Revue numismatique, vols. 8–9 (4th series) — vol. 8–9 — 1890

23. Amisus (Bridge). lEBAITOI. Laurel head of Claude, on the right. ^f. In a laurel wreath, the following inscription, in four lines: ETOYI | EH | AMIIO I Y. — 22 mill. — PI. IX, fig. 3.

To the right, there is a caduc6e in countermark, in front of the head of Augustus. The ETT (=85) date of T^re

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244

p. DB SAXB-COBOURG

of Amisus, corresponds to the year 52 of the Christian Empire, that is to say, it falls under the reign of Claudius who died in Tan 54.

24. Sinope (Paphlagonia). C-CAE-AVG-GER-EX-D-D- Bare head of Caligula, right. ^. C-I-F-AN-LXXXIII. Pontiff leading two oxen to plow, h right. — 18 mill. — PI. IX, fig. 4.

Compare British Museum copy*. u must interpret the legend on the reverse: Colonia Julia Fe/i\r, anno 83. The era of Sinope begins in Tan 45 BC, which places remission of our currency in Year 38 of the Christian era; Caligula died in Tan 41.

25. Nicom^die (Bithynia). r-BI-TPETAAAOC-AY. Bust of Trebonien Galle k left, with a radiated ronne, her chest covered with the breastplate and holding spear and shield. ^. NIKOMHAEnN AlC NEflKOPflN. The Trebonian Emperor Galle on horseback gallop, k right, lance stopped. — 24 mill. — PI. IX, fig. 5.

The letters Bl for BIBIOC, instead of the form ordinary OYIBIOC, are to be noted, although we against quite frequently at this time in Asia minor The use of B instead of OY, at the beginning ment of Roman names.

26. Prusias ad Hypium (Bithynia). AYT-KAI-APM- M-AYP-ANTnNINOC. Draped bust of Marc Aurfele, a

1. Catalog of Greek Coins. PontuSf PaphlagoniUf etc., by W. WroUi, p. 101, n* 55.

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UNPUBLISHED GREEK COINS 245

right. Garnetis around the edge. ^. nPOYCI€nN TTPOC YTTin. The emperor on horseback, going to the right; of the right hand he holds his spear which he directs on a enemy knocked down under the feet of his horse. — I 42 millim. — Medallion. — PI. IX, fig. 6.

27. Tium (Bithynia). M-AYPH-ANTnN€l. T^e of Marcus Aurelius, on the right. ^f. TIANflN. Aesculapius standing facing, half-naked, leaning with his right hand on a stick around which a snake is coiled. — I 19 millim. — PI. IX, fig. 7.

28. jE>A^5e(Ionia).CAAnN-XPYCOrONH-CEBA. Bust of Salonina, on the right, diadem, draped chest and a crescent on the 6 shoulders. J^f. TO AfAeON 606CinN. Bonus E^entus^ naked, standing left, holding ears of corn with the left hand lowered. — iE 29 mill. — PI. IX, fig. 8.

About this piece which represents the good genius or Agathodemon of Ephesus, see Eckhel (Z). N.F., t. II, p. 516).

29. Bargylia (Caria). Head of Art mis Cindyas, dia- d^m6, on the right, with her hair tied behind her head and falling on the back of the neck. Grenetis. 1^. BAPrYAIHTflN. Deer standing right. In the field, the letters E and K. Grenetis. 15 mill. — PL IX, fig. 9.

30. Apollonia Salbacd (Caria). AnOAAHNIA CAA- BAKH. Diadem and draped bust of a woman, right.

KAAAinnOY-CTPA-r. Aesculapius and Hygeia, standing, looking at each other; Aesculapius leans on his staff and

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p. DB SAXE-COBOURG

Hygie feeds a snake. — JE 2i mill.

— PI. IX, fig. 10.

This piece is another copy of the medal that Mr. Waddington described here in 1853, but which this scholar did not reproduce*.

31. i?ra5W5(Phrygia).AVT-K-M-AN-P0PAlAN0. Bust laurel and drape of Gordian the Pious, right. BPOY- ZHNO. Apt6er victory, standing face-on on a globe, holding a torch in each hand. — iE 25 mill.

— PI. 10, fig. 1.

32. Ceretape{PhTygia). M-AVP-KOMMOAOC-ANTHNI.

Fat bust of Commodus, right, chest covered of the paludamentum and the armor. ^. TTAP-ATTOAAn- NIOY ANAPONIKOV I KEPETA HEHN. Naked Heracles, standing to the left, leaning with his right hand on his club and holding the lion skin on his arm left. — 36 mill. — M6daiIlon. — PI. X, fig. 2.

On this remarkable medallion, we find the for- mule TTAPA instead of EOI, already reported elsewhere on other parts of the same city.

33. Metropolis (Phrygia). AVT-K-n...AIKI-rAAAIH- NOC. Diademed and draped bust of Gallienus, right. 9'. €ni-CT-OYAA-N€IKIA-MHTPOnOA | CITHN. The For- standing, to the left, the head surmounted by a wall ronne; in her left hand she holds a cornucopia, while she carries on her hand right a small statue of Emperor Gallienus helmet,

1. Wadding^n, Voyage nnmitm. in Atu minor^, p. 133» n* 1,

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INDIAN GREEK COINS 247

weapon of the spear and leaning on his buckler. — M 25 mill. — PI. X, fig. 3.

The reverse type of this coin is incorrectly described by Mionnet*.

34. Baris (Pisidia). AVT-KAI...ANTnN€INOC. T^te laurel of Antoninus the Pious, on the right. ff. BAPHNHN The emperor k horse galloping to the right, brandishing a javelin and fighting against a gigantic snake who stands before his horse. — iE 21 mill. — PI. X, fig. 4.

35. Cremna (Pisidia), IMP-C-S-L-DOM-AVRELIANVS. Laurel and draped bust of Aurelien, right. ^. [FO]R- TVNA-COL-CREMN. Fortune standing on the left, dressed in a tunic which falls lower than the knees, the head surmounted by the modius; of the hand left, she leans on a spear and she holds on his right hand a small human head; in front of her, k his feet, another head. — iE 32 mill. — PI. X, fig. 5.

The reverse of this medal is new and gone- culiferously interesting; I think the guy is resuming- smells of Cremna's Tych6 although it has a rather masculine. In this case, the Fortune of the color nic of Cremna would rather be represented by the bust that the character holds on his hand.

36. Isindus (Pisidia). AYPHAI-AAEZANAPON-KAL Draped bust of Severe Alexandre, right. ^. ICIN- AEHN. Dionysus standing facing the front, the nebride on his 6 shoulders; with his left hand he leans on his

1. Hionnet, Descr., t. IV, p. 340, n* 837.

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248 pp. FROM SAXB-COBOURG

thyrsus, and on the right he holds a cantharus with which he pours a panther to drink. In the field, the letters E and A. — iE 26 mill. — PI. X, fig. 6.

37. Isindus {Pisidia). IMP-C-P-LIC GALLIENVC-P-F-A.

Bust of Gallienus k right, with a crown of rays and draped chest. ^f. €inNnN ICINAEHN. The emperor in a chariot drawn by four horses, k right. In Texergue, S-R. — iE 25 mill. — PI. X, fig. 7.

38. Sagalassus (Pisidia). -n-CTeTAC-KAICAP. Head laurel of Geta, on the right. CAFAAAACCCnN. The skirts ers Caracalla and Geta in military costume, standing facing each other, each armed with a spear; their head is topped with a fleuron. — 19 thousand — PI. X, fig. 8.

39. C^sarSe (Cappadocia). M-OnCAAIOC-ANTHNI- Draped bust of Diadumdnien on the right. 9^. MHTPOTT- KAICAPI. The altar of Mount Arg6e. In Texergue, €T'A (year I). — iR 21 mill. — PI X, fig. 9.

40. Ancijre (Galatia). ANTHNINOC-AVrOYCTOC Laureate head of Caracalla, right. ^. MHTPO- nOAEnN-ANKYPAC. Nemesis standing left. EUe raises his right hand to his breast and holds with his hand left lowered the sistrum. At his feet, the wheel. — M 29 mill. — PI. X, fig. 10.

{To be continued.)

Peter of Saxe-Coburg.

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ON A SILVER MEDAL

FROM THE NATIONAL LIBRARY

We find, in the Benjamin sale catalog Fillon (1881), the reproduction of a large piece in money which recently entered the Library national. This piece, reproduced at the head of this notice, bears on one of its sides the following inscription boasts, arranged in three circular lines, in the middle of which is Tabr^viation Ib*V:

* I'A'SPTrR: FGRT: miRRX5R: TbVS: mSLaiOR:

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250

B. LB BLANT

BTrLYTrSTTRWVRVJnmOITT RfiGV II * TVRCrMORS: eST: CTTPTTC: bVM blCI'TVRrXRTreiZXPITC H * PI- LI:bEl:TV:MISHRHREMEI.

On the reverse, arranged in the same way, is this second

Icon surrounding the XPG acronyms:

* IR:mXRVS:T\nrS:b05PIRe:C0Snm«Rl>0:SPI- RIWJn:mGVSn:RHl>imiSTI: II * ME:1>0MIRE: 1>EVS: VERir3mS:THTRX6'RXM7rTOR: II * tofiVS: bOMO:PRO:ROBIS:FJrCV: GST,

The editor of the Catalog thus designates this piece: “Religious medal from the time of Charles VII*. »

From a chronological point of view, the appreciation seems very accurate; it is not so, for me, remains, because it seems to me to be one of those amuses letters whose superstitious use was condemned by The Church.

Without insisting on the presence of the mysterious name

Tetragrammaton designating the Lord and that we

we often encounter in the formulas of incanta-

tations, as on the phylactferes I will stop

first in verse:

lASPAR PERT MIRRAM TbVS MELCIOR BAL- TAZAR AVRVM.

By what way do the Magi, the magicians, because it is 1^ the meaning of the word magus^^ had they had, in their distant lands, revelation of the birth of

1. Catalog of* art games featuring a collection of the late Bemfamim Fil- Ion, p. 64 and pi. ui, n* 3 (Paris, 1881, in-8«).

2. Martinufl de Aries, Tractatus de tupertiUtonibus, in the FlageHum hmrelieorum, p. 395 (Francofarti, 1581, in-8*); Reicheli, Exercitatio de amale- read, pi. Ill, VI and VII (Argentorati, 1676, in-4*); In Enchiridion manual pie iecto oraliones devotse Leonit papm, pp. 31, 33, 41, 56, 60, 71, 93 (Anconc 1649, in-8»); ClavicuUe Saiomonis, p. 12 (Francfarii, 1686, in-4«); Bibl. Nat, ms. fr. 24245, f 17. 18, 22, 24, 32, 68, 121.

3. gold. Acta AposL, \IU, 9; XIH, 6 and 8.

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M^DAILLB D*ARGBNT DB THE LIBRARY^QUB NATIONALS 251

Christ, how could they have seen the star which should serve as a guide?

Astrology and magic made them doubly suspicious, because, writes TertuUien, these two sciences are related *, and Saint Jerome wonders if the warning- ment had not come to them from the demon

Whatever, in this regard, the feeling of the doctors of the Church, we cannot doubt that, among our fathers, the Magi of the Gospel were not held by a few like masters in Tart magic.

It was for this reason that their names were given a supernatural virtue, as first evidenced by several treatises from the 16th and 17th centuries.

In a curious but indigestible book, entitled Berum magicarum disquisitio^ Father Delrio quotes, among the superstitious practices, that which consists to carry a certificate where these names are read: “Ferre cc inscripta nomina trium Regum cum certis tribes “versiculis*. »

We know these verses from two doctors of the same time. Kernel and Freitag, who both condemned the use. “Superstitiosum,” writes Fer- “nel, superstitiosum dico morbum comitialem his a prolatis gestatisque carminibus finiti:

1. From idolol. IX: “Sed magi et astrology ab oriente venerunt. Scimus magic and asirology inter se societatem. »

2. Comment, in Isaiam, Lib. VII, c. XIX, v. 1: c Iniantum ut Magi de Oriente docti a demonibas, vel juxta prophetiam Balaam intelligent natom Filinm Dei qai omnem artis eorum potesttitem destroyeret, venerunt Bethlehem et ostendente stella, adoraTerant puerum”, of. Lib. XIII, c. xxvii.

3. T. Ill, pars II, <|a«8t. IV, sect. VIII, p. 103 {€d, from 1603, in-f).

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352

E. LB BLANT

“Caspar fert myrrham, thus Melchior, Balthazar has aurum.

“Hajc tria qui secum portabit nomina Regum

a Solvitur a morbo Christi pietate caduco*. d

In a volume printed in 1654 and relating to This- tory of the Three Wise Men, Father Crombach speaks of a woman who, four years previously, had been cured of the evil obsolete by attaching a cedule to the neck both the words:

“Sanctissimi Reges, orate pro nobis

« Sancte Caspar

« Sancte Balthazar

“Sancte Melchior*. »

The learned Abbot Thiers, whose Treatise on Superstitious tions is like a sort of code of these matters, says that in 1679, he saw, on the neck of a very young child, a tin phylactery containing the image of the adora- tion of the three Kings with this inscription: SANCTI VERY RECESS CASPAR MELCHIOR BALTHASAR orate pro nobis nunc et in hora mortis nostrte*. b It is undoubtedly a similar amulet that is needed recognize in an object from the 15th century, preserved in museum of Foix and of which I find the following description boasts: oc Round locking plate of 0 m. 16 of “diameter with clasp... The ornaments are decorated

1. J. Feme], De abditis rerum caiuU, p. 160 (Lugd. 1602, in-f*). In ]th text given by M. J. Freitag, NocUs medicm, p. 192 (Francofurt. 1616, in-4*), we read in 2* yers munera instead of nomina. The superstitious, adds rautcar, I thought that these words had to be said three times, in a low voice, Toreilc of the patient.

