, for example Zwtj xai *X^Uia, etc. We see it: the fan- silence can be exercised on this little problem.

2. Again Amyntas, last king of Galatia, gives his son the name of Pyldmfene (C. I. G., HI, 4039).

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AR ADUS

{Continuation and end.) PI. XI, XII and XIII.

V period k 46 BC. AD)

The causes of the rivalry of Aradus and Marathus are revealed to us, as we have already left to see, through the numismatics of these two cities, The first Ptolemies owned the main ports ples of Phenicia and the S} rie. Seleucie herself, at the mouth of Toronto, was in the power of the kings of Egypt at the time of Seleucus II, and this town seems to have had a garrison for a long time Egyptian *. The Seleucids, for their part, put from time to time, the hand on cities of Phenicia from the north, and we will see everything in time the Aradians hasten to welcome Antiochus III. The Marathus coins bear Egyptian tj^es which prove that, over several generations, Lagides were masters of this place; on the contrary, in Aradus, we do not find on the currencies any clue allowing us to believe that the kings of Eg)'pte never succeeded in extending their domination over the island. The Aradians attached themselves rather to the kings of Syria,

1. Droysen, Bist. by rhelWnUmey Irad. Bouche-Leclcrcq, I. UI, p. 448.

NoTA. — The physicist characters interspersed in this article tell us obligingly entrusted by Mr. the D' of the National Printing Office. The characters The two braals are of black background. [Printer’s note.)

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ARADUS

at times when, forced to alienate their freedom, they found the strength to choose a master, and we seeing that the monogram of Aradus appeared from time h another on the coins of the Seleucid kings. It's in this rivalry of Syrian and Egyptian influences I believe that we must seek the true cause of the long and fierce struggle of Marathus and Aradus.

Aradus inaugurates Tere with its autonomy in The autumn of Tan 259, and it is perhaps to this date of the definitive break between the two sister cities; we were under the reigns of Antio- chus II Theos (261-246) and Ptolemce II Phila- Delphi (287-247), and it is around 259 that the between these two princes a great war on which historians have preserved little information for us ments*. We only know that Antiochus II was unhappy and that Ptolemy reconquered part of Phenicia and Cilicia. What happened to Aradus and of Marathus in the midst of these obscure events? We wouldn't know. However if the Marathus coins of this period provide us with smell of Egyptian types, while Tatelier of Aradus does not provide us with any, but appears, on the contrary, having functioned in the name of the king of Syria, it is permissible to conclude from this that Marathus declared for the king of Egypt, while Aradus, rather favorable to the king of Syria, conquered his inde- dependence on the favor of these troubles: such are, presumably, the political circumstances which led the Aradians to create a national era.

1. Droysen, Hist, de rhelldnisme, X. lU, p. 309 et seq.

404

E. BABBLON

These inductions, which have as their basis the study of medals, find their direct confirmation in an Episode from the reign of Antiochus III the Great, recounted by Poly be (V, 68). During negotiations which, around 221, were begun in Seleucia on rOronte, Egyptian territory, between Ptolemy IV Phi- lopator and Antiochus HI, the king of Egypt claimed for- indeed all of Phoenicia, on which his predecessors assignors had assumed rights. These claims having seemed inadmissible to Antiochus III, the prosecution talks were broken off, war declared, and the fleet Egyptian, gathered in Gaza under the orders of Nicolaos and Perigenes set out on the campaign. From his side, Antiochus 111 invaded Coel^Syria and Phednicia and advanced as far as Marathus. There, the Ara- They came spontaneously to find him, lining up in his party; Antiochus made an alliance with them and, playing the role of peace-making arbiter, he succeeded in appeasing momentarily sever the already old rivalry of Aradians and Marathians, who was about to to burst into a bloody collision. After being thus ensures the support of Aradus and Marathus, the king of Syria advanced as far as Cape Theoprosopon, and it was \k that he set foot on enemy soil, that is- I say in the Egyptian possessions.

The fratricidal struggle of Aradus and Marathus appears therefore being only an episode of the war that was waged for so many years the kings of Syria and Egypt for the possession of Phenicia. Get antagonism of the two cities burst forth again, as we

ARADUS 405

we have already told^*, under the reign of Alexander I Bala. So, that is to say around Tan 148 or 150 before our era, Ammonius governor of Phoenicia north, in the name of the king of Syria, authorized the Aradians to destroy Marathus. The Aradians fomented a odious plot to surprise Marathus, but iis were betrayed by one of their number who threw himself into swimming to go and warn the threatened city. The conspiracy failed and Marathus was saved once again.

This is the historical framework in the midst of which place the first issues of currencies^ self- nomes of Aradus. Tetradrachms to types of Alexander, ending in this city in Tan 76 of Seleucids (237 BC), encroached for 23 years on Tere of Aradus; note that it is only also eighteen years after the invention of his era own that Tripolis is beginning to replace on its currencies from the dates of this national era to the dates Seleucidians popular until then*. On the other hand, as we have already said, the first coins dated following Aradian Tere carry Tan 20 (below the n"*" 1, 2 and 3). It follows from this that, for three years, Aradus workshop concurrently produced watches born with two different computers: the parts intended born to foreign trade continued to carry Tere Seleucid, while the small divisions reserved vees to local transactions and which, previously, were without date, began to make mention of

1. Marathus f in the Revue numiamatique, 1888, p. 499.

2. Six, Vire de Tripolis ^ in the Yearbook of the Numismatic Society ^ 1886, p. 229.

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£406. BABELON

Aradian land which will soon prevail exclusively vely.

