Zeitschrift für Numismatik, vol. 8 — 1881

1) Heinemann, Albr. d. Bear, p. 317.

2) Leitzmann, NnniiBm. Newspaper 1853 plate III, 11. plate IV, 64. Mader, II. N^. 66.

To the ilteitcD Müozliande and UeKUchte Brsiid«iiburgi.

BRAVN&eBV and in the Manner RS lalso nbraundebnrs", abbreviated) and OTO. Standing Margrave etc. Was Den in the Fnode.

OTTO BRAND Standing Harkgraf n.s.w.

EtlnsUeriBch the most amazing titttck of the fan. First edited by Bremer, NnmiBmat. Newspaper. 1868 p. 45.

OTTO BRAND€BVRG PilchtigeB building.

First edited by Mader, II. Mr. 03.

BRAND€8VRG€NS Standing margrave, from the helmet There's a kind of tassel hanging today. Behind the writing Arabesques.

First edited by Mader, U. No. 70.

For the other numerous stamps of Otto I, see Dan- nenbergB often cited excellent approach in the magazine ftir Numismatics VIII, p. 165. The strangest monze is the Bracteate of BerliThe Unseuma, first edited by Ron F. Bardt, with volter dentscher ' Transcript: marcgrave Otto.

Finally, a few words about the relationship between the two written Ueb^liefemag on the capes of Prince Jakza by ESpoiek. We saw that the old ones were lost Authors who created the Brandenburg Chronicle from the same early sources (e.g. Helmold, Chronicle of the Slavs and the Pttblder Annals] only briefly mentions the Alavian conquest BraudenburgB and its recapture by Albrecbt the bear tell in detail with precise data: Jacze dnx Polooie, the avuDculuB of Heinrich Pribielav conquered Branden through treachery burg, but Albrecht, from Magdeburg Archbishop Wichmann supported, the city wins again on January 11, 1157.

It is now generally rightly assumed that the well-being well-known coiner Jacza von EOpnick, about whose six We knew about bracteate varieties in the last Dannenberg article thanks (unfortunately somewhat hidden, in the Berliner Wochenschrift,

Znr the oldest coinage and history of Brandenburg. 271

»The Bära 1879 No. 8} ^), identical to this conqueror of Brandenbarg, the avunculus of Heinrich-Pribislav. Un- Jacza's coinage in v. Heine Mann's otherwise excellent work about Albrecht the Bear; he says p. 386, 55 only: “a series of coins with the full permanent or mutilated legend Jacze de Gopnic related to him. He is said to have become a Christian later.”

The inscriptions on the bracteates of Jakza are known to be: I AKZA-COPTNIK-CNE (Knes, Fürst), lACZA- D€ • COPNIC, IACZO-D€*COPNIC, IAC*KES (Kes, instead of Knes), lACZO* DE*COPNINC*DENARIh The identity of this Köpnicker Knäsen with the “avunculus”, i.e. uncle or relative Heinrich's, has already been defended many times and enough, and since the chronicles are quite correct on the other points, have been reliably confirmed by the coins, we may do not doubt the whole event reported. Now what When Jakza's coins arrive, they must be used according to the led event, because Jakza “should” not “later.” have become a Christian,” as the well-known legend reports, but Because Jakza was certainly a Christian when he minted the coins just because coinage and Christianity are known at all at that time always occur at the same time, but because almost everyone his coins show sure emblems of Christianity: he carries the patriarchal cross and the palm branch in his hands. In any case, both are dedicated to St. Maurice of Magdeburg taken, but of course that is not counter-evidence Jakza's Christianity, for he who holds the cross and the palm tree tenden Fürst is certainly an intentional, often very beautiful one

1) Apart from Mader's scientific publications in the second attempt flb^r Bracteates is the first fundamental critical work on Jakza by Orote, MQnzstud. I, p. 305 was given, to which all the un- critical writings are thoroughly refuted and what is certain is established. — cf. aach my little note journal. f. Numbers 111, 253 f.

272 A.V. Sallet,

Portrait of the Knäsen. But when Jakza conquered Brandenburg and He owned, he was clearly, documented, a heathen; we know this from a document from Bishop Wilmar vq^ Brandenburg dated years 116P], where it says: urbs enim prenominata (Branden- castle) fere usque ad nostra tempora a paganis possessa et ido- lorum cnltura incesta fuit, at Deo adjuvante et magno Christia- norum labore cooperante cum multa sanguinis effusione.nobilium necnon et aliorum ad possessionem Christianornm rediit. — This one Of course, only the words of the document can be used that bloody reconquest of Brandenburg goes 2), because the first Ghristianization of that time, the twelfth century, by who in 1161 could still speak of “nostra tempora((, was the completely peaceful one by the regent Henry himself; Albrecht's taking possession after Heinrich's death was also through Petrissa's clever and quick actions, as completely peaceful legal succession has expired: so the words of the document must about the pagan abomination in Brandenburg on Jakza's property go to the city. Jakza's coins are therefore completely To date with certainty: it must be after June 11, 1157, perhaps- slightly as a result of the peace agreement, perhaps in pursuit of the large^ initially victorious campaign to Poland for Albrecht, which began in August 1157, adopted the Ghristenthnm loved ones and ruled in some peace as a Christian prince have, because that is what the stately row of beautiful, thoroughly made of delicate coins that do not look like they belonged to a tumultuous time on, the careful, chosen transliteration, e.g. lACZA'DE« COPINNC*DENARII, who described him as a civilized ruler to appear with a learned environment. Whether lasting peace

1) Heinemann, Albr. d. Bear p. 387, 59 according to Riedel, Cod. diploma. Fire. I, VIII, 104.

2) See first Riedel in Ledebnfs archive f. Gesch. d. Prussia. States I, p.21ö.

The simultaneous chronicler Helmold only reports vaguely: Albertus. . . juxta

Havelam. . . infrenavite rebellions.

Znr ilteaten Münzkande and Tieschlnhle Brindenbaigi. 273

swJBchen him and Albrecht or Otto I. tteatandeo, can freely- Nobody will say anything anymore. The Chrietenthnm alone proves it it doesn't; was a Wendish prince of the sixties of I'2. Century, which like our old Brandenburger The landowner was also called Pribislav, although he was transferred to the Cbristenthnm. kicked. But he continued with the neighboring Christian princes a bitter race war'). And thatB Jakza one in the Bracteate imprint otherwise had unheated racen content. that be- thoroughly demonstrates his Slavic language, which he speaks alongside Latin niche needs: LAKZA-COPTNIK-CNE. I already have emphasized earlier that we are perhaps quite intentional about counteracting Image of these slarizing coins in the neighboring Otto I. famous bracteates with German inscription MARCGRA V€ • OTTO').

This is, as has often been said, the oldest coin with full German inscription; that even Heinrich Fribis lav's Hunscription "brandburh", to read "brandbnrch", and Al- brecht of the bear bracteate with "albreh", to read "albrechu", I have provided initial samples of German transcription above noticed.

Jakza's reign in KOpnick seems to be over with him have taken us, we don't know a successor, another tere Pi%nng doesn't work there. — Whether Jakza is identical with the documented 1166 as a witness alongside the Dukes of

1) Helnemiim I. c. p. ^39.

2) Vgl. dazu I. B. ■tnirciTMvc AlbisdiU. a. Htlnemann 1. e. p. 355, 115.

274 A- ^' Sallet, On the oldest MQnzkande and history of Bnndenbarg.

Pomerania: dominus Gazimarns tind dominus Bogaslans occur- menden dominus Jaezo, all referred to as "prineipes"^), is not completely certain, but most likely, the same chen titles indicate a ruling prince.

I may be forgiven for mentioning in the foregoing I deviated from a strict numismatic method, well known repeated and knowledgeable coin scholars have long been familiar with führlich wieder abgehandelt habe. Aber eine sorgfältige Ver- equation of the historical tradition with the coins and I seemed to be missing a correction of the years, and some friends of patriotic history are mine Notizen vielleicht doch nicht unwillkommen.

A.V. Sallet.

1) Grote, MQnzstadien I, p. 385. Dannenberg, im »Bär« 1879 p. 74.

J. FtiedlMndM, Ein Den« Albrecht« de« Biien.

Ein Denar Albrechts des Bären.

The coin shown here is on the Michendorfer Fnnde ist mir nachb^liefa zngekommen. Id den Anfschriften steht here, as in this find, every ledge is perpendicular, while the order of the letters is the declining one. The Vorderseite lässt deutlich . . . €BI_A erkennen, das B ist etwas misshapen, the C weakly pronounced, also remnants of the following The following rows can be sieved. Auf der Kehrseite steht, nach dersel- ben arrangement V. . . ARB + ​​. Es bleibt also kein Zweifel, dass die Münze von Albrecfat dem Bären ist. She closes herself According to external features, Henry's denarii with the rider on. However, the type of standing prince comes from Henry not present, and the depiction of the downside also differs the similar one is based on Henry's equestrian coin. Because here Between the towers there is a circle accompanied by two small stars. teter patm branch, which has an arch above a larger one Star is there.

276 «'- Friedlaeiider, A Denarius Albrechto the Bear.

As you can see, this coin forms the middle link between those of Heinrich with the rider and those found in this Bracteates of Albrecht the Bear, which first appeared, and it is the first certain denarius of this margrave that we have heard of so far only bracteates knew.

J. Friedlaender.

A. ▼. Sallet, To the Denarius Albrechtsd. Bears from d. Michendorf finds. 277

On the denarius of Albrecht the Bear from the

Michendorf finds.

The denarius of Albrecht the Bear discussed above, only in one example found in Michendorf, is only now become known; If I had known him earlier, that would be the case have changed some things in my work. New historical However, the denarius does not provide any material, but it is a new one Confirmation of Albrecht's peaceful succession, because he concludes even closer and more precise, even in the right-hand position, but to be read backwards, to Heiurich-Pribislaw's Denarii, as Albrecht's small bracteate with the rider. Albrecht's denarius also teaches that the margrave does not immediately the coin changed and struck bracteates, but entirely to fang, probably 1150, still the traditional denarius coinage Heinrich-Pribislaw's continued; because, for example, Albrecht, who yes During Heinrich's lifetime he was already called Marchio Brandeburgensis, This denarius was also struck during Henry's lifetime It's not likely, even if I have the possibility ality, indeed the existence of a denarius coinage by both rulers tried to demonstrate jointly above.

The peculiar depiction is certainly not without meaning. Change in the mint of Henry's denarii, with the church Buildings of Brandenburg, on Albrecht's denarius: there, near Hein- rubbed, we see the three-towered church; here, with Albrecht But instead of the central tower there seems to be an elevation, an arch,

278 A. ▼. Sallet, Za denai Albrecht the Elder Bears from d. Micliendoifer finds.

on which a large palm branch is planted. That these It goes without saying that striking representation is not a gimmick myself. I'm far from getting involved in explanations, The circle of monuments from that prehistoric period is also too small to be here to find safe analogies, but I would like to say it: If there is a connection to Heinrich's grave here, which: »in Domino obdormiens in capella sua Branden- burgensi ... est sepultus«?

A.V. Sallet.

A. 1. SallM, AUitnder d. Or. 4li OrQndeT der biktttseh-lndl«chen Relcke.

Alexander the Great as founder of the Bactrian-Indian empires.

HJ. AAEZANAPOY TOY ^lAinnOY Hunter

Heracles head. Rf. BAZIAEYONTOr AFAeOKAEGYr AIKAIOY

Enthroned Zena aötophoros, monogram.

M. Tetradrachm. These recently appeared in the Nnmismatic Chronicle by P. Gardner published and excellently explained Tetradracfame of the Bactrian King Agathocles, with the usual types of tetra- drachmas of Alexander, proves that my interpretation <] of the attitude Rub of Agathocles and Antimachns (nm 200 BC) with the Heads and writings of Antioch, Diodotus, Entfaydemns, as commemorative medals to predecessors aaf the bakery Trisch-Indian throne the right wm*. Zn of the series:

1) Successor Alexuidcn d. Or. In Btktiien d.i.w. p. 16ft. — Duelbtt Ut ■ach dn TsntortMne Oensrel Btrtbolomiei as the «rite gcnuint, which dlae Interpretation is possible with a sieve of the grater.

280 A.. T. SaUet, Alexander d. Qu «Is founder of the Bactrian-Iodian empires.

ÄBtiochius II), Diodotus, Enthydemas now comes as a coronation of the building, the conquerors of India and Bactria themselves added, the great Alexander, whom, as the coin tells us, that lord shear - some of them perhaps from your comrades in arms Alexander's descendants - as the founders of their rule and celebrated with official monuments.

I have little to add to Gardner's essay. Apart from that of some still controversial points about the portrait of the An- tiochus on Bactrian coins and the question of whether Heliocles of Eucratides' son - as I have proven with certainty I believe he is - or his father, I can understand Gardner's words - out of sympathy. I just want the beautiful contrast the proud, simple inscription IdXe^avdqov tov Oiliic/rov zn the titles of the other kings on those memories - Coins: l4vTi.6xov NixdroQog, Jiodoxov ISüiTrjQog, Ev&vdtjfwv &eov emphasize: Alexander does not need another honorary title, his father's name is enough.

Certainly, as Gardner notes, one has a real picture- niss of Alexander is intended in the head of Heracles on this coin. That one around 200 B.C. BC in that head of Heracles probably generally Alexander himself recognized, is probably due to the game of Alexander I of Syria (150 - 146 BC), which for the love of his name, with the lion's skin on his head can be depicted, apparently in imitation of Alexander the Great.

Through the precious piece of the British Museum is also Dannenberg's view that certain square copper coins Alexander's were defeated in Bactria or India, nor are they true- more apparently, we have to look at Alexander himself after the witness nit that tetradrachm of Agathocles as the first Bactrian look at Indian rulers.

A.V. Saliet

S. Bergsöe, Dinisee Middle Ages of the eleventh century. 28 1

Danish medieval ounces of the eleventh century.

The oldest Danish coins only appear in the Ifttnz found in the eleventh century and almost always in company with Anglo-Saxon and German coins. Who were the first? If you would like to get to know Danish coins, you can search for the collections created from such finds have, not do without.

After I was in Stockholm and partly also in St. Pe- tersburg had increased my knowledge of Danish coins, I also came to Berlin, where I was introduced to the Mttnzcabinet Kindness of the director in such an accommodating manner it meant that I had the best opportunity to meet the Danish people there easy to examine coins. The Berlin Cabinet, So very rich in ancient coins, I wasn't surprised to see it the amount of Danish medieval ounces, but due to the relative There are many rarities and unique items in it are located, and all in the most beautiful condition. That's how I met one unknown variety of Harthecnut coin with the spiral line (wrongly called snake type) and Mttnzmeister DO*R" CETL ON LVN. This type is completely Danish and comes not in England. The similar coin with Alfwine on HVN (Huntandnne, Huntingdon) in the Mömoires de St. Pitersbourg Vol. m. XVII. No. 5 is how I examined the coins collection of the Hermitage had the opportunity to convince me I didn't read it correctly, it says LVN. The error comes

Time for Kamltnatics. VIU. 19

282 ^' Bergsöe,

ago that a stitch with a pointed loBtromente, nm the To check the softness and whiteness of the Mttnz silver, already in old times Time when L made an H. It is peculiar, that one finds on an English Harthacnat /CL'FWINE ON HVN (see Hildebrand anglosachsiska Mynt pag. 259. No. 17).

Of the very rare and highly valued valued Rnnenmttnzen ^) from Magnus the Good (1042 - 47} There are several examples of this type in the Berlin Cabinet like Thomsen PI. IX. No. 9969 and 9972.

No. 1st Hf. MACNVS REX

Ef. + Hn+Rt+ : ^R++ : I : in fUnicum) (+SUARTA:BRAN:I:IU)

The Mttnzmeister Swartebrand (black brand) was already there

known from other coins by Magnus, but is used here

m

written in Bunen for the first time. In the Eopenhagen There is a similar piece in the collection with HtRt>t I Mll (SARTHA I LUI] probably an abbreviation of this name.

No. 2nd Hf. IIVNNNV. |

Ef. + HM> : rn+tl :rin: Jünicum. (+THORTH;LUNTI:UKI) J

The Mtnzmeister Thord. &CX>R& frtther only in inscriptions

known with Latin letters.

No. 3rd Hf, MACNVS REX. )

Bf. H^ll : t+ rri*+l : I • I • A f ünicum. (BOlhON LUENI:hl-A )

I have no doubt that the MUnzmeistemame is BOII. He is only known on this coin for Denmark. In English

1) There are currently 65 different types of these coins known 27 pieces in the coin collection in Copenhagen and 38 in foreign and other coins Collections are kept.

Danish Hittelsltermfinzen of the eleventh JahihandeiU. iSZ

In sadistic schools you can meet BOGA, BOIGA, BOiA and BOIEEA (Edward the Elder 975-78).

No. 4th Hf. IVVI.

Rf. + +tlltft • %+• II • II • as variety Unicum. (ATSOR ON).

The Mttnzmeister Atsor is very well known by Magnus and his successors.

No. 5th Hf. + MAGNVS REX.

Ä/. +t>nRKnt • N LVXICT« as variety Unicum. (THURGUT).

No. 6th Hf. III VI.

Bf. K*^ni+++inKRYI+ Unicum. (GODUINANIUGRMIN).

This beautiful coin from the well-known mint master Godwin

is very strange, as it really seems that we have one here

have full name inscription. There is one in Copenhagen

similar Stttck with .qijx)ij|iji> p^i-nw« i^ and in Stockholm

K^^ni+ninr .!„“„,

(CODUINANIUK) "ȧKanni.

