Money in Antiquity, vol. III: History of Mints and Monetary Circulation — 1879

(1) Numismatics of Alexander the Great ^ followed by an appendix containing the coins of Philip II and III. Copenhagen, 1855.

(2) Die Munzen des thrakischen Kunigs Lysimachus, Copenhagen, 1856«

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imitation coins, struck, after the death of the princes whose names they bear, by cities of which many have never been part of their states (in this book, chap. i, g 1.6; book VI, chap. v, g I). Along the way, M. L. Millier was led, through the course of his research, to de- finish most of the mintmarks that occur on the coins of the kings of Macedonia after the con- querent of Asia. Mr. deSaulcy (1) was recently busy of those worn on coins dating from the Seleucids. Major Cunningham (2) discussed monograms which can be considered as indicators of workshops on the coined species of the Greek kings of Bactria and rinde, but he did it with more zeal and boldness than of real success. As for differences of this kind on the coins of the Lagides, it is a subject where almost everything is do it again today. No one judges more harshly than me the work that I devoted to it in the past (3), at an age when You doubt nothing and you are content with little; per- sound knows better than there is almost nothing left standing today. Not only the false idea of alliances monetary, inadmissible on these currencies, led me astray that on every page and made me mistake for marks of cities a large number of monograms which do not have any never been, but even a considerable portion of the explanations cations that I proposed for the brands which indicate the most incontestably of workshops, cannot be maintained. Coldly rereading this volume, I am surprised

(1] Memoir on coins dating from the Seleucids. Paris, 1871.

(2) Attempt to explain volume of the monograms found upon the greek coins of Ariana and India^ in t. VUI of the Numismatic chronicle,

(3) Ehsai on the classification of Lagid silver coins. Blois, 1855.

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myself for having been able to let myself go so many times on ritable mirages, seeking complicated solutions to problems where the real one could only be simple and natural, and transforming cities of no importance in seats of monetary workshops from which would have come out exceptional quantities of products. This is how I was awarded to Khinocorura the P brand, which was the one of one of the mints operating with the most activity tivity, instead of thinking', which would have been the correct explanation, at the workshop re-established in the Racotis district, in Alexandria; which I brought back to Magdolon's shack, in the neighbor- swimming of Peluse, up to two monograms, one of which is actually composing the letters AM or AAM (depending on the copies), is the mark of Damascus, and of which the other, I, always accompanied by a shield in small type, mark one of the most productive workshops in broadcasts under the pre- first reigns of the dynasty; the latter designates certain a strong city of first importance, located in Palestine or Phoenicia; but, some interpretation that we adopt about it, it is a 2 which is the letter main, and we cannot find there the elements of

MoyotoXov.

In general, — we can put it in principle, although it there are a few exceptions, like all rules - when that a royal coin bears only one mark, small accessory type, monogram or combination of two or three isolated letters, we must look for the indication of the place where the coin was minted, rather than anything else, because it was the most necessary indication. But what you must to hold for an even more absolute principle, is that unless it is an imitation currency released in reality of the autonomous coinage of the cities, despite its liii, 6

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royal appearance, as are some of those of Phi- Lippe II or Alexander of Macedon and Lysimachus of Thrace, never a coin, a king can carry simultaneously clearly the differences of the two cities (see above^ in this book, chap. i, § 1, 6). Therefore, when there is double mark, Fune^ indicates the city where Fate* was located bind, the other constitutes the signature of a responsible official responsible, most probably of the director of the hotel currencies. Sometimes, in the nuinismatics of the same king, we see the monogram, which was incontestably A personal brand of director of currency on pieces where she accompanied a city difference, present alone on other pieces. It is almost impossible ble to admit that it changes meaning in the two cases, while we can perfectly assume ensure that the signature of the workshop director has been deemed sufficient to characterize the products which had come out, just as other times the different from the workshop, without the director's personal mark.

Often it is not one, but two brands of per- sounds that you meet with a city mark; such is for example, the almost constant rule on the tetra* drachmas with the legend nTOAEMAIOT îflTHPOI, struck pes under the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus in the workshop of Ptolemais of Galilee, what the significa* mark designates certain TTT (1). Elsewhere even — for example^ pres- that always on the species of the last kings of Macé- doine — we find three monograms of people with a workshop sign, small type or monogram. Although there is absolutely a lack of data to determine

(1) Feuardent, ancient Egypt. Coins of kings, p. 39.

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such a case to which precise nature of civil servant belongs holds each of the marks, there is at least the certain clue there tain d^me scholarly organization of control and sharing of the responsibility for /currency, comparable to that that we observed in the republican currency from Athens. In this last city, the three magistrates who sign the coins seemed to us to correspond to the higher management, manufacturing itself and control financial. This sharing of attributions is so much the most natural to all, that it is quite probable that he must have reproduced lead elsewhere, in the organization of royal mints as well as republican coinages. We will see in the following chapter that, among the Greeks as among the Romans, the great mints which manufactured cash in considerable quantities to deliver them to the circulation, were divided into several distinct pharmacies yours, each having its leader, under the superior direction of a common director. There is still a source very natural and very probable explanation for the double marks of persons" one of which may be that of the director of the entire mint and the au- be that of the head of the special pharmacy. In fact, there was a serious interest in control and accounting for see discerned by external signs, in an establishment ment of this kind, the products of various pharmacies. As we will see in the next chapter, on the Athenian tetradrachms of the second series we never fails in this distinction; it is the same on Roman imperial coins from Diocle- yours, and even in the imperial coinage, from the third century, we began to place in the field of pieces of numerical indices distinguishing the different

L

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»

pharmacies from the same workshop, having become accustomed to to attach a common brand of this workshop.

There are even facts about Greek royal coins ques, which seem to be able to be explained only by the existence existence, in certain countries and at certain times, of a master be general of the currencies of the kingdom or a province, exercised direction and supervision over several money hotels at a time. We would hardly know, in fact, explain otherwise the fact of simultaneous reproduction tanned with the same brand of person, generally expressed by a monogram always placed at the same place, on species bearing indices of several workshops in different cities, under the reign of the same prince and in the same year, where the currencies bear dates. Such is, in the monetary series of the Lagides, the case of the character who, under the reigns of Soter and Phi- ladelph, marked the coins coming out of very- various of a monogram composed of the letters XA or X AP, when it is more complete, and which has sometimes even sub- established his personal brand at any city index (1), and of that, contemporary with the reign of Evergetes I*', who folds for signature a monogram of the letters XP, pa- respect to the one who later became the emblem of the name of the Christ, the latter put his mark on a silver coin gent of Queen Berenice, minted in Cypre, and on a notable portion of the large copper coins which were currently manufactured in the various workshops of Egypt clean (2); it is most often found there without different from city. The monogram of this XPticto; (?) is even found

(1) Feuardent, ancient Egypt, Monnaies desrois^ n»» 2i, 31, 42, 47, 58-61, 76, 101, 127, 130, 131, 134, 389, 390.

(2) Feuardent, p. 96 (n^ 391-393) and 136-138.

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affixed as a countermark on some of the strongest^ your copper coins, which had been made outside of its direction (1). But the most common example of this kind notable and best characterized is that which we oflFre in Macedonia the Zoilus of which we have already had the opportunity to speak (in this book, chap, i, g 3, 6). Under the rules genes of Philip V and Perseus, during the regime of four Confederations which followed the battle of Pydna, and even in the first years of the pro-government vincial organized after the revolt of Andriscos, there were authority on the three monetary workshops of Pella, Urano- polis and Amphipolis, and he put his monogram there per- sonnel, composed of the letters Ifl (2). He even signed his name, written in full below the king's head, IfllAOT, certain tetradrachms of Perseus (3), particularly truly remarkable for the beauty of the style and the care of execution.

8. The full inscription of the name of Zoile on some tetradrachms of Perseus, proves that, despite the silence historians regarding him, this character had an importance exceptional policy in the king's government. The honor of inscribing one's name in full or at least in giving its abbreviation considerable development, so as to attribute to it at first glance a importance greater than that of ordinary brands of monnoyers, does not appear, in fact, in numismatics

(1) Feuardent, p. 137, no. 46i.

(2) L. Muller, Rev. nttm.1867, p. 9i.

(3) Mionnet, SuppL, t. UI, p. 257, n^'» 689 and 690, pi. XI, No. 4.

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of Greek kings as a vulgar prerogative, which was left can take easily. A fact of this kind always has a serious historical importance, and most of the time we can find the explanation in a certain way.

No doubt we find names of municipal magistrates paux written throughout on Alexander's tetradrachms the Great struck in the cities of Western Asia Minor dental or in those of the Thracian coast of Pontus Euxine, like Callatia, Mesembria, Odessos; we also find on the coins of Lysimachus struck in some of these cities, and in particular in Chalcedon; and others coins of Lysimachus, in gold and silver, can be read the exergue, independently of the invariable legend BAZIAEnZ AY2IMAX0Y, the barbaric names of chefs pleuplades of the Thracians (1). It is no longer a question then real royal species, but imitation coins tion, where the types and legend of the king whose number is copied* rary lose all precise meaning by becoming immobilized,

(i) The tetradrachm which bears the chief name ZK02T0K0T (L. Muller, Miinz. d, Lysimachus, n° 95) is too barbaric a work for that we can admit that it was really struck in the Greek city of Sestos, of which he presents, in the field of his reverse, the little type crudely imitated. But, in this plagia (arbarorum, the servileva copy often to the point of reproducing the emblems, placed in accessory types, which, on the originals, were mint marks (see book IV, chap. seen). This is how the ordinary marks of Byzantium, BY under the throne of Minerva on the reverse and a trident garnished with strips of the exergue, are copied as well as the royal legend, on a gold stater of very barbaric manufacture, which was not known to M.L. Mul- ler. The letters KOMONT, which he carries under the extended arm of the Minerva, seem to me to be reported to Comontorios, the Gallic chief dating from the kingdom of Tylé. I have a print of this piece that I took a few years ago from a resident of Kavarna, on the coast of the Black Sea, and according to which it was engraved in the Mixtures of numismatics^ 1877, p. 422.

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are nothing more than an external disguise with which we adorn ourselves because of the confidence it inspires in commerce. These parts with royal appearance are autonomous in disguise, where the certificate of origin and the real guarantee mark reside in the city symbol placed in small type, in the si- gnature of the municipal magistrate or in the name of head of tribe (see, above, in this book, chap. i, g 1, 6; and further, book VI, chap. v, § 1); and it is by virtue of rights of an independent sovereignty that these magistrates and these chiefs write down their names in full, what we would not have allowed them to do so on the king's coinage, struck with during his lifetime and under his authority.

In properly royal coinage, when the coins were actually made under the prince from whom they bore try the legend, and in its states, the inscription with a certain tain development, and in a place of honor, of a name other than that of the monarch, is, I repeat, an exceptional fact tional, relating to determinate historical circumstances born. It could only take place with permission special of the king, or else be the fact of a real usurpation tion.

We thus find in these conditions, on mounts royal families, some names of generals known in history, who have signed the products of their military currency. I have already spoken above (in this book, chap. i, § 1, 4) silver coins in the names of Philippe Arrhidée (1) and Alexandre son of Roxane (2), where Lysimaque, in Thrace, put the initials of his name and his personal symbol, before making these initials and

(1) L. Muller, Philippe Arrhidée, nos. 58 and 58 a. i^yjL. Muller, Num, of Alexandre^ p. 394.

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of this symbol the only marks of the coins he minted between the death of young Alexander and the moment when he took the title of king (1). Here we note the fact of a general who, in the midst of civil wars, acts of his own self- rity without asking permission from anyone, and, as leader of an armed party, places his personal marks on the cash it issues for the needs of its troops and the territory over which he commands. Some of the mon- born to the types and legend of Alexander the Sixth, who wear in the reverse field, instead of small types of cities, personal emblems to Seleucus Nicator (2), may at most have been struck in the same conditions. However, this is unlikely, and most coins of this type belong to an imitation coinage tion in which Seleucus, and probably also his pre- my successors, purely and simply copied the so sought after species of the Macedonian hero, like the made a number of independent cities. Mr. L. Millier (3) established in at least a very plausible way that the majority of these currencies, those which have the emblem of Yancre, could not be beaten before 301 and did not All even rather summer than from 295. As for the emblem of the horse's head equipped with horns^ which is also the type of coins of Seleucus, as this representation indicates sion to the horse whose speed had snatched him from the hands of An- tigone in 316, it would be possible that the coins of Alexander which are marked with it would have been struck as early as 312,

(1) Sestini, Lett. num. di contin. t. Vil, p. 11; Lenormant, Num. rs. gr. ft. V, n" 13; L. MuIIer, Die Munzen des Lysimachus, pi. I, n « 1 and2.

(2) L. Muller, Alexandre, n»* 148o-15U.

(3) Num. by Alexander, p. 318.

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when Seleucus returned to Syria and Mesopotamia, it was; that is to say before the death of Alexandre son of Roxane. But he is more likely that this figure became an emblem monetary only after the erection of the monument that Seleucus erected in Antioch and where it was represented (1); and it is only, it seems, after having taken the royal title that the author of the Syrian monarchy founded the city of Antioch, that a few, like Malala, so aware of the traditions local tions, even attribute to his son.

A gold stater of Lysmachus, which appears to have been struck during his lifetime, bears in the exergue on the reverse the letters ZflTTY (2); Mr. de Kœhne (3) recognized there, with any reason, the name of one of the king's main generals of Thrace, Zopyrion, the one who made the siege of Ol- biopolis (4). We cited above (in this book, chap. I, § 7,2), as a completely certain example of military coins, the drachma of the Parthian king Arsaces VII, Phraates II, who bears, apart from the royal legend or-

(1) Ollfr. Muller, AntiquU, Antioch. p. 41 et seq. (â) L. Muller, Munx. d. Lysimachm^ n« 468.

(3) Prince Kotckouhey Museum, t. I, p. 12; see. also Ralhgeber, in the Num. Zeitschr, deLeitzman, t. VI, p. 34; Ann. by Vlrist Arch. t. X. p. 294.

(4) The fact of the siege of Olbiopolis, attested by Macrobius [Saiurn, 1, 10) and which it is not possible to place during Alexander's lifetime, seems well prove, contrary to Droysen's opinion (Gesch. d, Nachfolg, Alexanders, p. 273) that Zopyrion had not perished during the bloody failure that the Gestes had inflicted on him during the lifetime of the Macedonian hero, who had left, when leaving for Asia, the command of the troops of Thrace (Q. Curt. X, i, 4i).

The tetradrachm of Lysimachus which bears 20210 under the outstretched arm do the Minerva on the reverse, without other mark (L. Muller, Miin”. d. Lysima- chus, n° 56i), also seems to be a general's coin.

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dinary, the words ...rOPOY KATACTPATeiA (1). When this inscription was complete, it did not mention only the exceptional origin of the piece, struck in a military expedition, but also the name of the general ral commanding this expedition. In these two examples, we have military coins, minted in normal circumstances, which the generals issued to the name of the king they served, but signing them at the same time time of their own name; here it is probable that they had, received formal authorization from the sovereign, as well as the commanders of the armies of the kings of Persia, when they minted cash by writing their names on it.

Sometimes also all-powerful ministers, tu- tors of minor kings exercising regency for them, have received or taken on their own authority the right to register their name on the king's coinage, under conditions more honorable than simple monetary ones, although of a manner still subordinate to the royal legend. It's as well as a good part of the silver coins and bronze of Ptolemy Philopator bear on the reverse, before the eagle, in a particularly visible place and

of a strong dimension, the combination of. letters 5th, that M, R. Stuart Poole (2) very happily interpreted, by recognizing the mention of Minister Sôsibios, master true and absolute under the name of the king. Towards the end of the long minority of Ptolemy É vergeté, M. -^milius Lepi- owed, that the Senate had appointed him as guardian, having

(1) Ch. Lenormant, New. ann, de Vlmt, arch. t. H, p. 198 and 234, ft. A, n*» 10.

(2) Num. ehron. 1864, p. 70, and 1866, p. 5 et seq.; see. Feuardent, Ancient Egypt, Coins of the kings, p. 60 et seq.