2. Prtmitut gentiunit aive hisioria 98. irium Magorum evangelicorum^ p. 173 (Colon. 1654, in-f*).

3. Fifth Edition, vol. I, p. 408.

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M^DAILLB D*ARGBNT DB LA LIBRARY^QUB NATIONALS 253

“p6s up to date; the subject represents the three Magi “accompanied by the legend: Caspar fert myr- a rhaniy Melchior thus^ Balthazar aurum *. »

Curing epilepsy was already a virtue high, but, to hear the vulgar, the names of the Mages had still others: registered on a strip of parchment that was attached to the I stopped, they made one tireless when walking; invo- that in a certain formula, they directed the musket balls*; uttered in an exorcism, the verse which brought them together had the power to push away the demons guardians of buried treasures

After the mention nomina Regum^ our medal bears these words which once again mark its character- being superstitious:

* TVNC MORS ESV CAPVA bVM bICITVR ANANIZAPTA

* FILI bEI W MISHRHRE MEI

This bad hexameter and thevocation which Tacom- loincloth represent Tabrege of a formula, formerly common among our fathers, and which was believed to be suitable for ^ward off death.

The first example that I have found so far this time appears in the Fbc«^w/«/7*wmdeGuarinus, printed in Strasbourg in 1491. The author, who does not cites only two verses, is only concerned in this respect from a philological point of view; Ananisapta is, has its eyes, a word formed from the first letters of nine others that he designates:

1. Archiological Congress of France ^ 51* session, p. 123.

2. Thiers, t. I, pp. 411 and 431.

3. Bibl. nnt., ms. from the French collection, n* 24245, f* 75, recto.

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B. LB BLAMT

« Anani8apta mala mors interpretatur et qualibet

littera repraesentat unam dictionem scilicet: Anti- “dotum Nazareni auferat necem intoxicationis sane- c tificet alimenta pocula Trinitas alma. Unde:

c Est mala mors capta dum dicitur Ananisapta.

c Ananisapta ferit mortem quae ledere querit ^. »

An author from the 16th century, Martin of Arles, canon and archdeacon of the Church of Pamplona, who speaks of this formula to proscribe its use, gives it as follows:

c Est mala mors capta dum dicitur Ananisapta.

“Ananisapta Dei, miserere mei a signis coeli quae “time gentes. Nolite timere, quia ego vobiscum d sum, dixit Dominus V »

The use of these words is also indicated by Delrio whose book first appeared in 1599 by two German doctors of the 17th century, Jean Freitag, Philippe Sachs, at the same time by Jules Reichelt*. A collection that these authors aim without to name it highly praises the power: it is V Enchiridion manuale^ attributed^ by sorcerers to Pope Leo III *, as had been public since 1525 under the name of Honorius the Great a famous Grimoire.

1. Vocabularium bret^iloquum cum arte diphlongandit puneluandi et accem- tuandi, Argpentine, 1491, in-4”. \\AnanUapta.

2. Martinus de Arlee, Traetatus de $upersUlionibu$, vol, cit., p. 402.

3. Rerum magicarum ditquisitio, lib. Ill, Pare II, Q. IIII. sect. VIII, p. 99 of the addition of 1603.

4. Freiiag, Nodes medicsejoc. cit.; SachB, TPAMM APOAOriA, 1665, in-8«, p. 871; Reichelt, Exerciiatio de amuletiSf p. 88.

5. In Enchiridion manuale pie lecto ortUionet devotm Leonis papte. Edition of Ancona, 1649, iD-8*, p. 43 (It the National Library).

Bf^DAILLB D 'silver DB LA BIBLIOTH^QUB NATIONALE 255

The first of these weird books recommends like a powerful condom the following figure:

A G Ananisapta Johazath L.A.

A feature, which seems to aim at this formula or some other analog, carries the recommendation following: cc You must write it on blank parchment, “the day of Wednesday... You will find at its end written oc Ananizapta and Johazath which are two names of the “two Angels who will save you from all kinds “weapons. You will write these two names with san- “blessed guinea, which having done, you will recite the litera- denied of the Saints, and after which you will incense him oc parchment and you will carry it with you ^ »

These observations, so minute and that Your find- will be even more precise in one of our manuscripts of the National Library *, were not however of rigor, because the cabalistic word had, affirmed or, its value in itself; it was enough to say it in case of danger, or to make it written in a form any, as shown by the inscription of our medal and an old phylactery which I found the drawing in the Exercitatio de amuletis^ published in 1676 by Julius Reichelt':

1. At the edge of this same yolume, p. 9 of the Appendix entitled: The virkable the old woman of Enchiridion,

2. Fonda franfaU, n* 24245. f* 51, recto.

3. Op. eit,, plate vi, n* 2.

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2S0

B. LB BLANT

On one side of this amulet reads the word Tetra-- grammaton, mysterious name of the Lord, inscribed on black medal, as in so many others cabalistic texts.

Delrio says ^ Ananizapta is an original lyric Semitic*, which would not be surprising in a text of this kind. Orientalist scholars to whom I referred to it, MM. Renan and Berger, please teach me that its first three syllables recall a Hebrew word of the same form meaning miserere mei^ words which are also found in Final invocation of our medal: PI LI bEI TV MISHRHRE MEI, and in the formula Ananizapta Dei^ misery best preserved for us by Canon Mar- tin of Aries V

To what era can the use of invo- cations I just talked about? It was in 1491, in

1. Rerummagiarum diaquhitio, lib. Ill, Pars H, Q. HI, sect. VIII, p. 99. 2 Loc. cU,

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QUB NATIONALS LIBRARY SILVER MEDAL 257

the Vocabularium of Guarinus, which I see cited for the first time the verses which end, on the piece by B. Fillon, the inscription on the face. As for the one who designates the Magi by their names, I have some, there are a few years, reported the beginning to my late colleague, J. Labarte, in this mention 6nigma- tin tick vase from the inventory of Charles V: Jaspar does mirram^, I cannot see, for my part, in this double document, as proof of a minimum of antiquity^; as I will show elsewhere, more of a cabalistic word in use until the times modern only reproduces formulas borrowed from the most ancient incantations*.

Edmond Le Blant.

1. Charles K’s furniture inventory, p. 164, n* 1289.

2. New collection of Christian inscriptions from the Gaut pp. 264, 265.

1891 - 2 1»

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A BOURGUIGNONJNE COIN

OF JEAN, DUG OF NORMANDY

(1350)

* lObePCTERIT.... RECT in the center; FKmt CORV

R*. * mORET... BVRG'Ob*. Cross ending with four fleur-de-lis. Weight, 0 gr. 96.

Pogy-d'Avant (volume III, p. 204, pi. 132, 19) gives this coin to Philippe de Rouvre, due Burgundy; it is true that on the very copy defective from the Vesvrotte collection, the only one he has known, the word lOb is completely erased, as can be seen from the engraving.

Mr. Hucher had read, on the reverse, moneta Burgerisis and attributes the piece to Jean, due of Normandy, count of Anjou and Maine; she would have been hit Bourges {Rei^ue numismatique, 1847, p. 334).

Mr. Caron (p. 330), not having met any examples

in two lines.

BfONNAIB BOURGUI6NONNE DB JEAN, DUC DB NORMANDIB 259

pleasing in a more satisfying state, was unable to rectify Pogy-d'Avant's error, and was content to recall read the proposed explanations, in particular that of Saulcy, according to which Philippe de Rouvre would have qualifies as "the queen's first born" because her mother, Jeanne d'Auvergne, married for a second time King John.

The discovery of a piece better than that of the Vesvrotte collection no longer allows you to accept none of these attributions. But if Timitation bour- guignonne does not bear the name of Philippe de Rouvre, its legend, composed of abbreviated words, leaves still uncertain whether to read Jean or Jeanne, Or, two characters having the qua- lit6 of the first n6 of the king of France", Jeanne de France, Countess of Burgundy and Artois, daughter alne of Philip V the Long, and John, due of Norman- die, alne son of Philip VI, were able to exercise law to mint money in Burgundy, precisely period when the double Parisis Bourgignon, according to the royal type of which it is limitation, must have been struck^, that is to say from 1346 to 1350.

A. — Joan of Burgundy had (Spouse, in 1318, the due Eudes of Burgundy, and this marriage, price of recognition of the rights of Philip V to the crown of France, resulted in the meeting of the Comt^ at the Duche.

The mother of Joan of France, Jeanne, daughter of the count palatine of Burgundy, Otto IV, and Mahault, com- Tesse d'Artois, had brought as a dowry to King Philip V the county of Burgundy and Artois; but she continued

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260

Mr. DB MARCHl^VILLB

possession of these two provinces when it became widowed and, after her death, she passed them on to her daughter.

From 1330 to 1347, Joan of France could therefore have mint coins, like Countess of Burgundy, and to qualify as the first born of the King of France”.

In this hypothesis, the piece which concerns us would belong to the last year of his life, because we find no double royal Parisis bearing the word Fran-coru in two lines of four letters each, before Tannee 1346.

As of July 17, the tables of the value of silver mark of the ms. fr. 4533 (Saulcy, p. 52) indicates that the manufacture of double black Parisis has 3 deniers 18 grains silver the king and h the size of 180 with marc; then, from March 4, 1346 before Easter to the 11th January 1347, a second issue of the same piece k three silver deniers the king and a 216 to the mark (ord* February 24, 1346, coinage 36', summons from the people rauxdescoins, I*'' March. —Saulcy, pp. 251 and 252).

The two royal pieces in question are very probably those climbed by HolFmann, pi. XVIII, the first at number 40, the second at number 38.

Although double bourguignon is not strict- copied from one or the other of these currencies, it would not be impossible to consider it as a of their imitations and to attribute Jeanne de France; but this solution, to which I had settled stopped for a moment, must be put aside because it raises too serious objections, without being able to rely on any serious argument.

Of Jeanne, we do not know, in fact, any other

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BURGUNDY COIN OF JEAN, DUG OF NORMANDY 261

currency, even for the Artois, while we find some several on which Eudes takes the liter of count and unites him with that of Due of Burgundy; the species struck in the workshops of the countess did not bear therefore not her name, but that of her husband, this which was also in conformity with the customs of the time.

Would Due Eudes have benefited from the disasters of Cr^cy to start i minting money in the county6 in the name of his wife, and imitate the currency royal which he had undertaken not to counterfeit in Leatherworker of Auxonne by the Treaty of Vincennes of October 3, 1337?

Did he inscribe the name of Jeanne on his coin to be able to follow it up with a quality that allowed to compose a legend resembling that of the royal doubles?

Did he thus want to oppose the pretensions of Edward the rights of Joan to the crown of France, as daughter of Philip V?

All these suppositions, which could, strictly speaking, justify the normal manufacturing of the part which we occupies, are inadmissible.

The Duke of Burgundy had indeed raised some attempts to the crown in the name of his wife, but, as Dunod says, he had given himself Tex- elusion by consenting that Philip V succeeds previously to the daughter of Louis X and the Parliament It stood6 in 1322; if he did not appear at the Gour de Charles IV, he was strongly attached to Philip VI and the ser- lives on many occasions.

In 1346, Eudes did not even think of counter-

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262

Mr. DE MARCH^VILLE

making the royal coins, he was busy waging war in the South against the English under the orders of due of Normandy. His son Philippe died during the siege of Aiguillon, July 26.

Besides, we do not know, I believe, of charters in which Jeanne qualified as the eldest daughter of king, and in any case, if the Duke of Burgundy had wanted to avail himself of this title, he would not have, on his currency, deleted^ the ending f<6niinine of lOb*

B. — The Burgundian imitation of the double Parisis royal can therefore only belong to Jean, due of Normandy.

Although it seems extraordinary, at first first, to find his name in the coinage of Burgundy, this attribution is justified not only- ment by history, but also by monastic texts taries and by comparison with the royal species of this period.

On February 19, 1349 (old style), the eldest son of Phi- lippe VI 6married, in his second marriage, Jeanne d*Au- Vergne, Countess of Boulogne, widow of Philippe, son of Eudes de Bourgogne. She was the mother of Philippe de Rouvre, heir to the Count of Bourgoijne by the death of his granddaughter Jeanne de France, in 1347, and of the duchy of Burgundy by that of his ancestor, Eudes, in 1349. The due of Normandy, known as Dunod (page 236), immediately seized the guard noble of his stepson, then four years old, and came to take possession of the dueh^ and the county.

He took advantage, without delay, of his title of guardian and bailiff to mint money.

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MONNAIB BOCRGUIGNONNB OB JBAN, DUG DB NORMANDIB 263

For the Dijon workshop this results from two texts formalities given by M. de Barthélemy in his Essay on the coins of the dues of Burgundy (Pieces justi- ficatives XII and XI).

In the first document dated March 1350, before Easter, we find the following passage:

Johanes...rex; sane cum nos ballum ducatus Burgundy tenents, ad present in villa de Divione predicti ducatus, non in vel sub nomine dicti balli, sed regio nostro nomine, monetam cudi faciamus, pro nostro libito voluntate, tenore presentis nostre pagine decernimus and notum facimus universis tum presentibus quam futuris quod non est intentionis

nostre nec volumus quod per hoc aliquod prejudice

dicium generetur, seu quod hoc, per nos aut aliquem inheritance nostrorumtrahi possit ad consequentiam vel aliam quamvis occasionem monetandi seu mone- tam cudendi regio nomine, deinceps, in predicted villa vel ducatu, temporibus successivis.

The second, from June 2, 1354, is even more explanatory. quote:

“Johannes notum facimus quod licet nos apud

Divionem ducatus Burgundiae cujus ballum ad pre- meaning habemus, monetam nostram propriam cudere inceperimus a tempore quo ballum predictum habui- mus and eodem ballo pendante cudere facere intenda- mus, intend our non-existence, quod, finito dicto ballo, dictam monetam in dicto loco cudere amplius faciamus. »

We also have proof that the Duke of Normandy had Auxonne coined money, but the text does not say,

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as for Dijon, that he registered his name on the

species.

On May 26, 1350, Deniset Courry was charged with carrying to write in haste at Troyes closed letters from the generals masters of coins, k Raimond de Cubry, for him to say that “all excuses cease, these views, it I(came by their side, and for good reason. And that was the cause for what they wanted to send it to Auxonne “know Testat of the coin that Monsgr. the due of “Normandy had ordered this. a (Saulcy, p. 276, A.N., Reg. z, I ^ 55, fol.69.)