How best to interpret this inscription remains to be known. left to the runes; but it is likely that we two names, like Godwin Aninkr Min(tere) (Mttnzmeister) or have something similar to look for in it.

In addition to these 6 Unica can also be found in the Berlin Cabinet several already known ranen coins from Magnus and Sven Estridsen (1047 - 76), and among the latter a very handsome beautiful piece, the prototype of the warriors' coins with the king

Name: /eiipij oex TANORUM] which later m so many is modeled in various ways.

From the later Mttnzen by Sven Estridsen with the seated saint (cfr. Thomsen pag. 96 No. 10168) &nd I

19♦

284 8-Barpie,

two rare ounces; guess an achOnes copy with GOORN: 1 LVND, the prototype of the similar, renried coins, nar in the Copenhagen collection, and secondly a coin TOm same type with A on the main page and AIELMER:! LVND on the back side, only half a piece in Stockholm (Brokemoney) known with AIELME ij.

The coins dea daniacbeti EOnigs Olnf Hanger (Famelicns), the Kijnig became a saint after death (10S6) and t095 died, are always in Denmark ala the greatest rare- have been looked at^ Daaa the money in the nnglttck- The last few years of his reign would have left the country probably not impossible - at least we don't know any so far 12 denarii from these kings, 8 in the Copenhagen collection lung, 2 in private collections, 1 in Stockholm and 1 in Berlin.

Since several of these coins are unedited and only recently The day has come, I want the description here give an explanation of the 12 known denarii of this KSniga; her not only because of their rarity, but also because of it different embossings and types Aü spoke to attention interesting coins from the end of the eleventh century hnnderta.

No. 1. Petitioner OLAF S REX. RJ. GODINC'V

1^ Siebe uich Llllegren Ranmynt. Floek VlII. 1833. Here chinn leh blniO' fQgen, the Stoekholmer Cabtnet nevllofa a tehSne BtmenmQnis lon Hagnnt mtt dm NameD deweiben AUmsT, mW +ll'YtK: f+ • rnT • rll ■ «alike toh Ootblund arrives l«t.

DanUche Medieval coins of the eleventh century. 285

Minted by the Mnazmeister Godinc in Wiborg in Jtttland. It It's interesting to see how different this coin is still on the back side there are Harthecnnt's Jewish coins Typos reminds, while the Hanpt side the English^ coins Wilhelm's is similar - nnd is one of the East Danish coins not nnr in type. but in work, letters and weight. This shows how little the various land were related to each other, and makes the number rich civil wars are more understandable.

No. 2nd Hf, royal portrait with sword to the right. CX-AF REX. Rf, Small Cross ALFVORD (probably in Ringsted. minted in Zealand}.

No. 3, 4. Two denarii of the same type and inscription Main page and with MANNI I R (Rothschild) and FA»VR I SL (Slagelse;.

No. 5, 6. From Garfin in Lund as Thomsen No. 10303.

No. 7. Likewise from &VRKIL I LV.

No. 8. Thomsen No. 10302 from the mint master Svava with PAX.

No. 9. In the Berlin collection of Hf. OLAF REX DANOI. Bf, ASFAR© I LVN.

No. 10. Of the type like 9. Hf, OLAF REX DANOL RF HALDAN I LVN.

We don't know where this coin is; she used to be in a Swedish collection and is only available through tin foil prints known.

286 8* Beigsöe,

No. 11. Of the same type, a little degenerate. HJ. OLAF REX DANI. Rf. VLBIORN I LVI. (K.S.)

No. 12. Likewise.

Hf, OAN OLAF : RX : (Olaf RX DAN) Bf, A S MARIAFPAX. (Stockholm.)

These pax inscriptions on Danish coins^) are not easy za explain. SVAVA • PAX is known from No. 7. This is clearly the Mtlnz master with PAX. From the coins of Niels the Old (1104-34) is known +BIORN I LVNDE PAX PORI (in the collection of the University of Lund). Variations PAX TOR, PAX P and finally the one mentioned above No. 12. The “jus asylum” was thought of here, which corresponds to the magnificent Lund Cathedral, which was currently under construction, was attached. Since Christianity and Christianity are almost the same came to Denmark early, it is not surprising that Almost all depictions of our first costumes are not warlike and Viking-like, but religious and with the Christian symbol bolik are connected. That the clergy here like everywhere that initially had a lot to do with the mining industry, is now closed expect. It wouldn't be impossible that A S MARIA F PAX to read: A Sancta Maria facta pax, if you remember Remember that the Lunder Cathedral, which still stands today in front of the Altars can show its colorfully paved sanctuary, the so-called was dedicated to Mary and St. Lawrence. Although the Inscription cannot be interpreted in any other way (e.g. not ASFARD PAX) and the meaning I gave has its justification, I cannot take it as completely secure consider. I just came up with this interesting Pax question-

1) For Norway borrow the bracteate with PAX PORTA from Schive Tab. VIII No. 44.

I^ise medieval coins of the eleventh century. 287

made noticeable by expecting from the old countries in South and west, which give us the Caltur and the Ghristenthnm in have brought the north some light for better understanding to obtain acknowledgment of the circumstances surrounding the Gultnr, which not infrequently appear to the researcher in all too dark outlines. seem.

Copenhagen, November 17, 1880.

S. Bergsöe.

288 ^- Btfdt, Zam MOnzAind from Frankfuit ». 0.

On the coin discovery from Frankfurt a. 0.

lo the article about the Frankfurt Mttnzfund (p. 126 ff.)

Unfortunately, there have been numerous printing errors that have occurred

Please improve as follows:

p. 126 line 8 y. 0. read “grauem” instead of “grÜDcma”.

" Z. 2 y. u. read "Saurma" instead of "Saussure"

P. 127 No. 4 read “oDoGo” instead of “oQoGoa

"No. 8 read DBRÄnOBCR" instead of "BRÄnOBOl"

“No. 9 read “MOflGTÄ” instead of NOnGTÄ«

P. 128 No. 12 The mint mark of the Ef. is not a +, but- rather a cloverleaf.

"Nos. 15-17 read "DGIoGRÄ^o" instead of "DoQoa

“ No. 18 The inscriptions on the drawing, in which The main and back sides are changed, don't quite agree with the text; the latter contains the right thing.

“No. 20 The mint mark here and later (also p. 131 Z. 5 y. 0.) is not a + with an asterisk, but with an elongated cross: +^

P. 129 No. 22 read "ROTÖrtÄV" instead of "hOT^ÄV"

^ Nos. 24-31 read “OrGaTOR,” etc., instead of “GLGQTORa

Etc.

"No. 27 read "90" instead of "40" "No. 29 read "98" instead of "48" "No. 31 read "HOVS" instead of "HOWS" P.130 No. 32 - 33 as with No. 24 - 31

"No. 32 read "MOflGTÄ" instead of "NORGTÄ" "No. 34 read "DoGoIMPIoa,QaTOR" and "RlflGSBOlG" instead of “DoGoQLGaTOR” and “KinGSBGRG”

F. Bardt.

H. Oldenberg, About d. Dating d. ilt. indiselia BA^nz- and Insohriftenrelhen. 28d

I would rather date the older Indian coins and coins

Insctiriftenreilien.

Anyone who knows about the chronology of India in the first century The other era comes into clarity, finds it facing a task that is somewhat similar to that Solving equations with multiple unknowns. Domestic Writings and coins are not sparse with dates, but the Aera to which these figures are related is hardly ever stated, and only this much is clear at first glance, that there are a whole number of different chronologies in addition to one been in use elsewhere. There is no lack of hypotheses, which pretty much lists each recorded date in turn every era that you know something about, and usually so referred to some of which we know nothing. It is It is not the intention of our study to estimate the number of these hypo- theses on term increases. Rather, we want* that we the chronological dependency of the various series of explore data in connection with each other, which are unrelated to eliminate known quantities one by one. I think that the number of equations given to us is is enough to lead us to a result everywhere. This result will perhaps hardly be completely new be in one of its parts, but even then it is our work not for nothing, if she should even succeed in this, right Conjectures, besides which apparently just as acceptable and

200 H. Oldenbei",

just as widely accepted erroneous hypotheses stood against each other zn link and so instead of the possibilities probability to achieve, perhaps something similar to certainty.

Located in the middle of the misty world of ancient Indian history as a comparatively more brightly lit island the time of oldest Buddhism before us. Buddha himself (he died around 480 BC), later Gandragupta [SavdgoxvTttog], the Some In- service and its successful defender against the Macedonian African attack - finally Candragupta's berthmt grandson Asoka (around 260 BC], whose official moral sermons to his people on rock faces and pillars from the border of Afghanistan to Eathiawad and Orissa are preserved to us: these names indicate the first period of India's past, for which in general, primarily thanks to India's contacts with Greece, there can be talk of a chronology. After Asoka follows again three centuries that are obscure to us lie. They extend to the desire of the king, on which the Buddhists are looking forward to a second Asoka, a new great one patron of their faith, the Indo-Scythian see EOnigs Kanislika« Which, it seems to me, is present nadi the numismatic investigations v. Sallet's very one- £EU^h lying question about the time of Eanishka is the point, from which the chronological problems that concern us should be tackled.

The inscriptions from the time of Kanishka and his successors followers, partly in Eabulistan respectively. the Penjab, partly in Mathura found, are dated in an era which is most likely of the inauguration of the government, or rather the solemn anointing (abhisheka) of Eanishka dated ^) . The oldest date, which is mentioned in connection with the name of Eanishka

1) See the terms of this data in Thomas, the Gupta Dynasty, p. 16, Aneient Indian weights, p. 46 fg. See ▼. Sallet, successor of Alexander, p. 64; Qrowse in Indian Antiqnary, 1877, p. 216fg.

about the dating of the ancient Indian coin and inscription series. 291

that of the tob Canningham Archaeol. Reports in, board Xni, No. 4 facsimile script: mahär&jasya Eanishkasya rajye saipTatsare navame »under the rule of the great one King Eanishka, in the year 9 a; preceded by several inscriptions to the year 5, which does not have the name of Kanishka included. Later there are also dated inscriptions from the kings. some that are closely related to Kanishka numismatically: Huyishka, in the years 33, 39, 50, 51 etc. wl; Vasudeva: 83, 87, 98 >) ; then an inscription from Mathura with the date 135, apparently of the same era, and another supposedly with that Date 281 >], both without naming the reigning king.

Now Mr. Dr. A.v. Sallet, as far as this was done with the help of the Numismatics can happen, the royal grater Kanishka-Huyishka- Yasndeya's time, it seems to me, is completely accurate. pointed out. An approximate overview of the royal series from the of the latest Greek kings that can be roughly dated down to Ka- nishka, - then the connections of the tactics of Yndo^ pheres (or Gfondophares) ^) and Sanabarus (both ruled without doubt before Kanishka] with late arsacid mints, perhaps- easily also the Christian legend about Gondophares with the apostles at the same time - finally the collaboration

1) Whether the one in a Methnra-Ineehrift in the year 44 (Canningham loc. cit. Plate XV, no. 8) mentioned Vi8n[deTa] correctly supplemented and with the later governed Renden Vliadeya is identical, it remains to be seen. The datam would fall into the middle of HuTishka's government. By the way, you would if Canningham*'s drawing is named after a shorter name look for that of the Visudera.

2) Canningham a. a. 0. XVI, No. 23. I have doubts as to whether the Datnm 181 zn read is. — Other inscriptions, one of which I will leave here, whether your data belongs in this series, see Jonmal As. Soe. Bengal, XXXII, p. 140, 144 fg. n.s.w.'

3) The specification t. Sallet's (Naohf. Alexandenp. IV) that the monogram of Yndopheres was stamped on a draehme of the Arsadden Orodes I found, the communication from Cnnningham (Areh. Rep. V, 60) can be added to the side be placed, the same monogram aaf a drachma of Artabanus III (?i4-42 AD).

292 H. Oldcnbcfg,

Hang of the gold coins adjoining Yftandeya with the Coins of Sapor I.: all these moments unite, high Verisimilitude to judgment y. Sallet's to give, which meant that “these prigongs will only take place in the first after- Christian century and perhaps at least around 200 AD ends« <).

Snchtti we, t. Following Sallet, the series Kanishka-Hnvishka- Yäsndeya, which, according to the inscriptions, dates back about a century um£EMsen mnss, between Gondophares (around 50 AD] and the To insert it at the end of the 2nd century, it seems to me, The result is clear: the era of Kanishka the Qaka era, which began in the year 78 AD ^).

This era is still widely used in India today; the oldest documents known to me, which explicitly refer to “Years of the era of the Qaka ruler” (Qakanripakäla- samyatsara) are royal deeds of gift the 5th century of our era ^) .

A tradition that is common in many cases, e.g. B. Albirun! in his information about the, which will be discussed in more detail below Following Indian annual accounts, the Qaka era does not let up retaliation, but of defeat and death of the »Qaka King«. Apart from the internal uncertainty probability, which corresponds to the interpretation of the "Qaka king's year". as the year of the downfall of the Qaka King, are present

1) A. ft. 0. s. 186.

2) Here we point out the strange but certainly consUtted fact: shown that in older tent in India the approach of the beginning year of the ver- was subject to fluctuations of several years in different periods, and it was only later that absolutely fixed approaches came into effect. There- According to a statement such as that the (aka era begins in 78 AD, not as an absolutely exact one; the Javanese 9th century era from the year 74, those of the island of Bali yom J. 80. ygl. Burnell, South-Indian Palaeography p. 54.

3) The oldest example that I have at hand is the Umetä inscription ans the year (^ka 400. 9. about this and other old 9&ka dates Bü h 1 e r im Indian Antlquary, 187Ö, p. 111.

On the dating of ancient Indian coin and inscription series. 293

we are able to take action against this. Inscription that almost is half a millennium older than Albirüni; the date of the same is expressed: "as five hundred years." since the royal anointing, the Qaka male lord had passed» i). It's easy to understand why patriotic consciousness of Indians preferred an era that through their name to the foreign rule of conquering barbarians remembered, with the overthrow rather than the coronation of the oppressor to get in touch 2).

The fact that we use the name for Kanishka as Q a k a - (»Indo- ftkythiseher«) king are entitled to claim, cannot be doubted. I dare not give my opinion in this area in an attempt to follow the Chinese sian information about the various barbarian tribes with its sub-departments, which at this time were part of the to be used for this investigation. This but can be determined with certainty based on the inscriptions of the literary documents of India claim that the only one really common name for the Nordic invaders, who held power in India for centuries and to which the Kanishka dynasty also belonged, nnr which the Qaka may have been. By the way, we own aneh a direct testimony, which the tribe, the Kanishka belongs to the Qaka people. called Kanishka is known on its coins as PAONANOPAO

1) ClUnkya Insohrift from Bftdämi in Bnrgess* Archaeol. Surrey of Western

India, Tol. II, p. 237 fg. : 9'^*''^"r^P<^^i^^Jy^^bi*b^^<^<^^^<^^<^i^9b'^ atikrinteshn pafieatü fateshu.

2) We will encounter a case that is exactly analogous later. The Onpta Kings stood in the Rnf, as Albirünt puts it, "evil, powerful people" to have been “schen”. Just like with the ^^ka era, here too the tradition tion date the Gnpta era from the destruction of the Gupta. The inscriptions but let us remember that the Gupta kings themselves calculated according to the Guptakäla, The same is therefore about the reasons, not about the downfall of the Gupta Hemehaft an datirle.

294 H. OldmbMg,

KANHPKI KOPANO. Here ROPANO means doubtful a tribe or a family. The Greek xolqavoq in it In my opinion, finding it is not possible. Quite apart from that from the fact that the appearance of this Homeric word on the capes of a late barbarian and more in themselves than would be strange ^), the decisive factor is that we never use the word KOPANO on the coins with Greek Chinese transliteration (BACIA€YC BACIA€a)N KANHPKOY) but only on those with barbaric inscriptions (PAONANO PAO KANHPKI) and are therefore solely entitled to use it as to be interpreted as a Scythian word, but not as a Greek word^). Here one does not, undoubtedly rightly, think of the inscription from Manikyäla^) reminds, in which Eanishka ak Gashanaya[m]9a- saipvardhaka means “exaltor of the race of Gushana”. will. The identity of KOPANO and Gnshana is the same less doubtful than on the coins of the Kozalocadphizes ^)

1) The coins of the Greek kings who lived in the land of Kanishka Those who ruled this do not know the word xolqayos.

2) By the way, it is permissible to also talk about the other designation, which nishka and his successors began to settle their opinions about the PAONA NOPAO to add a comment here. Recently the explanation has this word as Prikrit ^äjun&nam rftjl (“King of Kings”) was applauded (see E. Kuhn, contributor to Pali grammar p. 88). This explanation seems to me to be in Every hinaicht nnmSg^ich. Apart from that, the QenetiT rljnnänam with the double case suffix despite imeslnam and similar forms (Schol. Kacciyana II, 1, 51) is more than daring, it must be asserted that beer, as over- main in the coin legends of the Kanlshka and his successors, Scythian words, resp. Indian foreign values incorporated into Scythian, but not purely internal Indian words Yoriiegen. The corresponding Indian impression for “Grosskönig” is in the related coin series are not rijünam rllji or anything similar, but ma- h&rija, rljldir&j4, r^ar^l. So in the PAONANOPAO we have, as already Prinsep intelligently recognized, one presumably modeled on the rlj&dir&ji Scythian titulature can be seen (PAO » r&jft), but not a pr&kriUnsprint.

3) Prinsep-Thomas, Essays on Indian Antiquities, vol. I, plate IX.