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was obliged to return to Rome to take possession of the sovereign pontificate, handed over the regency to the eunuch Eu* the bone, who kept it for two years, from 17 to 171 BC. 1 part of the bronze coins which were then struck at the legend of the king, TTTOAEMAIOY BAIIAEOZ, bear in at the same time the first letters of the regent's name, EYA, placed between the legs of the eagle on the reverse (1). In the kingdom of the Seleucids of Syria, Tryphon, Tinfidèle tu- tor of Antiocjhus VI, before putting his ward to death and to usurp the royal diadem, marked almost all the coins of the young king whose interests he was supposed to defend initial restsides of his name, TPY (2). On dated pieces from the years 168 and 169 of the Seleucid era (1 45 and 144 av. AD), we read, at the same time as TPY, another name abbreviation 2TA; it is not the surname of Trypho, as one might suppose at first, because the majority of pieces dated to 170 Seleucids (143 BC). AD) some have TPY, others 2TA in isolation, rather than the two brands combined. History, such as we own it, is silent on the account of this 2TA..., but, as Eckhel remarked with his usual accuracy, tual of his criticism, it is obvious that it was something character who then shared with Tryphon the direction of the party of Antiochus VI, the command of his forces military and government exercised in the name of the monarch child. It may be a singular coincidence, but all names of ministers and guardians of kings who introduced their names on the coins of these princes, which we see let's go over — and these are, so to speak, the

(i) R. St. Poole, Num. chron. 1866, p, 12 et seq. Feuardent, p. 72.

(2) Eckhel, DN, t. III, p. 233; Saulcy^ Coins dated to the Seleucids, p. iO.

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the only ones known to you — are those of men who have .left an unfortunate reputation in history.

I think I must recognize the names of men from same nature, and not city brands, in the ins- accessory descriptions OIAIP and KA, which were noted, tra- ceded to a place of honor, next to the royal legend, on two drachmas of Demetrius P', king of Syria (l). A my eyes even, the first must be interpreted as designating Philip, the friend of Antiochus Epiphanes, to whom he had entrusted the guardianship of his son Antiochus V, but who, returning from Mesopotamia, found this post already occupied by Lysias. We know that, then gathering a army, he established himself in Antioch and declared war on the gent, who, coming to fight him, dragged with him the young king. Defeated and besieged in the city, Philip was forced to go to Lysias, who had him put to death, a few only weeks before the landing in Tripolis of Demetrius T' (2), who avenged him by delivering in turn to torture Lysias and Antiochus V. Josephus, to whom we owe let us give the only account of these events, does not say that Phi- lippe, once forced to come to open struggle. with the regent and the young king, spoke out for Demetrius P' against Antiochus V; but he doesn't say the stupid thing either milk. Demetrius, held at Epme as a hostage, had, immediately after the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, raised from claims to the crown of Syria, by requesting it from Senate, which did not want to grant it to him. The coincidence of his escape from Italy, to go to Syria to assert his rights, with the civil war between Philip and Lysias, is too striking not to give rise to suspicion of

(i) Saulcy, open. cit. p. 38.

(2) Feuardent, Rev. num. 1862, p. 190.

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understanding between Demetrius and Philip, who would have declared himself his follower at Antioch. This would explain why Philippe would have had coins struck before the arrival of Demetrius bearing his name. as king, and that the mention of this per- ringing could be found on a piece by Demetrius, which only set foot on Syrian soil a little after his dead.

9. Coins minted in the Greek cities of time of the Roman Empire, with or without the effigies of emperors (which means that, in the current ranking, we separates them by placing some among the Imperials Greeks and the others among the autonomous), offer us a large number of mentions of local magistrates accompany paged with the indication of their titles. At least the Mentions of this kind abound in numismatics municipal of the cities included in the province of Asia; because the use seems to have been almost exclusively restricted to restricted to this province, and elsewhere the examples are of the most extreme rarity (1). Unfortunately, there is no that very little can be learned from these legends mention- nating local magistrates, for the question of knowing who were the officials that the different cities were responsible for the direction and supervision of their particular coins. Most often the indications

•

(1) The islands of Tarchipel whose currencies offer us mentions of this kind, like Melos and Amorgos, depended on the province of Asia. We cannot therefore cite outside this province, as offering exceptional tionally mentions of local magistrates, with their titles, that the species of the community of Thessalians, of Byzantium of Thrace, of some cities of Bithynia, of Adada of Plsidia, of Anemurion of Gilicia, and a piece of Sparta.

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of this kind have no relation to the magistrates proper- monetary; they constitute cpony-dates mics designating the years by the senior official who gave his name to it. They therefore do not teach us, about the administrative organization of the manufacture of watches naies, nothing more than the eponymous dates established in means of the names of proconsuls or imperial legates^ which are seen in parallel with the dates by magistrates local eponyms on the currencies of a large number of cities outside the province of Asia, and to the exclusion of all men- tion of municipal officials in the coinage of many cities in the provinces of Bithynia, Cyprus, of Syria, Thrace, Moesia Inferior, Galatia and Cappadocia (!)•

There is no way of disputing this character to men- tions of archons and strategists (2), which are almost

(i) Eckhel, DN, t. IV, p. 229-245.

(2) Here is a list which I do not dare to give as absolutely complete, but which at least is very close to Tôtre, towns whose currencies offer eponymous dates by the inscription of the names of these magistrates.

AnchoifTES. (I mark with an asterisk the cities whose currencies

offer mentions of the "first archon", APX.A or TTPflT.APX.)

Thrace. — ^ Byzantium.

Cyclades, — Melos.

Bithynioi — ^ *Hadriani; Hadrianopolis; ^Hadrianotheres; Nicomedia.

Mysia. — Cyzicus; *Germ.

troad. — Abydos; Dardanos.

Aeolid. — Myrina.

lonie. — Miletus, Priene, Chios»

Caries. — *Aphrodisias, Geramos, *Halicarnassus, Myndos, Stratonicea, Taba, Trapezopolis.

Pisidia. —Adada.

Lydia. -- *ApoIlonis, *Apollonoshieron, *BagaB, *Blaundo8, *Cilbien8 superiors, *Daldis, Dioshieron, *Gordos-JuIia, Hypsepa, Hyrcanta,* *MaBonia, *Philadelphia, *Saitte, *Sardes.

THERE. LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 95

exclusively in the characteristic form of Tinscrip- tion of the noun in the genitive, either absolute or preceded by the preposition iict. Taking a look at the lists given in a note at the bottom of these pages, we will see that a a certain number of cities use in their mo- legends netaries, sometimes the title of archon and sometimes that of stra- headgear. Sometimes one of the titles is in constant use during a certain specific period and the other in use during another era; in this case, one might believe that these are two different magistrates, that the city has

Phrygia. — Acmonia, iEzani, Amorion, *Ancyra, Attaea, Cadi, *Cidyes- sos, ^Cotiœon, Docimœon, Dorylseon, Hyrgalea, Julie, ^Midaeon, Naco- leia, Peltœ, *Sa1a, Sebaste, Synaos, Trajaoopolis.

Strategists:

Thessaly. — Community of Thessalians.

Bithynia. — Hadrianolhères, Nicomedia, Nicaea.

Mysia. — Adramytion, Assos, Camena, Cyzicus; Sprouted, Lampsaque,

Miletopolis, Pergamum, Perperene, Pionia, Pitane.

Aeolid. — Mgddy Cyme, Elea, Myrina, Temnos. ^*

Lesvos. — Lesbian Community, Methymna, Mitylene*

lonie. -=• Apolionia, Clazomenes, Colophon, Erythres, Metropolis, Phocaea, Smyrna, Teos.

Decay. —Apollonia, Bargylia.

Cilicia, — Anemurion.

Lydia* -^ Acrasos (the form particular to the legends of the coins of this city puts the name of the strategist in the nominative case, followed by the participle &TpaTY)Y(i5v), Apollonis, Attalia, Aureliopolis, Blaundos, Upper Cilbians laughing, Daldis, Dioshieron, Hermocapelia^ Hierocesarea, UypaElpa^ Hyrca- nia, Magnesia, Mastaura, Mosténé, Nacrasa, Sardis, Sllandos, Tabala, Thya tires.

Phrygia. -^ AtlaBa, Brianà, Cadi, Cérétapé, Cibyra, Dionysopolisj Docimeeon, Laodicea, Metropolis, Peltae, Stectorion.

A coin of Hypsepa of Lydia mentions, not the absolute strategist- speaking, but the first strategist: CTTI KHPIN60T A(tétapfoV) GTPATyiyou A(irfj(àT(Jv): Mionnét, t. IV, p. 57, n» 299.

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modified its municipal constitution at a time including under the domination of the Emperors and changed the title of his eponym. But this explanation is not admissible when we see the two titles used indifferently in the same time, and sometimes apply sometimes Tun sometimes the other to the same character (1). The real conclusion to draw is that in numismatic epigraphy, the qualification of appjwv or apywvTTpÔToç, unlike orTpaTviYoç, does not have not an absolutely rigorous sense, which it does not designate only a magistrate whose official title was such and formal, but that it can be applied to any magistrate su- superior, whatever his special title. 'Etti apj^ovToç or simply appvToç therefore does not mean in one way absolutely rigorous under the archonship of N", but this under the supreme magistracy of N", even though this civil servant was more properly strategist or designated by another name. This is how we find sometimes formulas such as eni CTPATyiyoS MApxou AACZANApou APXONTOC A (irpcoTou), which I borrow from a coin of DocimsBon of Phrygia (2). A currency of Iegialé, on the island of Amorgos, reads

(1) This is the case of lO-AIBONIANOL which, in Sardis, is called strategist on a currency without imperial effigy (Mionnel, t. lY, p. 118) n** 662) and archon on a piece with the head of Trajan. (Mionnet, vol. IV, p. 125, no. 710.)

(2) Mionnet, t, IV. p. 234. n<* 516. — However the two legends that Belley {Mem. from VAcad. des Inscr., anc. ser. t. XVIU, p. 128) had believed find in Sardis numismatics, 6111 CTPaxTiYoO HPAKAGI- AOY APXovToï A(itpcÔTou), under Olacilie, eiTI CTPamToO MGNeC- TPATIANOY APXovToç, under Maximin, are inaccurate; it is necessary, according to Examining the originals, re-establishing the true lesson in a different way, for the

first £171 CTPaxYiYoû AYPtiXCou MPAKAGIAIANOY, and for the second Cni CenxitiCou MeNeCTPATIANQY APXONTOC.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 97

eni APXovToç nPYTANeiav eniKPATOT B (JeiiTspov) (1). This makes it possible to admit that at Stratonicea of Caria this either the same eponymous magistracy which is designated sometimes by the qualification of apj^wv, sometimes by that of prytane; because prytane, taken absolutely, that is to say the first prytanes, is used to formulate the eponymic dates on the currencies of some cities in the province of Asia (2). In Byzantium, Teponymus had the religious title of hiero- mnemon (3), with which he associated political authority. However, it is only rarely that the eponymous dates coins of Byzantium are designed in the liri form UpopâfjJLovoç ToO Jetva (4); more often we say èm apjj^ov-

(1) Mionnet, t. II, p. 388, n<>5; wrongly attributed to ^gialos of Paphia- gony.

(2) At Stratonica of Caria, Attuda and Synnada of Phrygia.

(3) Demosth., Pro coron., p. 255; Polyb. IV, 52, 4.

(4) There are even only two very formal examples. The first is provided by the coin from the time of Marcus Aurelius where we read Cni.MC.MAP- KOY.iePOM (Mionnet, Suppl t. H, p. 249, nos. 269 and 270). I borrow

.the other to a coin that I own and where, on the back of the head of

Commode we readEniAlACounONTIKOYIEPOMNA BYlANTinN,

accompanying the type of a dolphin between two fish. The magistrate local named on this piece, and which is described there as hieromnemon, is also mentioned on a large number of other coins of Byzantium, from time of Commodus (Mionnet, t, I, p. 379, n^s 107 and 108; Suppl. t. II, p. 253 and 8., n'»» 291 and 293-297), in the form EnLAI-TTONTIKOr! HP or EnLAI.nONTIKOT.H. It follows that the abbreviation HP or H, which very frequently follows the Dom of the eponymous magistrate, like designation of its title, on the coins of Byzantium in the imperial period (Fckhel, DN, vol. II, p. 28) is an acronym that should be read {epo(xvà{jiu)v. We we still have proof of this, and moreover that which &ç>x^^ does not designate, in the eponymous dates of the coins of Byzantium, another character that rhieromnemon, by these three variants of the mention of the same ma- gistrat, in office under Marcus Aurelius:

eni MC MAPKOT ICPOMvâixovo; (effigy of Marcus Aurelius, piece already mentioned earlier);

mr. 7

98 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

Toç ToG deiva, surely wanting to designate the same ma- gistature* The mention of a priestess, named with Tapj^wv, often completes the eponymous date of the pieces of Byzantium minted under the Emperors (1). This priesthood, which conferred the right to provide by name a time for certain public acts, having been awarded as an honorary fictitious to Emperor Faustine the Younger by the people of Byzantium, just as they conferred (we also know by numismatics) the supreme magistracy of their city to Trajan, in the year of his third greeting imperial, and to Caracalla, in his youth, before his death of his father, Teponymy recorded on monetary species taires was then held exclusively by Timpératrice Cni GCAC 0AYCTINHC (2). The association of a priestess with the archon in the eponymic date is also noted on the coins of Acmonia of Phrygia (S).

eni M MAPKOY H TO B (SeuTepov) (effigy of Lucille, Mionnet, Suppl. t. n, p. 251, n«284);

eni APxovTo; MAPKOT (effigy of Marcus Aurelius, Mionnet, SuppL t. n, p. 249, no. 268).

There is yet another qualified individual throughout IEPOMNAikdv on a Byzantine copper to the head of Lucius Yérus (Mionnet, Suppl, t. H, p. 251, n» 232), but it is in one of the legends with dedication formulas, which we will talk about a little later. However, we have on another mon- gives the eponymic date of this character's magistracy (Mionnet; Suppl. t. U, p. 251, no. 231); only, his name is not accompanied of no liter: EHI AIA CGYHPOT.

(1) Eckhel, DN, t. H, p. 29.

(2) Eckhel, DN, t. U, p. 31. — The illustrious Viennese numismatist there note that no mention of priestess next to Farchonte is observed used in the date of a coin of Byzantium before this eponym of Faustina.

(3) Eckhel, DN, t. UI, p. 128; Mionnet, t. IV, p. 198 et seq.; SuppL t. VII, p. 484.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 99

We sometimes find, but very rarely, in the dates of the kind we are talking about, the mention simultaneous of two archons, as in this legend of coins of the upper Cilbians of Lydia, eni APXovtwv AYPHWou AIONYCIOT Kat MHTPOAnPOY (1), and in this other, from Céramos of Caria, n AlAloç GCMICTOKAHC TTPOTOv (for -TrpwTov) AGON (for Aewv) AlC (2). At An- tioche de Carie, the formula consecrated by local usage mentions in nominative form the entire college of magistrates, with the eponym who is the leader, ATTAAÔT 2YNAPXIA, MVnNOl 2YNAPXIA, etc (3). Some coins of Aphro- disias, in the same region, have an analogous formula,

eni APxovTOv TON nepi MeNeceeA icoboynon (4).

The eponym of Aphrodisias is called in the inscriptions TrpwToXôyoç apj^wv (5); monetary legends qualify it sometimes from TrpôToç apj^ov ((>).

(i) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 28 and 8., nos. 142 and 145.

(2) ZeiUchr. f, Num. t. H, p. 109. — Eckhel (DiV, t. UI, p. 109) had cm find on a coin from Mostène de Lydia the mention of two simultaneous strategists; but the play actually only names one

eni CTPattiyoO m AYPyiXCou ZerZlAOC nAOYTIAAOr (Mion- net, t. IV, p. 92, n*» 497; E. Muret, Mèi. de Num., 1877, p. 1). Mionnet (t. m, p. 62, no. 7), in turn, published as Apollonia dlonie a room where he thought he read GHI CTP ATP TCPTTAAOY K ANTO)- NIANOT.AnOAAGt)NICGt)N, which would have provided the names of two strategists; but the play is by Apollonis of Lydia and the real lesson is eni CTPaTYiYoû ATPyiXCou lePTYAAOY rAYKCONIANOT. AnOAAGJNlAeCON (Waddington, Rev. mm, 1853, p. 171). Without doubt, in almost all Greek cities there were at the same time several strategists in office; but only one was eponymous.