This investigation could have no other aim than to to ascertain whether the due of Normandy respected the treaty of Vincennes by which Eudes had undertaken to no longer mint, in the workshop of Auxonne, coins sem- blables to those of the king, and the appearance of the double engraved on it, that it was made in Auxonne, in Dijon or elsewhere, had certainly been the motive.

This piece of billon is, in fact, clearly copied from that which the king then struck, and the intention of Jean was not in doubt.

A royal order of April 12, 1350 (mandate of the master generals of April 16) had just prescribed remission of double parisis k 3 deniers 12 grains silver the king and 168 to the mark which succeeded double tournaments whose production had begun January 11, 1347. These new royal species certainly resembled, as a corner, the doubles Paris of 1346 which was discussed above.

The arrangement of the word Fran coru^ in two lines of four letters each, which the piece presents

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MONNAIB BOURGUIGNONNB OF JEAN, DUG OF NORMANDY 265

Burgundy, was incontestably one of the distinctive characters of the double royal parisis of the end of the reign of Philip VI, because it is the only one that found on all those of King John.

The double Parisis ordered on April 12, 1350 having was minted without modification of liter and weight until March 24, 1350 before Easter, i.e. for more than a year after the advent of John, those of Philip VI can only differ from them by the name of the king and must therefore present the Fran-coru type in two lines of four letters each.

The piece which bears the legends loh.pgenit reg. Fran- coru and Moneta Burgond* is therefore only an imitation of the royal double Paris of March 12, 1350. It was struck during the short space of time that elapsed between the moment when the Duke of Normandy took possession his, as baillist, of the states of Philippe de Rouvre and the death of Philip VI which made him mount the trdne, that is to say from April 1350 to August 22 (it next.

However, an important question remains to be resolved. aunt, but very delicate, that of knowing in which Burgundian workshops^the due of Normandy struck6 this rare currency.

Dijon is the only city in which you can affirm that it was manufactured, the letters of no prejudice given in 1350 and 1354 saying express6- ment that the lessor has registered his own name on the species of this workshop from the moment he took possession of them session.

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This is not the same for the other workshops of the domain of Philippe de Rouvre, because, not only He did not find similar letters for them to those which concern Dijon, but it seems, to the con- milk, almost certain, first that Auxonne coinage remained anonymous during the minority of Philippe as he had been before, and then that in the others of the two Burgundies the species have not always carried exclusively the name of the bailiff.

Regarding Auxonne whose coinage was absolutely distinct, we can convince ourselves, by taking a look at the series of pieces found vees, that if the Duke of Normandy seized the bene- works of this workshop, as proven by the text cited by Mr. de Saulcy, he changed nothing in established customs and did not have his name inscribed on the coins there struck.

Poey-d'Avant (pi. 134) gave a large number of parts whose remission belongs incontestably- ment to Eudes IV and to the minority of Philippe de Reopen since they are only imitations of royal coins of Philip VI and John; all invariably bear the anonymous legend: Comes AuxonCy — Moneta comitis Auxone (V. Caron, p. 331. — Gariel, Directory of the Numismatic Society, 1874, 280).

The abnormal character of the coins struck Auxonne during this period is also explained easily by the protests raised by the coinage of the Due de Bourgogne in this workshop;

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MONNAIB BOURGUIGNONNB DB JBAN, DUG DB BOURGOGNB 267

the agreements entered into between him and Tarchevfeque of Besancon probably stipulated that the species would not bear the name of either of the two pre- tending so as not to prejudge their rights.

If the double Parisis of the due of Normandy has not 6ie struck at Auxonne, it is also very doubtful that he Was 6th elsewhere than in Dijon.

First the existence in 1350 of other workshops in the duchy and in the cornt^, is not certain, and if these workshops worked, we cannot say that the species which came out of it bore the name of John.

Poey-d'Avant gave (pi. CXXXII no. 18), the drawing of a double Parisis exactly similar to that of due of Normandy, but with the legend: Philippus dux and comes-Burg-odie,

This coin may have been minted a few years ago after 1350, the type of the royal double Paris being remained the same during the reign of John, but it is proof that it existed in Burgundy, alongside the baillist's coinage, a ducal coinage. Mr. Gariel has also demonstrated by pointing out four other pieces with the legend Philippus dux^ which does not can only belong to Philippe de Rouvre then that they are perfect imitations of the pieces of the King John, successively issued and described from 1355 a 1360. {Numismatic mixtures /]\i\\let 1875, p. 369.)

The fact of this double coinage, if you look for k Explaining it raises a question of feudal law very difficult to solve, because it creates an obscurity rity big enough on the rights that the father-in-law of

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Philippe de Rouvre exercised during the minority of his ward in the two Burgundies. I admit that, despite my searches, I haven't been able to find a solution based on formal texts, and that I must confine myself to asking a question mark.

On the one hand, the non-prejudice letters given for Dijon in 1350 and 1354, seem to indicate, by their fine writing, which King John recognized having exceeded his rights as a baillist by striking, his own name, royal species in the workshops depending on the condition of his son-in-law.

On the other hand, the mother of Philippe de Rouvre had certainly retains considerable rights, as tutor, on the administration of the states of his son. This is how after the captivity of King John, the dauphin Charles, regent of the kingdom, addressed her, on May 19, 1357, to ask her to have on the currencies of Auxonne such a difference which piit to be recognized as those of the kingdom (Caron, p. 328).

Is it not permissible to suppose that by striking a Dijon, which came under the kingdom, coins to its name, the due of Normandy, later the king, had exceeded his rights as a leaseholder because he was in the same time the suzerain, but that it was not even in the workshops of the count and in those of the duche located in Empire land?

The ducal species, including the oldest ones You have so far been found, do not go back not, if you judge by the royal types imitated, before 1355, that is to say before the time when the preparations

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reasons for the war between the English and the subsidies requested from Burgundy, must have provoked a more active coinage, could well have 6t6 minted, first in the workshops located on the ground d'Empire, then later in Dijon, when the queen took in hand the management of Burgundy affairs by following her husband's captivity.

I leave it to the historians, who take special care of of the political history of Burgundy and its feudal law, the care of deciding this delicate question.

Until this point has been clarified, it seems to me impossible, with the help of documents purely mon6- tities that you possess, to attribute, with certainty, the Burgundian double paris of the due of Normandy k another workshop than Dijon.

Mr. DE Margh^villb.

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THE ALLEGED FIGURES

OF PALLOR AND OF PAYOR

ON THE DENIALS OF L. HOSTIUUS SASERNA.

All numismatists know the series of silver coins inscribed with the name of L. Hostilius Saserna, a character of whom there is no mention in any text by an ancient author and which we believe, with some likelihood, son of one of the two Saserna brothers, Caius and Publius, who fought in Africa for account of Caesar, in Rome 707*. They are characterized, both on the right and on the reverse, by figures and by types who exercised sagacity by Eckhel*, by Cavedoni by Cohen*, more recently of Mr. Babelon' and of Mr. Saglio*. The latter comes from devote particular study to the reverse representing like a statue of Diana, standing, with narrow legs- placed together, leaning with the left hand on a 6 hunting stake and holding in the right hand a deer by the horns. It shows that we were wrong about the confused with the Artemisphesian, with its numerous breasts, with legs imprisoned in a cage,

1. Hirtius, Bell, Africa, 9, 10, 57.

2. Doctr. numor,, V, p. 225.

■ 3. Saggio, p. 104; Ripostigli, p. 224.

4. Desc.g^n. moan, R^p, rom. 1857, pi. ix, Hostilia, 2, 3, 4.

5. Desc. hist, and chron. monn. of the R4p. rom., 1885, 1, p. 549.

6. Retf. numism. 1891, p. 7.

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including a wooden statue, ^oavov, copied from that of the Phoceens Massalietes, was honored at the summit of TAventin; in the type of the hunting goddess he recognizes a Pelasgic Diana whose cult, well prior to that of TAventin*, was common to all Lazio. I agree with these conclusions deducted, all the more readily as they pay me They adapt perfectly to the new explanation. tion that I have to propose for the head engraved in law of the same money. This revision extends to other parts of the series; It is therefore appropriate to start with put the detailed report before the eyes of the reader.

1*" Bust of an old man on the right: uncovered forehead and wrinkle, emaciated cheeks, rare beard, pointed, hair in wicks floating backwards; very uncovered revealing the upper part of the tunic maintained by a fibula on the right shoulder. The physiognomy expresses intense suffering. Der- Behind the head, a barbarian shield of oval shape.

9f. L HOSTILIVS I SASERNA in two lines. Guer- rier fighting on a Breton war chariot, esse^ dum^ harnessed by two galloping horses, to the right, under the Taurige whip. I say Breton on purpose and not

1. Strabo, IV, i, 4, 5.

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Gallic; in fact, C^sar never speaks of the chariot of war when it comes to the peoples of Gaul, while that he makes special arming of the Bretons contra which he led the first Roman expedition.

2* Head of a woman crying, right: hair undo descending in long locks on the ^shoulders; behind, a Celtic trumpet*, carnyx, (On one variety, we see two trumpets, one in back, the other forward.)

^ L HOSTILIVS SASERNA, in circular caption. Diana the Huntress, standing, body straight, feet assembled, armed with stakes and holding a deer by the antler. This is the guy who supplied Mr. Saglio with the subject of his study.

There is another rather rare piece, whose reverse is quite different, but whose right offers a great analogy with the previous one; I describe it as follows:

1. The camym or camon was in use not only among the Gaoloiti but among all people of the Celtic race; this is why it is represented^ without the funds of the Roman monies, of which some ancestor or relative was illustrated in the wars against the Gauls, the Spaniards, the Lusita- niens. Cf. Hesjchius, s. v. Kd^pvov; Eustathias, Comm, ad Iliad, XYIII, 219; Saglio, Diet, des ant, gr. and rom, s, v. Carnyx.

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3** SASERN in legend with a carnyx behind a face of a woman, right, crying, disheveled, dressed a very low-cut tunic, which she tries to hold with one hand on her breast. This gesture notices quable hasn't caught anyone's attention yet.

ly Three citizens dressed in toga, walking right, in line, on a hand trellised footbridge coiirante; highlighted L HOSTIL, the last three conjoined letters in monogram.

The effigies of the old man with spiky hair and of disheveled hair are clearly intended to to be done during one another, and to form a couple responding to each other. Eckhel thought he recognized heads of deified Pity and Fear, and he explained their presence on the funds of L. Hosti- lius Saserna as an allusion to his ancestor the king Tullus Hostilius who had instituted this cult following of a fight against the Veiens, in which both parties, in turn seized with terror, had let go foot one after another*.

This explanation accepted and reproduced without con- tested, without a shadow of control, in all treaties of numismatics, is still used today. And

1. Tile-Live, I, 27: in re Irepida duodecim vovU Saltos fanaque Patlori et PavorL — Lactantius, I, 20: Pavorem Palloremjue Tallinn Hostilius figuravit col nil J ue.

1891 — 3 19

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yet, just seeing the modest gesture of Tune de these figures, as well as the expression of sadness and suffering which animates them and makes them real human traits, one could doubt that Tart would remain had never taken on such a realistic form the personality nification of purely abstract ideas, without even none of the attributes usually reserved for divine images as signs of their super essence , such as tiara, crown, wings or wing- rons, but, on the contrary, with Celtic symbols unknown to the founder of the cult of Pallor and Pavor.

That's not all; Eckhel, no more than any of those who, while following confidence, has not thought of any objective very simple and very natural tion which constitutes a insurmountable difficulty for its explanation: it is that in Latin the words pallor and pavor are masculine, as well as Aerfjio; and $660;, become geniuses males in Homeric mythology*. It is therefore im- possible that the Romans gave the name PaU there is a divinity represented in the guise of a woman disheveled; and this disengagement that impe- laughingly the grammatical reason leads, as corollary, that of Pavor ^ corr^relatively attributed ^1 the bristling head of the old man.

The so-called demonstration of Eckhel, in the first so ingenious that we dispensed with the con- tr6ler, thus suddenly collapses, and the true explanation cation that we thought we possessed is still to be found, but in another order of ideas.

If in my turn I am not mistaken, the two figures of a

1. Homirc, Iliad., IV, 4'i0.

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expression so tragic on the funds of Saserna, are none other than the Gaul and the Gauloise condemned born to the torture of dewdo and dragged to the forum boarium to be buried alive. These are the hostiae (Jiumanae) of which the image should easily make one think in the name of Hostus Hostilius, the first ancestor of the gens to which Saserna and ancestor belonged of King TuUus Hostilius, all the better since the curia Hoslilia^ built by the latter, was located in the immediate vicinity of the forum boarium^. We we are therefore dealing with one of those puns that young magistrates who signed the currency at the time of the Republic liked to do on their name; the hostiae of llostilius Saserna go hand in hand with the Pan by Vibius Pansa, with the Triones of Lucretius Trio, with the flower of L. Aquillius Florus, with the Eagle (cons- telling) of Manius Aquillius*. As for assuming with Eckhel that pallor has the physiological effect logical to determine in the person who is subject to it a gesture of modesty and untying her hair, it is, in truth, risking an explanation that I qua- I would pull it by the hair, if I were allowed to also play with words.

The more I examine this composition, the more I am convinced placed in the conviction that the artist sought to reproduce to feel not a fictional being, but the heroine of an epi- dramatic style of which he was a witness and which he is managed to render faithfully and with true talent for observation. This is indeed the attitude of a

1. Sextius Kufus, De regionibus urbia Romae, Reg. VIII.

2. Vcrcouire, dam Reu. numism., 1800, p. 377.

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unfortunate creature dragged to torture, barely dressed side by side, in an admirable movement of supreme modesty, the veils insufficient to cover it. The execution of his portrait is in no way inferior to that of his companion in misfortune, of an expression such so alive, so striking that it could not be designed only after nature. Whether this is a leader barbarian, this is clearly signified by the shield and by the war chariot; but this last detail proves that we should not think of Vercingetorix, because of the story from Plutarch it results that the hero of Tindepen- Gallic dance went to meet his vanquisher queur to constitute himself a prisoner, not on a war chariot, but on horseback*; after serving ornament to his triumph, he was shamefully put to death died deep in his dungeon, and not in public. This It is therefore not him that the monetary engraver wanted figure, since he was unable to witness this clandestine torture destiny, and that on the contrary the portraits placed on the Saserna's deniers were to recall the features of the condemned men whose eyes the crowd had been able to see again.