4) It may be noted here that the usual name is this- ses prince as Kadphises I., and that of OOHMOKAA^^ICHC as Kadphises II. is unauthorized. We don't know of any Kadphises, only a Kozulokadphizes and an Ooemokadphlses ; as little in the Greek transcriptions as in the Aria

About the Datirong of the ancient Indian coin and inscription series. 295

the KDPEHX or XDPCH of the Greek legend ^) one Enshana or Kashana of the Arian, on the coins dcB Eozolakadaphes the XOPANCY corresponds to a Khashanasa^). Now a tetradrachm from the British Museum has recently been became known with the inscription: TYIANNDYNTDZ HIADY ZAKA KDIIANDY^). The last word will be %oi- Qorov read; certainly not rightly. The equation of the MOnzen of Eanishka etc., on which KOPANO in any case Gnshana and not xolQccvog means leads to the same result version also for this coin; that between the D and the A of the word in question not one but two of those strokes are specified, one of which denotes the q in TVQavvovvrog- net, is not comfortable with the wild state of writing can be used as evidence for xoiQavov. Now our reading is xoQavov (or xoQQavov, as next to wdo^ q>Bqov itself wdog)€QQov finds?) fttr this coin correctly, so gives the same the external confirmation that the Eorano or Gnshana princes are to be regarded as Qaka.

So to look back: we know from coins and in- writings, also often mentioned in literary sources, powerful QakakOnig, who, according to the coins, was about must have ruled at the end of the first century AD; his vast empire stretched from Eabulistan to Mathura, if not further; no Indian royal name from this period even remotely comes close to his brilliant fame.

However, the first part of these names is characterized as independent Detectable word capable of declination; secreting the same thing could easily be like that be risquant, as if one wanted to work on an ApoUodotns and a Diodotns derive a Dotns I. and Dotus II.

1) The H can undoubtedly be read as P zn here.

2) T. Sali et al.O. p. 179. 180. Cf. about the Oushana kings Cnn- ningham in Jonrn. As. 8oc. Bengal, vol. XXXII, p. 144 fg.

3) Nnm. Chron. N. S. XIV, p. 161 fg., v. Salleta. a. 0. 175, Thomas, the Qnpta Dynasty p. 35 fg.

296 H. Oldenb«^,

hdt near^); on his inscriptions we find an era that also under his successors on numerous monuments probably in the northern and southern parts of the empire. opposed. On the other hand, we know about one in old age Time 80 good as nowadays in India used Aera, which is around 78 AD and on ancient monuments as y^BkBkdnigfh aera", as the Aera "since the royal anointing of the Qaka- "Men's Herm" is called. I mean, based on this Considerations will be given to the identity of the era of Eanishka with this Qaka-'Aerä can be regarded as fixed.

Confirmation of this result will be provided later. Our investigation follows the approach to which we for the Gnpta era. Dic^lbe began around 319 AD; now that the Guptas' coinage is based on Indo- Scythian coins follow, which not very long after VSgudeya (reigned until about 100 after Eanishka). must, then whoever the royal series Eanishka-Huvishka- Yasudeva went up to a considerably earlier time than we do -

1) This can be seen clearly in the Hitthailanges of Hionen-Thsang (around 640 AD) from what he learned on his Indian journey about the ancient kings of the Landes receives wnide. To give some insight into what he says about Kanishka, here heTTorznraise, he divides (II, 42 of Jallen's translation) to the »anciennes deseriptions da pays« with: »Jadis Kia-ni-se-kia , roi de Kien-tVIo (Ql&dh&ra), faisait sentlr sa force redontable anx royanmes voisins, et llnflveiice de ses lois se rtfpandait dans les pays lointains." II, 107: "Dans la qnatre cen- tihme ann^e aprfts le Nirvllna de Jon-lai (Bnddha) le roi Kia-ni-se-kia monta snr le tröne et tfiendit sa pnissance snr tonte Ttle de Tchen-pon (Jambndvtpa, i.e. India)." — The statement that Kanishka lived 400 years after Bnddha's death, also returns in Hlonen-Thsang I, 95. 11, 172. The way she stands there, can they are not accepted in any way. But there directly next to it (II, 170). The equally impossible statement finds that Asoka 100 years after Bnddha's death reigned, we may perhaps assume that the same error that caused the Chinese For the pilgrims, the time between Bnddha and Asoka was more than 100 years short appear Hess, also his statement about the interim period between Bnddha and Kanishka has influenced. Let us take from the data given by H. Tb", that Kanishka was set 300 years after Asoka, this distance The result is not far from the truth, because we can relate to Asoka's government Security in the period shortly before and around 250 BC. Set BC.

preferring the dating of the older Indian coin and inscription series. 297

«

Wanted to move the already surprisingly large empty intermediate space between Yäsudeva and the Guptas was unduly bigger.

The Chinese information about the dynasty, whose chrono logy we are dealing with here *j , are beyond my control. Incidentally, if they are correctly communicated, they confirm that our opinions completely. The rise of the Jue'i-tchi, of the tribe to which Kanishka belonged and the beginning of the Kaeli-shuang (Eushana) dynasty is founded around 24 y. BC. The century between this time and the coronation of the Kanishka would be represented by the unnamed 2iorr}Q fxiyag (v. Sallet 176), the so-called. Sy-Hermaios coins, the mintings of the Kozulokadphises, Kozolakadaphes, Ooemokadphises be filled. In the year 159 AD is from the high power of Juel-tchi speech in Kabulistan and India; in the beginning of This power is said to have been broken in the 3rd century.

As is well known, the coins of the Kanishka are on the one hand a series of gold coins with the inscription PAONA NOPAO OOHPKI KOPANO, coming from the Huvishka of the Indian inscriptions, on the other hand a series of copper coins with the inscription PAONANOPAO OOHPK€NOPANO. Prof. V. Sallet 2) separates the King Ooerki and the Ooer Ke- norano. It seems to me that there is a vast majority of probability ability to speak for their identity. The coins of Ooerki and those of the alleged Ooer include a number of Types, which are largely from the coins of the Bazod^o (Yäsudeva) have already disappeared again, just as closely Eanerki to ^] ; also in the shapes of the monogram arises

1) See the citations in Lassen 112, 372, Thomas J. R. A. S. XII, 8. 15, 20fg., Cunningham ReporU II, 63; V, 196 etc.

2) A.a. 0. p. 207.

3) Compare e.g. B. the Mao type of Kanerki Ariana Ant. XII, 1. 13; de« Ooer, das. XIII, 4. 10. 15; des Ooerke, that. XIV, 6. — Also the comparison the athro- and okrotypes is of interest.

Magazine for Kamismatics. VIII. 20

^98 H. Oldenberg,

at Ooerki as well as at Ooer the transition from Kanerki closes Bazodeo. So in terms of time, the two rows of brass must be at the same time. can be related to each other or coincide. Now is how v. Sallet himself has very aptly pointed out, Ooerki is the only king of the whole series, the only gold, Ooer the only one, the only one Copper shapes, while all other princes have this Dynasty gold embossing and copper embossing appear side by side seem. On the inscriptions there are also Kanerki, Ooerki, Ba- z^deo represented in numerous monuments; from Ooer we find no trace. If through these moments the acceptance of the Identity of Ooerki and Ooer is extremely suggested, So, in my opinion, the difference in transcription is minor in such a way as to restrain us from this assumption. However, shows one row of notes clearly OOHPKI KOPANO, the other just as clearly OOHPK€NOPANO. But the letterforms are so degenerate in the coins of this dynasty, the legends often written so imprecisely^) that there is a difference

1) Consider the juxtaposition of YNAO^ePPOY and FONAO ♦APOY, to ZPHAID. (y. Sallet p. 117) for "E^fxaiov , especially to the den HermaioB-Monzen from Kozulokadpblses reproduced pieces with the legend ZTHPaZ £Y EPMAtOYi the most absurd example of what the Indian types- schneider in Greek inscriptions have occasionally done. The Greek The legend showed the model in this arrangement:

0) ^ ^ O)

*<^

«•

'S

«>

«S.Q. ^

6V

Q fji a i ^

The Indian stamp cutter saved himself the a> vqn afatrjqo^, offset I also did the same with the space filling ^ nnd repeated now that finally between the end of fftatfJQOff and that of ^E^fAaiav space remained free there matching final letters of the two words, a and ti, in the gap. In 80 the ZY of the "Sy-Hermaios" coin was created, about which the learned, Combinations based on information from a Chinese poem, see Lassen's (I. A. 112, 403) will not be read without surprise.

On the dating of ancient Indian coin and luthier rubs. 299

as no weight should be attached to these. How should we? believe ^ that in the middle of the Korano series, between Kanerki Korano, Ooerki Korano, Bazodeo Korano a Norano or Keno- rano should appear, whose first syllable is so excellent is suitable, the unknown Ooer to the well-known Ooerki to approach?

After Ooerki follows Bazodeo (Väsudeva), and on these those of v. Sallet p. 210, 211 discussed poaching.

It is one of the longest known and safest established facts of Indian numismatics that this is the place where the important coin series of the Gupta Dynasty joins. The gold coins of the Gupta kings are those of Väsudeva respectively. his successors, and not the latest and most overgrown coins of that series recreated *) . You only need the type of standing, mostly sacrificing king, as he appears on the Gupta coins, or that of the seated goddess of fortune holding the cornucopia the corresponding types of the Indo-Scythian coin series ^j compare to distinguish yourself from the undoubted succession of the two dynasties.

Väsudeva ruled until about 178 AD, which the Guptas ruled so they prevailed later. How big the unknown, probably insignificant monarchs, probably also due to confusion If the interim period has been full of all kinds, the coins can

1) Do not confuse the coins of the two from the same point- ongoing series, the latest Indo-Scythian dynasties in Kabulland and Penjab, and the Guptas in the Ganges region proper. On such a trip change is based e.g. B. Wilson'i's claim (Ar. ant. pp. 109, 427) that In the StOpas of Afghanistan there are Gupta coins together with coins of the Eastern Roman emperors Marcian, Leo and Theodosius have found.

2) We refer to Gupta coins with the standing king or the lucky goddess *uf Frinsep-Thomas I, plate 22, 16, 17; 23, 18, 19, 23; 29, 13, 14 etc. With this cf. from Indo-Scyth. Coins v. Sallet plates 6, 5 - 7; Frinsep Thomas I, plate 22, 11 - 14; 29 lOu.s.w.

20*

300 H. Oldenberg,

zen alone to not teach, and we must, on the Gnpta- djnaetie to assign their chronological position to a sub- information about literary, especially epigraphic data the era of the Gnptas enters.

The error, which appears in several of the most in-depth research into the Gupta chronology, e.g. B. in those of Lassen and Thomas, led to great confusion, is that the express and very definite information we have about the beginning of the Gupta era, is only occasionally touched upon, rather than this tradition placed with all its energy in the foreground and the question, whether there are any serious objections to be raised against it are presented clearly and considered coherently mttsste.

Our investigation will endeavor to follow this path go, which is clear enough due to the nature of the thing the only methodical one is outlined.

As is well known, Albirdn exists! in its classic position about the Indian acres ^j expressly the beginning of the Guptakala.

After he was inspired by the era of Vikramäditya and the (iaka- Aera spoken and the distance between the two eras correct stated, he continues:

»Ballaba, qui a donnä aussi son nom k une öre, ätait prince de la ville de Ballaba^), au midi de Anhalouara, ä environ trente yodjanas de distance.

The Ballaba station is the cell of Saca de 241 ans. Pour s'en servir, on pose Vire de Saca, et Ton en fite k

1) S. Reinaud, Fragments Arabes etc., p. 14^ fg. After this review I'll share the position.

2) Valabhipara in Kathiawaf.

On the pattern of ancient Indian coin and inscription series. 301

la foifl le cabe de 6 et le carr6 de 5 (216 + 25 = 241). Ge qui reste est Före de Ballaba. II sera question de cette öre en son liea. Quant au Goupta-Käla (6re des Gouptas) , on entend par le mot gonpta des gens qui, dit-on, ätaient m^chants et puis- sants; et Tore qui porte leur nom est l'^poque de leur extermi- natian. apartment; Ballaba suivit imm6diatement les Gouptas ; Car Gates of the Gouptas commence from Tan 241 de Före de Saea <)«.

Albirun! then notes^ that the year 400 of the (Persian) Era of Yezderdjed = 1088 Vikram. = 953 Qaka =±712 Gupta = 712 Ballaba is 2).

Let us pause before we discuss a second important tradition discuss the Gupta era, take a moment to consider these gave the Albirün! to investigate what claim Credibility they have prima facie.

We already noticed that in the same context given communications from the Arab writer about the Starting points of the Vikrama and Qaka eras, which we too controls are able to prove to be correct.

We also have the possibility of Albirünf's claim of the identity of the Valabht and Gupta eras of an equally unique subjects as reliable control.

In Kathiawad, as we will see further, there are large quantities of coins of Kumaragupta and his son Skandagupta. The inscriptional data for Skandagupta range from 130 to 146; The Aera used is stored on one of the

1) The Jabr ^aka 241 begins according to the usual approach of the 9<^I^<^~Aera Jfirz 319. The New Year of the Oopta-Valabhi Year" undoubtedly fell on the Indian Corresponding to normal use, fluctuating between the end of February and March, depending according to the switching of the luni-solar calendar each time.

2) This is followed by detailed information about the external features of the Indian procedure for reducing the various airs; be- If this were the case, these detailed communications would cast any doubt on it It is clear that Albirüni was the beginning year of the Gupta era correctly as it is za was adopted in India at the time.

302 H. Oldenberg,

Inscriptions, that of Jnnagadh, expressly as "time- Rechnnng of the Guptas” (“Guptasya käläganan&m yidhäyaa] be- draws.

One joins the Gupta monks of Kathiawad a series of coins exactly reproduced from the same, in which New- tone ^] the coinage of the Valabh! or Bhatärka kings has meadows. We also have one of these kings neatly numerous series of dated inscriptions (land granting certificates) 2y. The same name the founder of the dynasty senäpati (senior general) Bhatarka; follow him one after the other four of his sons. The second of these is the first prince this series, which bears the title mahäräja. From the third There are several inscriptions among the sons of Bhatarka; they carry the dates 207, 210, 216.

So the coins confirm that of Albirün! claimed Connection of Yalabhi rule to Gupta rule. And the inscriptions confirm through their dating that the Valabht Kings did not begin a new annual accounting, but after to continue counting from an ancient Aet*a. The space between schen the last Gupta and first Yalabhi data has just the right size to make it likely that this older era, after which the Yalabh! counted, just those of the Gupta was.

So where are we Albirün! If we can control it, we'll find it well informed. Only one of his claims has to be rejected fen: the assumption that the Gupta era was dominated by the Gang of the Guptas, the beginning of the Valabht dynasty. The nature of the thing suggests, and the inscriptions confirm,

1) Journal As. Soc. Bombay Custom, VII, 12fg. See Thomas, the Oiipta dynasty, panel, no. 29 fg.

2) S.^ especially the different years of the Indian Antiqnary. The Latest overview of the kings named in these inscriptions with their dates gives Bnrgess, Arcbaeol. Survey of Western India, vol. III (1878), p. 96.

- About the dating of the ancient Indian coin and inscription series. ^03

means that the Guptakäla received the information given by the Guptas themselves. turned counting, the counting of BegiüLndnngder Gupta lords is seductive. We remember Albirünl's similar error or rather his Indian informants, who told us above encountered: the reduction of the Qaka era to the lower transition of Qaka rule instead of the anointing of the Qaka king. Of course, one can do so at the expense of the bad Indian The fallacy of historical tradition about the historical Circumstances associated with the introduction of the Gupta era menhang, the statement of the careful Arabic scholar There is no information about the point in time from which this era began way to discredit.

We now consider a second important testimony, this has come down to us about the epoch of Guptakala.

Death^) shares an inscription of Arjunadeva from Pattana Somanätha (on the south coast of Kathiawad) with their date in four different acres: Year of Mohammed 662, Vikrama 1320, year of Balabhi era 945, year of Qlva ginga-Aera^j 151.

Here too the comparison of the Hedjra year 3) shows the approach of the Gupta-Valabhi era to the year 319 AD, in complete agreement with the information discussed Aibirünfs.

The difference between the Valabhi epoch and the Vikrama epoch is The dating of this inscription runs to 375 years, while According to Albirflni it would have to be 376 years. After what we above (p. 292 A. 2) about this in the ancient Indian inscriptions observed fluctuations in the chronological epochs this inaccuracy cannot be in any way strange.

1) Annais of Rajasthan I, 801. Vjfl. by the same author Trarels in Western India p. 506.

2) A local era of the Gohil family.

3j Jabr 662 the Hedjra began on October 24, 1264 Jolian. style».

304 B* Oldenberg,

By the way, the Mnhammedan date next to it shows that that the seat of inaccuracy is in the Vikrama date nnd Never look for the Valabht date ^) .

So here we have confirmation of the Albirüni itself the outstanding approach of the Guptakala, which lacks certainty leaves nothing to be desired. Was also the Gupta- like that Valabhi Empire in the time of Albirüni and even in that of Arjuna Deva had long since perished, so the era was still uses, and it is hard to foresee how this will happen with the continuous Series of Gupta or. Valabht dating dating from first century of the Common Era until well beyond that time Albirüni's has been preserved for us ^j , the continuity of the tradition dition about the beginning of the era - apart from that, of course from the small fluctuations in India by two or three years — may be questioned.

Is it the Feshem, which recently led to the Gupta era by centuries from the point handed down by Albirüni. wanted to push, succeeded, apparently so tightly well-founded tradition to prove unreliable? Me It seems that up to now there has been no evidence of this kind a durable attempt has been made.