(3) Eckhel, DN, t. U, p. 574; Mionnet, t. UI, p. 316, n-i 76 and 78; Please. t. VI, p. 450, no. 83.

(4) Cavedoni, Spicil. numism., p. 185; Waddington, Rev, ntim. 1851, p. 237.

(5) Corp. register graee. n»» 2760 and 2769.

(6) Mionnet, 1. 10, p. 326, no. 139.

100 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

In Lacedaemon we encounter a coin minted surely in the imperial era, despite its appearance all autonomous; she mentions an ephor with her title, in the nominative form (1). His name is probably there for four- nite an eponymous date. In any case^ this piece allows us to recognize for the names of ephors those which are read in the nominative case or in the genitive case following the preposition em (because it 7 has variation in usage) on the autonomous copper species from Lacedaemon, earlier in the imperial era, most of which were minted under the domination of the Roman Republic.

Once, in the numismatics of Mastaura of Lydia, the eponymy is constituted by the name of ^ouÀap;^©; or pre- resident of the local Senate (2), instead of Head, as usual nary on the coins of this city, by the mention of the strategist. This is, moreover, Tunic example of mention of a magistrate of this type on ancient coins.

The character of the mentions of the secretary or clerk public, ypap.(jLaTeùç, can, in certain cases, lend more beware of doubt. We know positively, from the documents epigraphic ments, that in Ephesus the eponymous magistrate was the Ypap.(jwtT£Î>ç ttîç Tzoktiaç or Tou ^YijjLou, different from •ypa[jL[jLaTei>ç Tyjç Pou^riç. So it is certainly a date eponymic which constitutes the inscription of the name of this civil servant with his title, in the nominative form or more rarely - ment in the absolute genitive case rPAMMATOYl on currencies of this city with the effigies of the first emperors, with the preposition ItA from Antoninus the Pious (3). It is

(1) Mionnet, t. II, p. 218, n-26.

(2) Mionnet. t. IV, p. 234, no. 516.

(3) Vaillant believed he found an eponymous date by a strategist on a coin of Ephesus from the reign of Marc-Auieie, CTTi CTPA lOYAlA-

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 101

the same on the currencies of other towns in the province of Asia, where the fqpnule iiA ypajjtfjiaTswç tou dava is alone in use (1); here again we must admit that it was this secret silence public who had the eponymy. But the question is more embarrassing for cities whose numismatics usually offers dates by strategists or by archons, but where sporadically appears instead a mention éTut ypafJUJ^aTettx; (2). It is very difficult to assume

NOY; but the coin actually bears eni 0Aa6iov lOYAlANOY (Mionnet, vol. II, p. 103, no. 321). Qaant to the mentions of strategists made on concord pieces, 6(x6voi(k, from Ephesus and Smyme and Ephesus and Laodicea, Eckhel (DN, t. H, p. 519) has already shown that they relate brought to the magistrate of Smyrna and that of Laodicea.

(1) lonie. — Magnesia.

Caries. —Alabanda, Mylasa, Nysa.

Lydia. — Lower Gilbians, Tralles.

Phrygia. —Eucarpia.

In Magnesia of Ionia, we once found two secretaries named together in the eponymic date, undoubtedly that of the people or the city and that of the senate, Cni rPa{X|xaTécov 0AAKKOY KAI HAYA- eiNOY (Mionnet, t. MI, p. 152, no 665; Sappl. t. VI, p. 240, n<» 1050: the first of the pieces in question, brought back by Vaillant to Élagabale, is from young Caracalla); but the first of the characters thus named, the one who was obviously ygcL\i.\M':tb^ toû S^iaou, is mentioned alone on

other pieces, CTTI T 0AAKKOY (Mionnet, Suppl. t. VI, p. 244, n<» 1066).

(2) To the first category belong Adramyfion and Pergamum of Mysia, Smyme dlonie, Magnesia and Sardis of Lydia; to the second, Hy* Pope of Lydia and Sala of Phrygia. Antioch of Caria must be joined there, where the usual formula mentions, as we noted just now time, the authority of all the magistrates, with the epochal archon at its head

nyme, but where a piece offers the legend ETTI rPa{X|i.aTla)ç M AYPyiXoy FAAYKOY (Mionnet, Suppl, t. VI, p. 451, n» 85). Eckhel (M, vol. IV, p. 198) therefore has no reason to say: urbes quœ archontibus usae sunt, tUi non raro strategos admiterint, nuf^quam tamen scribas in moneta sua signavere.

102 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

pose for these isolated cases a variation in the nature of the eponym. Should we instead admit Vail’s conjecture? lant (1), according to which the public secretary would have had his name inscribed on the coins of the cities which dated back arcïïonts or by strategists, when these eponymous magistrates- my regulars would have died during the duration of their load? But this is still unlikely, and Eckhel (2) opposed this hypothesis with objections from the greater weight. It seems more likely to me that the ypajj^- (j^aT&ùç was the magistrate directly responsible for coinage documents where his name was written (even with the formula em) in cities where he did not have Teponymy. Indeed, when an issue of local copper currencies had been decided by a vote of the popular assembly or the senate of the city, subsequently approved by the Roman governor of the province, it was quite natural that the secretary or registrar proud, qne his duties had called for registration authentic of this municipal decree, was also often responsible for monitoring and directing its execution. The two roles were easily related. This explanation seems particularly likely for Tunic mon- naie of Smyrna where we notice the mention of a ypa(jL[x.a- TÊÙç (3), instead of that of the strategist, whose name provides always the eponymous dates in the numismatics of this city in the imperial era, if however the piece in question was well read and if the captions were not retouched by a modern hand. I believe I can be even more affirmative on the fact that the qualified character

(1) Numism, graec, p. 313.

(2) DN, t. IV, p. 197.

(3) Mionnet, t. m, p. 230, no. 1288.

f

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 103

of this public secretary for the second time, who is appointed on a coin of Apamea of Phrygia at the head of Elaga- bale, eni A MA.., Cer^'pou rPAMp.aT£tt>; TO B (deurepov) (1) appears there as a monetary magistrate. But I will come back a little further on the numismatics of Apamea, and it is while I will show that the characters, dressed in very diverse functions, generally more religious than civil, which are constantly mentioned there from of the reign of Commodus, are those who had the supervision launches and manages the various monetary issues, only do it from distance to distance at T opportunity public games and major religious festivals.

The omission of the title of the eponymous magistrate is also frequent than its mention, and in the numismatics of same cities. We conceive, moreover, quite naturally that, from the moment he was an archon, a strategist or a public secretary who gave his name to the year of his functions, the date could express it equally well by the only formula em tou ^etva, without title, only by em toO 5etva apj^ovToç, ^TpaTToyoïi OR Ypa(jLp.aTeû)ç ; the use of this abbreviated form is observed in lapidary inscriptions as well as in coin legends. Like the inhabitants of the city knew their constitution, a such a formula was sufficient; she said enough and could not lend to Terror. For ourselves, numisma- modernists, once formal examples give us learned what was the monetary name of a certain cited, we no longer feel hesitant to recognize for people clothed with the same quality the eponyms whose title is not expressed. It even happens some-

(1) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 236, no. 257; SuppL t. VII, p. 514, n<» 566.

X04 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

time the name of the same magistrate appears sometimes with, sometimes without its title on the different varieties of monetary species minted during his magistracy.

Often the eponymous magistrate attached to the title of the function- civil order which gave him the privilege of imposing his name in Tannée, a priestly title of which he was also coated and which had a more permanent character, a title such as those of high priest, âp^iepeuç; priest, Upeuç; president of the great common solemn games of the pro- vince of Asia, wiap^Yiç -, priest for life of the Angustal cult in his city, Upsùç SioL ^lou tcov ceêao'Tâv; stépbanéphore, orTeçav»- çopôç; interprets sacred things, ôeo^^oyo; ; or even the qualification of sophist, to which so many people attached honors and privileges in Greek society decadence. It is particularly the numismatics of Smyrna which offers us examples of sophists clothed of the eponymous magistracy (1); and, indeed, we know, by literary testimonies, that there was no city of Asia Minor which did as much for these characters, who attached more value to fixing famous ones within its walls. As for the possession of the highest priesthoods, we know that, among the Greeks, it in no way excluded Vexer- eice of civil functions; the men who were covered in it you were politically and civilly citizens like the others, subject to the same burdens and same duties, accessible to the same jobs, to whom their sacred character in no way made a situation particular relationship outside of common life.

It sometimes happens that the eponymous civil magistrate, clothed at the same time with the priesthood, mentions the latter

(1) Bckhel, DN, t. U, p. 554; t. IV, p. 221 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 105

deny title in the date he inscribes on the coins, without express the quality which earned him the honor of eponymy and whose possession by him is sufficiently characterized by the fact that it gives its name to. Tanned. It is not to title of high priest, priest and stephanéphore that he is eponymous, it is as a result of the magistracy that he joined to this priestly title; as to the nature of this ma- gistature, we can determine it with certainty by the observation of the custom of adopting this or that official eponymous commQ in the numismatics of the city where we let's encounter the mention of the character. To Silandos of Lydia, under Commodus, some pieces (1) offer us a eponymous date thus conceived: £ni APXiePGnC TATIANOY Kai APXovToç; although the quality of high priest is cited the first is like apj^oov or first magistrate of the town that the character is eponymous with. However, all of the monuments of the coinage of Silandos in the Imperial period riale shows us that this role belonged to the strategist; and, in fact, on another piece, the date of the year of operation- tions of the same magistrate is expressed in eni CTPATTiyoiï TaTIAN0T(2). a Cotiœon of Phrygia, where the eponyms were archons, usually Roman knights, iinrtxot, one of them, under the reign of Philip, is still days named without expression of his quality of archon, but once with the title of high priest, which he possessed in at the same time, eni lOYA/or nONTIKOY APXIGPenC (3), and another time without any kind of title attached to his name, einfl r lOrkiou nONIIKOr (4). In general, there is no

(1) MioDoet, t. IV, p. 143, no. 818; Suppl. t. VU, p. 434, no. 541.

(2) Mionnet, t. IV, p. U3, no. 819.

(3) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 278, no. 481; cf. Suppl. t. VU, p. 543, n-271.

(4) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 278, no. 482.

106 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

hesitate to interpret the mentions of characters in this way invested with priesthoods which appear sporadically in the dates by magistrates of cities where the nature of eponym at the same time is well established by others monetary examples. This would be the case of the high priest named only once on a coin of Sardis, under the reign of Elagabalus, if however reading this piece, seen by Spanheim alone, is certain (1); we should include in the list of strategists of this city, who They owned the eponymy there during the Imperial era. More safe are the following examples:

eni AAezANAPOY APXiePewC, at Synnada of Phrygia, under Gordian III (2); was prytane;

eni AAEZANAPOY IGPewç, in Sala de Phrygia, at a date undetermined (3); was archon;

eni KAAYAIOY APTGMIAflPOY lePCflC, in Ancyrede Phrygia, under Nero (4); was archon;

eni Arptikio^j KGAaou lepenc aia bioy ton ceBa<7Twv,

at Pergamon of Mysia, under Commodus (5); was likely- mens archon (6);

eni AnOAAOAOpou CTeOawiyopou, in Bagœ de Lydia,

(1) Eckhel, DNy t. HI, p. 116.

(2) Mionnet, Suppl. t. Vïï, p. 624, n<» 600.

(3) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 358, no. 931; Suppl. t. VH, p. 612, no. 561.

(4) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 220, no. 152.

(5) Mionnet. Suppl. t. V, p. 446, no. 1040.

(6) However, as this is a non-monetary medallion, it may have to have been struck in commemoration of a ceremony of the Augustan cult; therefore, the priest of this cult could be mentioned there as in function at the time of manufacture, without it having occupied the civil function which would have given him the right to serve on the date of ordinary currencies.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 107

UNDER Idrien^ with the effigy of Crispine(l); was archon;

eni AHMHTPIOT APTGMA CTeOANYKpo'pou, in Cadi de Phrygia, under Claudius (2); was a strategist; on others documents, his magistracy is indicated only by £ni APTeMA.

It is, according to constant and well-established usage, determined nating the eponyms in the cities where they were, that we we restored for these characters the function under -en- tense which earned them to be named in the dates^ of coins, where only the priestly titles were expressed that they had at the same time. I think I can say that, except one, all these restitutions are certain.

We know what was, in the province of Asia, Timpor- tance of TAsiarque (3), responsible for presiding over the great games solemn games called Kotvoc 'Ao-taç (on these games, see book IV, chap. iv), most of which he had to pay for on his personal fortune, like the aediles of Eome. The legends of the coins of the towns of the province, at the time emperors, mention a certain number of Asiar- ques 5 but it is almost always because they were in at the same time eponymous magistrates of their cities. For a portion of them, the legends where they are named

(1) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 17, no. 86.

(2) Mionnet, Suppl. t. VH, p. 527, no. 220.

(3) In the learned chapter which he devoted to the Asiarques, Eckhel (DiV, t. IV, p. 207-212) wrongly confused this character with the great- priest of the common Augustal cult of the province of Asia, at px^^f^^^c '^^c 'AffCaç. On the distinction that must be made between them and the attributions different from each one, see the remarkable commentary dedicated by Mr. Waddington in n^ 885 of the Inscriptions of Asia Minor^ in the Journey of Le Bas, continued by him, and the article Âsiarcha by M. G. Perrot, in the Dictionary of Antiquities by MM. Daremberg and Saglio.

108 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

register at the same time their title of Asiarch and the civil function which assured them Teponymy:

Mlïm Pollîo, strategist in Pergamum under Marcus Aurelius (1);

M. Aurelius, first archon at Hypoepa of Ly^ia under Septimius Severus (2);

Cornelius Vettenianus, strategist at Sardis under Septimius Severe, at the same time as Asîarchus for the fourth times (3);

P. iElius Artemidorus, strategist at Cyzicus under Gor- dian 111(4);

Aurelius Dama, strategist. at Pergamum under Valerian (5);

Domitus Rufus, Asiarchus and grandson of Asiarchus, apj^wv -TrpôToç, that is to say strategist in Sardis under Valérien (6).

The singularly mannered formula of the legend from a coin of Stectorion of Phrygia under the emperor Philippe, eni ATPvikiorj AHMHTPIOY ACIAPXou Kal THC nATPlAOC (7), can only interpret it with apxovxçç implied in the second member of the sentence. According to the

(1) Coin bearing the image of Empress Faustina: Mionnet, SuppL t. V p. 444, nM 021.

(2) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 55; Suppl. t. VU, p. 359, no. 192. — The title own of the first magistrate of Hypoepa was a strategist.

(3) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 128. No. 727; Suppl. t. VH, p. 426, no. 500.

(4) Mionnet, t. He, p. 549, no. 235.

(5) Mionnet, t. II, p. 617, no. 660.

(6) Coins bearing the effigies of Valerien, Gallienus and other members of their family: Mionnet, t. IV, p. 139 et seq., n°8 798-808; Suppl. t. VII, p. 432, no. 533.

On several pieces, this character only takes the title of Asiarch; but the most complete eponymous legend is CTTI AOMexCou PQY0OY ACIAPXou KoU TIOY B.fieuTépou) ACIàpxo^ APXovtos

A(9cp46xou}.

(7) Mioonet, t. IV, p. 362, n» ^M).

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 109

other currencies of the same city, the ap)^û)v or first ma- eponymous gistral of Stectorion was a strategist •

A certain number of other figures, dressed in TAsiarchy at the same time as the eponymous magistracy civil of their city, are designated there, in the dates of the mon- nais struck under their magistracy, alternately by One title or the other, but both are not given to them. born together:

iElius Zoilus, archon at Abydos of Troas under Mark Aurelius (1);

Flavius Apion, strategist at Hypaepa of Lydia under Sep- time-Severe(2);

Flavius Priscus Niger, archon at Acmonia of Phrygia under Septimius Severus (3);

L. ApoUinaris, archon at Adramytion under Gor- Dien III (4).

As the dignity of Asîarch was, with the priesthood supreme augustal for the province, the highest honor high that could be achieved in proconsular Asia, these examples are likely to lead one to believe that the functions operations did not begin at the same time of the year that the civil magistrates who gave Teponymy in cities. If there are currencies where the four characters whose names we have just noted are only designated

(1) Mionnet, Suppl. t. V, p. 504 et seq., nos. 53, 54 and 56.