We know from irrefutable testimonies that, in exceptional circumstances, the Humans have, like barbarian peoples, resorted to has human sacrifices to favor the gods rables. Livy, in book XXU, ch. 57, reports that the terrible ceremony was performed in Tan 536 Rome, after the disaster of Cannes, and it was not not the first time *: decemviri libros adiri jussi

1. Plutarch, Caes., 27,

2. In Tan 521 from Rome, under the consulate of Q. Fabius Maximus VerrnoosnSy

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sunt. And Q. Fabius Pictor Delphos ad oraculum mis- sus sciscitatum^ quibus precibus supplicationibusque deos possent placat e^ et quaenam futura finis tantis cladibus forest. Interim ex fatalibus libris sacrificia aliquot extraordinaria facta; inter quae Gallus and Galla^ Graecus and Graeca^ in foro boario sub terra vivi demissi sunt in locum saxo consaeptum^ jam ante hostiis humanis ^ mini Romano sacro^ imbu- tum. Likewise, Pliny the Elder in book XXVIII, ch. Ill (II): Boario i^ero in foro Graecum Graecamque defossos aut aliarum gentium^ cum quibus tum res esset etiam nostra aetas vidit. Thus rimmolation of foreign captives had been practiced at various repeated until the middle of the first century of our era. If one seeks at the time of Hostilius Saserna a considerable historical event which would have motivated one of these executions, we can conjecture that it was the great insurrection of the Gauls whose signal had 6t6 given by the murder of Roman citizens to Cenabum among the Carnutes, and on other points, and that on this occasion a devotion was ordered as deretaliation. In serious circumstances, the Senate prescribed to the college of decemviri sacris faciundis to open the Sibylline books in his custody and to consult destiny there. We only know imperfectly- the procedure followed in such cases; but we can get an idea of it by supposing that the interpretation fatal liberties, if it resulted in capital punishment in the sacrificia extraordinaria ^ had to be ratified A Greek and a Greek, a Guulois and a Gaul were buried alive in danger. the Forum. Gf. Dion Cassins, Fragm. CLIX; Zonarae, Annal. VIII.

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trusted by the votes of the people. Now, it's a scene of vote which is certainly represented by the three citizens marching on the ponticulus ad suffragia. Maybe be it the college of the decemvirs themselves, or perhaps still, because of the number three voters in evidence, that of the triumviri capitals which, in their status as magistrates presiding over the penitentiary service prisoner and capital executions, come to be ser the tesseres on which each of them has inscribed the names of the victims to be designated among the prisoners deny books to their custody. Whatever the rank of these three voters, it is indeed a human creature whose fate is in their hands, and what other would she be, if not the woman shown in effigy on The other side of the same coin? The small table of reverse represents a blow on a real fact, and if Saserna Your choice for type signed with his name is that pent- be he appears there in person and that he wanted to like- deny an event in which he had taken part decisive as a capitalist triumvir before being triumvir monetalis; we know, in fact, that the members of the vigintivirate passed successively by the different commissions between which shared this administrative body.

We now see clearly that there is between the right and the reverse of each of the deniers i and 3 a relationship no less narrow and no less logical that between the effigies of these same coins paired One with the other. It remains for me to submit to the same comparative analysis the denier 2 having on the reverse the type of Diana.

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Lucan, speaking of the human sacrifices in use among the Gauls, assimilates them to those who bloody were the altar of the Scythian Diana *,

Taranis scythicae non mitior ara Dianae.

The term of comparison chosen by the poet is look less far than it seems at first; every Roman had to understand it all the more easily that, without leaving his country, he could con- temple the image of the fierce said and transport oneself thus by thinking of the inhospitable shores of the Tauride; in elFet, the altar of Diana to which Lucan makes allusion is not, as was believed, precisely the one that Euripides* celebrated by giving him Iphigenia for first priestess; it's rather one of the nouns many copies which had been made in both countries grccs only in Italic *, notably in Aricia, that is to say less than 15 kilometers south of Rome. The rose the sanctuary of Diana nemorerisis on which Strabo provides us with important information. decisive tance: cc To the left of the Appian Way, in rising from Aricie, we find the famous Artemi- sium, the Nemus, as it is called in the country. This temple of Diana Aricine was built, it is believed, tends, on the model of those of Diane Tauropole. And he there is, in fact, something barbaric, Scythian, to put it better, in the following custom that we pre- tends to remain in force: The fugitive slave who succeeded in killing with his hand the high priest becomes,

1. Phars»l,kk6.

2. iDhig. in Taurus. Cf. H^rodole, IV, 103; Mt-la, II, 1.

3. blpabon, V, iii, 12.

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right, his successor. » (Translation Tardieu Stra- good was well informed^, because Suetonius* reports that a day Caligula automatically sent a vigorous fellow to kill the rex nemorensis^ — this was the title of the priest — and take his succession in accordance with the traditional process.

The nemus had been once consecrated by the dictator tusculan Egerius Laevius on behalf of the confederation Latin cities Aricia, Tusculum, Lanuvium, Laurentuin, Cora, Tibur, Pomelia, Ardde. Later, Rome took charge of the high surveillance of Celt sacred retreat; this is what explains the diffusion of cult of Diana nemorensis of which we found altars at Nemi and Tivoli in Lazio, at Narona in Dalmatia*. So she certainly had some too in Rome; according to all appearances, according to what is believed Mr. Saglio, it must have been at the top of Coeliolus. II does not follow that this cult behaved in Rome Tob- habitual use of aricin or scy- practices ethics. But we were familiar with Timage of a divinity of Italic essence under taupe paraphernalia ropole; it is therefore not surprising that when sacrificia extraov dinar ia were to be decreed and captives doomed to death, she presided over this immolation of individuals symbolizing in their person an entire enemy nation, both in its capacity as a divi-

1. Here, moreover, is the text of this curious passage, as it appears in the collection of Didot's Greek authors: To 8' ApxEfxiaiov o xaXouai Nejioj, ex TOW ev apiTcepa [x^pou; x^; o5o£» toT; *Apix^ot? avoCaCvouaiv «{ t))v 8' 'Apixfvr^v TO tepov X^youai 8i' a^iSpujAaxa tfj? Taupo:;(JXou' xal yap ti 6ap6aptxov xporccT xai oxuGixov ;repi to Upov k'Go;, x. t. X. ' •

2. CaUg., 35.

3. Corp, insc. Latin, III, 1773; XIV, 2212, 2215, 3537.

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THE PRETENDED FIGURES OF . PALLOR AND DE PAYOR 281

nil6 national par excellence of old Lazio that has because of the Scythian character with which it was revalued. This is why it appears on the reverse of the denarius which shows, on the opposite side, the effigy of a captive Gallic or Breton.

It is worth noting that the defeated nation is wind represented by the monetary type of the pair of captives, man and woman, squatting at the foot of a trophy; see the coins of C. Sosius and Q. Caepio Brutus*; this same type is reproduced on the mounts imperial nais on the reverse of the ludaea capta (Ves- pasian, Titus, Domitian), from \di Parthia capta (Tra- Jan), etc. It is therefore very understandable that, in the sacrificia extraordinaria, human victims were similarly chosen by couples among the captives of the nation with which we were in war -

I don't think I'm going off topic by pointing out finally a remarkable analogy between the effigies of denarii 2 and 3 of Saserna and that of another denarius' who perhaps served as a model for them, because it is approximately 28 years ago (year of Rome 680):

HISPAN. Head of a woman, right, hair untied and floating on the shoulders, wearing a veil falling back; the physiognomy breathes a deep sadness. In this hairstyle, we recognize without difficulty^ the most ancient representation of the mantilla, still worn today by women Spanish.

1. Babclun, Deter, hist, and chr. monn. of the Rip. rom., I, p. 194; II. p. 115, 453. 464; with sticker.

2. Id., ibid., II, p. 381, with vi^ricttc.

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9'. A-POST-A.F-S-N-ALBIN with ligature of A, L (Aulas PosiumiuSj Auli filiuSy Spurii nepos^ Albinus). Figure in toga, standing left, raising hand right towards a legionary eagle stuck in the ground; behind him, a consular beam.

In the effigy engraved on the right I do not recognize an Active personification of Spain, but a real portrait of a captive summarizing in her the nation which it belongs to and which is signified here by the word Hispan(ia), as it Test by the camyx on the Sasema's money.

To conclude, I have, in the first part of this work, demonstrated that Eckhel's explanation is absolute ly unacceptable with regard to the so-called figures of Pallor and Pavor, and, moreover, incapable to account for the types placed on the reverse of the Saserna's denarii.

In the second part, I proposed a new explanation whose value consists above all in this that it is suitable for all parts of the series and that it leaves out no detail. By taking a other starting point than Mr. Saglio, I arrived at the same result on the point that he had specially studies. From all these signs, I think I recognize that I I'm right.

Robert Mowat.

A R A D U S

PI. XI, XII and XIIl.

The island (VAradus (m>c, Armd, today Ruad), is mentioned in Genesis (X, 18) which gives the Arvadites as sons of Canaan. Strabo says that Aradus was founded by fugitives from Sidon, informed mation which could well allude to the taking of Tile by the Sidonians around Tan 751 before our 6re*. Whatever about these distant origins, which do not do not seem to have left any traces in the types monetary interests of Aradus, this town quickly became the center of commerce in northern Phenicia; too much in Tetroit on their rock, which is less than two kilometers in turn*, the Arvadites founded numerous states establishments on the coast of Phenicia; we had The opportunity, some time ago, to recall here the names of the cTAtvad girls, and to say that one of them, Marathus was, in a way, only a suburb of Aradus separated from the city by a wide canal*.

Like the rest of Phenicia, Aradus had to endure

1. Moyers, Die Phcenizter, t. II, part, pp. 368k370; cf. Maspero, Ut'sL donkeys. people of the Orient (4* ^dit.), p. 474.

3. Ruad has the shape of an oval about 800 meters long by 500 miters DC wide. E. Renan, Mission of Phinicia, p. 22.

3. Marathus^ dfumla Reuuenumismatique, 4* trim., 1888, p. 497; cf. E. Renan, Phenicia Mission, p. 22; G. Perrot and Ch. Ghipiez, Hist, de rati dan$ tanii' ^uitif t. Ill, pp. 18 et seq.,

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in turn, according to political events, Ic yoke of the Pharaohs and the Assyrians. So she had already kings, and several of them are listed in the accounts given by the Ninevite monarchs of their conquests in Phoenicia. The last one to be quoted in these inscriptions, Yakiniu, was deposited by Assur- banipal around Tan 666 before our 6th*.

Under the domination of the Achemnid Persians, Aradus continued to have hereditary dynasts, and these continued to mint money; they ^were, like those of Tyre, of Sidon, of Gebal, Iri- butaries of the great King, and held their fleet at its service. Unfortunately, the authors did not retains only a few of their names. We let us see, at Herodotus, that the fleet of Xerx6s includes milk a certain number of commando ships by The king of Aradus, Merbal, son of Agbal. We don't know let us not be born the immediate successors of Merbal. However, at that time, Aradus was the third city of Phenicia, and it is almost equally important tance Tyr herself. This is, in fact, what we must Conclusion of the testimony of the ancients: they inform us form the supreme command of the fleet Phoenician was assigned to a Persian admiral whose lieutenant was the king of Sidon, and the latter had under his orders the kings of Tire and Aradus put on the same rank*. The Aradians appear to have remained loyal to the king of Persia, when the king of Salamis,

1. Masp^ro, op. cit., p. 475.

2. U^rod.,VlI, 98; VIII,67; Diod.Sic, XIV, 79; cf. Six, in the NumUm chron., 1877 (N. S. I. XVJI). pp. 177 and 178.

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Evagoras P', opera in 388 or 387, a descent on the coast of Phenicia, where he managed to maintain his position during for some time*. But, later, led by the other Phoenician cities, Aradus sought, like them, to shake off the yoke of the King of kings. When, in 351, the delegates from the cities of Phoenicia, gathered in Tripolis federal council, confi^rent Tennfes, king of Sidon, the perilous honor of com- command the rebel army and repel the efforts of the satraps Bel6sys and Mazaios, the Aradians promised relief; they appear, however, have only weakly supported the revolts or have quickly made amends to King Artaxerxfes III Ochus. Indeed, while in 350, Sidon was burned and almost destroyed, and King Tennis decapitated, we do not do not see that the vengeful arm of the Persians has noticed santi on Aradus. The establishments of the prudent Aradians even benefited from the moderate weakening mentan6 of a sister city. but rival and jealous*,

When Alexander undertook the conquest of the Orient, the Persian-Phoenician fleet, under the orders of Admiral Autophradate, left to operate in Greek icons of TAsic-Minor. She understood, among others, the ships of Tire commanded by the king Azemilcos or Azelmilcos, those of Gebal by the king Enylos, those of Aradus by Gerogtratos, king of Tile and towns on the adjacent coast*. Walking Alexander's rapid journey through Asia Minor, and

1. Diod.Sic.XV, 2.

2. Diode. Sic, XVI. 41 next ct.

3. Arrien, Erped. Alex., II, 13.

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lout 8a victory k Issus, in 333, diconcertferent and demoralized the Persian fleet, at the same time that they predisposed the Phoenician cities to defect and welcome the conqueror Mac6- donian. Leaving Aradus with his contingent of ships, King Gerostratos had left the interim government to his son Straton. Alexander, upstart on the banks of Toronto, was preparing to invade the Phenicia, when he saw the young man coming to meet him Straton, who offered him the kingdom of his absent father, with a golden crownV The other cities of Pheni- cities, with the exception of Tyret of Gaza, welcomed also the winner. Alexandre was busy at the siege of Tire in 332, when kings Gerostratos of Aradus and Enylos of Gebal. separating itself from the Auto-fleet phradate, came in turn to offer of themselves their submission and cooperation at the siege of the old city phinician*. It was at the price of this shameful defection that they retained their Irdne.