The scholars who map the Gupta dates to the Qaka era come, except with the tradition discussed at Albi- rüni and the inscription of Arjunadeva, especially with the coins zen of the Indo-Scythian kings in conflict. We saw that

1) A photocincographical fact kindly shared with me by Mr. Burgess simile of this inscription, which has so far only been published in Tod's English translation is, controls both the authenticity of the inscription and the accuracy of the data, as well as death she states, beyond doubt.

2) According to the Gupta inscriptions and coins, as mentioned, the original customers of the Valabhikonige a large and coherent series of data wrestled between the years 207 and 447 of the Yalabht Era. The inscription follows Ton Morbf, 585 of the Qnpta era, Albirüni in the year 712, a Jaina^MS. from possession Yon Bhäü Dajf, dated 772 of the Gopta era (Journ. Bombay Br. VIII, 246), and the Tod'schen inscriptions 850 and 945 of the Yalabht era.

On the dating of the ancient iDish coin and inscription series. 305

the Qaka era is the era of the Kanishka; the oldest Gupta as developed above, follows indo- Scythian coins minted over 100 years after Kanishka must be shaped, so it cannot change even with the time of Kanishka lift. Also for the chronology of the Kshatrapa dynasty, by which we will talk about below, you come when you do the Guptas to rule from 78 AD to completely impossible results; one is then forced to confront the Kshatrapa princes year- to start hundreds of times earlier than what we would later discover. allow local data.

The path taken by Lassen i] is the least likely be approved. The same one distinguishes one without any reason older and a younger Gupta dynasty; the most important kings of the older dynasty are Samudragupta and Skandagupta; the Budhagupta^; he belongs to the young dynasty. The annual numbers of the old dynasty are partly attributed to the Qaka era, partly based on a Gupta era of 140 that he constructed traced back to AD; the date of the Budhagupta inscription (Year 165) he refers to the era of 319 AD. The AHes is completely arbitrary; whoever the inscriptions or on the Coins can be found dates for Skandagupta (130 - 146) and which holds together for Budhagupta (155, 165) and then one takes a comparative look at the coins of these two kings 3), there can be no doubt about their togetherness.

The consideration deserves more serious attention which Bühler ^) has recently taken a different approach Valabhl-Aera tried to justify. The Chinese Pilgrim Biouen Thsang mentions as Valabhi - ruler the Tu-lu-p'o-

1) I. A. 112, 784 fg. 957 fg.

2) d. i.e., as is well known, “Mercury’s protégé,” not Buddhagupta.

3) S. Thomas' tablet in the text “The dynasty of the GupUs”, no. 24-26, and the last numbers of Plate II in his essay in J. R. As. Soc. XIl.

4) Indian Antiquary 1378, p. 80.

306 H-Oldenberg,

po-tu ^) . The closest Sanskrit paraphrase of this The name is Dhrnvabhata, and that name, or rather that The name Dhrübhata does not differ significantly from it we as the epithet of a Valabhi prince from the year 447 AD Aera. Since the visit of the Chinese traveler in that part India in the fifth decade of the seventh century AD. falls, this would place around the year 200 AD as the beginning point of the Valabht Era.

So appealing indeed is the identification of the Tu-lu- p o-po-tu with that Dhruvabhata, then ours must be Judgment about the same can be made dependent on whether they deal with the chronological results found elsewhere tolerates, but does not possess this hypothesis in itself certainty that they in turn become the pivotal point of the Valabbt Chronology could be made. You can in the of the Chinese prince mentioned is also suspected to be Derabhata, who is the son of Qiläditya I (year 286) and the father of Dhm- Vasena III (year 332) is called 2); or there that name Drfibhata is only the nickname of a king, as his main is called the neuter name Qiläditya, one can assume that that one of the earlier Qlladitya's or Dharasena's also led to this epithet - one takes into account

1) Mr. S. Beal, whom I spoke to about the relevant Chinese travel tax werks, confirmed to me the correctness of Stan's statements. Jnlien indicated common name form. He notices that there is a Japanese note on the passage gives the name the form To-ro-va-vats-ta.

2) The time in which Derabhata must fall would be in the approach of Era in 319, exactly at the time in which Hiouen Thsang traveled, are correct. AUer- However, Derabhata, the son of a king and the father of such a king, will be in the Inscriptions do not name himself as king; this forms the tone Buh 1er observations made about the arbitrariness with which the editors of the Writings that disfavored kings were left out of the series were not an absolute hindrance. The Chinese translation of the Indian name in question^ according to Julien "Constammentally intelligent" is supposed to mean, is to me uncertain by Mr. Beal. draws.

About the date of the Utern Indian coin and inscription series. 307

Btthler's^) own apt remark, "the enl habit of many Indian dynasties of taking a large number of birudas or honorifie titIe8

On the contrary, as far as I can see, the few are uniting Moments that otherwise respond to our question in some way shed light on the tradition about the Gupta and To support Valabhi era.

Here I first include the dating of the Budhagupta Inscription: »after 165 years (i.e. according to the standing Indian edition) as much as in the current 166th year), as Buddha- Gupta was king, on the 12th (lunar) day of the bright half (i.e. in increasing light) of the month of Ashadha, on a Thursday “nerdays”. If we assume the era of 319, one leads Calculation of this date, which I did with the help of the exact formulas and tables in Warren's Eala-Sankalita, on June 21, 484 July. Styles, and that day was in the That a Thursday 3) .

1) Ind. Ant. 1877, 60.

2) Even less can such counter-evidence be based on the inscription of KM which Bühler in the Ind. Ant. 1877, HO fg. a most astute and dedicated to an instructive discussion. It bears the year 486 and is imagines the victory of a Gurjara king over the “Lord of Valabhi”. Bühler draws the year to the Yikrama era of 57 BC; then the same would fall However, at a time in which, in my opinion, there was a Valabhi dynasty has not yet given. However, apart from the fact that with the "Lord of Va- labhi" in itself could quite well have meant a sub-king of the Guptas, The assumption of Yikrama dating in this inscription must be more than doubtful appear. The other inscriptions of the Ourjara kings are all recalculated the (aka-Aera, and the reasoning behind BOhler's acceptance of this era for the present inscription, does not seem to me to be at all tenable enough, in order to accept the Vikrama dating, which was only documented from a much later period - to make cash.

3) Unfortunately, the dating of the inscription from Morbi (Ind. Ant. II, 2ö7fg.)

308 H. Oldenberg,

A paleographic date also deserves attention here to become, to whom I am because of the extraordinarily specific time- legal demarcation under which the phenomenon in question appears to be of higher value than I generally do the arguments from the written character of an inscription I'm inclined to admit.

The m, which appears in the ancient inscriptions of all parts of the This has the shape 8, then an angular X, in the northern one India later adopted the form y. The largely The third series of inscriptions from Mathura tells us the time of its origin know the new form of tn. The same first appears in an inscription from the year 98 of the era, which we see above as the Qaka-Aera have proven ^) ; other inscriptions from the end of the First century still retain the form iL, which of that one - apart from one case from the year 98, in general numerous inscriptions from the 1st century alone; in In the 2nd century the younger figure of the m becomes the ruling schende. The paleography of Guzerat and South India, ab- seen, for example, from the coins, is independent of this change. remained touched. I only know one inscription from Kathiawad, on which the North Indian m appears, which continues to be going to be discussed inscription from Jasdan^ year 127 of Kshatrapa - Aera ^) . Now it is inadmissible to do this once scattered appearance of the North Indian m in Kathiawad one

cannot be used chronologically. It contains a donation, which »after The end of 585 Gupta years, when the sun was dark, was completed. This Monthly date at the end of the inscription, Phälgunasudi 5, but can only be the date, of the recording, not that of the donation itself, because on the 5th day after Of course, no solar eclipse could have occurred during the new moon. What is undoubtedly meant is the eclipse of November 10, 904, i.e. h. three months before recording the document.

1) S. Gnnningham, Arch. Reports III, p. 38 and the tables.

2) p. below. This inscription also shows other traces of North Indian influence in paleographic terms.

On the dating of the ancient Indian Mtli)z> and in series of publications. 309

to assign it to an earlier time than the one in which we find it in Northern India itself, especially in Mathura, the city through which northern Indian influences naturally found their way to the Qegenden had to take from Eathiawad to see them perform. There now the new m first appears in Mathura in 177 AD even if we assume that at the same time the letter form in question came to Eathiawad, as the earliest limit for the Kshatrapa era ca. 50 AD ^).

We will see that the Gupta era lasted at least ca. 200 years later is the Kshatrapa era. That's how we come, if we choose the earliest possible approach everywhere, for Qupta-Aara to 250 AD, a result that is consistent with the actual approach of the same to 319 AD in good condition sound stands and in any case such significant deviations from this This approach, as stated by several researchers, prohibits it.

The fixation of the Gupta dynasty gives us what we need Stop to give another dynasty whose coins are outside There are a decently large number, their place with certainty to be assigned: the so-called Sah dynasty 2).

The common designation of these kings as saw kings is based on the fact that their names appear on their coins no small part comes from -säha (Rudrasäha, Dämasäha Etc.) At least this is the generally accepted reading. However, I consider this to be undoubtedly erroneous. The reading is based solely on the coins, and these all contain a relatively long legend in a very small space

1) We will have to point out other points later make a much earlier approach to the Kshatrapa era impossible.

2) In order to cite only the most important things from the relevant literature, I point to Thomas J.R.A.S. XII, 1 fjr. ; the dynasty of the Guptas 31fg. ; Newton in J.R.A.S., Bombay Branch, VII, 1 fg., IX, 1 fg. ; v. Sallet, Narh- follower of Alexander, 67 fg. See also Jacobi in the magazine. d. D. Morrow. Total XXXIV, 256.

310 H-Oldenberg,

fertilized together, 80 that the Bach letters are often very orderly. took on bad forms and especially the vocal marks are usually completely doubtful. Under these circumstances To control the readings, it is important that we have some of the names appearing on the coins on a well-preserved Find the finished inscription on the pillar inscription of Jasdan in Eathiawad ^ , which contains the genealogy of the oldest princes of the this dynasty exists. Those princes from whom everyone receives coins are named on the coins, according to the previously accepted reading taken:

Cashtana,

Jayadama,

Rudradäma, son of Jayadama,

Kudrasiqiha, son of Rudradäma,

Rudrasaha, son of Rudrasiipha.

The inscription mentioned, on the other hand, gives the following series, in which each successive king is the son of the preceding one: Cashtana, Jayad&man, Rudradaman, Rudrasimha, Rudrasena.

The assumption cannot be dismissed out of hand, that in the alleged Rudrasaha of the coins there is rather that Rudrasena, whose name form is indicated by the inscription of Jasdan is secured, hidden. An investigation into the relevant The coins from the Berlin Eabinet inspired me in this case. only strengthens your courage. The letter of the address read as h bleached -saha is in fact on many copies of the real A, as e.g. B. in the common word mahäkshatra*

1) Bhau Dajf has a copy of this inscription in Journ. Bombay Br., VIII, p. 234 given.

On the dating of the ancient Indian coin and inscription series. 311

pa^a occurs, clearly distinguishable and without a doubt for n to explain (A on the coins j, on the inscription of Jasdan .. 5 and LT; n on the coins /*• and I , on the inscription **• ) ^J . That on worse coins the shapes of the two letters can merge into one another in the mentioned paleographic The nature of the same should not be taken as a surprise ^) .

With Rudrasaha or Rudrasena will then be natural the other -säha's also transform into -sena's (as is well known the word senä "the army" appears extraordinarily often as a final word. part of Indian proper names); and thus the The traditional name of the “Säh dynasty” will be used in the future. give be.

As sources for our knowledge of this dynasty come just the few inscriptions that we have from it, and the coins into consideration; everything else must be discarded.

To the alleged traditions that are completely worthless for us are, I first include those from Major Watson. shared tales of the bards of Junagaclh ^] . Same call the Kshatrapa dynasty - we may mention this To apply the name - although not explicitly, tell but unmistakably the story of their fall. One of the Gupta kings who ruled between Ganges and Jumna, I sent his son Kumarapäl-Gupta to Suräshtra (Kathiawad) to conquer. After the conquest was successful, the king has one of his emirs. Cakrapäni, son of the Pres- dat, appointed there as his governor. Later, Kumärapäl-

1) Incidentally, the difference between the letters in question can be formed as follows observe the present images of the coins; you see e.g. B.No. 9 the tablet of Thomas (Dynasty of the Guptas); No. 9 - 13, 16 etc. of the tables the same scholar in the journal K. As. Sor. vol. XII ; No. 3, 6, .7 of the first and No, 7 of the second Newton's already table.

*l) The Verrauthung Lassen's (11"^, 9*23 A. I) that for -slha always -simha to read is wrong.

3) Indian Antiquary, II, 312.

312 H. Oldenberg,

Gapta and then his weak son Skandagnpta for directing come; Finally, a general (senäpati) of the the last, Bhattaraka, seized power.

It is difficult to understand how even scholars who are familiar with this the manner and manner of Indian bardic tales are familiar >) , could have taken this for a real and natural tradition. nen. In fact, the entire report is a work of art From beginning to end from what the “Bards” say about the very modern results of epigraphic and numismatic Science is heard saying, is forged together; something Confusion in the details will be reasonably charged those poets themselves can be set. The Mttnziunde of Eathiawad has two Gupta kings, Eumäragupta and Skandagnpta - that the former among those bards Eumärapäl- The name Gupta is undoubtedly based on something that is very inappropriate here Beminiscence to the famous King Eumär Pal, who lived in the twelfth century Century ruled — ; the great rock inscription of Junagadh told by the governor of Skandagnpta (not like the bards tell the story of the king under whom the peninsula was conquered) Parnadatta and his son Gakrapälita; after the big one Gupta inscription then comes the inscriptions of the Valabhl kings, which can be traced back to the Senäpati (general) Bhatarka - From these materials we can create the by no means very folk- It is not difficult to reconcile the massive genesis of that bardic tale. disrupt. That from those distant times, which in all older traditions are shrouded in complete fog Bards remember the correct memory of one - and only one to this one - otherwise completely unimportant governor and his father, and that the inscription of Juna- gadh coincidentally from the same time this one - and only this one -

1) £a is easily possible from those who live in Europe Works like Ton Tod about R&Jasthän or Forbes about Guzerat to get a vivid picture.

On the dating of the ancient Indian manuscripts and series of inscriptions. 313

Father and son are actually called/is wonderful, not to mention seem very natural and explainable.

Another tradition that has recently emerged, which supposedly has something to do with this dynasty would always- deserve greater attention than the bard stories Major Watson's, if only the relationship of those concerned Information about the Eshatrapa kings with any certainty could prove. I mean the people belonging to the Jaina sect- yon the great saint Kälaka ^) . The powerful and brave king of Ujjayini COCr]vrj, Odjein), Gardabhilla, has committed offense against the sister of this saint, and Kälaka has therefore made the decision to overthrow that king. He Therefore go to the country called Qakaküla. There The ruling family is called Sähi, and the overlord of The whole empire is called Sähänu Sähi. .

The wise man moves a Sähi prince who is with him Overlord King has fallen from grace, along with 95 others in the Greats in the same position, “with army and entourage To cross the Indus and reach Hiindugadesa (Hindu land). pull. Then they got into vehicles and entered the country Surattha (Suraeshtra or Kathiawad). Meanwhile, the rainy season; Then they divided the land into 96 parts and stayed there because the roads were impassable." In the fall They then moved on against Ujjayini and dethroned the Gar- dabhilla.

»After she saw the Sahi devoted to the sage (Kälaka). Chief kings (räyähiräya = Sanskr. räjädhiräja) made, measured the rest enjoy the joys of rule, even becoming feudal princes raised. Because they came from Qakakfila, that's why they are called Qaka. This is how this dynasty of C^aka kings came into being." After

1) We owe an excellent edition of this legend to Prof. Jacobi; Z. the p. Tomorrow Total XXXIV, 247 fgg.

ZeitocbHft for numismatics. VIII. 21

314 H. Oldenberg, ^

For some time Vikramaditya overthrew this dynasty and led one Aera (the well-known era beginning in 57 BC).

135 years after this event, a Qaka became again King, who in turn introduced an era (Qaka-Aera, begins 78 AD)* »This episode is for the knowledge of the Qaka era tells me.”

Jacobi speaks in the introduction to his edition This legend^) indicates that the seeds of the same are identical with the Shah kings of Eathiawad. This seems to me more than doubtful. If, as I have tried to prove, the name of these “Shah-Kings” is only based on an erroneous reading based on the coin legends, this is the most important one Support of Jacobi's assumption ^] . The inscriptions of the Kshatrapa dynasty, among which that of Junagadh was extraordinarily extensive, which is provided by Jasdan at least in the indication of the title lature is quite cumbersome, there is nothing related to Qaka, Sähi, Sähänu Sähi, or that multiple times in connection with these Devaputra appearing in the titles reminded ^] .

Rather, all the evidence seems to me to indicate that in the creation of that legend, the memory of another Dynasty, that of Kanishka and his successors has. It is fitting that they rule Kabulland pulled over the Indus that come to him^India as

1) A.t. 0.256.

2) Jacobr's version doesn't seem much safer to me "Sh&h*Kings" were Qaka, because the first king of this dynasty was Nahapina is referred to on an inscription as the father-in-law of the 9&ka Ushavadata. ab- seen from that, as we will see, the ZarQckfühning of the dynasty Nahapina and yet probably no less the admissibility of a conclusion from son-in-law to father-in-law is certainly doubtful, the fragmentary tired and, according to West's testimony, in places difficult to read, in which / / / ^kasa Ushavad&tasa occur soU, not with certainty for such a evidence can be used.

3) In this context, one may also refer to the very Indian culture The type of view that the standing Kshatrapa profile points to Coins in sharp contrast to the coins of the Kanishka and Huvishka.