(2) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 54; n^ 284; SuppL, t. VII, p. 359, nos. 190, 191 and 195.

(3) Coins bearing the effigy of the emperor and the various members of his family: Mionnet, t. IV, p. 201, nP» 31-36.

(4) Mionnet, t. He, p. 216; SuppL L V, p. 277. n^» 10-11; p. 285, n*« 44 and 45.

110 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

by their civil title, it is because they were not called to TAsiar- cat only during the duration of their magistracy, and that the coins in question predate this in- sign. Mr. Waddington thinks that once we had received one retained the title all one's life, after expiry ration of the sacred functions that T Asiarque in charge had to fill out. In any case, the one who had been promoted to this honor so sought after, if he found himself first magistrate and eponym of his city, never failed to mention his quality of Asîarch alongside his civil function, or even only inscribed this first dignity following his name in the eponymic dates of coins, since, as far as the civil function was concerned, the use of the name designating the year was enough to make it known.

This is why, when we happen to meet an ispled name of Asiarchus, with the ordinary form of the le- eponymous genders, in the numismatics of a city where the nature and function of the civil eponym are attested by numerous examples, we admit that it is as such, and not as Asiarchus, that the character has had his name inscribed, although he only adorned himself with his title higher religious, omitting or rather implying the municipal magistracy under which its legend serves as the date of coined species. This is how we let's hear the monetary mention, with the preposition em', of the following Asiarques:

Aurelius, under Marcus Aurelius, in Cyzicus (1), city where the eponym was a strategist;

L. JElius Pigrès, under Caracalla, at Laodicea of Phrygia(2), city where the eponym was the strategist;

m

Cl) Mionnet, Suppl., t. V, p. 328, no. 281. (2) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 328, nos. 767 and 768.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 111

Mr. Aurelius Tertius, under Gordian III, in Smyrna (1), where eponym was the strategist (2).

The foregoing observations relate only to to the mentions of priestly figures in the dates currencies of cities where we know positively that eponym was a civil magistrate; in other cities, On the contrary, the eponym belonged to the priestly order, and consequently, it is the name of a priest which is used to express the dates of coins. To Eumenia of Phrygia, Teponym was the high priest, ipiieçevç, whose name is found inscribed on the coins, sometimes in registered form, sometimes with the formula et^ (3); it was the same at Cios of Bithynia, if however we can add credit to Tunique currency, somewhat doubtful, which in imperial numismatics of this city, would present a date by eponym lo-

(1) Mionnet, t. III, p. 214, no. 1184; p. 250, nos. 1410 and 1411; Supplement, t. VI, p. 323, no. 1591.

(2) I am only concerned here with mentions of Asiarques in legends eponymous, reserving to speak further about the examples of people swims clothed with this “sacred function, which appear on coins as having presided over their manufacture or having paid the expense.

(3) The eponymous high priest of Eumenia is named on a coin APXIEPEYI Ail AI (Mionnet, 5mp;?/.. U VH, p. 564, n» 355). 11 is yet difficult to admit that he is the supreme pontiff of the cult augustal for the entire province in person. It is rather one of the dele- fords that this pontiff had in each of the cities where the community of the province had erected an Augustal temple. The registrations make us known of this kind in Pergamum, Smyrna, Ephesus, Gyzicus and Sardis. Their title is at pxiep&ùc 'AaCac vaoo èv nep-jfàixcj), Sjjiupvxi OR any other city, and even, in an inscription from Acmonia of Phrygia, &pxtepe^c 'Aaiac vaov Toû èv 'E(pé(j(|) xotvoO t>5c *A(j(ac: see the Commentary, by M. Wadding- tone, from inscription no. 885 from Asia Minor, in the continuation of Archaeological Journey of Le Bas, and the article Asiarcha by M. G. Perrot, in the Dictionary of Aniiq^uities by MM. DarenbergetSaglio.

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cal (1). In Cîdyessos of Plirygia, we only know two eponymous dates: one, under Domitian, with the name of a high priest, Eni OAAOYIÔT nEINAPIOT APXIE- PEflI (2); the other, under Philippe, eni ATPtjWou MAPKOY APXovToç TTPflTou TO B(JeOTepov) (3). To iEzanidePhrygia, the only one that stands out at the time of the first emperors is also NANNA CTÊOANHOOPOT, under Caligula (4); he then you have to go down to find it again until the reign of Commodus, from which these dates become constant use and have the archon as their eponym. With a hiatus in time between the mention of the priestly character dotal and those of civil magistrates only in these two examples, it would be rash to claim to apply the rules that we laid down above, to consider the high priest of the mint of Cidyessos and the stephané- phorus of that of -ïlzani as being named there in quality of archons; because a change could perfectly have occurred result in the constitution of one or the other of these cited and in the nature of its eponym, first sacer- dotal, then civil, between the reign of Domitian and that of Philip or between the reign of Caligula and that of Com- fashion. •

Let us point out yet another unique example that we offer series of coins from Smyrna, at the time of Trajan, the mention of a practicing priest completing the indication of the date provided by the name of the eponymous strategist, CTe^ow

(1) This piece would belong to the reign of Domitian: Mionet. t. II, p. 493, no. 450.

(2) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 266, nos. 416 and 417.

(3) Mionnet, Stfp/)/., t.

(4) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 208, n* 79; SuppL, t. VH, p. 491, no. 47.

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(fopoij KAauJtou nPOK AOY CTPÂTTiyoG KAou^t'ou BlflNOC (1). It is the counterpart of the date by the name of an associated priestess to that of Tarchonte, which we observed in Byzantium and to Acmonia of Phrygia. We also sometimes notice, for example in Smyrna, the simultaneous mention of the proconsul Roman and the local eponymous magistrate.

10. Legends containing mentions of magistrates local as eponymous dates, on the currencies of towns of the province of Asia and some other localities, in small numbers, at the time of the Empire, have a great importance for the reconstruction of the annals and the internal constitution of cities, as well as the mentions proconsuls and imperial legates in office on the currencies of a certain number of countries at the same period are one of the main sources where one can draw the elements of the reestablishment of provincial splendors cials of the Roman Empire (we will return to this in the chapter ii of book IV). Furthermore, these mentions of magis- local trats have another kind of interest; meet us there let's list the names of several characters who play a role of some importance in literary history and in general history, and we can, thanks to the monuments numismatics, add some details of a certain price to their biography. But this class of legends does not learns absolutely nothing on the subject that specifically concerns us mainly in this chapter, on the nature of the ma- gistrats that the cities then charged with directing and monitor, under their personal responsibility, the operations

(1) Mionnet, t. HI, p. 227, n^ 1270; Suppl., t. VI, p. 339. n^s 1683- 1686.

mr. 8

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rations of the coinage they were authorized to issue for local needs.

What we have just said about legends containing eponymous dates was therefore here a digression, almost an hors d'oeuvre, and maybe we were wrong stop there for such a long time. Yet there was, I believe, some usefulness in considering them from the point of view from which we have just studied them, a different point of view from that where Eckhel placed himself in the very remarkable chapters of his Doctrine where he dealt with the various species of magis- named trats on currencies. Eckhel was concerned about the nature of the functions, civil or priestly, of these magistrates, and drew up some, as Mionnet did again after him and on his model (but without criticism and with strange inadvertences), tables according to the titles which are given to them. He did not seek, as we have done, to realize the quality and nature of functions which had led to the recording of the names of all these various characters in monetary legends with the form of the eponymic dates, to be examined by ^example if it was indeed by virtue of his priesthood that an in- individual qualified as Asiarch, high priest, priest, Stéphanéphore, had been mentioned on the coins of the city, or by virtue of a civil magistracy which he joined for a year in his priesthood and which made him eponymous, magistracy of which there was no need to formally state- the title since it necessarily emerged from the use of the name dates back to the year. This order of research, where I hope to have succeeded in establishing some principles which could be accepted by numismatists, had been hitherto completely neglected. That's my excuse for allowing myself to expand with so much development

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about him in a chapter where he could not inform intervene only incidentally. Because it was quite necessary to clearly specify the character and mechanism of dates eponyms inscribed on coins, the various categories of characters that can appear there, to distinguish the legends, which, in numismatics from the province of Asia under the emperors, mentioning local magistrates, truly relate to those who have presided over the manufacture of coins. These are much less numerous; but they provide some information that is good to collect. It's to them that we now come.

The formula for using the preposition em always implies- days of its essence the notion of a date; the currency which the door was knocked (c under the magistracy of such a person- swimming.” Also it is hardly used in the mentions of eponyms which fix the year of the issue of the species. We cannot attribute with any chance of certainty a different character to a monetary legend offering a name of magistrate with the preposition st?/, that in two cases:

1® When the title of this magistrate is expressed and it is a special financial officer^ distinct from the eponym known to the city, occupying a position which, according to principles of separation of powers, could not be united on the same head as the supreme magistracy at to which was attached the eponymy, function in the sphere of attributions of which naturally fell the surveillance lance and direction of coinage;

2* When the title also expressed is one of those which denote the office of presiding and directing the great public games on the occasion of which took place specially monetary issue, we must, in fact, according to all the

116 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

likelihood, suppose in this case that the official in question had power over the making of money necessitated by the needs of games like everything that is was linked to this ceremony, and perhaps had to make personally the costs, like those of the games themselves same.

Let's talk about the first case first.

It is clear, as we have already noted high, that when we write on a currency that it has been struck oc under the magistracy” of a pure civil servant financially, which was not eponymous, is that there was connection between the making of money and the attributes character's financial goals. The formula with employment of the preposition eirf, is equivalent in these data, but only with them, to a signature of the official responsible sand; because, by indicating that it is during the exercise of a certain magistracy that the manufacturing of the piece took place, it necessarily establishes for the mind between one and the other the idea of a cause and effect relationship. We have already noted above (in this §, sect. 3) that, on those large copper coins from Ehodes struck under the Empire which have the fully autonomous form, without ef- imperial figies, we always find the mention of the treasury public rier or quaestor, TajAtaç, under whom they were issued. Eni ANTinATPOT TAMIA or TAMIA TEIMOI- TPATOT; that, on the same documents, when the title of the magistrate is not expressed, it is still that of the treasurer which must be supplemented, as proven by the EITI variants ANTinATPOY tAMIA and only Eni ANTinATPOT for the indication of the same character; finally, that the Ta|juaç appears to have already been the special monetary magistrate of Ehodes on the silver species of the previous era,

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from Alexander the Great to Augustus. We find still isolated mentions of the public treasurer of the city on coins from Smyrna whose precise date is not possible to determine, because they carry the head of the Roman Senate personified instead of an imperial effigy, TAfou KAau^tou BlflNOC TAMIOT (1); and on others, Pergamum in the time of Antoninus the Pious, ETTI TAMtou AlAi'ou 0EOct>IAIANOY (2). ACidyessos of Phrygia, under Philippe is the accounting agent, loyiar^Çy of whom we mentions presence in office at the time of issue sion of the part, eni AYPyiXt'ou OTAPOY AOnCTOT (3). All individuals named in these conditions must be held to have been responsible for directing the manufacturing monetary species where we read their names, either by virtue ordinary attributions of their finance office, this which appears to have been the case of the public treasurers of Rhodes, either by virtue of a special and temporary commission of the Senate or of the people, which seems to be rather admitted for isolated and sporadic examples of mentions of treasurers or accountants that the mon- swimming of other cities •

Indeed, we have some numismatic examples special commissioners temporarily delegated to an issue of currencies (i), which did not fall within the ordinary attributions of the magistrates of the city:

eniMeAHCANTOC KAauî/ou AFAAOY OPONTflNOC, at Antioch of Caria under Domitian (5);

(1) Mionnet. t. UI, p. 215, n^ 1193.

(2) Mionnet, SuppL, t. V, p. 441, n^ 1007.

(3) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 267, n© 418.

(4) Eckhel, DN, t. IV, p. 220.

(5) Mionnet, t. III, p. 317, nos. 79 and 80; Suppl. t. VI, p. 431, n°- 86 and 87.

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eniMeAHcxavToç Tlêeptou KAautJtou APICTEA, in Strato- mcede Oarie under Septimius Severus (1);

AFEOT (?) EniMEAHTHX, in Mastaura de Lydie, under Tiberius (2);

CTTIMCXtitou KAoi\jdlo\) inniou AAMIANOT, in Mastaura de Lydia, under Maximin (3).

The most interesting example of this kind is that offers us the numismatics of Mylasa of Caria at the time of the civil wars which followed the death of Caesar. We We then have pieces that bear eniMeAHQeNToç TBPeOT (4.) and other TBPeOT rPAM(jLaTeù>ç (5), hence clearly results that the character in question had received the commission to have the coins minted when he fulfilled the functions of public secretary or ypa(jL(jux- received, the supreme and eponymous magistracy in Mylasa. But this character is none other than the famous orator Hybréas^ the glory of Mylasa, who, first magistrate of her city like Zeno to Laodicea, determined her to oppose a energetic resistance to the Parthian year, brought in Asia by Labienus (6). It is even quite probable that it is to meet the expenses of this taking of arms that the extraordinary issue of currencies that Hy- breas signed his name.

Moreover, like municipal monetary manufacturing

(1) Mionnet, Suppl. t. VI, p. 537, ii° 489.

(2) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 84, no. 457; Suppl. t. VII, p. 390, no. 339.

(3) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 86, n^ 467; SuppL t. VII, p. 391, no. 343.

(4) Mionnet, Suppl. t. VI, p. 509, no. 360.

(5) Mionnet, Suppl. t. VI, p. 509. n^ 359.

(6) Strab. XIII, p. 659 et seq.; cf. Flat, Anton. 24; Westermann. Geseh. d. Griech. Beredtsamkett, § 86, 20.

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UNDER the Emperors appears to have been constant and continued bare only in a very small number of first-class towns order, as in general the broadcasts only took place at intervals, as and when required by the circulation lation, and especially on the occasion of agonistic solemnities, it is probable that the system of entrusting them to a clerk- special and temporary territory, rather than making it the attribute aim of a permanent and normal magistracy, should be the most generally widespread.

A formula whose wording leaves no doubt on the intention to indicate that the coin has been struck this by the care of the character named there, is that which you encounter in numismatics of many several cities of Phrygia and which uses, before the name, the preposition $ioi. We have quite a few examples of this. folded to Attuda, MA MÊNinnOT, etc. (1), one in Cidramos, AlA ceAerKou nOAeMflvoç (2), and one in Laodicea, AlA KOPr/)>.tou AlOCKOTPlAOu (3); we also find it at Trapezopolis of Caria (i). In general, the proper name does not is followed by no job title, which is natural to make people think that these are characters invested with com^- special missions rather than regular magistrates. A only once, in Attuda, the individual thus named receives the qua- honorary lification of “son of the city”, AlA KAATAIA- NOT YIOY nOAenc (5). But, what is more singular, it is to find in the same city a designated currency

(1) Eckhel, DN, t. lU, p. 142.

(2) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 265, no. 413.

(3) Eckhel, DN, t. IH, p. 163; Mionnet, t. IV, p. 321, nos. 731 and 732.

(4) Mionnet, t. HI, p. 387, et seq., n<>« 492 and 493.

(5) Mionnet, Suppl. t. Vn, p. 520, n^ 196.

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as having been struck oc by a priestess »^ AIA KKmjSlaç OAABIAC APPIaç lePeiAC (1)-; here it is good probable that she paid the price in favor of the city, rather than being officially charged with directing the manufacturing. We will come back to the facts later. numerous which show individuals dedicating and offering the currency in the city, that is to say liberally charging of all the expenses required for the show. A indication similar to that revealed by the use of the preposition sition' Jta results from that of -Trapà, placed before the noun clean. We have only a few examples, all in the numismatics from Apamea of Phrygia, HAPA CTPATONI- KIANOT (2),nAPà BAKXIOY (3). This preposition, well more than didj implies the idea that the character of which she precedes the name has paid for the currency.

Some of the coins of Apamea which present this formula, specify in what capacity the characters who there are appointed have been led to take charge of the manufacturing monetary species. It was as presidents of a great periodic religious ceremony, 7ravy}Yupta, accompanied by solemn games, because we read on plays of this town: TTAPà BAKXIOY TTAN H Y^^piap^ou, under Gor- dian III (4); this is the Bacchios of which we have just cited an untitled legend;

nAPi CTPATONIKIANOY nANHrYPiapx.ou, under Trajan Death (5); this character is entirely distinct from his ho-

(1) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 243, no. 293; Suppl. t. VII, p. 520, n^ 197.