The first coins that the kings of Aradus (irenl struck under Persian domination appear go back, like those of the kings of Sidon, of Gebal and from Tyre, to Tan 490 approximately, perhaps as far as Tavfe- ment of Artaxerxfes 11 Mn6mon in 405. Against coins of Gebal and Sidon, but imitation from those of Tyre, the coins of Aradus do not bear

1 Arrien, Exped, Alex., II. 13.

2. Arrien, Exped, AUx., II, 13. Quinle Carcc (IV, 1, 15) says k ioH that Straton was king of Aradus; he was only the son of King Gerostratos. It is not necessary not confuse this Straton, with the king of Sidon, Straton 11, who was dethroned by Alexander after thirteen years of reign. Mr. Droysen appears to be fell into this mistake, wanting to rectify Quinte Gurce (Droysen, BUt. of rhelUnisme, t. 1, p. 278).

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not the names of the kings who issued them, and it would be im- possible to distribute them by reigns, even though We would know the successors of Merbal, that is to say say the predecessors of Gerostratos. We must therefore agree to group them chronologically, according to types, style and dates. This ranking has already and6 undertaken summarily by various scholars, notably by M. Six, in One of his Belles 6studies on Phoenician coinsV But he told me seemed that this work was incomplete and called for carried out a general revision; I undertook, in taking as a basis the series of coins of the Cabinet of France which is particularly rich in this series.

The coins of Aradus support, in the first place, a question of attribution, because if the names of the kings are not registered there, we do not find the name of Aradus there itself only in an abbreviated, enigmatic form, and whose interpretation may be controversial.

On the majority of pieces from the period Persian, which we attribute to Aradus, we do not read for any legend other than the two Phoenician letters ^if (KQ). What does this short inscription mean? we have already alluded to in our study on Marathus*?

Let us first notice that these letters are found not only during the entire time of the domination Achaemenid version, but still on a tetradrachm of Alexander struck after the arrival in Phoenicia of the

1. In the Numiamalic chronicle 1877.

2. See Rtfue numUmalique, 1888, p. 502 505.

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Macedonian conqueror, and finally on a small silver coinage probably after death of Alexander. It is therefore obvious that it cannot be question that of an inscription relating to the ate- monetary link. It cannot be a royal name, since it reproduces for two centuries, nor one name of divinity, because it accompanies types varies, nor an indication of value, because it is found on parts of all modules. Nothing, on the other hand, only authorizes to support coins with the legend NQ belong to different cities. This is uncon- testably the mark of a unique workshop. Mr. Six Fa, moreover, very well understood, and he admitted, but without demonstrating it*, that it is Aradus; I believe that this demonstration can be made from a direct and positive manner.

It is beyond doubt, as has since been recognized long, that, on the coins of Alexander, Tate- licr dWradus is, in general, represented by a mono- Greek gram composed of the letters AP; however, we find- let's have this monogram, accompanied by the letters phe- Nicians on a golden stature of which we have already had the opportunity to speak*, and which is reproduced on our plateXlI, fig. 1.

1. Cf. Imhoof-Blamcr, Greek Coins, p. 449, n*» 53 & 56 (iDcertainea

of Ph^nicia).

2. Looking at the coins of Marathus [Revue numism, 1888, p. 502). This slatere is in the Laynes collection; there is another copy of the pdmc corner, I believe, in the British Museum. We will recall here that the letters Phoenicians j^Q have M substitutes, on the world corner, on a date that The engraver only managed to erase part. Deceived by these traces of date, Muller and Six thought they read j^Q^, Jwhile there is simply j^^Q, as well as we have hopefully demonstrated it.

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The same board is also reproduced (fig. 5) a piece from the Luynes collection, which has, at reverse, with the letters NQ, a ship's bow rounded, identical to that which appears on other small pieces with the AP monogram, and whose attribution tion ^1 Aradus is indisputable. It emerges from these observations, that the single workshop from which came out all the coins with the legend ND are indeed Aradus. This conclusion will be further corroborated by the sense that we are going to propose to give k these two mysterious letters.

Many conjectures have been made on this subject. 11 n'esl It is hardly possible to think of a Phoenician name mengant pardons such initiatives, despite the example of kings of Sidon, whose names on their coins are Often abbreviated by the first two letters. In indeed, the letter N being a quiescent, would not really be similarly expressed in Scripture as in the case of a word beginning with Mea., . That's all done k wrong that we wanted to see in the initiators of Marathus, whose name is written in Phoenician mo, that is to say without N. The only interpretation which nitrite to be discussed is the one that Mr. Clermont- Ganneau proposed with great reservation in his study on the first inscription of Oumm el 'Awamid', but that MM. Six and Barclay Head* have accepted without hesitation. These scholars would like to recognize arise in the initials of the two words lT\i< ^Sd, rex Aradi. To support this hypothesis, Mr. Six

1. Ch. ClcrmoDt-GanDcau, Etudes d*archeologie orieniale, l*' Ovr., p. 60.

2. B. Head, Hist, numorum, p. 666,

1891 — 4 20

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is based on two arguments. He invokes first place the golden stature of Alexander (pi. Xll, fig. 1), which would carry, according to him, K {populus Aradi): in treatment so many of the Marathus coins we have demonstrated that this reading, already given by Moller, is erroneous and that the alleged letter 37 is only the product of a tr6flage'. Secondly, Mr. Six relies on the analysis logy of the coins of Tyre, on which there would be QN, instead of ND, and after having interpreted tSK by DdSq pN, Adon Melakim^ has the lord of kings, » he supposes that the letters KD on the Aradian coins cannot mean anything other than niN ^SQ, melek Aivad cc king of Aradus”. However, the tSK legend does not actually exist on any of the coins of Tyre; we find of course rare silver statures of this city, to the type of the owl, the letters and D*. But these letters have no relation to each other, and We cannot bring them together to form the elements of the same legend: their arrangement remains perspective will be enough to demonstrate this. The letter D is located above the flail of the owl, sometimes alone, sometimes ti^t accompanied by a date; the letter K is isolated to below the flail, and it is very often replaced by another letter which varies. We note, among others, the following varieties:

\ \'

•f tIV

1. L. Muller, iVtfm/5m. d*Alexandre, n* 1367; Six, in IciVamr«m. cAro/tiV/^, N. S. I. XVII, p. 183-184; cf. Bcuuc numUmalique, 1888, pp. 503 & 505. 9. There is one donated to the collection of Mr. Imhoof-Bumer; it weighs 8. ^ 85.

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In the presence of these varieties and this arrangement letters, I leave to the reader who would like to follow in these tiny details the care of con- to conclude whether Mr. Six was right to bring the letters together N and D and make it DdSd Whatever the meaning that one day we give to the variable letters that we read in the field of Tyrian stateres, we pent, k suddenly on, affirm that it will not be the one.

From then on, none of the arguments that could be invoked quer to explain by Melek Armd does not sub- sist. I will add that this abstract formula “king of Arvad", without a proper name, would be foreign to uses of Tantiquite as a whole. Most often, kings inscribe their name alone, or their name accompanied loincloth of the royal title, for example, AAEIANAPOY or BAIIAEni AAEIANAPOY, without following it with a ethnic; sometimes the king's name is followed by Tethnic as in Azbaal^ melek Gebal\ but we never find the abstract formula /'o/ r/e Gebal or king of Macedonia or any other, without the name of the prince. This usage has also been maintained throughout the period. Roman, as well as in the Middle Ages and in times modern: the personality of the king is always speci- fi6e on currencies. Faced with such an observation tion, we can say that the formula Melek Armd “king of Aradus", would be quite abnormal, and that this Interpretation of the letters is implausible.

We must look less far for the solution of the pro- blfeme: I would suggest simply looking in the letters KQ, the name of Aradus, IIIN, preceded by a D indicating the place of origin and corresponding to the pr6-

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laline position ex. All orientalists know that it is the usual meaning of the prefix D in Hebrew, el consequently as a Phoenician. Grammatically, mWS, ex Arado, therefore suffers no difficulty; the whole question is to prove that this formula can be found on currencies. In Phoenicia, instead of D, we ordinarily find an S prefix; for example, k Tyre, there are coins which bear IsS; k Sidon, we find tSJTxS. In Cyprus, we have the S prefix in front of royal names, for example example, ^SdS^TsS. The D prefix therefore appears to have no not generally used in monetary formulas hence the coast of Phoenicia; where is the S we meet ^ almost everywhere. We would therefore hesitate to recognize birth a Q prefix on the coins of Aradus if we could only invoke grammatical convenience. hold. But we find the D prefix itself em- deployed, on many occasions, in the Phoenix colonies ancient or Punic people of Sicily, Spain or TAfrica. The coins of Gad6s frequently bear ment the formula "nJinS^TSD; the medals of Sexli, U^3U/b}7:2D, those of Lixus in Mauritania have: Xffzh S:7nQ; those of Tingis: W3>n S^nO; those of dc Panorme carry: y^^S^HTQ. These testimonial examples bothered by the ease with which prefixes indicating membership or origin D, and 7, for were, according to local customs, to be used One for the other.

We therefore believe we are fully authorized to interpret ND e.g. Arado a of Aradus”. II in results in the confirmation of the attribution to Aradus

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of all the currencies which bear these two letters. The parts on which are simultaneously the letters and the Greek monogram AP can be compared to the bilingual coins of Tire and of Sidon, on which we read both: TYPIflN and nsS, IIAHNinN and D»31XS.

These general preliminaries having been established, we move on to sounds in the classification and k T explanation of the different monetary groups.

First period (400-361 BC).

1. Ichthyomorphic Dagon, right, bearded, hair want braids, holding a dolphin in each hand by the tail; the lower body, starting from the kidneys, has the shape of a long sinuous fish tail, covered with scales, equipped with fins, and bifurcated at its extremity, like that of the scorpion. In the field, the letters (KQ, ex Avadd), Au for turn, a sort of cordiform crown.

Yf, Phoenician galdera, without sails, going to the right; below a winged seahorse, with the head of a griffin, galloping pants to the right. Around the edge, trace of a hollow square edge^ of a row of pearls.

16 miIl.Drachma, 3 gr. 30*. — Pl.XI, fig.l and 2.

2. Same description. iR. 10 mill. Half-drachma, Igr. 65. — PI. XI, fig. 3.

3. Dagon seen half-length, right, bearded, hair want mats, holding a fish in each hand the tail; in the field, the letters ][^'^ (i^Q)-

1. See Brandis, pp. 512 and 574.

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U*. Prow galley, right; underneath, a dolphin, also on the right. Around, a hollow square limited by a grdnetis.

8 mill. Obol, 0 gr. 70. — PI. XI, fig. 4.

The figure of Dagon is particularly interesting health k analyze in its details. The hair of god are natt^s and fall in cords abon- dantes on his shoulders. His beard is curly, trimmed point. Care is taken on well-preserved specimens, on the belly of the god, a circle or disc which appears to bare one's insides: this particularity recalls a type of the coins of Mallus in Cilicia, representing like a god who holds a record in both hands his stomach*.

The Phoenician god Dagon, whose form resembles close to that of the sea monster of currencies of etanus, which is generally referred to as Glaucos, was particularly worshiped in Gaza and Azot among the Philistines: it is from there, doubtless, that his cult spread as far as Phenicia of the north. According to generally accepted typology, his name meant fish (31, 'pJl)', and the Bible tells us depicts him as a sea god who had a nose human ends with a fish body.

As for the seahorse on the reverse, which swims on the waves, he was obviously also a sea god of Phenicia, whose name escapes us. We find it

1. Imhoof-Blumer, Mallos, in the SocUU Yearbook of Numismatics, 1883, pi. V, fig. 14^1 19.

2. There is another etymology which was already current in antiquity; ellc does come Dagon dc 131, fromeni; we attributed, consequently, the invention of the plow next to the cultivation of the bid & Dagon identified with Zeus Arotrios.

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on the coins of the kings of Gebal and contemporary Tire Poraines, and it is undoubtedly by the Phoenician colonies women of the West that he came to take his place in the symbolism of Sicily alongside Italy deserves regional, but with a real horse's head, and no longer with a griffin head like here.

Mr. Six* places the pieces in the Dagon type a little later, that is to say after the currencies of our second period and immediately before the Alexander's quest. The arguments that one could argue in favor of ranking Mr. Six can also be invoked to our advantage. 11 ago stuffed pieces, of a very neglected style, which indicate that this coinage continued for a long time time; the griffin head of Thippocampus resembles sometimes has a horse's head. But these copies of bad quality or even copper, could have been struck pes in a moment of financial crisis, for example during the wars of Evagoras I", which ended in 386: there are also coins stuffed with this king of Salamis. We could also think of the revolt of Tan 351, unless one considers these coins as imitation coins post6- later, without their existence being able to influence the classification of coins of good style and good quality.

We will tell you soon the reasons which we rise to put secondly the parts to the type of Melqart. Let us only note here that the comparison sound of the reverse of the Aradian coins to the type of

1. Dant Ic Nnmism. chronicle, 1877, p. ISO; cf. B.Head, Hisi. number^ p. 666.

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Dagon, with the oldest coins of the kings of Gebal, completely justifies our classification. A Gebal, we find, in fact, between the years 400 and 350, coins which have a galley on the reverse ph^nician with a seahorse, and their style does not does not allow you to go down 6poque lower the Aradian pieces which have an analogous type. This coinage therefore seems to end at Aradus, in 350, during the repression of the revoke of Phoenicia conlre Artaxerxfes HI Ochus. As we 1 have said, Aradus was among the cities which, in 351, favored the insurrection of the king of Sidon Tennes; after having recounted the ruin of Sidon and the punishment of Tennes in 350, Diodorus of Sicily adds (XVI, 45): ((All the other cities of Phoenicia, frightened by this terrible example, submitted to the Persians. » We must therefore understand Aradus among the cities which then bowed under the yoke of the great king.

The parts that we have just described are related drop a series of small coins that we can qualify as microscopic, because they are the most smallest that monetary policy has ever produced. Ges pieces are anepigraphs, and it does not appear that we must attribute them to a country other than Phenicia, although we find coins almost as small i\ Lesbos. The Due de Luynes, who had the most remarkable collection, had received them from Syria; They came, moreover, probably from a unique find. The other pieces of the Cabinet of Medals, acquired some forty years ago, also came from Syria; Mr. Doctor Rouvier,

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professor at the French Faculty of Medicine of Beirut has a fairly large number of examples. pleasers who, all, according to what he tells me, have 6i6 collected in the sands of Tile de Ruad; finally Mr. Feuardenten also has a few that he links of F. de Saulcy, who had collected them in the region Aradian. I add that these currencies can be left classify fairly well by their types and style at middle of the coins of Aradus. The first, more larger than the others (pl. IX, fig. 3), has, to the right, a archaic style head, with a pointed beard, which remains seems to be the head of Dagon on the oldest of pieces that we described earlier. The reverse is a ship's bow similar to that of coins of Aradus classified in black second period.