On the dating of ancient Indian coin and inscription series. 315

Hiipdoga country is called that it is now Qaka, now Sähi are called i). The story of their expedition Ujjayini will hardly be anything better than one of those Historically completely worthless legends, as is well known the starting point of the Qaka era and the era that follows is named after the alleged king Vikramäditya of Ujjayint, particularly lush. The fact that this triumph There is probably no information as to why Surashtra is touched which any historical capital can be captured; possible that here is the memory of another train, that of the "Qaka" dylpa" went to India, played nothing: immigration the so-called Maga Brahmins from Persia, their next target was also Ouzerat 2).

The result of these discussions is that we as the the only witnesses to the existence of that Eshatrapa dynasty Inscriptions and coins remain.

The coins of this long line of rulers contribute to the mostly years. The highest among these numbers are those on the coins of the last or last king of the Series, of Svfimi Rudrasena, son of Svfimi Rudradäman ') ; You can read the years 284, 192 (read: 292) on them.

1) Vtsadeva is known to be referred to as Shähi in an inscription by Mathnra (Canningham, Arch. Report III, plate XV, No. 18). If Samndra gnpta in his inscription Ton Allahabad (Jonm. As. Soe. Bengal 1837, pl. LV, L. 20) says that he receives gifts or tribute from the Daiva or pntra Sh&hi Sbähänashihi (^akh, this could very well mean the princes, which follows the Devapntra Sh&hi Yasudeva, it seems, for another year- hundreds of wild gold coins have been minted (cf. Lassen II', 868; Thomas, J. R. A. S. XII, 15).

2) Weber, Monthly Ber. the Berlin Academy, 1879. 8. 455, 457.

3) After this king, Newton had another king of the same name, his son of Sv&mi Satya S4h (or rather Sv. Satyasena?), but notices that the order may also have been the reverse. Newton only knew one Coin of the latter king, who only ruled for a short time seems.

21♦

316 H. Oldenberg,

294^). It is possible that there is an even higher number of the established Eshatra dances, which Sir Clire Bayley mentioned ^) ; he gives the date as 300. I have to leave it undecided for the time being whether it is right; a proof that- tüTj that the sign (V) given by him determines this number I don't know anything about it^). By the way, like that too Whatever the verdict on this coin may be, our chronological The results are hardly noticeably altered.

The series ends with the date 294 (or 300), and it Now follow the coins of the two Gupta kings Eumäragupta and his son Skandagupta. The coins of both kings are found in large numbers in Surashtra. Newton's given illustrations and his most in-depth observation based comments * make it completely clear that the coins The Ouzerati - coinage of Eumäragupta is directly linked to the Connect the latest Eshatrapa coins ^) and follow the same are formed.

Now the time of Eumäragupta is determined by the fact that Inscriptions the year 93 (of course the Gupta era} as his father's latest date, the year 130 as the earliest Give his son a date. This puts it in the best possible way sounded that on the coin of Eumäragupta, the Newton

1) About the one of the first and third among these predictables I don't have a completely safe judgement. Bhandarkar (in the Transactions of the International Congress of Orlentalists, London 1876, p. 353) wants this king with an earlier one in the series, Rudra Sah (rather Rodrasena), son of Vfra- Diman identify and read the first digit in his data 100 instead of 200. This assumption is wrong in every respect; the facts which they as make it seem impossible can already be found in the essay N e w t o n's (Journal of the Bombay Br. Volume VII) is presented both clearly and exhaustively.

2) Indian Antiquary 1877, p. 67 note

3) As is well known, the usual symbol for Gr 300 is ^.

4) A.a. 0. pp. 9, 10; Numbers 9 and 10 on the board. By the way, it's also out For pal&ographical reasons, the priority of the Kshatrapa over the Guptas is given to anyone who a comparative look at the two large inscriptions on the rock of Junaga^h throws, undoubtedly certain.

On the dating of the older indito observable coins and inscriptions. 317

under No. 10 of his plate and Thomas, Gupta Dynasty p. 47, discussed, the number symbol for 90 with one after it following, unrecognizable one digit.

The result resulting from the succession of Esha- trapa>Coins with the date 294 and the Qupta coin with a date in the nineties, the finding is that that the Kshatrapa era at least about 200 years ago the Gupta era, i.e. around 120 AD at the latest is to be added.

Between the last coins of the old series and the earlier The Oupta series can of course be a period of time which may span several decades. On the last Kshatrapa, from which coins are present in large quantities lie, periods of unrest may have followed, which occurred in the numismatic tradition left no trace behind.

Has proven to be the latest permissible date for the Eshatrapa Era 120 AD, so can be its real starting point possibly until the last decades of the first post-war Christian century fall back. Apart from that, however- that the assumption of an excessively large gap in the coin* There is no row between the Kshatrapa and Kumaragupta per se It's just likely that the following moments will occur significantly contradict Aera's earlier approach:

1) The completely wild state of Greek life ings on the coins of the Kshatrapa kings, cf. v. Sallet, a. a. 0. 67 fg.

2) The appearance of the younger form already discussed of the m in an inscription from the Eshatrapa year 127. In the Inscriptions of more northern origin, where this m has its home, As mentioned, it was only found at the end of the first century derts of the Qaka era (see above p. 30S).

3) The appearance of the popular name Pahlava in the large Inscription of Rudradaman [Kshatrapa year 72; ; also in one

318 H. OWenberg,

probably a few decades earlier inscription of another, Dynasty chronologically linked to the Kshatrapa kings, which will be discussed immediately, the same thing can be found word ^) . According to Köl deke ^) this has become part of the Parthava (Parthian) The name probably did not arise before the first century ert AD formed.

After all, the question can be raised as to whether we do not compare the Eshatrapa era with the Qaka era (78 AD), the era of the Kanishka. It is clear that the approximate time we found for the Eshatrapas have no obstacle to this identification, and if we in the satraps of Eathiawad sub-kings of the mighty Qakafttrüsten could see, would be a use of the Qaka year in their inscriptions and on their coins- out of course.

Nevertheless, I believe the probability favors rather, that in the Eshatrapa era one of those local Acres can be recognized, which are so commonly encountered in India, and which, limited to the territory of a single state, with a phase of the same arise and perish. We will further considerations must be presented which support the proposed The view of the Eshatrapa as sub-kings of the Qaka is untrue. make it seem and rather suggest the assumption that They were originally the governors of a South Indian dynasty beings are. In addition, this also deserves consideration to be that the Eshatrapa inscriptions provide the genealogy of these Princes always trace back to Gashtana, who is also from Numismatic reasons as the oldest known prince, who Coins minted with the so-called Shah type can be proven

1) Inscription of Pu^um&yi, who named his father the destroyer of the Saka, YaTana, Palhava (No. 26 in West's series of Näsik Cave Inscriptions).

2) See the communication of the same to Weber, in his Indian literary history (2nd ed.), 8. 338.

On the dating of the ancient Indian coin and inscription series. 319

is ^). So Cashtana is in all probability the green one that of this dynasty. Since he is now the grandfather of Rndradäman who ruled in the year 72, we arrive with Cashtana too close to the starting point of the era for that to happen we shouldn't prefer the same on Cashtana instead of on traced back to the Qaka king Kanishka.

From the discussion of the Kshatrapa dynasty we go one Step further backwards and deal with those princes, which we find in the caves of Käsik and other places There is a wealth of monuments in the vicinity of Bombay. let have ^j .

The three most frequently mentioned in these court inscriptions

Princes, the only ones at the same time, who are responsible for our investigation

Those to be considered follow one another in this order:

Nahapana,

Siri-Sätakanni, son of Gotami,

Siri-Pudumäyi, son of the previous king and the Väsitthi.

Nahapäna is often mentioned in the inscriptions of his in-law son and, it seems, governor Dinikaputra Ushavadata mentioned; his name, in the genitive case, is in Sanskrit: rajnah Kshaharatasya ^j kshatrapasya Nahapänasya.

1) The coin of the same - until now Unicum - can be found in Thomas, Oapta Dynasty, panel, no. 7. I read: rajna mahakshatrapasa Plamotikaputrasa Casb^nasa.

. 2) The literature of the Uöhleninschrlften, in the volumes of the Journal R. As. Soc. Bombay Branch is very completely dispersed by Burneil, Elements of South Indian Palaeography p. 13 A. 1 listed. The most important series of this inscription ten, that of Nasik, has recently been used by Bhandarkar in the negotiations of the London Orientalist Congress of 1874 (pp. 306 fgg.).

3) Kshaharata, as we will see, the name of the dynasty which Na- hap&na, looks like it was half Persian half Sanskrit Education: the (r&ta) bestowed by the Shah (Kshaha) [the peoples] (cf. the Proper names Devarata, Vishnurata etc.) - a name that is used by a loyal person Satrapenhause will not be found strange.

320 H-Oldenberg,

In an inscription from Junnar, in Vnlgär dialect: . . . mahajkhatrapasa sami-Nahapänasa.

A silver coin of this Nahapäna is found in Kathiawad found *) .

Close to Nahapäna in the series of inscriptions are: cave buildings two kings, who belonged to a different race, belong to the Qätavähana or Andhrabhritya dynasty: Säta- Kanni and his son Pudumäyi. Sätakanni has the Nahapäna forcibly displaced. He is buried in one of the Näsik inscriptions the destroyer of the Saka, Yavana, called Palhava, who is from the The Khakharata family left nothing but glory of the Sätavahana family^). You can hardly doubt that Khakharata ^) an oversight for Khakharata, the vulgar form of the Sanskrit Kshaharata, and therefore the is the name of the satrap family to which Nahapäna belonged. We have an inscription that refers directly to this Sätakanni's victory over the Kshaharata prince refers to. The- The same is dated "from the victory camp of the victorious army"^). and contains the award of a certain piece of land, “whose income enjoyed until now by Ushabhadäta", to a monk's

1) 8. Newton's Table (Jo. Bombay Br. IX, p. 5), No. 1, Thomas' tablet (in: The Gupta Dynasty) No. 6. — I cannot suppress the Yermuthnng that this Nahapäna, who obviously had an extensive empire for a long time ruled, is identical to the Nahavahana that the Jains practiced from 413-453 let them rule after the death of their religious founder.

2) No. 26 in West's series: Saka-YaTana-Palhava-nisudanasa. . . Kbakharita Ta[m]sa-nirava8esakarasa SiLtav&hanakulayasapatithipanakarasa.

3) This is what the facsimiles by Brett and West read in agreement. Bhandarkar means to recognize Khagär&ta or Khakh&r&ta.

4) Nasik Insor. No. 25. The opening words of those badly mistreated by Bhandarkar delten inscription can be read: sidham, senäya vejayamtiya vijayakha[m]dhävär&, just like the later inscriptions "skandhftT&r&t, vijayaekandhäväre" etc. dated to will maintain. Here we have the oldest one, which is extremely interesting for the epigraphist Copy of the type of royal deed of gift that later does not more in stone inscriptions, but on copper tablets, countless times in the decrees the Yalabhi, the Calukya kings, etc. returns.

About the Datirong of the ancient Indian coin and inscription series. 321

community. So Sätakanni found himself conquering the country there still the son-in-law of Nahapäna enjoying the income ances of the crown lands, and we can therefore conclude that that either the Kshaharata prince ousted by Sätakanni Nahapäna himself was, or that from his death until the Only a short period of time has passed since the defeat of his dynasty.

The aforementioned coin of Nahapäna from Kathiawad now gives the chronological link between the kings, from which as we speak now, and the Kshatrapa discussed above Dynasty that ruled in the same country. The series of Kshatrapa coins runs in a strict, tightly closed sequence and in exact agreement with that known in the inscription genealogy of these rulers; in this series the Kshatrapa Na- Pushing hapana in is not acceptable. Rather, he can only belong to the same, which is why the paleographic character his inscriptions, compared with those of the other Kshatrapa, in the most decisive way ^) . This has long been recognized; just In my opinion, what was missing was that poor in Nahapäna wanted to see the ancestor of the late Kshatrapa while rather, he was the predecessor belonging to another dynasty seems to have been the same. This is supported by the fact that the Kshatrapa inscriptions the geuealogy of the house do not refer to him drove back and the name of the Kshatrapa somewhere Kshaharata, which was the family name of Nahapäna, at- lay ; The type of coin used by Nahapäna is also different. Finally We have no reason to specify the sowing capacity mentioned Inscription according to which this king belonged to the Kshaharata tribe has come to an end.

Based on these considerations, I would like to other dynasties suggest the following construction:

1) Note also that the coin of Nahapana bears his name both iii more Bactrian than in Indian script, 'what comes from the monks of the Kshatrapa- Only the oldest one, namely that of Cash^ana, does.

322 H-Oldenberg,

At the forefront of time are the Kshaharata. You Gender name, their naming as Kshatrapa, the designation their conqueror as the defender of Saka, Yavana, Pahlava it is likely that we were the overlord to whom they obeyed or had originally obeyed to search in the Korden have, among the rulers, which also include the satraps of Mathura, the satrap Saudäsa, the satrap Ranjubala ^]. were; we can think of King Azes and his successors think ^j .

The last Eshaharata, Nahapäna, was founded by urban Indians suppressed by conquerors. The same continued, be it immediately after their victory, be it a little later, over Kathiawad and the east The area adjacent to it is the Cashtana, which is in those The sub-royal title Kshatrapa (or Mahakshatrapa). His affiliation with the South Indian ruling dynasty is reflected on its coins in that instead of the Indo-Scythian weapon, the Nahapana Coin now - and then through the entire Kshatrapa series through — the so-called. Caitya symbol £5 appears, which also the coins belonging to that South Indian empire, including that of Sätakanni Gotamlputta and his son. Pu^umäyi show^) .

However, the Cashtana dynasty soon broke away independent of South Indian overlords. From Gashtana's grandson Rudradaman is said in the great inscription of Junagadh, that he twice killed the king of Dakshinäpatha, Säta- karni, defeated, but considering the situation between them

1) Siebe Conningham Arch. Rep. III, 40; v. Sallet 134 fg.

2) One should also take into account what Thomas rightly points out, the appearance of the Indo-Scythian lance with the battle ax on Nahap&na's coin, ▼gl. e.g. B. Ariana ant. T. XXI, No. 19.

3) prefer these coins see Bh a n d a r k ar a. a. 0. 351 ; Journal As. Soc. Bombay, XIII, plate 1. I will postpone a more detailed discussion of the same topics until publication the promised publication SirWalterEUiot^s about d. South Indian Coins.

About the dating of the ancient Indian coin and writing series. 323

fiteheoden connection (or kinship, fiambandlia) is not yemissed. This Sätakarni is undoubtedly a successor come from the king of the same name mentioned several times above; the Brahminical tradition gives this family great support of kings of this name.

What remains is the few suggestions that have come to us. information of a chronological nature, which refers to the last mentioned th kings relate to examine.

Here the chronological position must be given first and foremost Brahminical world chronicles, the Puranas ^), the Andhrabhpitya or Qätayähana dynasty and especially the Qätakar^^i and be- to instruct my son Pudumäyi to act in the most decisive way. be fought. According to the Puranas, this dynasty would have 294 (or 206 years after the accession to power of the great Mauryan King Candragupta (the Sandrocottus of the Ancients) to rule started, d. h. about 26 years BC, and this is indeed the Approach accepted by most researchers.

A long line of kings of this dynasty is recorded - led, which after each other from the designated point in time ruled; The duration of each government is also stated. 340 years after the founding of the dynasty, the reign begins ship of Gautamiputra Qätakarni (reigned for 21 years), then follows Pu4umäyi Qätakarni (28 or 29 years old) ; apparently the two of them Kings of the cave inscriptions.

In and of itself the king list of the Puranas does not make any difference unbelievable impression. It speaks for the same that they the two kings mentioned, known to us from the inscriptions, next to each other in the correct order and after them a short interim period which is also inscribed and numeric Matically certified Yajna^rt (Siriyana-Sätaka^ii can be followed. No less must be said in favor of the Purä^a list-

1) S. Wilson's YishnQ Purana, p. 472 f^.

324 H. Oldenberger,

be made that the "King Kanha on the Säda?ähana- Gender”, one of which looks very ancient Inscription was found in Näsik^], also in the list and appears almost at the beginning. It is therefore not un- probably that the Purana's talk about names and the succession of the Qätavähana kings, perhaps too about their government, is essentially correct. Absolutely But incorrect is the chronological position that the dynamic stie is instructed as a whole. The mystical and high- holy beings who in the Purana texts control the destinies of the Unfortunately, people who prophesy the world in advance allow themselves the freedom to Dynasties that existed at the same time or partially at the same time various parts of India have ruled for a long time Line to push each other and it is with this character the sources are absolutely inadmissible, an arrangement like the one of these texts which is between Candragupta and 296 years have passed for the oldest Qätavähana king, to attribute even a shadow of credibility ^; . With the same arguments that were used for the beginning of the Qätavähana Reign in the year 26 BC could be proven that the Gupta rule has not yet begun at all, but belongs to the future. For Sätakanni and Pudumäyi would take the Purana chronology to an approach that several centuries the time boundaries, which emerge from epigraphic phical reasons would certainly be exceeded.

The inscriptions and coins show, as mentioned, that Na- hapäna belongs to the beginning of the Kshatrapa realms, but they do not give any specific information about how long ago Cashtana, the first satrap in this series, he ruled. After all, it's probably not that the two eldest

1) No. 6 of the West series.

2) This is also the case with Cunningham, Reports V, 20.