(2) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 234, n*> 250.

(3) Mionnet, Suppl. t. VII, p. 514, nos. 167 and 168.

(4) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 236, no. 259.

(5) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 238, no. 267;

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earlier mononym, of which we cite a legend without title;

nAPA AYP7)Wou ePMOY nANHFYPIAPXOY, under Valé- nothing (1).

The name of the contemporary Stratonicianus of Trajan Decius is also found on other currencies with the for- mule èizl, eni CTPATONIKIANOY (2). It is therefore necessary to consider to be considered as having his name inscribed on the currency at same title and under the same conditions, the character who, in the legends of coins bearing the effigies of Septimius Severus and his son Caracalla, is qualified as an agonothete for the third time, in a formula starting with the pre- sition èm', eni AFflNOOeTOY APTEMA r(Tà TptTov) (3). The titles of agonothete and panegyriarch have a great analogy; the inscriptions show them to us, for the same ceremony, sometimes given to different characters, sometimes united on the same head; Tagonothète had specialized lely stewardship of what related to games; the breaded- gyriarch, that of what looked at the ceremony proper- religiously, sacrifices and processions. One of the coins where Artémas put his name (4) presents the le- Gende eni APTeMA r (to Tpt'Tov).' AHAMeiC. KOINON cDPYriAC; it tells us what games he was agonizing thete; these were those celebrated at Apamea, at times periodicals, the Koivov

(1) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 239, no. 270. (“)ffionet, t. IV, p. 238, no. 268.

(3) Mionnet, t, IV, p. 234 et seq., nos. 251 and 2S2; SuppL t. VII, p. 513, Nos. 163 and 164.

(4) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 235, no. 253.

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vice of the Augustan cult. These games, to which the Tzoivn'pjploi, constituted the great solemnity of the city. The copper coins from Apamea, from before the third century, carried frequently mention the KOI NON OPYriAX, and they appear to have been struck only on occasions of these games. Indeed, as I have already noticed (daœ this book, chap. 1, g 4,) and as I will come back to it more in detail in chapter 4 of book IV, about the types and legends relating to it, a large portion of the municipal coinage of Greek cities, under the reurs, was created on the occasion of the major games which held at that time such a crucial place in the life of these cities. It was then that they most felt the need to new currency issues, or to provide the prices which were given in cash (1), either to meet the expenses very considerable thoughts that these so- lnnities, or finally to facilitate, while ensuring at the same time time to the city a profit from coinage which made it in party to recoup its costs, the transactions of the fairs which accompanied similar festivals; it is also for these opportunities that the Roman governors gave the most easily the monetary manufacturing permissions.

This origin of all the coinage of Apamea, under the Empire, explains how, under Philip, it was no longer a panegyriarch or a special agonothete, but a great- priest named there, €01 M AYPtjWou AAeEANAPOY B (to SeuTepov) APXIspewç (2); it is likely that he had joined to his function as high priest, in a year when

(1) E. Gurtius, in the Monatsberichte of the Berlin Academy, 1869, p. 468; H. de Longpérier, Rev, mm. 1869-1870, p. 31 et seq.

(2) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 237, no. 261-264.

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the games fell, the office of tagonothésie or pa- negyriarchy, but that he only mentioned the title of his sovereign priesthood” as the highest of those of whom he was covered. In the series of coins of Apamea, we we only encounter one mention of a civil magistrate, that of a public secretary under ElagabaJe, €111 A MA— C£Yï7pour rPAM|xaTç(dç TO B(5euTcpov) (1), it is obvious that it is not by virtue of his civil title and as eponym that his name was recorded there, it is because at his ma- gistrature he had united the sacred office of presiding over games or party.

Let us note in passing a valuable consequence for the history of religious syncretism of the 3rd century, which necessarily emerges from the way in which we have been led to consider the coinage of Apamea of Phrygia, its destination, its origin and the nature of the characters who directed its production. It is on the reverse side of largest pieces signed by the agonothete Artémas, from panegyriarch Bacchios and the high priest Alexander, that we see appearing as the singular and unexpected type where we see the arch, xiêwTo;, which earned its nickname at city, but with the inscription NflC on the front; in this ark, figured as a chest, are the patriarch saved from the Flood, with his wife, and the two birds sent to see the flow of waters fly towards them, the dove holding a branch between its legs. Next to this scene, the engraver retraced another, which makes the continuation of the story; they are Noah and his wife who came out of Farche and addressing their thanksgiving to heaven (2). The

(1) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 236, no. 257; Suppl. t. VII, p. 514, no. 166. (2)EckheJ, M, t. fli, p. 134-139; Madden, Num. Chrono. 1866, p. J 73-219.

124 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

conformity of this representation with the biblical story is such, as well as its resemblance to certain paintings tures of the Catacombs, which we sought to see here a subject borrowed from the new religion, that a coin Christian would have surreptitiously introduced on the species which he was responsible for manufacturing (1). Some ingenious whatever this hypothesis, with some authority and some science has been supported, it falls before the fact that the coins of Apamea constituted a sacred currency, as characterized as possible. struck only on the oc- case of great religious festivals of paganism and games that accompanied them, and manufactured under the supervision launches presidents of these festivals, invested with a character priestly. If it were possible to admit somewhere, this which is very doubtful, the fact of a Christian money maker is ha- daring to place, at your own risk and taking advantage of a lack of surveillance, symbols of its pro-religion written on the coins that come out of his hands, repeating this unnecessary recklessness for several reigns in a row without find any obstacle from the municipal authorities or of the Roman governor of the province, it would certainly not be certainly not in similar conditions. It is therefore necessary admit that it is the pagan priesthood of Apamé himself which, in the midst of the syncretic confusion which has become so great in the third century and under the influence of the diffusion of Jewish traditions, had admitted the assimilation of the bi-narrative blique, with all its details, to the ancient diluvian legend of the city, and the substitution of the name of Noah for that of Nannacos who played the same role in this local legend-

(1) Gh. Lenormant, Signs of Christianity found on some numismatic monuments of the iii*^ century^ in the t. Il des Manges d^ar» cheology of PP. Martin and Cahier, p. 199 et seq.

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wedge (l)é It is precisely around the middle of the th century (2), at the time when the coins in question were minted, that a Christian composed the first book of Oracles if- byllins and, taking advantage of the new syncretic narrative which had impatronized himself in Phrygia, made the mountain do- undermining Apamea T Ararat of Noah (3).

At Perperene of Mysia, we meet another numismatic mention, of an agonothete which was in same time priest for life of the Augustal cult, eni AfflNO©!- Tou Ke {sic) lePeOC (sic) AIA BIOY THv CeBacTcov rAYKfl- NOC B (^Evrepov) (4); but it's on a large medallion non-monetary bronze, which he had struck in commemoration moration of the games presided over by him. These are also non-monetary medallions, with the heads of Antoninus the Pious and of Marcus Aurelius, where we read that they were made by virtue of a privilege by a character both invested of the two offices of Asiarch and provincial high priest from Asia, nPONOMt'a KAau$/or OPONTflNOC ACIAPXOY KAI APXiePenC ir nOAEflN (5). These medallions are mo- materials intended to preserve the memory of the Koivà games 'Adtaç, chaired by him both under this double title, which must have happened to very few men. The privilege, Trpovo- [jua, of whom he boasts, was not attached to either of his two charges, since we have no similar medallions nor of coins struck by another Asiarch or by a another high priest by virtue of his priestly dignities,

(1) Suid. V. Navvaxoc.

(2) Alexandre, Oracula Sihyîlina, t. H, p. 389.

(3) Orac. Sibyî.'l,^Y. 26* et seq.; see. Ewald, Gesch: d. Volk. Israel, t. I, p. 356 and 376; Jahrh. d. hibl. Wissensch, 1834, p. 1 and 19.

(4) Mionnet, Suppl t. V, p. 483, n*»' 1207 and 1208.

(5) Mionnet, t. UI, p. 61 et seq., n°* 1-5; SuppK t. Vï, p. 79, no. 1-7.

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it was a personal favor that he had received from the proconsul or directly from the emperor.

It must still be considered as a real signature of author and director of the monetary issue, made during games, the name of one character at a time priest and gymnasiarch, which can be read about a fairly name group- number of copper coins from Pergamon struck at the time of Augustus, some seemingly entirely autonomous, others with the imperial effigy, 0OYPIOI IEPEY2 KAI FYM- NAIlAPXflN (1), lEPEYI rYMNAIlAPXHIAI (2), or, more simply, without the title of priest, TYMNAIIAP- XflN (3), rYMNAIlAPXHIAI (4) or TYMNAIIAPXHI (5). The difference between YupLvaffiapx^ûv and YU(jLvao-tap)j^)5

By its origin, by the circumstances in which it was made bricked, by the priestly character of those who pre- sided in the name of cities, a significant part of the world swimming of the Greek cities of the province of Asia, under the

(1) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 393, n*» S37. (2)Eckhel, DN, t. II, p. 471.

(3) Mionnet, t. IV, p. S94, No. 538; SuppU U VII, p. 427, no. 921.

(4) Mionnet, Suppl. t. VII, p. 427, no. 923.

(5) Mionnet, Suppl. t. VU, p, 427, no. 922.

(6) Frledlander, ZeiUchr. f. Num. t. U, p. lli.

' THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 127

Roman emperors, falls into the class of sa- created that we have already talked about above (in this book, I, g 2, A) and of which we have observed the development from the centuries later, full Hellenic autonomy. We have seen while the famous temples of the Greek world had possessed and exercised a right of coinage, that he had was the same with certain great sacred bodies; that, moreover, a certain number of towns, such as Pessinonte, Hierapo- lily of Syria, Alexandria, Troas, Ilion, Thasos after Alexan- dre and Odessos had written on their cash or bronze legends qualifying them as currency of the protective divinity, instead of that of the people, this which seems to imply that the priestly authorities, at the place of the political authorities, gave the guarantee/ le- gale, having direction, supervision and responsibility manufacturing reliability.

It seems to me that in Ephesus, although the currency was struck in the name of the people, it emanated from the temple, and that it was the priestly authority that its manufacture was entrusted. On the copper coins of this city, from time of the Triumvirate and the first emperors, there are two per- sounds which are alternately named, one and the other sometimes in the nominative case and sometimes in the genitive case, the secretary pu- blic, rPAMMATEYI, and the high priest, APXIEPEYI. This last, whose charge was short-lived, perhaps annual, but could be renewed a certain number siderable number of times to the same individual, APXtepsùç KOYZINIOZ TO A (TÉTapTov) (1), is the pontiff of the great Artemis

(1) Mionnet, Suppl. t. VI, p. 127, n^3^7; cf. p. 126, no. 319.

The comparison of the pieces where we read throughout APXIEPET2 KOTZINIOZ and those where his title is abbreviated, as here, proves that, in Ephesian numismatics, the abbreviation APX must be completed

128 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

Ephesian; also a coin from the time of Domitian, in the instead of using the title of ^p^tepeù;, designates the one who was in office when she was struck as lepevc AYPîî-» ^loç MOYCONIOC ACYAOY APTeMIAOC eoeCIflN (l). Sometimes the same piece simultaneously mentions the public secretary and the high priest, both at the no- minative (2). The first of the two^ the y^xinLarevg we We saw everything at There, was at Épbèse Civil eponym of the city; the inscription of his name dates the coins and does not has no other object. Would it be the same for registration? from the name of the high priest who could also have provided a date as a religious eponym? This is an opinion plausible and which could perfectly support itself. However, some indications of a certain value seem to me to be smells of a nature to attribute a different character and more of importance to the inscription of the name of the high priest. This name is less often put in the genitive case than that of the secret public silence; in the vast majority of cases, it remains nominative, and above all, what seems to me to have some si- gnification, it is never preceded by the preposition ènl. It is important to observe, furthermore, that if we have seen in a few rare examples add to the name of the eponym or- dinary that of a character of the priestly order ex- - carrying out his charge at the same time as him, like a ma- nier to specify even more the year, numismatics

ted in àpxiepe^c (which is not without example in the monied legends taries), and not in âpxcov. There is never any question of an archon on the mon- naies of Ephesus. The one you find named on concord pieces, ôfAÔvota, between Ephesus and Cyzicus (Mionnet, Suppl, t. VI, p. 143, n*» 419; p. 144, no. 422), is the magistrate of the second of these cities.

(1) Mionnet, SuppL t. VI, p. 132, no. 356.

'2) Mionnet, t. m, p. 92, n*> 241; SuppL t. VI, p. 123, no. 303.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 129

of no city offered us indifferent and alternating employment native of two diverse eponyms, one civil and the other reli- gious; and this is quite natural, because of a similar use would necessarily have caused great confusion. A piece from the reign of Claudius, whose legends are unfortunately erly incomplete and were very poorly reported by Mionnet, first mentions the high priest in the name native (and he is a high priest known by other monu- numismatic ments, Cusinios), then the public secretary with the formula èm (1). Here, it seems clear that the latter only is eponymous and that the name of the high priest has the ca- character of a real signature of the one who directed the making money.

Cusinios was high priest for the fourth time under Claude (2), During his first pontificate, he had in- wrote his name on coins without imperial effigy^ of

»

type of those which complete the autonomous series of Ephesus. His signature is simply K0Y21NI01, without title (3); just as, on one of the pieces from the time of his qua- third priesthood, he only wrote KOYIINIOI TO A (4), without adding àpxiepevç. This leads us to think that, poorly Despite the absence of a title, individuals who also registered their name in the nominative form on other documents in the same group were also high priests. There is less certainty, but still a certain pro-

(1) Mionnet, Sui^pl. t. VI, p. 127, n*» 329.

(2) Coins in his name and with the mention of his fourth priesthood, which porleat the heads of Nero Drusus and Antonia, have commemorative effigies, since there are others which present inconsistency testably those of Claudius and Agrippina.

(3) Mionnet, Swpi^L t. VI, p. 123, no. 304.

(4) Mionnet, t. UI, p. 93, no. 252.

nor. g

130 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

authorized, to then go back step by step until the beginning of the inscription of a man's proper name in the no- minative on the coins of Ephesus, in the th century before our era, and to consider all the names that can be found there raise the list like those of priests of Artemis, who would have been the monetary magistrates of the city, this one this only possessing a sacred currency. It is certain, of less, that these are not the names of the first magis- political traits of the city, since we do not encounter those of none of the characters that history makes known to us born as having exercised tyranny in Ephesus at various moments of the duration of time that this mon- swimming. And, on the other hand, there was only one character sacred of a character as august as the high priest of The Ephesian Artemis, who could dispute with a tyrant the right to put his name on the currency. Moreover, it is necessary to note quer that historical names do almost completely defect in the autonomous numismatics of Ephesus. We don't notes that only one, that of Echéanax (1), the father of the three young people who, in the time of Alexander the Great, assassinated* sinister the tyrant Hegesias (2). Still this character is not known only by his sons; we know nothing about him personally nally, whether he was a priest or a simple citizen.

The name of a priest in nominative form, with his title, signing the currency as the author of its manufacture and guarantee which is given there, is not a fact without example in the Greek numismatics before the imperial period. There exists undoubtedly factory-made copper coins epirote, to the same types as those which bear the legend

(1) Burgon, CaL Th. Thomas, p. 2d7; Brandis, p. 325 and 456.

(2) PolyaBn. VI, 49.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 131

of the people of this region, ATTEIPÛTAN; but they have in legend on one side APrEAAH2, on the other MENEAHMOZ IEREY2 (1), two proper names of men, including Tun with the qualification of priest. The types, relating to the cult of Zeus, report to Dodona, that of the sanctuaries of Epirus that its exceptional importance and its richness designate most naturally for having been the seat of a mon- sacred and priestly swimming (2). The use of xoivi dia- XexTo^, instead of the Doric dialect, the only one used in legends of Epirote currencies at the time of the full independence, fits with the style of art to make consider these coins as struck in the early days of the domination of Republican Rome, immediately after the cessation of federal coinage in the name of the Epirotes.