Here, moreover, is the description of these small currencies and the groups that their varieties form.

4. Archaic style head, with pointed beard, the calamistres hair, straight k.

jy. Bow of ship k right (she could, h pre- at first glance, being taken for the head of a lion or bull water). Hollow square edged with a line of pearls.

M. 7 mill. 0 gr. 37. — PI. XI, fig. 5.

6. Archaic style head, bearded, straight (style different from the previous piece), the hair in parallel and perpendicular streaks.

9^. Bow of ship k right; underneath, a dolphin.

JR. 5 mill. 0 gr. 135. — PI. XI, fig. 6, 7 and 8.

6. Head approximately similar.

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^. Kind of scorpion.

.fV. 4 mill. 0 gr. 05. — PI. XI, fig. 9.

7. Head approximately similar.

9^. Kind of fish between two branches or flowers rons.

A. 6 mill. 0 gr. 05. — PI. XI, fig. 10.

8. Tele on the right, almost similar.

Even tfetequ on the right, in a hollow square. J.K. 4 mill. 0 gr. 05. — PI. XI, fig. 11.

9. Tele de pateque or bearded Cabire, from the front. 9*. Dolphin in a square of points.

A. 4 mill. 0 gr. 06. — PL XI, fig. 12.

This monstrous head of a pygmy may be there representation of one of the Phoenician Cabires; she recalls both the god Bes of the Egyptians and the type coins from the Balearic Islands. The same figure is seen on silver coins that are today attributed today in Gaza, and among whom there are some who feel almost as small as those we just came from describe *.

Second period (350 i 332).

The constant type of currencies of this period is this:

Bearded head of Melqart, on the right, surrounded by a laurel wreath.

1. Due de Luynes, Choice of nUdailles i*recque$^ pi. xii, fig. 3; Schledehans, in Grote's Munzatudien, I. II (1862), pi. 31; Six, Numism donations. chronicle, 1877, p. 228.

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9'. Galley whose bow is decorated with a figure of pateque, and sailing on the waves represented by wavy parallel streaks; above, the letters j^Hf* Around the edge, traces of a hollow square bordered by a bead line; sometimes the field is limited by a very deep circular silon.

Melqart's name assigned to divine TV which appears in this group, is justified by the comparison his type, with a fierce appearance, with features that reflect gain muscular strength, with the statues of Tllera- Technician keys re-found in Cypre*. As for the figure of the pateque which adorns the prow of the galore, it is of too small to be able to appreciate if it has anything to do with monetary types which we talked about earlier. Reminds us- Let us only here the passage where Herodotus points out Singular shape of Phoenician ships; in recounting that Cambyses, in Memphis, made fun of the hideous figure of the god Phtah, he provides this detail: the statue of this god looks extremely similar to these Easter figures that the Phoenicians placed at the bow of their galleys. »

With the type of the Phoenician Melqart we have sta- teres which weigh 10 gr. 60; drachmas of 3 gr. 25; obols of 0 gr. 88*. Many varieties are formed by the letters or numerals that we read, back of the statures alone, above the galley. We notes the following groups:

2. G. Perrol and Ch. Chipiez. Hist, de Vart in VantiquiU, I. UI. p. 669 ei next.

t. Brandis, op. cii., p. 514-515.

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1. The letters ^CD, alone; sometimes if they don't do not appear, it is because the monetary wedge has not that part of his imprint on the metal blank- lique. (PI. XI, Gg. 13, 14, 15 and 16.)

2. The letters W3, followed by a variable letter. (PI. XI, fig. 17.)

3. The letters KD, followed by a date. (PI. XI, fig. 18 and 19.)

In each of these three groups, there are exercises pleasers who are of a very pronounced archaic style, giving Melqart an Assyrian appearance, with the eye almost from the front, the beard braided into cords and curls on the cheeks; others are of a beautiful style more modern shot, with an eye in profile, as if this coinage continued very late, even after Alexander. All these pieces have a large appearance. sier, with irregular and very thick flan. This thickness fact that there may not be a single example please where the engraving of the coin coin is reproduced taken in its entirety, so that it is necessary to bring several pieces to be able to reconstruct the types as a whole. Finally, a good number of examples Pleases are stuffed or made of bad metal. The most of the preceding remarks, and which we have already done for the previous period, except in cc qiii concerns T^thickness of the blank, can equal ment apply to the coinage of Tyre, to the type of the owl carrying the Egyptian flail.

These are Ik certain clues of the extension late coinage that Tire and Aradus inaugurated

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referent under Achaemenid domination. In what especially concerns Aradus, we see in these characteristicsan argument for considering currencies to the type of Melqart as posterior to the pieces to the type of Dagon. Besides, we said all h rtime that the currencies at the head of Melqart include bear many varieties, formed of letters and dates that we will specifically examine. These multiple indications are missing on the parts to the type of Dagon; gold, in the coinage of Tire and of Sidon, as in all numismatic series ticks in general, monetary groups with dates and variable letters are chronologically post- laughing at groups lacking these notations 6pi- graphs, which are a sure sign of progress in coinage.

We noted that the statfere of the second period weighs 10 gr. 60. There is an exception only for a piece from the Luynes collection which appears to have somewhat disconcerting Brandis and Mr. Six. It's a statere with the same types and same external appearance than the others, and which weighs 16 gr. 60 instead of 10 gr. 60. (PI. XI, fig. 13.) Brandis places this piece at the end of the whole series and he thinks she was hit- immediately before the coins of Alexander: of its Attic weight. Mr. Six* believes, on the contrary, because of the old style of the head of Eracl6s, which this piece must be classic not at the end, but in head of the series of Aradus coins, that is to say that it dates not from 330, but from around 450, and

1. Six in Ic Numitm. Chronicle, 1877, p. 186, note.

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its Attic weight could be explained by the proximity of the influence of the Athenians who dominated Cyprus celtic era. If we had to choose between these two options let's say, I would prefer that of Brandis to that of Mr. Six, which is entirely improbable, because a Isolated coin minted at Aradus in Syria attic could not be explained in any way, while You would understand more easily that, at the moment Alexander introduced the Attic system into everything In the East, some parts of the old types have been hit with the new weights. But I believe he It is better to make a clean slate of these stupid conjectures. traditional. After having carefully examined the stature in question, I am inclined to conclude that the excess of weight that you notice is only due to a burr accidental impact of the monetary flank. The piece has the same aspect than all the others; its flan, if you do abstraction of the burr of the metal, is neither wider nor thicker; its style is identical to that of coins from the same series which have the front eye. In short, I cannot attach to this isolated piece, and uni- quemenl remarkable for its unusual weight, Tim- the lift given to it by Mr. Six for classification general of the coins of Aradus under the domination of the Ach^menid Persians *.

The coins on which the inscription traditionally nelle NO is followed by letters providing us with the following varieties.

1. This stature of t6 gr. 60 is the one that Duke Luynes had engraved in his Choice of Greek metalworks, pi. xii, 4; if Brandis could have believed that there is only the letter on the reverse, that's where the letter was found, it hit it" cn outside the monetary gap. See our pi. ix, fig. 11.

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nKQ D Na

37 (PI. XI, fig. 17).

What do these letters mean? Are these brands of successive issues or initials of names of masterful? In any case, we will say, with Mr. Six, there can be no question of seven kings, because all the pieces appear contemporary and do not could be spread over a series of seven reigns successive. These may be the initials of names of eponymous sufi^tes.

On the group of the same states where the letters are replaced by numbers, we noted the following dates:

- Ka(=iO) III A Na(= 13)

III! A or III! - (= 14) (PI. XI, fig. 18).

II III A (=15) (PI. XI, fig. 19). I III III A i

I notice that the tens sign affects two different forms: — and A. The currencies on the which it has the shape A are of a more recent style than the others, so that we are tempted to believe in two series of dates, as would be, for example, the dates of two successive reigns. However we can- would also be assumed, and we will preferably adopt

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this opinion, that recent style currencies are imitation coins, minted at a time after later than the time when the pieces take us back old style.

It is surprising that, until now at least, we have not no coin bearing a previous date kTan 10; nor do we know of any that are pos- later than Tan 17. Are these years 10 to 17 years of reign? If we assume that Tan 17 coin- cide with Tannic 333 before our bve, end date of Persian domination k Aradus, Tan 10 corresponds to would refer to Tannee 340, and Tan 1 would refer us to Year 350 before our 6th, date of the repression of The Tennis Uprising. On the coins of kings of Sidon, we find dates which are the years of reign of each of these princes *; if it were even in Aradus, one could consider the seventeen years represented by the currencies, such as the dates of the reign of Gerostratos who would have mounted the Aradian throne during the re-establishment of authority of Artaxerxes III Ochus on Ph^nicia, The mon- naies that simply have NG, or VD followed by a variable letter, were able, in this hypothesis, to be struck before the appearance of the dates, that is to say before Tan 340 which would be the tenth year of the reign of Gerostratos.

This is the hypothesis which seems most true to us. similar: Gerostratos would have reigned in Aradus since Tan 350 until after the conquest of Phenicia, by Alexander, in 332.

1. See E. Babelon, The coins of the kings of Sidon, in the Bulletin of Corresponds. helU'nu/ue, 1891, p. 293 et ​​seq.

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It is to this second period that we connect let's make the following small bronze:

Ichthyomorphic dagon on the left, holding the left hand a club resting on his shoulder. Garnetis around the edge.

J^. Phoenician galley sailing on the waves; at above, the letters NQ. Garnetis around the edge.

I 14 mill. PI. XI, fig. 20.

This bronze is an imitation coin of the two previous groups. Dagon's type ichthyomorphic recalls the pieces grouped in our first period, although it is a different figure rement. As for the reverse, it seems struck with the same corner as the small silver coins of the second period.

///• period (332 to 237 BC)

Immediately after the Macedonian conquest, in 332, the workshop of Aradus, like the other workshops from the coast of Phenicia, stopped minting coins with the types and weight used under the domination of the Achaemenids. II 6mii tetradrachms and drachmas in the Attic system, in the name of Alexander and to the types universally adopted in all extent of the empire.

It is in this period that we must place the mon- following lines:

1. Golden stature to the types of Alexander, with the legend W3. (PI. XII, fig. 1.)

1891 — 5 21

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2. T^tradrachm to the types of Alexander, with the legend NQ. (PI. XII, fig. 2.)

3. T^tradrachms to the types of Alexander, on the- which Aradus' workshop is represented by a mono- Greek gram consists of letters AP, accompanies sometimes a caduceus or a palm tree. These currencies are without date'. According to Mr. Six, their broadcast would extend until 260 BC; according to us, on the contrary, these undated coins are placed between 332 and 298 at the latest, the period when they appear the following parts:

4. Tetradrachms to the types of Alexander, dated; they all fit, by their style, into the V" class of MuUer. Here, a delicate question arises: it is to know to what era the dates we refer to reads about these pieces.

These tetradrachms bear dates which go from Tan 15 to ^i Tan 76*. According to Mr. Six, this gont of Aradian dates, and like Tere of Aradus begins in the autumn of Fan 259 BC, the dates that we have just noted on the tetra- Alexandrian drachmas would correspond to the period between 245 and 184 BCE. According to my own research, on the contrary, the currencies in question would be dated following Fere des Seleu- cides which begins on October 1, 312; they “e rap- would therefore relate to the period included between 298 and 237 BC there is therefore, as we see

1. Muller, Numism. d'Auxandre, no. 1360 to 1380.

2. B.Head. Uist, numontm, p. 666.

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307

sees, between the system of Mr. Six and the one we we propose to justify a gap of 53 years.

The only reason Mr. Six gives for supporting its system, both in what it has public and in the private correspondence that we exchanged at this subject, it is the style of the coins. Well I confess that this argument hardly seems conclusive to me in the species, where it is only a difference of half a century. In truth, tetradrachms to types Alexandrians, dates and struck at Ac6 before the year 237, are of a better style, a thicker flan and less flat than the pieces of Aradus which I believe to be contemporary rains. But this difference is attributable to the genius particular of the engravers of the corners, at the geo-distance graphic which separates the workshops, with influences oppositions that they suffered, much rather than to a law- chronological period of fifty years. Mon- born to the Alexandrian types, which bear the name of Seleucus I" Nicator (f in 281 BC), have the same wide and thin blank, and the same style as the pieces of Aradus which I believe to be contemporary; and precise6- ment, we will soon see that Aradus never ceased to be under the influence of the kings of Syria: we will give even a coin (pL XII, 4) struck in this city by Seleucus. On the contrary. Ace, like most apart from the other towns on the coast of Phenicia, was always days under the domination or direct action of Ptolemies of Egypt. These political circumstances their reflection in the divergences of the style of the currencies.

Considering the question from another aspect, I

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will say that if you take the products of the same monetary workshop, and if we compare them with each other, style point of view, it will often be impossible to distinguish those who are not separated from each other than by a period of half a century. In Aradus mfeme, the autonomous currencies dated are distributed weave chronologically, with the same types over a period of 90 years; there is not a difference very noticeable style between the pieces which are not 6 distant from each other only fifty years. With regard specifically to tetra- drachmesdat^s, with Alexandrian types, from late- link of Aradus, the Cabinet of Medals does not have any only three copies which respectively have the following dates:

I III |||/vt«' (year 27) Ill/V/vf-' (year 43)

IE (year 66) PI. XII, fig. 3.

However, the piece that carries Tannic 43 is of a sensitive style. probably more barbaric than that of Tan 65. There is what, I think, justifies my skepticism towards of Mr. Six's thesis.

But direct evidence can be provided which establishes blessed that Aradus used the 1st so-called Seleu- cides, before the 1st Aradian era edi et6 invented and enforcement.