On the dating of ancient Indian coin and inscription series. 325

Unica, which is at the top of the coin mass of Kathiawad stand, that of the Nahapana and that of the Gashtana, very far away fall to each other. Aach the change in the character of the writing between between the Nahapäna inscriptions and that of Rudradäman not significant. Only then would a more specific result be possible can be won if, as is not untrue, Apparently, in the Indian king mentioned by Ptolemy liQiTtole^alog just sees the Siripudumäyi of our inscriptions ^), an identification that, however, is less reliable as a result. ed that the Brahminical sources contain a number of Let Pudamäyi's appear in that dynasty. Ptolemy calls Furthermore, the city of Ozene (Ujjayin!) as ßaolkeiov TcaoTavov, and in this name one has, most probably rightly, that of Cashtana ^) . Part of the government of Pudumäyi and that of Cashtana would be based on these identities tifications must be accepted as simultaneous.

The cave inscriptions mention the 40th, 41st and 42nd years of Nahapana, the 19th of Sätakanni, the 24th of Pudumäyi. Sätakanni's government cannot last much longer than 19 years lasted because his mother was still in her 19th year experienced the reign of his son Pudumäyi ^j .

We use this data to create a chronological table. together, for which we probably don't need to remember how

1) Cf. Weber 'a H&la, preface, p. XIII fg. Indian Studies III, 485.

2) Cash^na's coin is indeed found in Kathiawad, but that he was found in UJja- yint resided is therefore very possible. In fact his grandson will Rüdradftman in his inscription Herr von Avant! (i.e. UJjayini area) called. — Lassen's objection to the identification of Tiastano with Cash^na (11^, 924 A.l), namely that the Sanskritic ^ was always replaced by c (^^^aydqoxvnto^, ITgacioi) is irrelevant. The attempts of the Greeks, Indian sounds that were given to them at different times and in different encountered in various parts of India, to be represented by Greek sounds, must not be measured as if they were under the rule of unchangeable phonic laws. In addition to the c of Sav^qoxvnxo^ we have the x of Xan- dramas. Mr. Burgess also draws attention to Tittxovqn = Cittüra.

3) N&sik Inscription No. 26.

326 H. Oldenberg,

Certainly, most of the numbers in the same area are approximately the same may be touched; the purpose, a convenient overview Enabling ttb about the results achieved will fulfill them.

Nahapana reigns in Guzerat and south of it, 55-100 AD

In the northwestern Seii^he, Eanishka is crowned, 78 AD

Sätakan^ii overthrows Nahapäna, sets Cäsh^ana as Sa- trap in; Beginning of the Kshatrapa era, 100 AD

Pndumäyi follows the Sätakanni, still rules with cash tana at the same time.

Rudradaman, grandson of Cashtana, defeats a young man Satakanni. The Eshatrapa are now independent of the Qätavahana. Around 173 AD

In the northwest, the government of the

■

Väsudeva and the glory period of the Indo-Scythian Reichs.

Beginning of the Gupta Dynasty, 319 AD

Last dated coin of the Eshatrapa, 395 AD

Soon after: the Eshatrapa are taken over by the Gupta falls.

First Gupta coin in Eathiawad: around 415 AD

End of Gupta rule in Eathiawad, beginning of Valabhl Dynasty: around 480 AD

Addendums.

To page 307. Cunningham's new investigation (Arch. Survey vol. IX), which dates the year 195 AD as the To me, the starting point of the Gupta era is still there only known from the report in the Indian Antiquary 1880, 253.

On the dating of the ancient Indian coin and inscription series. 327

I take from this report the following important point from CNN- ningham made compilation of inscribed date ranges, in which years the Oapta calendar with certain years a more closely defining cycle can be identified: Year 156, bears the name Mahavaifäkha.

“ 173, ,, ,, ,, Mah&gyayaja.

M 191^ ,, ,, ,, Mahacaitra.

,,209, ,, ,, ,, MahaQvaynja. It is evident that there is a two-year cycle here, whose individual years get their names one after the other from the -lanars borrowed months. Nobody who even talks superficially with them It is known from the perspectives which the Indians use in the calendar. things that used to be authoritative are also discussed Cunningham correctly recognized the nature of this cycle in two Fel: the same is apparently based on the one in about 12 years Jupiter's orbit is completed. In fact, existence becomes such a cycle through the Süryasiddhänta XIV, 17 and by Davis, Asiatic Besearches vol. III p. 217 made- ten communications proven; every year this cycle was repeated that of the twelve eponymous stars for the lunar months (nakshatra) in whose area in that year the heliacal setting and rising of Jupiter fell. Now he- if we start the Gupta era around 319 AD Sicn, the Indian formulas for the first of Cunningham's years listed the conjunction of the Sun and Jupiter in the length of 191<^ (the Indian ecliptic); in truth found like Mr. Dr. Lehmann-Filhös fttr me to determine the Good thing, the conjunction between 195<^ and 196<> took place. The heliacal sub- or The rising of the star is natural in the immediate vicinity of this point, approx. 1<^ from it. distant. The point of the ecliptic that we get is almost falling exactly in the middle of the area for which the star Yif&khä eponym is, and the naming of the year in question as

328 H-Oldenberg, Uebei d. dating d. aging ind. Coin and Write inscriptions.

Vai^akha year is therefore correet. This then results in the Correctness of the other three reported by Gunningham Year designations. As Cnuningham does the same with his I believe that I want to unite the Aera AAF in 195 AD. understandable. That both the twelve-year-old Jupitercyclas and the... Page 307 discussed specifying a day of the week when arriving The sentence of the era to 319 AD is correct, gives ver- agrees with the same, quite apart from the purely philological ones moments, a high degree of mathematical probability. To page 310 fg. Mr. Dr. Bühler makes me aware of this note that the reading -sena instead of -säha in the Eshatrapa- Name is no longer new to the Mttnz connoisseurs living in India; Bhagvänläl Indraji has already written in the Indian Antiquary VI, 43 the correct reading of some names (Rudrasena, Dämasena) with- fact. Cf. also the same Indian scholar in the Pro- ceedings of the Bombay custom of the Royal Asiatic Society, hl4.0ct. 1876, where he wrote about “the Kshatrapa, misnamed Sah, series” talks. I am happy, also in the view of Nahapäna as one preceding the Eshatrapa dynasty, you however non-affiliated princes (above p. 321) with Mr. Bhagvänläl (Jonmal R. As. Soc, Bombay Br., XHI, 314) to meet me nen, if I also do the same thing. P. 315 presented chronological theories of the deserving Indian researcher can connect.

H. Oldenberg.

R. Weil, Kooig Sanmakos. J29

King Saumakos.

rather the carrion of the Spartocid dynasty and that related expansion of the Pontic rulers In the Taurian Chersonese one had hitherto been approached. pointed to the information given by Strabo in the 4th and 5th chapters of the 7th stream when describing the Crimea. One recently on the ground of Chersonese Herakleia (near Seba- stopol) extensive inscription that came to light, the Egger in the Journal des Savans 1880 p. 706 ff. (November), not only proves the high reliability of the Strabonian report, but at the same time expands our customer service beyond the Frtth time Mithradates the Great in the desired manner. It's a Honorary decree of the Chersonese for the Strabo in 306 and 312 well-known general of Mithradates, Diophantus the son of Asklepiodoros from Sinope, mounted on the Bathron dner Statue of the aforementioned on the Acropolis of Chersonese was employed in a special place of honor near the altars the city goddess, the Ilaq&ivog (Artemis) and the Xeqaovaüoq ;Lines 48 and 49 of the inscription).

The Chersonese had to avoid being outnumbered of the Scythian kingdom, which after the death of Skiluros on the sons of the latter, especially the Palakos

Z«iUchrin rare mumlsmatics. Vni. 22

330 K' Because,

had gone, completely crushed za, to the hunting- King Yon Pontos asked for help, and this one, to whom it all that mattered was an opportunity to have his To strengthen Asia's diminished rule, used the aid managed to gain a firm footing in the Taurian peninsula. To For the first time he took on the role of a pioneer Hellenes against the barbarians. Chersonesos served the Mithraic Dat Feldherm, as can be seen from the inscription, as a support point for his military campaigns lasting at least 3 years. The very first campaign resulted in a serious defeat of the Scythian king Palakos (lines 6 - 9) and made the system possible noikismos of a part of the Taurians, in which after Mithradates named Eupatorion (Strab. 312). For a short stay Diophantus' stop in the Bosporus was followed by a second experiment. dition into inner Scythia, with the two forts isaalXeia] XaßaloL and Neartolig ^) into the hands of the Pontic commander got into trouble. However, the results obtained here were repeated completely in question a general survey of this time by the Rhoxolans supported Scythians, who only followed Diophantus difficult ones that are not interrupted even by the winter Fighting could be mastered. Those in this part of the inscription The details that occur will probably be available in the near future be subjected to discussion on another side, suffice it here the summary table of contents. According to the report on the 3rd Campaign of Diophantus, the inscription goes to Diophantus Activity in the Bosporus about: (Z. 30] elg rovg xava Bootvoqov

1) XaßaXot (line 12 of the inscription), called Xä(hv in Strabo 312, and NBn- noXiS can no longer be used with P. Becker (Herakleotiache Peninsula, Leipzig 1856), which was followed by Kiepert, Atlas of Hellas Plate X, in the neighboring the Chersonesos clay, but are located more in the north of the semi- to look for an island remote from the coast: eh ßtiifay zay Stv^iav nqo^Xd-B na- Qadoyrofy di ait^ Sxv^ay t« ßaüiXeia Xaßaiovs xa\ Niay noXty, c^^doy näyxas vnaxoovs

King Saumakos. 331

TOTtovg xw^e

While previously to Strabo p. 310 only that was known the last ruler of the Spartocid dynasty like the founder of the same one Faerisades gave up his rule to Ifi^^radates have y because he has the . ever higher tribute felt powerless to face the demands of the barbarians we now talk about this process through the Chersonese inscription more detailed information. However, the inscription leaves us in the dark kel about the purpose of Diophantus' first stay in the Bosporus (lines 9, 10); was then only a federal Treaty concluded between Faerisades and Mithradates, 80 the cession agreement falls (Strab. 310^ during Diophantus second presence in the Bosporus, which of course doesn't mean that immediate abdication of the Faerisades needed to be connected. But in the Bosporan territory, which is under the The Scythians invade the cities of Theodosia and Fantikapaeon and their territory had been restricted, there were, in addition to the bright Lenic-minded fartei, who are here like the Chersonese on the

332 Ä- Well,

side of the Pontic king, a Skyfliian party, which was in Saamakos found their leader, who was educated at Paerisades' court and apparently be a last Spartocid offspring claimed the right to Bosporan rule. Paeri Sades was murdered, and Diophantus only managed to escape with his life. Danger to save yourself from the rebellious Scythian party. It will appear again in the spring of the following year Land and sea power on the Bosporus takes control of both Cities, punish the rioters, and send their leader Saumakos, after the residence of Mithradates.

The name Saumakos, which is on the Chersonese island The writing appears for the first time and is also on the tape III, p. 58 ff. of this magazine repeated small Billon- mttnze to supplement the publication of which A. v. Sallet it two- had left missing, oh the 4th letter of the king's name A or M belong to wttrde, whereas A. from Outschmid, Vol III, p. 150 ff. in Pliny Nat. Hist. XXXTTT, 3, 15 § 52 He had the name of a Colchian king, Saulakes, who came to York. want to complete. A further check of the coins shows that that the right of the two inner hases of the M is already sharp falls on the band of the cap, but the end of it with its side clearly visible on the top button. That's it now also found the addition of the Mttnz inscription, for the question As a result, there is still little information about the origin of the coins won, although through the peculiarity of the metal and the preservation of their homeland in the Pontic countries is assured.

The bull's lypus is not uncommon to be found on the Bflck- side of the silver and eufer money of Pantikapaeon, and firtther already on copper egg money from Theodosia, after that you would like to- next assign the Sauma costume dances to a Spartocid king, who would have shaped them in Panticapaeon or Theodosia. Den Saumakos of the Chersonese inscription, which gives the royal title, Although the inscription says nothing about it, they certainly did

King Sanmakofl. 333

will^], which will take up za, the short duration can be ner rule as well as the style of the dances^ which is based on a a little earlier time does not appear, so that another older Saumakos in the Spartocid house as one Predecessor of Paerisades would have to be assumed. One Another option would be to use the Sanmakos of the coin, which is in their technique of the copper coin of the Scythian king Kanites (v. Köhne, Berl. Blatter H, plate 15 n. 1) strikingly related is, equal to Skiluros and Kanites as Scythian king consider. There is currently no decision to be made here.

R. Weil.

1) By the CbersoneBlets he could only be viewed as a priest.

NS. While I'm at it, Foacart's treatment of the inscription is on my mind BnUetin de Correspondance Helltfniqne V p. TOif. to; ans the there for Line 20 given reading I2aXc{xov] dk avyBqyBtv tov ytaiqoy kavt^ yoßtiCoyjoff The information about the alliance of the Scythians and Rhoxolans is taken from the also mentioned by Strabo 306.

To the Parthenos statue of Phidias.

If you already heard the prevailing view earlier could that Anf Athenian coins in the few cases, where Aethena carrying Nike is depicted, Tgl. Michaelis, Parthenon Atlas Plate 15 n. 18 - 21), nr a very free copy imitation of the Parthenos rorliege, this is the beginning the beautiful manor copy that recently arrived in Athens of the FarthcnoBbildesi), whose expected good preservation is probably the Siege of Athens by Sulla, roa Newly confirmed. The arrangement of the clothing and However, the weapon decoration is unmistakably the same the coin images as on the manor copies, the attitude of the Nike, however, which in the neon statuette slants to the right flies, is modified by the stamp cutter for his purpose like him the sacred serpent instead of between shield and goddess, behind the Gsttm d. h. on the right side has brought; The marble workers also behaved in a similar way, whose workshops produced the anathema reliefs.

1) Examples from C. Lange, Mitheilangen des Arcbaeol. Iniiiit. in Athens V 1. STOft., uDd A. H*uTetK-BesniuIt, Bullet, de Corretpondauee Hellen. V p. 54 IT.

2ar Paithenoi statue of Phidias. 335

That the head of the Parthenos is among the heads of the Older and younger Athenian coins have nothing to do with them. nanner would find something similar, there was no other way to wait. The broad, stern facial features of some beautiful tetra Older style drachmas, however, are reminiscent of the profile, which the statuette, but the helmet with the high bracket and the two side flaps, decorated by a sphinx and two griffins, as Pausanias also described them, is neither found on the silver money of the older style showing the helmet simple and unadorned with just the olive leaves, nor on those of the younger style, which except Sphinx and Also add the four horse necks. According to the type, how the large shield relief is shortened to the Gorgoneion (cf. Beulä, Monnaies d' Äthanes p. 258] in the middle of the shield edge, you would like to place the statuette in a niche think, which of course is the otherwise careful treatment of the side view seems to contradict.

Like the new statuette next to the little Lenormant You can still see the torso of the Acropolis Museum (Michaölis, Parthe- non, Atlas TaC XV n. 2) comes closest, first the Highness of the temple image can be guessed, this also preserves our knowledge from the construction of the gold ivory picture according to the technical Page an addition. From which you can reach down to your feet corresponding sleeveless. Chiton's arms stand out naked, the left is like the Lenormand statuette on the shield placed on the edge, the right one facing forward holds the downward floating Nike wearing a garland. This arm is but not freely extended as the marble would allow, but supported by a relatively thick cannelureless Column resting on an Attic base and tapering upwards with something peculiar that does not fit any of the three orders Capital. A support for Athena's right hand was previously only appeared once on the one by Ludwig Ross

336 »• v««»

Athenian marble relief brought to the Berlin Museum (Ar- chaeol. Newspaper 1857 p. 65 ff. Plate CV), where the one from Athena worn Nike of a smaller male figure seems to be putting on a wreath. Athena shows the ordinary one the type corresponding to Parthenos, which is the hand with the Nike strongly pre-stretched, and indicated by a bas-relief iodized column supported. The editor C. Bötticher is right recognized that the gold ivory image was copied on the belief, and that on this the column acts as a support for the relatively sizeable The burden of the golden Nike serves, for which he uses an analogue Of course, all cases are based on replicas of ancient Xoana. brought ^) . But in the lively debate about the Agonal temple, into which the belief representation is also drawn had been, the Parthenos should then be neglected. Without It is enough to take into account the fleeting work of belief even Welcker (Archaeol. Zeitung 1857 p. 101) with the remark kung: »Can be a support, veru, in the form of an Ionic column to be thought?" About the explanation already given at the time To substantiate it, it still has to find the new Parthenos copy required.

Undeniably has the strong column support for the free-floating thought arm something clumsy. But the difficulty was apparently involved in the complicated technique of gold ivory work. founded. The interior is lined with ivory plates Wood formed arm as such had unlike marble or even bronze figures have no carrying capacity, due to their for the eolossal image required a significant length, according to Bötticher against 8 feet, he obviously gained quite a bit himself weight and was therefore the least suitable on hand

1) Among the depictions of Hera of Samos and Artemis listed there Tone Ephesus, the Ma too Apamea, the Tone Labraoda aaf MQnzen Ton My- lasa, Let Aphrodite of Aphrodisias and some others attend lead.

To the Parthenos statue of Phidiu. 337

again the golden Nike, perhaps weighing a centner ^) zn carry^ here a carrier must be provided.

In the seated image of Zeus at Olympia, the right one could Arm with the Nike, assuming that the mttnz picture here is that Original reproduced in full, probably to be kept through metal supports that hold the gold lying on the upper arm robe covered. By Asclepius of Thrasjmedes, like him showing the silver coinage of Epidanrus with his upper body uncovered, is, as Friedlaender pointed out, the outstretched right hand pruned by the erect snake ^j.