There are bronze coins of the same module and same types: on one side the head of Artemis, on the other Apollo seated, his elbow resting on his lyre, some of them strike some in Smyrna (3), the others in Philadelphia of Lydia (û), contemporary coins rather from the last century beyond Ré- Roman public than from the beginning of the Empire. In Both towns bear the name of the same person. swims with the same qualification of high priest, EPMITTTTOI EPMOrENOYI APXIEPET2. There's no way to doubt that this character did not direct its manufacture and even did not make the expenses in favor of the two cities, of which One was to be his homeland and the other the place where he practiced his priesthood (5). We also do not hesitate to envi-

(1) Mionnet, t. H, p. 49, nos. 20 and 21.

(2) Leicester Warren, Greek federal coifiagey p. 19.

(3) Mionnet, t. m, p. 207, n*" 1123.

. (4) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 98, n°* 331-536. (5) There is a good chance that Soiyme was the birthplace

132 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

wise from the same point of view the mention of rAYKON I6PCTC, who, sons Nero, signed coins with his name of drunken Heraclea of Ionia (1), as well as others, from the same city, are signed with a certain 2T ATTAA02 APXIATP02 (2). The quality of archatre did not constitute a public function which could confer the right to register his name on the currency; a character who adorns himself with this title by signing a document intended for circulation, do not may have been only an individual, whose generosity towards his city will have translated into assuming on its permanent resources the expenses of a monetary issue. Finally, when in Magnesia of Sipylus, in Lydia, we encounter pieces which have a ribbed heads of Augustus and Livia desi- genated by the legend 2 E BAZTOI, on the other those of Caius and Lucius Caesars^ qualified as YIOI ZEBAZTOI, with the signa- ture AION Y2I0I I EPEY2 (3); it is clear that it is the priest, newly instituted, of the Augustal cult, which struck for himself, and to his enemies, these pieces, which, at the same time time they served as circulating currency, were a homage to the princes whose altars he served.

11. — The review I just passed mentions characters invested with civil or priestly dignities, which are found on the coins of the cities of the pro-

of this character, because it is probably his father who appears there as magistrate on the coin struck at the time of reoccupation by Mitlirldato (Mlonnet, vol. m, p. 217, no. 1210.)

(1) Mionnel, t. m, p. 139, n° 579 (wrongly reported to the reign of Au- taste); SuppL t. VI, p. 226, no. 977.

(2) Mionnet, t. III, p. 138, no. 577.

(3) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 72, n*» 388; cf. n*»» 386 and 387.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 133

vince of Asia, led me necessarily, by the nature of the facts observed, to admit that, in a large number of case, when the mention of this type does not simply constitute ply an eponymic date, it must be reported to a generous character who, offering a sum of numbers rary to his city, gave it in the form of special currencies ly struck on this occasion and of which he had made the manufacturing costs, rather than to a directing magistrate and monitoring the municipal coinage by virtue of its functions tions, or specially delegated for this purpose. We know, in indeed, to what degree the spirit of municipal patriotism, that the government of the Empire encouraged and tended to develop as much as he could, instead of trying to cross, and who had found among the Greeks a particular ground properly suited to its flowering, resulted in immense generosity of individuals towards the cities, which paid for them in their turn with the honors available to them. The rule was even that most municipal honors and provincials with which we liked to adorn ourselves, who gave a very local importance and that vanity sought greedily, in the absence of the real power which was necessary give up with the loss of freedom and independence, that most honors were placed on those to whom they were awarded a large share of the expenses of the cities. In particular, at that time, all those of these honors, and these were those who were ranked highest at because of the sacred character that they impressed on men who were clothed with it, all those with these honors which relate preside over solemn games or large religious ceremonies, imposed on those who had them candidates, and to whom they were awarded, the obligation to provide on their personal fortune at very considerable expenses

134 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

bles of games and parties, absolutely in the same way than the Roman aediles.

We will see, in the following paragraph, that in Eome, in the last centuries of the Bépublique, the Senate granted quite frequently gave the aediles permission to make monetize extraordinarily and at their expense, in the form of money bearing their name, with a view to spending on the games that they gave to the people, silver ingots that they were made for this purpose at the mint (I). H in was the same, except that the coinage was of copper, since we did not have the right to extend it to another metal, it was the same in Greek cities. The one who four- spent on games or other solemnities, or good which made a present of money, to his city outside on an occasion of this kind, received from local authorities, with the supreme approval of the Roman governor of the province, the right to numismatically eternalize the souvenir come from his liberality, by giving the sum he depends on knows the form of a currency created especially for this opportunity, within the limits where the city itself could exercise the right of coinage, and bearing the inscription of his name.

We have absolutely positive proof of this, and our justification for cases where we have already admitted facts similar, in a particular class of modern legends netaries that Eckhel elucidated with his habitual superiority tuelle (2) and which is mainly found in numis- matic of the province of Asia, although we also have some some examples from other provinces. These are the ones who

(i) Mommsen, MRj t. II, p. 54. (2) DN, t. IV, p. 368-374.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 135

offer us a man's proper name in the nominative case, followed or not with a title of dignity, but accompanied by the verb of dedication aveô/îxe. The name of the people comes next, either in the genitive case to indicate that, although offered by a particular, the coin has the character of public currency of the city, or in the dative case to say that the author of the liberality dedicated the currency to the inhabitants of such a city. He arrives even, when the name of the people is put in the dative case after the man's name in the nominative case, that the verb ôvedyjxs is found implied; but its omission does not cause of amphibology, because we cannot replace another. This form of legend is not susceptible to two interpretations; it carries within itself its meaning and clearly states the origin of money, due to an act of private generosity instead of being made at public expense. We can also compare the terms of an inscription lapidary (1) who, speaking of a liberality made by will- ment in favor of the corporation of Dionysian artists who adorns himself with the title of Attalistes, says of the testator that he has dedicated and devotes to the corporation 10,500 drachmas of silver to the weight (and perhaps type) of Alexander",

oofarl&n^iv $i Koà xaôtepoe tyj o^vo^cj) >cal âpyupiou 'AXeÇav^péeou dpoLy[j^oLç (JLupiaçxal Tuevraxoff^aç.

The dedication formula is not only read on currencies proper, intended for circulation. We also find it, and perhaps even more frequently- ment, on pieces whose nature is close to our medals, which, likewise, should not have had a character monetary. This is how we find it particularly multiplied on the pieces with the deified head of Antinoiis,

(1) Corp. tiMcr. graec., n» 3069.

136 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

which, I have already said above (book I, chap. i, § 1, 8), appear to me to have been commemorative medals of restoration of the cult" of the new god, created by a shameful fantasy of Hadrian, rather than species circulating. We give the list of examples that in offer these pieces, examples which include almost all those of the dedication form foreign to the province from Asia. Only once the character author of the dedication has his title mentioned, and he is the priest of Antinoiis for the province of Achaia; but we have the right to believe that most of those who have had similar misdeeds done dailles in honor of the god or hero Antinoiis were attached to its altars. In Smyrna, two individuals degraded by this homage to the passion of the Emperor; of two, it seems that it is the one called Hieronymus who was the priest of Antinoiis (1); the other, in fact, is none other that the famous sophist Polemon, to whom Smyrna had defined the dignity of a strategist for life, as we learn other pieces bearing the dedication formula (2), which we will return to in a few moments.

OCTIAIOC MAPKGAAOC O lePerC TOT ANTINOOT — TOIC AXAIOIC ANeeHKeN (3); OCTIAIOC MAPKCAAOC O lePCTC TOT ANTINOOT— KOPINGION ANeeHKCN (4);

BCTOTPIOC - TOIC APKACI (5);

(1) This character is likely to be identical to that, similarly name, who also dedicated a medal from Antinoiis to Gymé d'Éolide.

(2) Mionnet, t. Hi, p. 227, no. 1272; SuppL t. VI, p. 340 et seq., No. 1688 and 1689.

(3) Mionnet, t. II, p. 160, nos. 97 and 98.

(4) Mionnet, t. H, p. 180, no. 239.

(5) Mionnet, t. II, p. 245, no. 19-22.

THERE. LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 137

ereCIOC ANeeHxev. AAPAMYTHNflN (1); inncON KAAXAAONIOIC (2); lePCONTMOC ANeeHKe KTMAIocç (3); nOACMCON ANeeHKe CMTPNAIOIC (4); CMTPNAICON. lePCONTMpC ANeOHKe (5); lOTAIto; CATOPNeiNoç ANKTPANOIC (6).

When it's not about these pieces of a character all special, the distinction between medals and coins strictly speaking, in the numismatics of the province from Asia, is extremely delicate and often almost impossible. possible to do, although the parallel existence of the two classes of monuments is certain. By recording the examples main ones which best clarify the use of the dedication mule by an individual in Tépigraphy mo- netary, we will not try here to make the departure of medals and coins. We will only limit ourselves note with an asterisk the legends borrowed from pieces that their extraordinary dimensions seem to make rather place them in the first category.

In the numismatics of cities where the formula which we occupies only presents itself from time to time in a way exceptional, the author of the dedication and liberality is often one of the first characters in the city, A Laodicea of Phrygia, we meet a character who, under Hadrian, thus offered issues of medallions of

(1) Mionnet, SuppL t. V, p. 278, No. 1S. (3) Mionnet, t. He, p. 422. No. 78.

(3) Mionnet, t. III, p. he, n*» 67.

(4) Mionnet, t. IH, p. 229, no. 1279-1286.

(5) Mionnet, t. III, p. 229, no. 1287.

(6) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 221, no. 160.

138 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

largest module on two different occasions, first when he was public secretary, *ArPinneiNOC TPAM- MATevç ANeeHKe. AAOAlKeWN (1), then when he was strategist, •ArPinneiNOCCTPATHrWN ANeeHKC AAOAh KetON (2); we thus follow the stages of his cursus honorum to the numismatic liberalities which mark them.

We have a number of rooms dedicated by strategists to the people of the city where they exercised their registration:

•nOACMWN CTPATHrWN ANeeHKC CMYPvafoiç (8); nOACMCON CTPATYjyàç AIA BIOY ANe0HKeCMYPvai'ot«(4), in Smyrna under Hadrian; the character thus named is the famous Polemon the sophist, descendant of the branch of Zenonides remained in Laodicea of Phrygia;

©eYAlANOC CTPATviYo; ANeGHKC CMYPNAIIOIC (5), in Smyrna under Marcus Aurelius;

* AnOAAWNlAHC CTPATviyoç ANeGwv AYPHAIOnOAI- TAIC (6), at Aureliopolis of Lydia under Commodus;

ZHNCON BIANTINOY Tô B(^euTepov) A[Ne0]yi)CÊV AYPH- AlOTToXirai^ (7), at Auréliopolis of Lydia under Cara- calla.

(1) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 322, n°* 736 and 740. 1

(2) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 323, nos. 741 and 742.

(3) Mionnet, t. III, p. 227, no. 1272; SuppU t. Vï, p. 34(), no. 1688.

(4) Mionnet, Supph t. VI, p. 341, no. 1689.

(5) Mionnet, t. lU, p. 231 et seq., n<" 1296, 1297, 1309 and 1310; p. 205, No. 1109 and UIO; Suppl. t. VI, p. 317, no. 1548-1550.

The legend AOYKIANOC CTPAÏYiYàç ANeONKE TOIC CMYPNAIOIC (Mionnet, Suppl, t. VI, p. 343, n° 1707) is perhaps than a poorly read legend of Theudianos.

(6) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 15, nos. 75 and 76; Suppl. t. VII, p.323, no. 49-51.

(7) Mionnet, Suppl. t. VII, p. 324, no. 52.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 139

The numismatics of Byzantium offers us a dedication monetary of this kind, made by a hieromnemon, the POM- NA(iwv AlAloç CerHPOC BrZANTlOIC(l), numismatics from Cymé d'Eolide another, made by a prytane, AlAcoç ePMeiAC nPTTavcç KTMAIIOIC (2).

Here now is an Asiarchus who dedicates to Otrus Fhrygia, undoubtedly his hometown, parts of the modules of the medallion and large bronze^ with the effigies of Julia Domna^de Caracalla and Géta, AAeZANAPOC ACIAPXHC ANeOHKeN. OTPOHNCON (3). In Aphrodisias of Caria, a currency is dedicated by a high priest, invested at the same time with the title of archineocore, in a legend whose formula would be very unusual, if it was well read (which we must doubt), because it could only be completed in £171 ZHNCONoç APXiepecûçAPXINeWKopou ANereOTi — AOPOAei- CICCON (4). The same individual reappears, associated with another character and without expressed title, on another currency of Aphrodisias, presenting, like the previous one, the head by Julia Domna, currency whose reading, this time, is sure, MCNinnOC KAI ZHNCON ANCOCCav A0PO AlCiecoN (5).

Sometimes^ the name of the donor is not accompanied

(1) Mionnet, Suppl. t. II, p. 251, no. 282.

(2) Mionnet, t. II, p. 9, n*" 57.

(3) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 347, n°t 874-877,

Lesson A AIA TTirPHC ANC0HKCN on a Laodi-coin century of Phrygia in the time of Caracalla (Eckhel, DN, vol. III, p. 165), is doubtful. On the positively known coins of Laodicea, with the effigy of Caracalla, we come across the mention of the Asiarch L. iElius Pigrès (Mionnet, t. IV, p. 328, n^« 767 and 768]; but it is in an eponymous date mic, because he seems to have been strategist of this city.

(4) Mionnet, Suppl. t. YI, p. 462, n*" 139.

(5) Mionnet, t. HI, p. 327, no. 143.

140 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

of no qualification for civil or priestly functions in the dedication formula:

AIOACOPOC ANeevixey AAPIANôv Tlpoç OAYMnov (1), to Hadriani of Bithynia under Commodus;

AireAAAC ANeOHKe (2) on a Hydrela coin of Caria, without imperial effigy;

0AAA2TOZ ANE0HKEN (3), in Mylasa of Carie under Augustus;

MAPKo<;POT0INOC BPOTZHNCJN (implies uyo>i(7[jLa) ANCOHKCN (4), at Bruzos of Phrygia under Septimius Se- vere.

Once even, at Attuda of Phrygia, on a piece at the head of Géta, it is a woman who offers change to her cited: lOTkloL KXauJi'ou KAATAIANH ANEOHxev. ATTOT-

Aea)N (5).

It is necessary to make a separate group of parts, belonging some to the module that is designated by the name of the great bronze^ the others in the class of the largest medallions, that P. (3laudius Attalus, son of the sophist Polemon and so- famous phist himself, possessor of immense for- tune, either by inheritance from his Zenonid ancestors, or by his father's earnings" or by his own earnings, had the money struck at his own expense during the reign of Marcus Aurelius, dedicating them to various cities of Asia Minor. It was a fas- killer of liberality that he particularly loved, and to which it does not seem that anyone has ever given

(1) Mionnet, t. n, p. 429, nM13.

(2) Mionnet, t. m, p. 352, no. 279.

(3) Mionnet, Suppl. t. VI, p. 510, no. 362-364.

(4) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 246, n-306.

(5) Mionnet, SupplA. VII, p. 522, no. 206.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 141

as much development as him. He had it made, by adorning his title of sophist, pieces of concord intended simultaneously “to his two homelands, Smyme and Theodicy of Phrygia”, ATTAAOC CO0ICTHC TAIC nA- TPICI CMYPNvi AAOiiKeia (1), to the town where his father had fixed his residence and to that from which his ancestors came, where for several generations they had occupied all the first honors (2). Others were dedicated by him to the only Laodicea:

(1) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 232 et seq., nos. 1299-1304 and 1308; Supplement t. VII, p. 344, no. 1713.

(2) The branch of the Zenonides remaining in Laodicea after the favor of Marc-Anloine, then Augustus, would have earned the crown of Pontus and that of Gimmerian Bosphorus to Marc-Antoine Polémon, eldest son of the rhetorician Zenon who had defended his native city against Labienus and the Parlhes, the bran- che of the Zenonides who remained in Laodicea seems to have been hereditarily in possession of the priesthood of Zeus, the great god of the city, sacred dignity to which its members joined the first civil magistracies and policies. They are all named in Laodicean numismatics, at the help of which we can re-establish their genealogy without gaps until the time of Marcus Aurelius (see. Waddinglon, Rev, num. 1866, p. 438-441.).