In dealing with Marathus coins, we have points out a tetradrachm of Alexander struck in this city, with the Phoenician date — A^j^*^ (= year 30)*.

1. Retfiu numi$maUqu€f 1888, p. SOS.

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Anyone who wants to take the trouble to bring together this piece of those from Aradus which bear dates neighbors of Tan 30, the one for example that we have just reported with Tan 27, will have to conclude that these coins are rigorously contemporary, would believe, in truth, that the corners were ves by the same worker, so that it becomes by \h positive that at the time they were issued, Aradus and Marathus, his colony, used the same era. However, we believe we have demonstrated that all Marathus coins are dated after Tere of Seleucids; we will not return to this point, acquired for us. The result is that currencies of contemporary Aradus are also dated following before the S^leucidian Tere.

This argument seems to me, it alone, to put an end to the debate. But other considerations, to its defect, would have led to the same conclusion. Thus, by example, we see that, in the monetary sequence of kings of Syria, the Alexandrian types cease definitively- ment with Antiochus I Soter (f in 261 BC); k Ac6, these same types stop at Tan 46 of Seleucids (267 BC). By calculating the dates of Aradian coins, after Tere of the Seleucids, their emission ceased in 297 BC. AD, that is to say a quarter century after the disappearance of this coinage in Syria and Phoenicia, at least for the pieces dated. In Mr. Six's hypothesis, it would be necessary to pro- lengthen until 184, that is to say make it last four- twenty years longer in Aradus than in the whole Syria and Phenicia: this is not very rational.

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If these coins of Aradus, with Alexandrian types, were dated after the Aradian era, it was necessary to admit that this city has only begun to date its coins only in 244 BCE, while Ac^ dates his from Tan 307 BC. On the mon- births of Tyre, T^re of the Seleucids appeared from the Tan 2 (310BC). The use of dating coins dates back, we saw it, until the Persian era, at Aradus as well as in Tire and Sidon. It is unlikely ble that this usage has fallen into disuse at Aradus for almost a century, when we see him continue without interruption, with different computers, in other Phoenician cities.

In Ace, the Alexandrian type coins end in Tan 46 of Tere of the Seleucids; it is precisely in Tan 46 that the coins of Aradus have the same types cease to carry dates in ph^- characters Nice: is there not a coincidence capable of contribute to admitting that the dates of the mon- The families of Aradus are S^leucidian just as well than those of the currencies of Ac^?

Mr. Six recognized or even tried to demonstrate- to see, in various works, that all the large cities from Phenicia, Tyre, Sidon, Tripolis, had begun by making use of Tere of the Seleucids before serve as particular eras: why would Aradus not have Didn't she also follow the universal usage? 11 matters, moreover, to note that the 1st era known as the S

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311

from the year H2 (201 BC) under the reign of Antio- chus III, and again it is exclusively on the pieces from the workshops of Tire and Sidon*. On the contrary, it appears from Tan 2 to Tyre, from Tan 5 to Ac6, from Tan 16, according to us, in Aradus.

The fate of Aradus during the Diadochi quarrels is unfortunately little known to us. We know only that Phenicia like Coelesyria were the constant object of the lusts of the Seleucids and the Lagides, the challenge of the rivalry of the kingdoms of Syria and Egypt. S^leucus I Nicator possessed at least for some time Aradus, as well as Tatteste the following currency:

5. Hairless head of Alexander, right, topped with lion skin.

5f. Bow of ship left; she is overcome, k Tavant, of a figure of Ath^na Promachos. Above, in the field, an anchor.

I. 16 mill. Some copies have the edge in bevel. PI. XII, fig. 4.

Although this bronze is anepigraph, its attribution tion k Aradus cannot be doubtful, because of the type of the surmounted prow of Athena Promachos. This type is particular to Aradus and we will see that it is constantly encountered, in competition with the type of rounded volute prow, on coins dates. The anchor that is in the field is the symbol of Seleucus 1*"" Nicator and proves that the piece was ei6 minted at Aradus under the authority of this prince.

1. B. Babelon. Burps , Intpod., p. lxzxt.

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We have no coins of the kings of Egypt, which can be attributed to Aradus, although the Pto- The raees have long possessed the main ports. paux of Phenicia. On the other hand, monograms composed of the letters AP or APA, in which we must, most of the time, recognize the name Aradus, are found on the currencies of almost all successors of Seleucus 1 Nicator. Let us know- rons on silver and bronze coins with the names of Antiochus 1*% of Antiochus II, of Seleucus II, dWntiochus III, Antiochus IV, Demetrius I*, of Alexander Bala, of Demetrius II, of Tryphon, of Antiochus VII, of Alexander Zebina*. It is still others, and although the interpretation of these monograms by the name Aradus are not loud certain days, we can nevertheless affirm that 1^ kings of Syria often had coins minted in the workshop of Aradus, even though this city had its own coinage. This coexistence of remission of royal coinage and coinage municipal in the same city is not surprising, because we observe a similar state of affairs in a large number of cities, particularly in the most of those on the Phoenician coast.

At the same time as the Aradus workshop was striking tetradrachms to the traditional types of Alexander,

1. These are the monograms which, in our catalog of coins of the Kings (is Syrtc, bear the n*' 74, 134. 133, 209 and 270. The coins on the- which we have noted bear in this same calalogae n** 121, 200, 262, 368, 412. 617, 645, 725, 792, 961, 1046, 1158, 1334, etc. Cf. E. Babelon. Lrs kings of Syn'e^ ^ Arminie and of Comma^ine, Introd.^ pp. cxxilT, CxxTin, CLXxix. Aradaa's interpretation of these monograms is not always certain. Once you enter these caves. under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (n* 645 of our catalog), the monogram A.P is found on a coin from Ui^ropolis.

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he issued divisional silver coins as well than bronze coins on which appear autonomous types. It seems that the tetradrachms Alexandrians were used for foreign trade, while bronzes and small silver coins were used exclusively for local circulation. This double destination explains the difference in types. Here is the description of these silver coins and copper:

6. Beard head, laurel, of Melqart, right. Gr6- netis around the edge.

Bow of ship, k left, Tfront rounded in volute; above, ^if {ex Arado). Granite perimeter.

.f\. 14 mill. 2 gr. 40. — PI. XII, fig. 6.

This piece is the last on which the legend ND. I don't think we can give a other name than that of Melqart with the laureate head* beardless, which appears on the right. It's not a head of ApoUon; nor is it a royal portrait. It is rather young Melqart, as indicated by his broad cheeks and his physiognomy exudes strength bodily. The rounded volute bow will be found until the end of the silver coinage of Aradus, concurrently with the surmounted bow of the figure of Athna Promachos. On the coins of the kings of Macedonia, this volute prow appears for first time under Demetrius Poliorcete (306-283); It is also the same time that she appears on the coins of the Roman Republic*.

1. E. BabeloD. Description hUt. and chron. monn. of the Ripubl. Roman, t. I, Introd., p. VIII.

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7. Laureate and bearded Tele from Melqart, on the right. Gre- netis around the edge.

9". Bow of ship k left, Tavant surmoote de the figure of Wthena Promacfam; n dcjsniv, in the field, a monogram composed of the letters AP. Garnetis around the edge.

A. 13 mill. — 2 gr. 72. — PI. XII, fig. 6.

8. Rounded head of Tych^, right, hair falling on the back of my neck. Garnetis around the edge.

9'. Ship's bow on the left, rounded front and ends in a volute; above, a monogram com* pos6 of the letters AP. Garnetis around the edge.

A. 12 mill. — 1 gr. 75.

9. Tele tourelee of Tych6, k straight, hair falling on the neck.

9". Galley prow to the left; Tavant is ome of a figure of Athena Promachos. Above, the mono- gram consists of letters AP and a palm tree.

iE. 22 mill. Beveled edges.

10. Same t^e.

^, same bow. Above, the monogram includes places the letters AP, and a club lying down. M. 16 mill. Beveled edges.

It is on currencies similar to these latter silver and bronze coins that appear in the first earliest dates calculated from the Aradian era. So that we will see it further, the oldest than us we noted is Tan 20 which corresponds to Tan 73 of Seleucids (240 BC). {A suwre.)

E. BABSLOlf.

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Metal history of Louis XIV and Louis XV ^ dAfter unpublished documents from the national archives^ nales.

PART TWO. THE ENGRAVERS.

{Continuation and end)^.

Immediately after the death of Roettiers, a state of punches and squares found in his cabinet is ready sent to Mr. deLaunay, and controlled by him on the date of February 8, 1704. This report contained the following articles: before:

47. 1704. Head of the King, of 18 Ugnes: 2 fists and 1 square6, 150 pounds.

48. King's illness, fist and square: 300 pounds (n*» 279). This m^daille was first executed from the 30-line module, and signed. The one listed under 279 is probably just one reduction to 18 lines.

Obviously, such a skillful and fertile artist that Roettiers left many other works, completed or not, at the time of his death.

Indeed, a few years later, on April 28, 1712, was presented by a very curious person: “Me'moire des fistons and square all the medals that we find in

1. See Befue numismaiique, 3* quarter 1887, p. 281, 2* trim. 1888, p. 306; 2* trim. 1889, p. 269; 3" trim. 1889, p. 429.

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J. GCIFFRET

the cabinet of the late sir Joseph Roettiers^ engraver general of the coins of France^ deliver to Monsieur of Lnunny^ director of the Mint of medals of the Roy, by order of the Count of Pontchar- train. »

We could not do better than to reproduce this Memoir in its entirety:

Large punches (probably 30 or 32 lines).

41. Two heads of the King of different ages: two dipped fists pcs, two solid squares, but not hardened, 2200 pounds.

50. Two King's Islands of different Ages: two hallmarks, one finished, Taulre almost finished, untempered, 900 pounds.

Large hallmarks fail by order of M, de Loui'ois.

51. The heresy destroyed, represented by the King supporting the Church and trampling underfoot the heresy, with a Fame and several geniuses, at the bottom of the architecture: a large finished and tempered punch, 600 pounds; a large square finished and not hardened... (cf. n** 270 and 271).

52. The conquests of Holland represented by five figures with small children: a finished, untempered punch.

Medium-sized hallmarks fail by order of Af. of Louvois (probably 26 lines),

53. Four heads of the King in different ways: two hallmarks finished and two others half finished, untempered: 500 pounds.

5 1. Head of the King with the teles of two young princes separated by a dolphin: fist, 400 pounds (see n**258).

55. Battle of Gassel: fist, 300 pounds (see above n'* 45).

56. Delivery of three million to the Spaniards: punch, 300 books (see n**265). The square of this 30-line medal, sign /?., is registered under number 1412 of the old inventory, as cassc a the ferrule.

57. Capture of Luxembourg: hallmark, 300 livres (Roettiers had execute this subject in the 30 line module as on the volt by the medal described under number 262, signed /?.).

58. Religion reestablished in Strasbourg: fist, 200 livres (cf. n<» 440 sign /?.).

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59. The King leading the Dauphin to the temple of Glory, fist, 300 pounds.

60. The fight at Saint-Denis; fist, 200 pounds (execute in 30 lines by Roetliers; see. above n** 8).

61. Gonquete de la Franche-Comte: fist, 200 pounds.

62. Strasbourg fortification: 2 fists, 300 pounds (cf. n** 254).

63. The abolished duel: fist, 200 pounds (executed in 30 lines by Roettiers; see. n** 101, sign /?.).

6'i. Establishment of the Academy of Sciences: Poison, 200 books (see n° 132).

Small hallmarks fail by order of Mr. de Louvois [probably 18 lines).

65. Capture of Palamos: fist, 200 pounds (executed in 30 lines by Roettiers; see. above n** 13).

66. The King and Queen regent: fist, 200 livres (see below above n** 18).

67. Capture of Mons: fist, 200 pounds (see above n** 6).

68. Capture of Saint-Omer: fist, 200 pounds (see above n«» 9 and 20).

69. Defeat of the English at Brest: fist, 200 livres (see below above n** 16).

70. Capture of Girone: fist, 200 pounds (see above n® 12).

71. Bataille du Ter: fist, 200 pounds (see above n** 11).

72. Vain plans of enemy fleets: fist, 200 pounds (see above 15).

Hallmarks of various sizes.

73. Three fists of the King's head of different sizes, with a setback of the broken capture of Luxembourg^ (see n** 262) and a another big square of the King's tele hit: 900 pounds.

74. Seven heads of the king for tokens in different ways -: fists, 350 pounds.

75. Four setbacks car res:

1** A figure sowing seeds. 2o A figure taking the hand a little Love. 3** A figure in a chariot dragged by chains worth. 4<* A galley: fists, 200 pounds.

76. Three reverses for jelons:

1** The chess of Saint Genevieve carried in procession; 2*

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J. GCIFFRET

Jupiter seated on the clouds with an eagle at his feet; 3^ A woman seated leaning on an escutcheon bearing a ship: fists, 150 pounds.

77. Head of the King, from the history of His Majesty, of 18 lines of diameter, in the state of use: fist; 225 pounds; three squares, 450 pounds. In the margin is this note: “the punch was paid by order of January 20, 1704, and one of the squares paid with the fist above. »

78. Head of the King of the First Seat: hallmark, lack of temper 500 pounds.

79. Head of the King: square, missing temper, 150 pounds.

80. The Great Days: two squares broken during tempering, 300 books (see above n** 41).

81. Liberality of the King; carr^ cass^ k temper, 150 pounds (see. above n" 4 and 46).

82. Peer of Ryswick: poln^on and square6, 400 pounds; this is the subject indicated above art. 29, and in cat. No. 339.

In the margin is this note: “The said punch is paid Mr. Rottier by order of October 30, 1700.”

83. Capture of Att, Barcelona and Garthagene: fist and square, 400 pounds (see above 27). “The said fist pays by order of October 30, 1700.”

84. Three figures and a trophy of weapons on a pedestal marked feeling the King giving peace to the Dutch and to Spain, without inscription: fist and square, 450 pounds. Marginal note: said fist and square paid by order of April 6, 1703 (see below above n* 43).