A different temple image - probably based on its construction made of gold ivory and not marble - copied from one of the most common coin types from Smyma in the Pergamene period epoch of the city ^j, and then again under Augustus^] to return (illustration p. 334). A goddess in long sleeves loose chiton^], with high modius and veil-like garment that falls over the back and is wrapped around again, So in its draping it is a very common statuary style Heratype and the coin design of the latest autonomous coins

1) The timidity of those who came to the deed of transfer from Ol. 95, 3 Gate Golden Nike to Partbenos is disputed by Micbaelis, Parthenon p. 300.

2) Berlin sheets f. Münzk. III 8.25 plate . 30 AD 3. Archaeol. Newspaper 1869 8.98 Plate 23 n. 8, in the Berlin Cabinet. Compare Pansania's description - bong n 27, 2 T^F dh Ixiqat^ t&y jfai^iSv vnhq xBtptcXijf l^Bi tov Sqaxotnos, — The small one shown on Benl^ p. 400 should also be mentioned here Athenian copper coin: A seated figure, female in garb, • stretches his left arm towards Tom at about counter height; the hand is through one wide column supported AOHNAION.

3) Eckhel D. N. II 537. 539 ff. Mionnet III 190 n. 909-912. 1056—1091. 1104. Suppl. VI p. 313 AD 1517—1545. Leake Num. Hell. As, 117.

4) Eckhel D. N. II 546. 548ff. Mionnet III 2i7 n. 12l3f. 1215 (August and Livia). 1226 (Augutus and Tiberius). Suppl. VI p. 328 n. 1621 ff. 1625 ff. 1629 ff. Leake a. 0. 120.

5) The woodcut is not very faithful in its reproduction of the clothing. fallen; fallen; The left foot is also not standing, as it appears from the illustration could, aof a stage. The figure is better reproduced in Mionnet Rec. IV pUnohe.

338 R. Weü, ZOT P«nbeno«-St«tae of Phidias.

from Samos ^) corresponds to Dd , holds on the outstretched left A Nike crowning her arm. As a support for this arm serves - and this at the same time proves that the stamp Schneider did not invent the shape for his coin design can, but copied - one now stronger, now weaker Sänle, also canellürt on the gold coin, with a capital similar to that of the Athenian statuette. That for the right Hand certain scepter is on most of these coins where the goddess is posed almost in profile on the right, behind the left Arm of the figure moved, only where it is seen more en face, given into her right hand. Next to the goddess soon in the field Soon, halfway up in front of the column, there is often a small a bird, apparently a pigeon.

For the figure described here, different nicest names suggested; to refute them would lead too far. It is highly probable make that here we have a copy of a statue of Aphrodite Stratonikis 2).

It is characteristic of the ones that only emerged in the Diadochi period. Cities stood in such a way that they usually acquired their status through the favor of princes. To turn works of art into coin types, Smyma has excepted to have three more to the Nikephoros described, the Tyche with polos and cornucopia, the Nemesis with the reins as an attribute, and finally the seated Homer, who is can be traced back to the Smymaean Homereion, and the coin zen gave this type the name 'Ofxi^Qeia (Strabo 646).

R. Weil.

1) Overbeck Art Mythology Hera p. 119 ff. — ib. Coin panel I n. 1. 2.

2) Corp» In'scr. Graec. II n. 3137. 3156. 3157. That associated with their temple bound asylum mentioned in the first mentioned inscription and Tacit. Anna]. III 63 where Nipperdey, who did not know the coin, correctly remarked: “The epithet (2'T^crroi'fXfV) has the actual meaning, like Aphrodite as Ir^ctmir, as NixrjfpoQos', was worshiped by the Romans as Venus Tictrix." About her In relation to the j4

A.T. S*llet, DieDen>reMul[gTafAlbr.d.Blr.tli3chDtiT0gtv.B>lbentult. 339

The denarii Margrave Albrechis the Bear as guardian from Halberstadf.

The one that made an epoch for Braddeobargiacbe coinage FoDd von Hicbendorf (see dieae Zeitechr. VIII, p. 249ff.) has nns Not only has he delivered a slew of new material, he has one too new important discovery. As in a meeting of the Berlin NainismatiBchen Society of the Brandenburg Denarius (Halbracteat) Albrecht the Bear from the Uichendorfer Find 'j (see above at the end of the cited essay):

H/. .... € B LA Standing armored margrave with flag.

Sf. V...ARB+ church, in the middle of the rising palm trees branch, was discussed, Chairman Dannenberg made the announcement very similar representation of the denarius, which is incredibly similar to that denarius. Early denarii (Halbbracteatenj of the Abbey of Nienburg an der Saale

1) JeUt still ela et«u abwelcbcDde« Eiamplu bekuinl (“been. S. Bahr- feldt, BriktetMnf. v. MlchcDdorf p. i. Dia tn Mr. Bahrfeldta Aututi p. 15 approached BameAnnf, who had a relaxed attitude Micbendorf's find was perhaps buried between 1155 and 1160, and everyone is worried. dong and WahiacbeiDllalilteil", has "otil only the L'nkenDtDiaa of the documents rerp. of all the treatment steps ibr« education la.

340 A.T. Sallet,

attentive (Dannenberg, German coins, etc. No. 638 and 63Sa). — Viewing this denarius:

HJ, SVTREBLEDA i) + bust of vom between two Towers, sometimes over a large wall.

Rf, inscription illegible except for the cross; once for sure S Building between two large upright ones branches.

(See the illustration after the three copies of the Berliner Mus.)

Make me immediately suspect that this is a new character Albrecht the Bear.

I shared my suspicion that here is a new one so far unrecognized denarius of Albrecht the Bear is available immediately However, I told my friend Dannenberg, who confirmed it to me the supposedly Nienburg denarii are not for Brandenburg denarii Coins explained, but was inclined to the more western ones To assign parts of Albrecht's rule, namely because of the great similarity with Halbersladener coins.

The destination of these denarii: “Nienburg Abbey”, von Lieitz- man in the Numismatic Newspaper 1856 p. Given 180, is Of course, initially it is groundless: it rests solely and alone on the fact that around 1130 an Ada 1 b e r o was abbot of Nienburg ^), and that Otto lU. granted the abbey the right to mint. It is purely coincidental that Leitzmann's assignment to Nienburg is in it could find support for Albrecht the Bear's protection Vogt (advocatus) of this abbey was ^j, which at that time

1) The B sometimes seems like this: ^, like the D on Albrecht's Halbeistädter Bracteates. About the change between D and B at that time see Stenzel, Bract.-F. V. Freckl. p. 57 to No. 97. — The denarius seems rare, three copies in the Berlin Museum, two in Dannenberg's collection, some in Dessau. — Little one Variations in costume and building.

2) 1131 (1130) and 1133. S. Heinemann, Codex dipl. Stop. T. No. 206 and 212.

3) Heinemann, Albrecht d. Bar p. 145 etc. — Documents about the coinage right tone Nienburg etc. the same p. 426 ff.

The denarii of Margrave Albrecbt the Elder Biren old Treasurer to Halberttadt. 341

played a not insignificant role; so it could quite well the “Adelbertns” of our denarius, backward-length, but with right-length ones Written in Bach letters, as in Albrechf's Brandenburg De- naren, the Schntzvogt Albrecht the Bear.

But that the allocation of the supposed Nienburg denarius and the diocese of Halberstadt is the only possible one, prove apart from the numerous similar denarii of this bis- thnms, the completely identical denarii from Halberstadt the image and the somewhat corrupt transcription of the patron saint of the diocese, of the holy. Stephen:

Hf. +S">SHVT--NVS, even wilder (instead of +S">STE PHANVSj Bust of the saint with nimbus between two towers.

Rf, traces of transcription. Building between two upright standing palm branches ^) .

Several times in Berlin Mus. S. Figure.

The embossing is exactly the same as on the coins of DAdelbertus«. The difference is only the nimbus, which The saint carries one, while the other denarius apparently has no denarius. not a saint, but a living secular person, without Nimbus ^], although intentionally treated in a very similar way and arranged like the Halberstadt residents' usual picture of St. Stephen Denarii.

We know that Albrecht the Bear minted coins in Halberstadt we from the magnificent Bracteate, a unicum of the Freck- living find:

+ AbCLBRTVS OlARHIO The busts of the armored princes with sword and flag and the

1) AehnUcli, but with three towers, Nam. Period 1856 Plate I, 13. 14.

2) There could be ice on the specimen Dtnneobergt (D. Kr. 038). wire soger the nimbus belbebelten; But it could possibly be the city wall. The similarity with the Stepbans^TypQ* is intended.

3.42 ^- ^- 8*"«*7

Bishop with Pedam, over a wall^ which the on is absolutely similar to the denarius of Adelbertn shown. (The D here is similar to the Bach letter used for B Denar tone of Adelbertn. D and B change at that time often. S. Stenzel p. 57).

Stenzel, Bracteatenf. v. Freckl. No. 17, which Stenzel undoubtedly correctly describes the unwritten Bracteates No. 18, even more richly grouped, with seated Saint Stephen, next to it are the busts of the bishop and the prince. A second bracteate, unfortunately lost in the original, shows us, secured by inscription, Albrecht and Bishop Udalrich from Halberstadt ^). — Stenzel's assumption is certainly justified, that Albrecht received these coins as guardian of Halberstadt struck, even if this office of the Margrave was documented Halberstadt is not certified^j.

Our Halberstadt denarius is actually Albrecht's nothing unheard of, in fact something that could be expected: since we know Bracteate Albrecht von Halberstadt, and Brac- teates and denarii of the same prince as Margrave of Bran- Denburg (Michendorf], so it was quite natural that one also one about Albrecht's Halberstadt Bracteate Halberstadt denarius could discover. This is now faster happened than one would expect given the rarity of all of Albrecht's characteristics could hope, but I believe that doubts about the new Germany are hardly possible; another “Adelbertus” exists

1) The bracteate of Albrecht and üdalrich (1149-60, 1177-80) near Leuck- feld, B. Stenzel, Bracteaten-F. v. Freckl. p. 13 is not yet available in the original found, albeit Nam. Time. 1856, plate IV, 35 an illustration after an illustration pressure is applied. The original of the impression could have been made by Seeländer be based on the real original, which undoubtedly existed. — It's over- There can hardly be any doubt that precise examination of some Agree or Magdeburg assigned half bracteates one and the other Brandenburgisobe oeprint will come to light.

2) Heinemann, 1st c. p. 410.

The denarii Margrave Albrecbta the Elder Biren as Schntzvogt Ton HalbersUdt. 343

There is nothing like the Halber»tädter character that apparently appeared around 1 1 30 T-llöO are beaten, can belong. Historically accurate is our denarius because it represents the prince alone, without the bishop Albrecht's quality as an umbrella steward is probably even more so secures than the bracteates. — These denarii of Albrecht, exactly with other Halberstadt denarii, with the picture and name of patron saint Stephen, consistent; are therefore the advantages runners of the Bracteates, who Albrecht next to the bishop, sometimes with St. Stephen in the middle.

Unfortunately, the back side of these Adelbertus denarii is never readable. lich; just an S at the top left, then another H further below, are visible. About the name of S. Stephanus here around the building?

With this Halberstadt denarius, mine will also fall fleeting idea, the palm branch on Albrecht's Brandenburg denarius of the Michendorf find denotes Heinrich - Pribislav's grave. The branches are more like, as Pastor Stenzel suspects Be a symbol of peace, they are also used for trees, which are next to them the church may have actually stood, explained.

So we have a find and a few of these finds subsequent observations over a period of six months three, perhaps four new stamps of Albrecht the Bear from of the greatest importance, while still thirty years ago Years ago there was only one completely safe coin belonging to this prince. you know

Here are some improvements to my essay in the present volume of this magazine, “On the oldest coinage “Culture and history of Brandenburg” find space, which I e.g. Th. thanks to the kindness of Hm. Pastor Stenzel:

Otto I does not always appear in the documents after 1144, but often only as a “marchio” next to his father.

344 A. ▼. SUl«ty The Denarii 11 arkgiAf Albr. d. Bar. alt ScliiitaTogt v. Halbenladt.

Albrecht was not the bear's wife, as was the case before. Heine^ man assumes, ana Hohenstaufischem (sex, but the daughter of Count Hermann von Winzenburg (f 1122) and Hedwig von Waltingerode, cf. Ad. Cohn: “the counts y. Keinhaasen", in the research of German history.

About the bracteate of Albrecht and his wife: the er- the appearance of a princely wife next to the husband is in not only at that time: I certainly believe that the two Busts above the building on one of Heinrich's bracteates of the lion (below is the lion; full transcription) the duke and his wife ^], both with scepters. The Ge- The bad of both is certainly characterized by the costume.

That the bar shield on Otto I's bracteates and those Bernhardt's is really the coat of arms of the Ascanians, and not just accidental decoration, is secured by amber Hardt's (Otto I's brother) seal, which has the same coat of arms show sign. S. Heinemann, the oldest seals of Anhalt: Princely House (1867) p. lOf.

A.V. Sallet.

1) Whether the first, dementia v. Zähringen or the second, Mathilde von Eng- land, whose magnificent shape is her famous tombstone in the Ton Brannschweig cathedral shows, is not for decision. — Whether on the Bracteate of Barbarossa (Berl. Bl. f. Coin etc. Customer V, plate 53 no. 1 p. 283) of the Emperor's wife Beatrix appears to be, like the author of the essay in question, Dannenberg, himself admittedly, still very doubtful.

Literature. 345

Literature.

Feuardent, F., Catalog d'une collection de m6- dailles Romaines, troisiöme partie, Gordien III — Maximien Hercule. Paris 1880, Rollin & Feuardent. — The third part of the sales catalog of the famous company is not just a price list that exceeds all expectations, but also but an extremely careful chronologically ordered one scientific work of lasting value. Shows everywhere the author has the most precise knowledge of the literature, even smaller ones, essays so easy to miss; by interspersed longer ones Excurse and a laborious investigation into the mints This third part of the catalog is the latest emperor Roman coins are particularly valuable. What the Rollin et al. As far as the treasures offered to us are concerned, even those The collector's wildest wishes can be satisfied. We find Tranquillina in silver (600 - 800 francs.), Pacatian (550 francs.) i), Cornelia Supera (250 - 500 Fr.), Zenobia for Egypt (good received 150 - 250 Frcs.), Vaballathus, Latin, as Augustus [well preserved 200 Frcs.) , Domitius Domitianus ^) , and one

1) Jotapian is of course missing. The most beautiful of the four known examples has our coin cabinet a few years ago from Rollin & Feuardent for 1500 Frcs. er- advertised.

2) I used to believe, wrongly in my opinion, about the identity of Domitius Domitian with the usurper called “Achilleus” by the writers doubts. Despite the different name, they probably have to do with Domitius' Coin-correct notes from Eusebius on this assumption, which Feuardent in the second volume of his work: ^gypte ancienne (coli. Demetrio) p. 285 ff.,

Numismatics magazine. VIII. 23

346 literature.

an astonishing number of silver medallions, including gar Trebonianus Gallus (250 and 450Frcs.), Gaul, Salonina etc., many bronze medallions and other rarities in bulk. The prices are quite reasonable everywhere. While unfortunately in Germany is often tiring with every rare piece. dendes, with secrecy and all sorts of bad arts associated bargaining, pressures, formal auctions to the highest bidder, etc., give us the large Parisian companies such as Rollin & Feuardent and H.HofFmann, open and clear, and in the best scientific form a ver- drawing of their salable stock, and experience teaches, that with every purchase there is complete satisfaction on both sides takes place. — You can see the company's Roman catalogue Rollin & Feuardent as a welcome one, of course not entirely complete replacement of the by coin and book dealers now Cohen's work screwed up to absurd prices

consider.

A.V.S.

following a statement by Gh. Lenormant, in detail and as I now believe with YoUem Reeht. — That the men of the church have a contains an indication of recognition of this emperor by Diocletian and Maximian. ten, may only be briefly stated here for the time being.

RdgUter.

347

Register.

A

Abbadites v. Seville 153.

Abdera 7. 106 ff.

Abd-er Rahman III. 152.

Achilles shield on Pisaix/s Med. 235.

Eagle shield on Brandenb.Brakt. 167.

Adolf IIL, Count Y. Mountain 141.

Aeakos 97.

Aediles, Monetary 65.

el Afdal, vizier d. Fatimids 240.

Agathocles, K. v. Bactrieu 279.

Agnes II, abbess. v. Quedlinburg 20.

Ajjubids in Egypt 239.

Alabanda 9.

Albrecht the Bear 161 f. 188 f. 252 ff.

on Brakt. m. wife 266. 343 f.

Denarii 275. 340. Albrecht II. V.Brandenburg 23. 170 f.

262 f. Albert III v. Brandenburg 175 f. Alexander I. V. Macedonia, Octodr. 5. Alexander D. Grosse, Decadr. 5. Being

Image on: Bactrian king.

279 f., Lysimachus M. 29 ff., Ptole

mean statem 6. Alexander, K.v. Schotthind 2. Alexander I, v. Syria 280. Alexandria 92. Alps 3. Ambracia 74. . Amisos 26. Amphipolis 6. Anchialos 81. 89. Anglo-Saxon M. 13. 150. 238.

Angermüinde J79.

Ankyra 82.

Anlaf V., K. v. Ireland 14.

Anno II. V. Cologne 133 ff.

Antinous 4.

Antioch (Kanen) 79.

AntiochusII.^as K. v. Bactria 110.

Antiochus VII. 97.

Antoninus Plus 94.

Anzaze, Kamnaskire's wife 2U6.

Apamea 82.

Aphrodisias 77. 95. 97. 336.

Aphrodite Stratonikis (Smyrna) 33p.

Apollo KICCIOC (Alabanda) 9.

Apollo (Tarsus) 10.

Apollonia (Crete) 91.

el Arden 15.