1. — Laurel and bearded head of Melqart or Zeus (?), on the right. Grenetis.

I^. Bow of ship on left, front topped with the figure of Athena Promachos; above, the mono- gram consists of letters AP. In Fexergue, the date A/jiM/i^ {— in Vannce 20). Grenetis.

/R. 14 mill. — 2 gr. 75.

The date is sufficiently readable. We recognize without hesitation the letter H before the word P^, although this prefix does not appear, in the following, on the mon- births dated from Aradus. As we have noticed, the types are similar to those of the medal described above under n** 7 (p. 314): this is not missing latest than the date. Mr. Imhoof Blumer made a public piece of the same types, with INn^* (year 21

2. — Turreted head of Tyche, right. Grenetis. J^. Ship's bow on the left, rounded front and

curves into a volute. In the field, a monogram; in Texergue, a variable date, iil. 14 mill. — 2 gr. approx.

Varieties:

Above the bow A Texcrguc

R hJf^ (year 20)

R 1 1 1 1 1 1 A/^ >^ (year 26) PI. XII, fig. 7.

II II III -Nf^ (year 35)

R \\NNf^ (year 42)

1. Imhoof Blumcr, Monn. freq., p. 447, no. 45.

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ARADUS 407

The date alone differentiates these pieces from that which we described above, under n** 8 (p. 314).

3. — Rounded head of Tyche, right, hair refreshing on the neck.

9^. Bow of ship k left, Tavant suTmont^ of a figure of Athena Promachos. Above, the monogram composed of the letters AP; in Texergue, a variable date. I. 16 mill.

Varietes^ with the following dates:

^ff^ (year 20) — PI. XII, fig. 8. l\A/fsu (year 22)

These parts are the same types as the small bronze without date, described above under number 10 (p. 314).

4. — Turreted head of Tyche, right.

Ji. Bow of ship on the left, Tavant surnionte of a figure of Athena Promachos. In the field, variable letters; in Texergue, a date. I. 17.

Varieties.

Above the bow At the exergue

1^4-^ I III - A/fy^/ (year 34)

II II III «>V/,v/ (year 35) PI. XII, fig. 9.

The letters II that we find on the bronze of Tan 35 can also be seen on the small piece of ar- gent, described under No. 2, with the same date.

5. — Turreted head of Tyche, right.

I). Ship's bow on the left, rounded front and curves into a volute. In the field, letters variables; in Texergue, a date. I. 19 mill.

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Aa dsMa*

A thousand W/ivcr (year 45.) Pi. XII, 10.

^ /P llll -A/A/fi^0 (year 54)

g-, aplustre and P III - NNN^^ (year 73) i^y^>^ II III -NNNf>s (year 75)

In the monograph. compose letters FB we can- rail propose to recognize the name of Gabala, Tudc Aradian colonies on the coast.

6. — Turret bust of Tyche, right, with a palmer Tepaule. Grenetis.

H\ Ship's bow on the right, ome of the apostle; above, variable letters and monograms; has Texergue, a date. M, 18 mill.

Varieles:

Aa detiai de U prooe A Tczergue

R. . .^^hffsy (year 60?)

^ffo II III - ^N^fsu (year 75) PI. XII, II.

y^H) (rough date)

7. — Turret bust of Tyche on the right, with nne palm on Tepaule. Grenetis.

Tych6 turret standing left; she is dressed in a loose tunic and a peplos; in her right hand she holds a crown and left she leans on a long scepter. DaD5 the field, on the right, a date; on the left, letters variables. M. 20 mill.

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▲RADUS

409

Varieties:

On the left On the right

pfc<, Aradus ?) Mill"' t^/^^ j ^ i^^ ^5)

PI. XII, fig. 12.

y NNNN'^>4t (year 80)

1^ (rough date)

8. — Head of Poseidon, right, head girded with a crown of berries of marine plants, and so much the trident on Tepauie.

9". APAAiriN. Zeus standing left, half naked, holding the thunderbolt in the right hand and leaning on the left hand on a long scepter. Front, IN, the date ns (year 86) and a palm tree.

ill. 31 mill. T6tradr., 17 gr, 05. Pi. XII, fig. 13.

This very remarkable tetradrachm is unpublished, and it recently came to enrich the collections of the Cabi- net of Medals. He was struck in Tan 174 before our era (139 of Tere of the S^leucids), that is to say little after the advent of Antiochus IV Epiphanes to the throne from Syria. We see, for the first time, the name of the Aradians appear in full on their species. The beautiful head of Poseidon seems inspired by the one which forms the type of the famous tetradrachms of Antigone Gonatas (277-239) or Antigone Doson (229-220). But Poseidon on the Aradian piece does- he alludes to a naval victory as on the mon- Macdonian birth? That's what's hard to say. The worship of the sea god was naturally strong in honor in the towns of the coast of Phenicia, and You know the coins of Berytus which represent