1. Polémon Philopatris has his name written in the nominative form on the mon- naies (Mionnet, t. IV, p. 318, n<'s 710, 711 and 71ë; Waddinglon, l., c. n»« 1 and 2); an inscription from Cymé (Corp, inscription gr. n® 3524) the men- works like Polemon, son of Zenon, priest of Rome and Augustus he was a younger brother or nephew of Marc-Antoine Polémon raised at the royalty.

2. Marc-Antoine Zenon, son of the previous one. The monetary legends that mention it, at the time of Claudius and Nero, offer inversions singular and outside the normal habits of this epigrabia; I em- Please therefore transcribe them, to make them understood as they are. must be, signs of interpuncture necessary for clarity, but which missing, as expected, on the original coins:

nOAEMnNOl YIOY, ZHNnNOl, pieces with the effigies of Claude (Mionnet, t. IV, p. 319, n* 718; Waddinglon, n° 3) and Néion (Wad- dinglon, no. 4);

Eni lEpéo); M ANTriNIOY, nOxeVwvoç YIOY, ZHNriNOI

1

142 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

n KKoLviioç ATTAAOC ANeeHKCN. AAOAlKecON (1);

n KAoLvSioç ATTAAOC eniNIKION ANe0HKeN. AAO- AIKECON (2).

Finally, without us knowing what his links were particular with this city, on the territory of which he

piece from the time of Nero presenting on the right the heads of the people of Smyrna and that of Laodicea personified, as the legend indicates of this face (Waddington, n* 5);

Eni lEpécoc ZHNnNOC, nOXéiKovo; YIOY (Mionnet, t. iy, p. 319, n » m ; Waddington, No. 6).

3. Zeno^ fiU of Zeno, following all the probabilities son of the preceding tooth, named on a concord coin of Laodicea and Smyrna, at the head of Nero (Mionnet, t. IV, p. 320, n^"" 723 and 724; Waddington, No. 7),

4. Antoine Polémon, the famous sophist, son or grandson of the one we just named the last one. It is not mentioned on the coins and in the inscriptions (Corp, inscr. graec. n® 3148) that in Smyrna, where he had established himself and there as we saw earlier, he was a strategist to viCé The numismatic monuments that we have just passed in review showed us, moreover, that close relationships existed already for several generations between the Zenonides of Laodicea and the city of Smyrna. Philostratus (Vit. sophist. I, 25] wrote the biography of this Antoine Polémon.

5. P. Claudius Attalus, son of Antoine Polémon (Philostrat. Vit.sophist. M) 25), and the one who brought us to this digression.

Two women from the same family are also mentioned during the same period in Laodicean numismatics:

Claudia Zénonis, on pieces from the time of Domitian (Mionnet, vol. IV, p. 320, n^ 728; Suppl. t. Vfl, p. 581, nM428 and 429; Waddington, n*>8); she was a daughter or sister of Zenon, son of Zenon;

Julia Zénonis, on pieces of indeterminate date, without an unpublished effigy. Hale (Waddington^ n*> 10).

The names of these two women are written on the coins an nomi-* hasty, without being accompanied by any title. It is quite likely that they f found place following monetary liberalization.

(1) Mionnet. t. IV, p. 324, nos. 746 and 747; Suppt. t. VII, p. 582; no. 434$ Waddington, Rev. nUm. 1866, p. 440, n*" 9.

(i) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 324, no. 748; Sitpph t. VU, p. 582, no. 435.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 143

undoubtedly had great properties, he dedicated a medi- daillon to the inhabitants of Julia of Phrygia, ATTAA02 lOTAIEYZIN ANEOHKE (1). One of his Laodicean pieces was struck by him in commemoration of a victory agonistic, èmvUio>f; we find the same formula employed by another character, a priest, in a dedication legend, on a non-monetary medallion from Aphrodisias of Caria to Teffigia of Marcus Aurelius, * T noLviioç ZHAIOC IIEPETL EHINIKION ANEenxs. A0POAEI- EIEHN (2).

All the examples I have just cited are borrowed to the numismatics of cities where the particular acts of liberality attested by these dedication legends have a exceptional character, where the pieces in question do not hold only a small place in the entire coinage. He there are other cities, on the contrary, where the fact is ordinary, almost constant, where it therefore seems that the rule was that the expenses of money making, when the need was felt, fell on his personal fortune. bell, to one of the magistrates, who then dedicated the mon- born to the people of the city. This was the case at Téménothjrrad of Lydia, whose species coined under the emperors always have in their legends the dedication formula (3)^ Whoever makes this one almost always has their name

(1) Mionûet, t. IV, p, 3H, n** 664.

(i) Mionnet, Suppî. t. VI, p. 461, n^ 135;

(3) Eckhel, t. lU, p. 120; Mionnet, t. IV, p. 146 et seq.; Suppl. t. Miss, p. 43 and S; — The currencies that have sometimes been described under the rubric* that of this city with the name of the people in the genitive case, instead of the datifj were misread; instead of THMENOOYPEnN. it is necessary to restore the legend in TPIMENO0TPE£IN and return the documents to îriménd- thyrae (Waddington, Rev. niuni. 1852, p. 33).

144 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

followed by a title, most often that of archon or first archon, APXflN A, sometimes also that of high priest, àpyiepeuç. But, according to a rule that we posed above, we can affirm that this is not by virtue of their priestly dignity, it is like exercising at the same time Tarchontat, that these characters dedicate the coin and write their name on it; if they say to each other think of adding to the mention of their priesthood that of their archon magistracy is that it emerges sufficiently their monetary role; but they record it, following their title of high priest, when he becomes necessary to say that it is by occupying it for the second times they have minted. We have proof of this by the coins that a certain Nicomacheus dedicated, who was great priest and who was twice archon: the first, he wrote its name simply NCIKOMAXOC APXIC little; ; the se- conde, NCIKOMAXOC APXiePeùç APXwv A TO B. Those who do not at the same time have priestly dignity take care not to omit their qualification as first ar- chonte, KACOBOYAOC APXHN A, lOYXioç BAONfAC APXûdv A, etc., and also the mention of the number of times where this magistracy is renewed for them, AOAXtoç ZGNO- OIAOCAPXcûvA TO B.

Also at Colossi of Phrygia, the formula of dedication cace is predominant (1). The coins of this city have moreover a rather particular physiognomy; although minted under the emperors, they offer only very rare their effigy. On most, the right is occupied by the head of the people of the city personified, aHMOC KOAOC- CHN(jl)N, or by that of Zeus-Serapis, accompanied

(1) Eckhel, M, U Ul, p. 147; Mionnet, t. IV, p. 267 [et seq.; Suppl. U Vn, p. 540 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 145

registration KOAOCCHNOJN. On the reverse, the legend more usual (except in the case where there is on the main face- cipale an emperor's head) offers a man's proper name in the nominative case, without title, followed by the rerbe âveÔTiace. Only one time the name is accompanied by the title of archon, and then the verb is omitted.

On five main varieties of Aninéson's coins Lydie, so far published (1), three belong surely to ment to the imperial age, although not bearing effigies of emperors. All three have their legends with the form of dedication of individuals. On Fune, we see from one side the head of the local people, ANINHCinN AHMOC, while that the reverse reads ANOeCTIOC ANeOHKG, On a other, the inscription, where the verb is implied, is found distributed between the two faces, KTIMGNOC— ANINHCIOIC-

2. — MONETARY MAGISTRATES AMONG THE ROMANS.

1. Passing now from Greece to Eome, instead to be reduced to simple conjectures or a few facts scattered, painfully gleaned in the middle of the obscurities of everything kind, we find ourselves in the presence of abundant data dative and positive on the magistrates responsible for the world swimming. The question, moreover, has already been dealt with by hand of master by Mr. Mommsen (2) and here we will only have to follow in his footsteps, even borrowing more than once his writing,

(i) Mionnet, t. IV, p. 5; Supph t. Vfl, p. 316.

(2) MH, t. II, p. 44-K5.

m 10

EU CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

We have established above (in this book, chap. i, g 6, S) the distinction from ordinary urban currency, fa- bricked regularly in the central workshop of Borne, and extraordinary military currency, minted for exceptional needs in the provinces and in the camps armies in the field, by virtue of Vimperium of the raux. As we have already devoted long developments payments to the study of military currencies, conditions in which they were issued, of those who had the right to order and direct its manufacture (in this book, chap. i, § 7), we will only speak here of what affects the civil servants to whom the care of the urban currency.

As we have said, in agreement with the opinion of Mr. Mommsen (1), the authority on coinage seems to have belonged in the beginning to the consuls, who exercised this important part of public administration, through of employees to them and under their own responsibility. But this system seems to have been abandoned around the time of the Second Punic War, when the atrocities were suppressed link branches established in a number of cities of the consular district (see in this book, chap. i, § 6, 2), to return to the concentration of coinage state normal in the Kome workshop. In the development ment of their freedom, the Romans constantly sought to limit, and even eliminate, as much as possible, in the interior of Kome, the authority of the first magis- of the Képublique, especially as regards the finances and state coffers. The exercise on the part of sovereignty which consists of the manufacture and emission

(1) iJfjR, t. n, p. 42.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 147

of currencies, monitoring and accountability of these operations^ were no longer entrusted to consuls, but to magistrates of special creation, exercising their office under the upper management and high control of the Senate.

These magistrates were those designated by the title official of tresviri auro argento aère flando feriundo (1), abstract on the coins and in the inscriptions in IIIVIR. A* A. A- F. F- (see book II, chap. i, g 1, 1), and in the colloquial language of tresviri monetales (2), according to the temple of Junou Moneta, where the seat of their administration was (see book I, chap. II, 5; and further, in this book, chap. iv, g 2), rather than according to the application of the term of moneta to the species they had manufactured (3). We already have says that the use of the verb flare^ alongside that of ferire^ in this title, se. relates to the preparation by melting of the exact weight metal lens intended to be submitted

(1) There is some doubt as to the order in which should be enumerated the three metals, on the question of whether to say auro argento aère or aère argento auro (Mommsen, MR, t. II, p. 4S; Stadtrechte, t. II, p. 563) Hirschfeld, Untersuch, auf d. Gebiete d. Rom, Verwaliungsgeschickiey t. I.p. 94). We read once at Cicéroh {Ep. ad fam, \Û, 18): Tresviros speeds censeo^ audio capitals esse; mallem auro, aère, argento essent. A another time (De leg, Ul, 3, 7): Aes^ argentum aurumve published signanto. The jurisconsult Pomponius (Digest, I, 2, 2, 30) uses the expression very-- tdri monetales, aeris, argenti, auri flatores. On the other hand, the documents epigraphic rather follow the order auro, argento, aère (Orelli, n^s 6502 and 6915); we even find it once. (Cor/), inscribed. ht. t. HI, n^ 87; cf. add. p. 968) IIIVIR AVRo ARGento FLANDO, with one omission copper which can only be due to a fault of the lapicide.

(2) Cic. Ep, ad Àttic, X, il. — We also find in the inscriptions IIIVIR MONETALIS (OrelU, n<» 6503 and 6512) and more often |||V|R MONETALIS A A A F F (Orelli, n^» 2242, Si379, 3134, 5003, 5450, 5477, 60O7, 6498 and 6981).

(3) This is what the IIIV1R AD MONETAM variant proves born by an inscription (Muratori, 714, 5).

148 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

metal striking (see book II, chap. in, g 1, 1), and this is especially how it must be taken in the qualification cation with which the urban quaestor adorns himself Cn. Cornélius Len- tulus Marcellinus, charged by the Senate, in 74 BC. AD, of an extraordinary issue of silver coins, CWRator ^ (denariis) FLandis (1). But, at the same time as they direct- were involved in the minting of silver coins, they also had to ensure the melting of gold bars that the State, for its payments ments, put into circulation in a non-monetary form silence, that is to say like a commodity which we verify weighed on the scales and which we discussed freely on course, but of which the public authority guaranteed the purity absolute metallic (2), in such a way that the alteration of the title of these gold bars was assimilated by criminal law to that of silver coins (3). This is how authority over gold was mentioned in the title of the trium- monetary vires well before the dictatorship of Caesar, at a time when gold only circulated in ingots in commerce of Rome and where species of this metal were only minted as extraordinary military currencies, apart from the urban workshop (see in this book, chap, i, § 7). The ma- gistrats we are talking about were not only required to deliver to the two urban quaestors, who were the very sorier generals of the Republic, all the money coined what they needed, they also had to provide it to the individuals, in exchange for the ingots given to them. We have, in fact, already had the opportunity to show, according to

(1) Cohen, MC, pi. xiv, Comelia, nos. IQ and 11; Itfommsen, if A, t. II, p. -475, no. 259, b.

(2) Mommsen, MB, U H, p. 110.

(3) Digest. xlviii, 10» 9, pr.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 1^

the finds of monetary deposits from the time of the Republic blique, that at that time it was still in the form of linen tastes that individuals retained a large share of metallic values that they possessed. When we had need to convert them into cash, the witness gnage of Cicero is there to teach us that Your was aimed at the administration of currencies as well only to bankers: Ad Philotimum scripsi de viatico^ sive a moneta — nemo enim solvit — sive ah oppiis (1).

2. The triumvirs were the normal magistrates and regulars responsible for the manufacture of coins; but they were not the only ones to whom this care could be entrusted (2). It is here that it is important to distinguish, as we have already done above (in this book, chap. i, § 6, 5), the mon- ordinary swimming, which continued regularly, and extraordinary emissions, motivated by circumstances exceptional proceedings ordered by decisions special Senate (3) or even by popular vote (4).

(1) Ep. ad Altie. Vm, 7, 3.

(â) Eckbel, DN, i. V, p. 65; Mommsen, MR, t. U, p. 53 et seq.

(3) In this case^ which was the most usual, the magistrates thus charged exceptionally of the coinage, inscribed, to indicate the origin of their special powers, on the species that they had minted, the formulas Senaius Consulta, EX S^natus Consulta, PublicE Senatus Consulta or D^ Senatus S^ntentia, of which we have grouped and studied above the examples: in this book, chap. i,§ 6, 5,

(4) It is to this last origin that the formula seems to relate published, more or less abridged, which can be read on a few coins of the surroundings rons of 80 BC. AD:

PWblice — M.LVCILItw. RVFw*: Cohen, MC, pi. xxv, Lucilia; Mommsen, n? 209.

150 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

The first was always administered by the triumvirs monetary; the seconds could also be con- fied, but more often the decision which ordered remission extraordinary sion of species designated a magistrate of a higher order to preside over it under his responsibility. It was by virtue of a decree of this kind that in 672 from Rome (82 BC) the urban praetor Q. Antonius Balbus received from the Senate, which supported the Marins party, the sion to gather all the treasures of the temples for the melt it down and make it into money (1). This is the only time that we see, from the time of the Republic and before the dictatorship of Caesar, one of the magistratus majores responsible for have urban currency produced. But, like us we noticed above (in this book, chap. i, g 7), the circumstances in which this broadcast occurred made that, although leaving the workshop of Rome, and directed by an urban magistrate, in reality she had the character of a military broadcast, countering pressing difficulties of the war. We were not worried about observing the ordinary forms. But we have a certain name- many examples of extraordinary coins naries signed by urban quaestors (2) or cultural aediles

Public. RVLLI — P. SERVILI. M, Filii: Cohen. JfC, pi. xxxvni. Servilia^ li^ 6; Mommsen, n® 211.

(1) Val. Max. VII, 6, 4; see. Cavedoni, Saggio di osservazioni, p. 32. The deniers of this issue present the legends S^natus Consulto

— Q. AUTOnius. BALBt^. PRaetor: Cohen, MC, pi. m, Antonia, No. 1; Mommsen, No. 236.