Ardeshir I. 109.

Aristotimus, tyrant v. £lis 15b.

APKAZ on M. y. Pheneus 6.

Arsakes JUatog 111.

Arsaces, predecessor of Kamnaskires 207 ff.

Asclepius on M.: v. Bizya 102 ff. Epidauro B 337.

Aspendos 91.

Athens 76. 334.

Athena Parthenos 335 f.

Athenian types in Hungarian Mttnzen 243 ff.

Attambelos L y. Characene 214.

Attambelos II v. Characene 214 ff.

Augustus head on Hungarian coins zen 245.

23*

348

Regulator.

Bodsjoz 153.

Bagae 'Lydia 79.

Baghdad, Mttnzfund 5.

Bahrfeldt, M. of the city of Stade, No. 230.

bec. Caelnu Calcinus Baibinus as Name d. Kaiser's 26th

Bar sign aafbrandenb. Brakt. 346.

Barium 90.

Ingot Caducens and Trident 159.

Barth^lemy and Eckhel 121. 123.

Bazodeo Täsudeva, K. 299.

Belytos 99.

Bentinck, Grafin, and Eckhel 221fr. their collection is 227.

Berleburg 2.

Berlin MQnzkabinet, new acquisitions exercises Iff. Remodeling 5.

Bernard, heart. v. Saxony 22.

Bithynion 78.

Bizya 100 ff.

Lead casts as ^preuves d'artiste 203.

Bömenzien, coin find 167.

Boia Xaconia) 89.

Brandenburg, under Hevellem and Al- break d. Bear 161 ff., 256 ff., 339 ff. Oldest denarius (Otto n.) 174. Obo- len 13th, 14th year; 176. 229. Angel- groschen since Joachim I 181 f. Kur- Prince Frederick II. 127.

Braunschweig 3.

Bridge 202.

Bruno, Sassian Count of the North mark 2.

Brutobriga (Hispania) 11.

Bruttier 74 f.

Buddha on M. d. Kanerki 115.

Buddhagupta 305.

Bünstorf, coin find 197 f.

C

(The Greek names are usually under K.)

QakarAera (78 AD) with Kanerki

beginning 292 f. 296. 318. Calabria 6.

'Carausius 23S.

i Caricatures on antique M. 7.

Carjnetu Maxunut Philippas 103.

Cashtana, the Kshatrapadyna begins stie 325 ff.

GiOY. Cavino, medalist 118th

Characene 21 2 f.

Chersonesos Taur. 329.

ChUdebert U. Massilia 12f.

Chü'derich IL Otfassilia, 12f.

Christian y. Oldenburg 3.

One on M. Jakza's 273.

Coden, Tratado de numismati- ca arabigo-espanola. Ans. 150.

H. Cohen, Obituary 146.

Constantine the Great 4.

Corduba 89.

Cyrus, abbot of St. Vincenz • Wroclaw 201 .

D

Daelie, Coin Fund 20. 169.

Danish coins, oldest 281 ff.

Dehne, Hans Georg 204.

Democritus, magistr. name on M. v. Abdera 108.

Deultum 87.

German inscriptions on medieval coins, oldest 263. 273.

Dionysius, Saint 18.

Dirks, De noord-nederlandsehe gildepenningen, number 154.

Domitiandenar in the Middle Ages, found in 150.

Domitius Domitianus, identical to Achilles 345 f.

Dortmund 142.

E

Eberhard y. Koenigstein 2.

Eberhard v. Würtemberg 3.

Eckhel, letters to Countess Bentinck 121 ff. 220 ff., to Nicolay 226., above Barth61emy 121, Catal. d'Ennery 222, Golz 122, Harduin 122, Haver camp 224. Heyne 121.

HAOH on M. of Kanerki 116.

Eibek, first Mamluk sultan 240.

y'

Rider.

349

Eilike, abbess y. Hervord 2.

Elijah 157 f.

EAKEAnN maybe month name 209.

Emporia 97.

Efli by official name 107.

Epstein 2.

Heritage stone, coin history via Langensalza, no. 231.

Ernst, Margrave. v. Brandenburg 15.

Eros on M. 71 ff., with Aphrodite 72 f., in the robbery of Persephone 92 f., Bacchus train 93 f. and Psyche 94, death genius 95. Eros head M. type 97.

Eryx 72.

Food 3.

Esslingen 2.

Ethelred n.y. Ireland 14.

Enmenia (Phiygia) 94.

F

Faldem 3.

Fatimids in Egypt 239.

Faustns, Densr. 56.

Fenardent, Catal. d'une collect, des m^dailles romaines ni. AbZ. 345.

C. Valerins Flaccus, Imperator Denarius 69.

Florianns, Emperor 4.

Frankfurt a. Grove (Henry II) 2.

Freckleben, Hflnzfond 165.

Friedlaender, the Italian ones Foam coins from the 15th century No. 234.

Frederick I, Elector. y. Brandenb. 178 f.

Frederick n. (Emperor) 2nd Elector. y. bran denb. 126ff.

Friedrich HI. (Emperor) 3.

6.

Ourdelegen 174.

Qardner, Ihe coins of Elis, Ans.

157. Opportunity mttnsen, medieval. 22. Georg, Heiaog y. Bridge 202.

Gerbstedt, coin find 17 f. Germanikopolis Sl. Guild pennies, Netherlands. 154 ff. Gold coins of the Fatimids and Ajju

biden without fixed weight 242. Gold currency of the Merovingians 23S. Gold 121.

Gondophares 113 f. Gordianus I and 11th, names of the 28th. Gordian III. 144. Granada 153. Greek drilling rifts on Indian ones

Coins 298. Grote'sche Collection in the Berlin Coin Collection

cabinet 1. Gumpert 3.

Güntersberge, coin find 233. Gupta, M. same 305, 317. GuptarAera 300ff. 317. 326.

H

Hadrian, Emperor 4.

Hadrian I, Pope 3rd

Hadrianopolis 89.

Halberstadt (Albrecht the Bear) 341 f.

Hallermund, Count y. 198.

Hamburg 2.

Hammudites 153.

Hanover 3.

Harthecnut-M., diUiiache 281.

Hayelberg 128.

Hayeroamp 224.

Head, A guide to the select... coins, AnzV236.

Heotae from Asia Minor 7 f.

Heinrich y. Brandenbarg, identical with the Heyeller flirt Heinrich Pnybialaw 163 ff. 252 ff. and Petrissa 187. 252. 256 f.

Heinrich, German K., 8th Peace Empire II. 2.

Heinrich, Count Y. Guard legends 174.

Henry the Elder LOwe (Stade) 230. 344.

Helmershausen 2.

Hemelporte, Michael, mint master 131.

350

Register.

Henna 92.

Heniklea (Bithynia) 78.

HPAKAHC211.

Herman III ▼. Cologne 189.

Herodotos, Magistratesn. on M. from

Abdera 108. Hervord 2.

Heyne and Eckhel 121. Hildesheim 150.

Hiltolf, Archbishop of Cologne 132. Himera 7.

Himjari0che coins 243 ff. Hiseham, Caliph 153. Hochstaden 2. Hoffmann, Melehior M* H, medalist

186. Homer on smym. M. 338. Hygieia 102 ff. Hyrodes, king. on so-called persepol.

M. 211. Hyspaosines, v. Oharacene 2i2f.

Jacobs, Count Stolbergische Showpieces 232.

Jagi Arslfin 247.

Jakza y. Köpenik 163. 270; see description sweep 272.

Yaroslav Vladimirovich 149.

Imperator denaries d. Republic 66 ff.

Inigo d'Avalos 235.

Inscriptions from Africa 26 ; to the Cher sonesos 329 ff.

Joachim I., Kurf. 179 ff.

Joachim II. 182 ff.

Joachim Friedrich 185 f.

John V. Helmershausen, Abbot 2.

Johann I, 11th Margrave. v. Brandenb. 174f.

Johann Cicero, Kurf. 179 f.

Johann Qeorg, Kurf. 184 f.

Johann Siegesmund, Kurf. 186.

Johann, Gr. v. Isenburg 2.

Isenburg 2.

Jülich 3.

Julia Domna 4.

Kabasites (Nomos) 7.

Kaisareia (Cappadocia) 97.

Kaliatis 85.

Kamnaskires, Kamniskires, K. d. Par-

Thyeans 205 ff. Kanerki ^ Kanishka K. v. India 1 14,

Determination of time 291 ff. 296. 326. Kanites 333. Charlemagne 2. Karper campaign d. Philip Arabs

103 f. Karystos 10. Keary, the coinages of western

Europe. No. 237. KICCIOC on M. v. Alabanda 9. Cologne (Philip of Swabia] 2. 3.

133 ff. Königsberg (Elector Friedr. II.) 130. Koenigstein 2. Konrad, Margrave of Brandenburg

175. Konrad v. Hochstaden 2. KOPANO on M. of Kanishka 294 f. Kshatrapadynasty, M. ibid. 315. 326.

Aera, different from Qaka era

317. Kumftragnpta 301. 316. Kyzikos 88. 90. 94.

Ladislaus, K. v. Hungary 126 f. Lamia 248. Lampsakos S7. Langensalza 231. Latin-Arabic M. from Spain

and Africa 150f Le Blond and Eckhel 121. Lete 7.

Longobard silver stamp 239. Ludolf I, Gr. V. Hallermund 198. Ludwig in.” Carolingians 2. Lund 286. Lysimachus 28 ff.

Register.

351

M on iodine inscriptions paleo-

graphic 308. 317. Macrinn's 10. Magdeburg 18 ff., see oldest Brak-

teaten 264. Magnus d. Good, rune m. 282 f. Macedonia 5.

Mamlnoken in Egypt 239 f. Marcgrave Otto, oldest German

Mttnz inscription 166. Marciaaa 4. Margaretha v. Austria, Gem. K.

Henry II 2. Mary v. Burgundy 3. Martin, d. holy 3. Massilia (Merovingian) 12. Mauritius, d. safe, on Brakt. from

Magdeburg 17 ff. Maximilian I.y. Austria 3. Medallion collection, former. the

Carthusians in Rome 223. Mecca, Egypt Mint 242. Melek Gazi 247. Melikshah y. Isfahan 16. Meredates, K.y. Charaoene 21 p. Meregard y. Quedlinburg 2. Merovingians 12.

Q. Caecilius Metellus Plus imp. 68. Michendorf, MUnzfund 186. 249. 256.

275. Minden 2.

Mithradates and Paerisades 331. Möhsen, Gesch. d. Know. in d. Mark

161 f. Mordtmann, A. D., Necrology 146 f. Motawakkil, F. y. Badojoz 153. Mfllyerstedt, e.g. Coin lore of the

Counts y. Wernigerode 232. Munster 3. Coin finds: a. of Baghdad 5; Bonn

133 ff.; Dietkirchen 133; Indian-

Bactrian 109ff. ; from Calabria

(Aesaros)6; Kathawad 300f. ; 312.

320. 325. San — 243. 6th of Boemencia 167th; BUnstorfl

197 f.; Daelie 20. 169; Frapkfort a. 0. 126ff. 288; Freckleben 165. 341 ; Happy 18; Qerb8tedtl7; Gfln- stersberge233; Jessen 18; Mahlow 229 ; Meckenheim 141 ; Michendorf 186 ff. 249 ff.; be. Stock 256. 275; Proy. poses 149; Saalsdorf 25 ; SchoUehne (near Havelberg) 260 ; Seydel 191 ff.; Wallhausen 233.

Coin cabinet in Berlin 4 ff.

Coinage and Christianity alike introduced early in: Brandenburg 262; Denmark 286.

el Mutadid 153.

N

N on Indian inscriptions Paleogr. 310.

Nagidos 73.

Nahapana in Guzerat 320. 322., before of the Kshatrapa dynasty 324. 326.

Name inscriptions on Roman monks tarians on republic Denarii 54 ff., with Vatemamen 57 f., genitive 59, title 60 f.

NANA, NANAIA (Artemis) on M. des Kanerkis 116f.

Negran, coinage of the Himjaric M. 247.

Nerva 4.

Neuhaldensleben 23.

Nicolay, Fr., and Eckhel 326 f.

Nienburg 339 f.

Niels the Old, Danish K. 286.

Noe on M. v. Apamea 223 f.

Noun coins 7.

North wick, collection 4.

Nymphodoros, Pythes S., on M. from Abdera 106 f.

Nysa 93.

0.

Obadias — Orabzes, K. of Char»-

scene 215. Olaf Hunger, Danish K. 2S4. Oldenburg 2.

352

Register.

OAYMniA on Elischen M. 158. Ommayads in Spain 152. Ooerki and Ooerkenorano 297. Oppenheim 2. Otto I. Margrave V. Brandenb. 167 f.

189. Co-regent Albrecht 267 f. Otto n., Margrave v. Brandenb. 23.

167. Ortfaagnes 113. Oftfriesland 3. Otacilia 104.

P

Paerisades, last Spartocid 331 f.

Panticapeon 332.

C. Papius Mutilus 66.

Parthenos statue 334 f.

Matteo de Pasti, medalist 236.

Pautalia 96.

Pax on M. Olafs and Niels d. Olds 285 ff.

Perperene (Myslen) 79.

Persepolitan M. 206.

Pertarix, bracteate of 239.

Petrissa, the saint 229. 258.

Petrissa, wife, yiell. co-regent by Heinrich PrzybisUw 187 f. 252 f. 258 f.

Philip V. Swabia 2.

Philippopolis 85. 96.

PhilippuB Arabs 182 ff.

Victor Pisanus, medalist 234 f.

Plotinopolis 96.

Poole, Stanley L., Catal. of the oriental coins IV. 239.

Portrait of Alexander the Elder Large 118 ff.

Porus consilii filius 118ff.

Poseidon and Heracles, double head 10.

Praates, Kings. persepolitan. M. 211.

Praetor urbanus, Monetary 64.

Ptolemy Soter (gold staters) 6.

Przibik Pulkava, Chronicler 250 ff.

Pupienus' name in Kleinas. M. 27.

Pyrmont fK. Alexander ▼. bulkhead country) 2.

Quaeator urbanus, Monetary 63. el Qasim 153. Quedlinburg 2. 18. 20. QuB, Egyptian coin 242.

Raidan, coinage of the Himjar. M. 247. Shaves on M. of CaracalU and

Geta 10. Domitian 10. Rathenow (Kurf. Friedrich ü.) 129. Hans Reinhart, medalist 199. Rentzmann, obituary 148. Rhodes 236. Ringsted 285. Roman copper money, coin

the Merovingians 140. Rothschild 285. Rudrasena — Rudra^ha 310 f. 328.

8.

Saalsdorf, Münzfland 25.

Säh dynasty, so-called 309 ff. 328.

Salentin v. Sagan 3.

Sallustia Barbia Örbiana 28.

Salzwedel 23.

Capt. Sande's collection in Berlin 3 ff.

Sapor I. 109.

Zaragoza 154.

Saumakos — Saulakes 329 ff.

Sayn 3.

Shaggar-Eddur, Egypt. K(hiigin, Eibek's Gem. 240.

Sbhlumberger, les monnaies i legendes grecques... des fils you Danishmend, Am. 247.

Schlumberger, le tr^sor de Saa'i MI.

Schwalenberg 2.

Schwerin 2.

Scotland 2.

Schratz, Conventionsm. the herb drew ▼. Baiern n. BisehOfe v. Regensburg Ans. 247.

Seifseddaula 16.

Seleucidedira on M. of Charaoene 212ff.. from KamnaskirM 206ff.

R«g:i8ter.

353

Severus Alexander 12. Seydel, MOnzfund 191 ff. Sigewin v. Cologne fS? f. Sigismund, K.v. Hungary 126. Sigtric ra., K. V. Ireland 14. Sikeliotes, M. the 6th Silver currency of the Carolingians 238. SitalkeB 106. Skandagnpta 301. 305. Skiluros 333.

Scythian kings, M. the 333rd Smyma 337 f.

Sophia V. Essen, Abbess 3. Sosis, on M. of Syracuse 105. Soter Magnus 109. 114. Stade 230 f. Stendal 171.

Stenzel, Mttnzfnnd y. Günsters mountains and Wallhausen, number 233. ITHPOI lY EPMAIDY 298. Suleiman el Mosta'tn (Zaragossa] 154. L. Sulla imp., Monetary 67. Sntri 159. Syracuse 74. 105.

T

Tancred v. Antioch, see m. after- copied from Melek-^azi 247.

Tarsus 10.

Tetricus I. 12.

Tbanatos 95.

Thassos 7.

Theodosia 332.

Theodosios, p. of Mauritias 239.

Theonneses, K. ▼. Charaoene 217.

Thyatira 92.

Tiraeos, K. ▼. Charaoene 213.

Tochon and collection Ennery 226.

Death feast relief so-called 100 ff.

TraianuB 4.

Tressis 159.

Tribus among officials. in hispanic. M. 11, Republic. Denarii 59.

Tnmshka 109.

Tyndaris 97.

u.

Ulrich, the holy 3rd Ulrich V. Würtemberg 3. Ursula, the holy 3rd

v.

Valabht Dynasty, M. ibid. 300 f. 326.

Valentinianus I. 141.

Van Damme 122f. v. Dammers 221.

Collection 224 ff. Väsndeva 326.

Vehiculatione Italiae remissa 4. Vierchen, 15th century, as a minting period

195 f. Vitalis, the saint 2. Vitellius 4. Volkwin, Gr. v. schools castle 2.

W.

Weighings near Brandenburg. Denarii

168. WSgungen at M. von Chi^racene 214. Wallhansen, Mttnzfund 233. Coat of arms denarii, Roman. 55 f. Wasit 16. Weener 3. Wendenpfennig m. Carolingian monogr.