This posthumous memory which, following revaluation of hdritiersRoettiers, was to rise to 13,925 pounds, ends with the following note from M. de Launay who, in singularly reducing their rights, gives them reasons for this change:

“I, the undersigned, Director of the Mint of medals established in the galleries of the Louvre, certified that the engraving works contained in this memoir

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rise, following the moderation by me made of the verbal order of Monseigneur the Count of Pontchar- train, to the sum of 3,934 pounds, having regard to the part el quarrez hallmarks mentioned there have been included before paying as it is marked in the margin, that a part are broken, and another part is bigger no dip, and in said sum included what could be doubled to the locksmith for the punches and quarrez who served in the said works, in testimony of that I signed, in Paris, this April 28th of the year 1712.

From Launnay. »

Add that the punches and squares 6numbered in this memory being almost completed or unfinished, or not tempered, are of no interest, because they could not, if they still exist, give satisfactory tests health. They therefore deserve to be counted in Work by Roettiers.

But the different medals which appear on the memoirs of the engraver presented to him by his survivor teach us an important detail: it is that usually signed his works with the single letter and that he never signed either his full name or his first name followed by his last name. So we can attribute with all probability the documents which bear this signature until the date of his death. We will list them, in chronological order. logical, omitting those already cited in the memoirs reproduced above.

85 — 1648. Capture of Tortosa (n^ 37), 30 lig.

86 — 1657. Capture of Monlmedy (n° 71),

87 — 1658. Battle of the Dunes (n^ 74), —

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88 — 1660. Peace of the Pyrenees (n° 401), 30

89 — 1660. Marriage of the king (No. 84),

90 — Entry of the Queen into Paris (n* 86),

91 — 1663. Tele du Roi (n» 406),

92 — 1666. Gratitudes granted to men of letters

(n» 128)

03 1672. The King holding the seal (n« 169),

94 _ 1672. Holland subjugated (n° 177),

95 — 1673. Bust of the King crowned with laurel (n* 417),

96 — 1673. Capture of Maestrick (No. 185),

97 — 1674. Second conquest of Franche - Comte

(No. 186),

98 — 1674. Capture of Besangon (No. 188),

99 — 1674. Battle of Senef (n<»192),

100 — 1674. Lifting of the siege of Oudenaarde (n* 194),

101 — 1675. Messina rescued (n** 198),

102 — 1675. Capture of Limburg (No. 200),

103 — 1677. Combat of Tabago (No. 213),

104 — — Bust of the King (n* 425),

105 — 1678. Capture of Lewe fn« 228),

106 — 1678. Peace of Nimegue (n»232),

107 — 1677. Bust of the King with laurel crown (n® 431),

108 — 1680. Levy of sailors (n <> 242),

109 — 1681. Strasbourg subjugated and Gasal handed over to the King

, K 247),

110 — 1682. Establishment of Cadet Companies

[n^ 250),

111 — 1682. The King condemns himself (n^ 251),

112 — 1683. The apartments (n** 253),

113 — 1684. Peace with Algiers (No. 263),

114 — 1685. The Doge of Genoa goes to France

(No. 226),

Gette medallle is one of only two where the signature of Roettiers is found companionship of a/*. (see below n®481).

115 — — Submission of the Republic of Gfines

(no. 267),

116 — 1686. Bust of the King crowned with laurel (n* 448),

117 — 1687. Feast of Imtel de Ville (No. 281),

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118 — — Bust of the King with laurel crown (n**451), 30 lig.

119 — 1688. Capture of Philipsburg (n"* 284), —

120 — — Dauphin Campaign (n** 285), —

121 — 1690. Battle of Fieurus (n° 292), —

122 — — The three victories (n^ 295), —

123 — 1691. Combat of Leuze (n° 302). —

124 — 1692. Combat of Phorzeim (n° 308), —

125 — — Fortifications of one hundred and fifty cities

(No. 309), —

126 — 1693. Institution of the Military Order of Saint-Louis —

(n-311), -

127 — — Taking of Roses (No. 313), —

128 — — The flourishing navy (n** 318), —

129 — 1677. Bust of the King in 1677 (n*» 425), 24 lig.

130 — 1674. Bust of Colbert (n° 480), 28 lig.

131 — Praise of Colbert (n^ 481), —

Here are more than 103 medals which are The indisputable work of Jcseph Roettiers. We were able note that it was mainly used for the execution from the sequence of 38 lines; it was only towards the end of his life, around the year 1700, that he began to execute some medals of 18 lines; the number is not considerable, and those that you know do not are only available for reductions of larger pieces by the same author. We could also see that Roettiers almost always signed his medals; both lists that we have just given according to the me- original memoirs of the period and according to the catalog of the monetary museum, therefore include a part important work of the famous Flemish engraver.

Let us cite a few more medals whose mention does not appear on the artist's receipts, either as in the catalog of the Musée de la Monnaie. We let us borrow the description from the inventory of 1698,

1891. — 7 22

322

J. GtlFPRET

which confirms to us in a positive way the explanation of the signature Rj because it formally says that this letter is the usual signature of Joseph Roettiers.

132. — Edilconlrelesduels (1646), mod.301ig.Sig.i?. — N*> 1068

of Cat.

133. — Birth of the Dauphin; 166i). Mod. 27 league. Sign i?.—

N<> 1142 of rinv. Cf. n^^ 9G and 97 of Cat.

134. — Les Invalides (1675). Mod. 18 league. Broken square at the edge

hard. Sign /?. — No. 1285 of I'lnv. Cf. No. 205 of Cat.

135. — Reduction of Strasbourg (1681). Mod. 25 lig. Sign i?. —

1372 of rinv. and 245 of Cat.

136. — Bust of the King in armor, with a niteau attached to

the shoulder and a sun on the front of the breastplate. Mod. 24 lig. Sign R. — N'* 1374 of Vln\,

137. — Portrait of the King. Mod. 18 league. Signed under the head B. — N«

1393 of 1 Inv.

138. — Bust of the King in armor. Mod. 29 league. Carr^ breaks and

sign R. — N** 1417 of Tlnv.

139. — Tele of the King crowned with laurel. Mod. 29 league. R sign,

Square broken at the ferrule. — 1448 of I'lnv.

140. — Tele du Roi with hair on both sides. Mod.

29 league. Sign /?. — No. 1449 of the lnv.

141. — Bust portrait of the King. Mod. 25 lig. Sign /?. — 1450

of rinv.

142. — Bust of the King with laurel crown and cloak. Mod.

28 lig. Sign R. — No. 1456 of Tlnv.

143. — Bust of the King in armor. Mod. 28 lig. Square breaks. Sign

/?. — N*^ 1664 of I'lnv.

144. — Bust of the King. Mod. 30 lig. Sign /?.— No. 1476 of I'lnv.

145. — Bust of the King with laurel crown. Mod. 28 lig. Sign

/?. — NM520 of I'lnv.

Among these squares, more than one, undoubtedly, is double use with those which appear at the head of the article con- sacred to this poor engraver. However, it would be difficult to arrive at a certain identification, and we notice-

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quera that all those we have just cited are before the year 1698 \

ROETTIERS (Norbert)*

N6 h Antwerp in 1664, Norbert was probably attracted to Paris by his cousin Joseph, then in great favor. He can be considered as his pupil and became his successor on January 17, 1704 in his office of general tailor of coins. He had a wife, we sail exactly ^ what time, Winfride Clark, grand- niece of the Duke of Malborough. The act of confirmation of nobility granted, in February 1772, to the eldest son of Norbert, Jacques, act that we once publicized*, tells us that Norbert left England to attach himself to the fortune of the Stuarts, his first masters and his benefactors. It is undoubtedly in reward for this fidelity that James III wanted hold the eldest son of Nor- bert, who later became goldsmith to the King of France. Eraser Jacques Roettiers, according to the cited act, was baptized at the church of Saint-Germain-en-Laye, he

1. These lines had been described for a long time when Mr. Victor Advielle public in the Minutes of the meeting of the Socields of Beaux Arts of 1888 (Paris, Plon, p. 4^-570) a long article, full of facts new on all the engravers who bore the name of Roettiers. We let us just refer to this work which added a certain number of details, ignored until now, to the biography of our artists and to the study of the same author on the Duviviers, published in the same collection in 1889 (p. 299-446).

1. On Norbert Roettiers, it is necessary to consult, in addition to the study of M. Advielle signed above, an article by M. V. J. Vaillant, published in the Revue de French Vart from January 1885, on an order made by Norbert for TAn- gleterrc.

1. Acts of nobility granted to French artists in the Revue nobt-' liaire^ of Dumoulin.

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S. GUIFFREY

It is not surprising that Mr. Jal did not find his certificate of baptism in the civil status of Paris.

Norbert had three other children: Jean, born on the 3rd November 1709, and whose godfather was Jean Dinim- raond, due of Melforl, a daughter, Elisabeth-Hel^ne, baptized on December 15, 1712, el Cn Jacques- Hubert, born July 22, 1717. In these acts, the father takes the title of

As Norbert was a Stranger, he had to request naturalization letters; they were granted to him under Louis XIV, in January 1719, as testified by Document confirming the nobility of his son Jacques. Thus, when he was invested with the office of engraver general of the coins of France, he had not yet has his situation regularized.

Our engraver was not admitted to the painting academy ture and sculpture that January 31, 1722; sound reception piece was a TV square

Norbert Roettiers died on May 18, 1727. His car- The river has therefore extended since the last years of the seventeenth century until the end of the Regency. We knows very few authentic works of this great important worm. Memories that serve as base ^1 this work cites only two medals of Norbert:

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V A capture of Ghent delivered in 1714, conforming to the description given in the Mint catalog under n** 225: square 6, 250 pounds.

2** Balaille de Senef: square, 250 pounds (n" 192).

These two medals bear neither mark nor no signature; moreover Norbert seems to have rarely left his name on its pages; because of all medals bearing initials, according to the Catalog of the Mint, a single pent him Hve attributed with some plausibility; it's a bust of the Duchess of Orleans bearing the signature N. R. (n^ 180 from the reign of Louis XV.)

It is perhaps still to Norbert Roettiers that he two punches and two paid squares must be assigned on December 31, 1716, the sum of 1,600 livres*. It doesn't matter anyway, the account that told us serves this notice not indicating the subject of these medals.

Upon his death, Norbert Roettiers was replaced in the charge of general engraver by Joseph-Charles, son of his predecessor Joseph.

ROETTIERS (Joseph-Charles).

Born in 1692, as we said, from Joseph Roettiers and H6l^ne Stone House, Joseph-Charles was invested with the office of general engraver of mon- born from France a month after the death of Norbert, his predecessor, on June 18, 1727. In 1711, he had obtained the second prize for sculpture at the Royal Academy.

1. Arch, not., 0 i, 2065.

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Joseph-Charles was admitted to the Academy at the age of twenty- five years old, December 31, 1717. His piece of receipt detail a portrait of the King intended to serve as a type to the medals given as prizes at the Academy; he four- nil at the same time the hallmark of the arms of TAcade- crumb to serve as the reverse of the company seal.

Finally he officiated at the Academy, on January 24, 1724, the plate of the portrait of his father after Largillidre, engraved by Vermeulen. This board is still con- used today at the Galcographie du Louvre.

Dc 1715, our artist, who then took the title of engraver of the King's medals, and which belonged to A qualified academic, married the Church of Saint- Barthelemy Catherine H6rault, aged twenty-four years old, daughter of the landscaper Charles H6rault. 11 lived then go to the Mint. Mr. Jal gave his marriage certificate in full.

This union gave birth to several children.

1** Ilelene-Charlotte, born January 6, 1717.

2*'Charles-Norbert, n6 in 1720; he was an engraver of medals like his father, like him a member of rAcademy; we will take care of it later, 3"* Catherine-Francoise, baptized February 19, 1726.

After the death of Catherine H^rault, who died on the 26 April 1753, her husband hastened to contract a new wedding calf. He married in Marnes, in the chapel private of Mr. Hermant, Jeanne Hermant, widow of Philippe de Chefdeville, died in 1760.

Joseph-Charles Roettiers died, according to the lists academicians, March 14, 1779 at the age of 87. His career began so early that he had surpassed the ranks

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ordinary; his work must therefore be considerable. The documents from the National Archives do not provide unfortunately there are no details on his account; we will try, with the help of the Catalog of the Mint, to find some of the Works of Joseph-Charles.

The initiators/. C, which accompany, on uncertain number of medals, the name of Roettiers, can only apply to the son of Joseph; six pieces bear this signature. In addition, we notice a a certain number of subjects signs H. fils, or H. filius ^ or /?./'., or even Roe itiers filiuSy in full.

A difficulty arises in the attribution of these medalists; we encounter some with this signature from 1721 until 1769. Now, if we can admit that the son of Joseph, in the early days of his career has attached to its name an indication specific to distinguish his works, not only from those of his father, but also those of Norbert, when the same artist became general engraver and remained the only representing disadynasty, he no longer had any reason his for will retain the rest of his name the quality of which he was previously accompanied. Like Joseph- Charles began to sign his works from the beginning /. C, in 1731, we can attribute to him the medals signed H./\ or R.fiUus, prior to this period. As for those which bear the same signature and which relate to events after 1731, they can only be attributed to Charles-Norbert, son by Joseph-Charles, engraver like his father, or Jacques, son of Norbert, who practiced the profession rather

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sion of goldsmith than that of engraver. But we know that goldsmiths, M. de Launay provides an example notable, were capable, like the engravers by profession, to cut punches and engrave Squares; so it is difficult for us to decide in a positive light the question of attribution for medals after the year 1731 and signed R, son, A particular circumstance adds further to our embarrassment. We know of a signed medal 6\ iV. Boet tiers filius, which relates to the year 1770, and which can only belong to Gharles-Norbert, the son of Joseph-Charles; why, in a circum- unique stance, and at the age of fifty, would he precedes his name with his first names by adding the menlxoxi filius^ so previously and much more frequently he only signed H. filius? I see the difficulty without seek to resolve it. It is not enough, without doubt, to completely remove from Charles Norbert the authorship of medals signed R. filius; maisconime they can be attributed with equal probability lite either to Jacques or Georges Roettiers, the brother of Joseph-Charles and the private engraver of the Currency of Paris, it is difficult to decide this delicate question. I will therefore first indicate the medals which bear the unmistakable initials of Joseph-Charles, then those which belong without contacted Charles-Norbert, to finally put things aside all those which are signed with a Roettiers fils.