&) To the examples collected in our l. H, p. 250, note 2, in which the mention of the quaestor or quaestors is followed by that of the sénalus-consulte who had charged them with the coinage, it is necessary to add:

PISO. CAEPIO. Quœstores — AD. ENWmentum. ENiWndum. EX.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 151

rules (1) with the mention of their title. As Ta recognized M. Mommsen (2), the coins signed by the Curule aediles were manufactured for the private account and at the expense of these magistrates. They had to provide from their fortune personal expenses for major public games, and for satisfy it it happened that they asked for and obtained Senate Authorization to make a special broadcast of coins bearing their name, for which they supplied the metal and paid labor costs. It's the same way that we noted earlier that a large part of the copper coins, struck in the Greek cities under imperial domination, had been during the games and on behalf of characters from different order which made the expenditure of these games, and signed the species manufactured under such conditions. Which clearly proves the character and origin that we attribute let's buy the coins signed by the curule aediles, that's what fact that, when, around 81 BC. AD,^ two Plebeian aediles, Mr. FAHnius. L-CRlTonius. AÉDtïe^. PLebei (3), were responsible for making an extraordinary broadcast currency exchange on behalf of the public treasury and

Senatus Consulio: Coben, MCj pi. x, Calpumia, n° 24; Mommsen, n^ 192 (between 103 and 100 BC);

AP. CLaudim. T. fAAUius. Omesiores. \/Rèani: Cohen, MC, ft. XL, Urbinia, nos. 1 and 2; Mommsen, No. 194 (around 99 BC).

(1) To the examples in t. II, p. 250, note 3, with mention of the senatus- consult, we must attach:

p. FOVRIVS. CRASSIPES (or on some copies C RAS- VPES). AEDilis. C VRtt/M: Cohen, MC, pi. xix, Furia, no. 4; Momm- sen, n» 242.

(2) MR, t. II, p. 54.

(3) Cohen, MCt pi. xvi, Critonia; Mommsen, no. 235.

152 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

view of a publicity operation entrusted to them (1), They wrote on their funds the formula Publico krgento.

This formula eœ argento publico or argento fmblico reads, moreover, on a certain number of denarii struck between 90 and 80 BC (2); it is not certain that it means extraordinary emission products, whatever it may be quite probable, but at least its frequency shows that at that time the broadcasts made for private account ties of certain magistrates were frequent enough to that it was considered necessary to distinguish those which were made at the expense of the public treasury and with ingots drawn of Vœrarium^ Sometimes, this formula is exclusive of the registration of magistrates.

There are anonymous funds of types specific to monetary M. FONTEItw, C.Filius{S) and L. IVLIw*. BVR- SIO (i)^ Both having exercised in 84 BC. B.C. financial burden which led them to sign monies

(i) This is what the type on the reverse proves, where you see an ear of wheat in the field, near the figures of the two magistrates seated on their stands sdlium. We know that cura annonae was included in the attributions ordinary councillors.

(2) EX. Argento. PWblico -- C. FABItw. C- Ft/tW: Cohen, 1/C, pL XVII, Fabia, n° 7; Mommsen, n** 208 (a little before 89 BC).

AROento. PVB/wo — L. SENTI"*. C • Ft7itw: Cohen, ilfC, pi. xxxvu, Sentia; Mommsen, no. 210 (a little before 89).

Argento. PWblico. SABINVS — L. TITVR|u«: Cohen. MC, ft. XXXIX, Tituria, nos. 4 and 6; Mommsen, n? 215 a elb (a little after 89 av. AD)

(3) Nominal coins: Cohen, MC, pi. xviii, Fonteia, n^s 4-6^ Momm- sen, n*" 233 a.

Anonymous currency with the formula EX. A. P: Cohen, MC, pi. xviii, ForUeia, n<*a 7 and 8; Mommsen, n° 233 b and c.

(4) Nominal coins: Cohen, MC, pi. xx^ Julia, n* 5; Mommsen, no 2*34 a.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 153

naies (1); these coins were obviously made by their care, but^ instead of their names^ bear the formula EX. Argento. Publico^ which is never found in same time as one or other name* Likewise, the first first copper coins, aces, semins, triens and quadrans struck on the semoncial foot, under the Plautia law Papiria (see further, book VII, chap. m, § 5), are without monetary name, presenting only the legend Lege. Papiria. From. Aère. Public (2). We can compare here, as a last example of this kind of mention, make by currencies, of the origin of metallic resources which were used to make it, the fact that presents to us

Anonymous coins with the formula EX. A. P: Cohen, MC, pi. xx, Julia^ n"* 6; Mommsen, 234 b.

Anonymous quinary without this formula: Cohen, if C, pi. xx, Mia, no. 7; Mommsen, n^ 234 c.

(1) It seems very positive that Manius Fonteîus minted his coins as urban quaestor, offico qa*ii filled around 670 from Rome, 84 BC. (Mommsen, MR,i. II, p. 445). Diaprés Close analogy of parts on both sides, C. Julius Bursio must have been his colleague in the question.

(2) Cohen, ifC, pi. lxx, Uncertain, b!* 9, Mommsen, n® 219.

We follow, for the abbreviated formula in the legend of this piece, the explanation of Mr. Mommsen (MRj t II, p. 420), which seems certain to us and much preferable to that of Borghesi (Oss, Dec. num. VIU, 3; Works, 1. 1, p. 379), L. Vlautius. Decimus. Xedilis. ?lebeius, and that of Cave- doni (Bullet. de VInst. Arch. 1844, p. 187), Lege. Papiria. Diminutum. Sit, Vondus. The second part of the formula, as we read it, is justified by the analogous legends with which we group it; the first Test by the monetary sesterces L. Piso Frugi (Cohen, MCj pi. IX, Calpurnia^ n»* 6 and 7; Mommsen, n*" 212) and D. Silanus (Cohen, MCy pi. XXIII, /unta, n"* 3; Mommsen, u? 213), the first pieces of this value minted under the regime of the Plautia-Papiria law, which restores usage (Borghesi, Ann, de lnst, Arch. 1849, p. 12), sesterces on which E. Lege was inscribed. Papiria,

154 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

one of the deniers signed by the monetary M-VOLTElus. Mr. Pilim (1) in the years immediately preceding 74 BC J,-C. The types of these funds prove that they were struck successively on the occasion of the five great agonistic festivals of the Roman year^ the Games Romans, the Plebeian Games, those of Ceres and Apollo and the Megalesian Games (2); now, the one whose types have related to the Games of Apollo bears the legend Senatits. Con- sulto. From. ThesaurOf that others do not have, and the costs of these games, according to the prescriptions of the oracle who had brought the foundation in 212 BC. AD, were done on a special treasure, maintained by public collections at this object (3).

The names of magistrates, other than the monastic triumvirs regular notes, which were inscribed on coins urban, are only ever found on pieces of art. gent, not on copper. We also only find two times the formula mentioning a senatus-consulte, indicative extraordinary emissions, on pieces of this metal; once EX. Senatus. Consulta on an ano- semoncial ace nym (4), which we believed we could relate to the mo- ment of Sylla's return to Eome (in this book, chap. i, g 7}, and another De. Senatus. Sententia on an ace in the name monetary C. CASSIVS* L. SALINA^gold (5), struck a shortly before 81 BC. AD, probably during the domination nation of the party of Sailors in Rome, because L, Julius ]Salinator

(1) Cohen, il/C, pi. xui, Volteia, n°B 1-5; Mommsen, No. 257.

(2) Mommsea, MR, t. U, p. 468 et seq.; Cavedoni, Nuovi studii sopra h monete coMolari, p. 27 et seq.

(3) Varr. Of ling. lat. V, 181; T.Uv. XXV, 12.

(4) Cohen, MC, pi. lvi, Julia, No. 1; Mommsen, n** 247.

(5) Cohen, MC, pi. read, Cassia, No. 1; Mommsen. n"* 243.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 155

then finds himself as an officer in the army of Serto- rius (i). “We can therefore, rightly concludes Mr. Momm- sen (2), look, with very rare exceptions, like exclusively struck by the ordinary monetary magistrates naries, all the copper coins manufactured since these coins had become pure auxiliary currency. »

3. The date of the first institution of the triumvirs monetary, and in general all the beginnings of the history of this magistracy, are still enveloped in deep obscurities. Eckhel (3) believed he could conclude in one step sage of Pomponius, inserted in the Digest (4), that the trium- virs had been established in 465 from Kome (289 BC); but M. A. de Barthélémy (5) seems to have heard better the same passage thinking that he placed the institution towards the middle of the 6th century of the city. Only, like Eckhel Ta saw it first (6) and like Mr. Mommsen (7) Ta definitively demonstrated, it was not at first, and during long enough, a regular and permanent judiciary nete, but a temporary commission which did not have of fixed existence.

“It is not mentioned,” remarks the learned Prus- his, in the catalog of ordinary magistracies, con-

(1) Pl. Sertor. 7.

(2) MR, t. n, p. 54.

(3) DN, 1. 1, p. ei and s.

(4) I, 2, 2. 30.

(5; Rev, mm, 1847, p. 354.

(6) Div. t. I, p. 87.

(7) MR. l. He, p. 47 et seq.

166 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

held in the Repelundarum law which was promulgated by the youngest of the Gracchi, nor in the inscription discovered green in Bautia, and which is from the same time. The first do- The article that talks about it is the praise of C. Claudius Pulcher, consul in 662, 92 BC (1): it is said that he had occupied the monetary triumvirate by leaving the questorship, which is contrary to the usage established subsequently, and proves at the same time that at that time this magistracy was not as well as an extraordinary commission (2). A little later, in 669 or 670 (85 or 84 BC), Manius Fonteius was quaestor, after having been monastic triumvir silence (3); and Cicero, in his Treatise on the Laws, in 702 (52 BC), speaks of this magistracy as regu- fully constituted (4). We will therefore place between the years 650 and 665 (104 and 89 BC) establishment definitive of this charge, entrusted from then on to three magistrates trats. It is probable that before this time, when the If the need arose, a commission was appointed temporary to monitor the manufacture of coins, even though triumvirs or quinquevirs were charged with lead colonies or divide fields; some- Sometimes we were content to entrust this surveillance, with special powers, to magistrates already charged from another part of the administration, particularly to quaestors.

(1) Orelli, no. 569; Corp. register ht. i. I, p. 279.

(2) a Similar event also took place in the time of Caesar; P. Pa- quius Scaeva received ex senatus-consuUo (therefore out of rank) after the quaestorship, first the decemvirate stilitibuê judicandùt, and then the charge of qtAatuorvir capitalis (Mommsen, Inscr. regn. Neap. n° 5244; Henzen, No. 6450). »

(3) Cic. Pro Font. I, 1; HI, 6.

(4) ac. From leg. m, 3, 6.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 157

“This hypothesis is fully confirmed by re-study of coins prior to Sulla. Indeed, if these niagistrates would have been regularly elected every year since the time when we began to find their names on coins, about a century before the War Social, we would have a much greater number of names monetary.

“Also, some names are only found on coins of copper, others on silver only, a few on victoriates, others on quinaires, and even on the bes and the dodrans only (1); all these facts seem clearly indicate that the manufacture of coins was not regular and that there was no general or partial emission only from time to time, depending on the needs of the fund blique or commercial ones. We do not know if, from Originally, these magistrates were always numbered three. It is true that we only see one mentioned on the most of the currencies, but one cannot doubt that there had several, by analogy with the other functions of the same type that we always see entrusted to a college composed of several members. There are even strong reasons to believe that from their institution they were at the number of three. »

Claudius Pulcher, in his elogium^ takes the title of III. VIR. A.A'A. F.F, thus attesting that he had two colleagues gues, and it is always in isolation that he signs coins of his name, C PVLCHER (2). This, moreover, is the rule the most usual, the inscription of the name of each of the

(1) The latter is that of C. Gassius Longinus, monetary a little after 113 BC. J.-G.: Cohen, MC, pi. ui, Cassia, n^iS and 3; Mommsen, No. 157.

(2) Cohen, MC, pi. xii, Claudia^ ïï? 2; Mommsen, n® 176.

158 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

netaries separately on different species; we we have already pointed out above (in this book, chap. i, § 6, 3), recognizing the application of this principle of law public of the Romans that, when there was simultaneously several magistrates for the same function, each of them acted independently of their colleagues, with the fullness of authority and responsibility. But we read also sometimes the names of the three monetary officials in office at the same time, written together on pre- laughs at Sylla. The colleges of triumvirs of which we know thus the complete composition are as follows, for- which there are pieces sometimes presenting the three names together, sometimes two, sometimes finally just one:

Q. MARctas (or simply Q. M,) — C. Fabius (?) — L. Rustius (?) (1).— Between 640 and 650 of Eome (114 and 104 BC AD).

M. CALIDjw^ — Q. METELlus — CN. FOLVtw^ (2). — Same historical period.

CN. DOmtius — M. SILAnw5 — Q- CVRTIw^ (3). — same historical period.

(1) We only have documents from this college bringing together the three names: Cohen, MC, Ft. xxvi, Marcia^ n^ 2; Mommsen, n* 165.

(2) We also only have pieces from this college where we read both the three names: Cohen, MC, pi. saw, Calidia, Qi pi. xYiii, Fulvia\ Momm- sen, no. 166.

(3) Copper coins with three names combined: Cohen, MC, pi. liy, Cur- tia, nos. 1-4, Mommsen, no. 167 d-^h;

Penthouse of M. Silanus and Q. Curtius: Cohen, MCi pl.xvi, Curtia; Mommsen, n* 167 6.

Denier of Q. Curtius and Cn. Domitius: Riccio, Monete délie famiglie d Roma^ Prim. please. ^. 8; Cavedoni, Bu//e/l. arch. Napoleon nony. ser. t. V, p. 126; Mommsen, No. 167 c.

Denarius of Cn. Domitius alone: ​​Cohen, MC, pi. xvi, Domitia^ u? ^; Mommsen, n* 167 a.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 159

L. METEL/ws — A. ALBinii^. Spurii. ?%lius — C MAL- Leùlus (1). — Between 650 and 660 of Eome (104 and 94 BC).

BC)(*i«).

Fixing the number of monetary magistrates at three, from the moment they were included in the framework permanent and regular functions, as well as the similarity of these commissions with the commissions agrarian, ends up making it almost certain that the com- monetary missions already constituted a triumvirate when they were still only temporary and established only at irregular intervals for specific needs. completed.

(1) Denarius with three names: Cohen, MC^ pi. viii, Cœcilia, no. 4; Momm- sen, n** 191, a.

Deniers of C. Malleolus alone: ​​Cohen, MC, pi. xxxiii, Pohlicia^ no«2-6; Mommsen, n<> 167, h and c.

Deniers of A. Alblnus alone: ​​Cohen, MC^ pi. xxxv, Pesiumia, n°s 2 4; Mommsen, no. 167, dei e,

(2) Around the time of Sulla, we still know of two commissions of triumvirs whose names are found together on certain coins.

L. CENSORINiw—p. CREPVSItta*— CLlMETAnus - One

shortly before 671 from Rome (83 BC):

Pence with three names; Cohen, ifC, pi. xxvi, Marcia, n»» 10 and 11 » Mommsen, nos. 227, a and b.

Penthouse of L. Consorinus alone: ​​Cohen, pi. xxvi, Marcia, no. 9; Momm- sen, no. 227, c.

Denarius of P. Crepusius alone: ​​Cohen, pi, xvi, Crepusia, n® 9; Momm- sen, n» 227, d.

Penthouse of C. Mamilius Limetanus alone: ​​Çohen, pi. xxv, Manilia; Mommsen, n° 227, e.

GAR... — OCVL. . — VER On shortly before 673 from Rome

(81 BC):

Deniers with three names: Cohen, MC, pi. xi, Carvilia^ n°» 1-3; pl.xxx, Ogulnia, Nos. 1 and 2; ft. XL, Vergilia; Mommsen, no. 239.

Brass with three names: Çohen^ JIG, pi. li, Carvilia, nos. 1 and 2; p]^ j.^^ OgultUa; ft. lxix, Vergilia: Mommsen, n<>239.

1

]60 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

However, sometimes the commissions were more specific. breuses, a We know, says Mr. Mommsen, five monetary names whose names are seen on the coins with those of L. licinius Crassus and Cn« Domitius (i). He 7 probably had an important broadcast at that time of money for which he was paid extraordinarily a commission of seven members, composed of these two characters (the very ones who were still colleagues for censorship in 662), and five other characters younger and less important. The judiciary of L. Licinius and Cn. Domitius is not indicated on the coins; so nothing obliges us to place the broadcast of their plays during their censorship, and various considerations tions do not allow them to be classified after those of Clau- dius Pulcher; now, we know, the latter exercised the charge of monetary before that of aedile, which he obtained in 65S (99 av. AD). So at the time of the issue of these currencies, which took place in 645 or 650 (from 109 to 104 BC), the college of monetary was chosen, like all the com- extraordinary missions, among the youngest senators, and their election was not yet annual (2). »

“It was only,” continues the young scholar, “that after the War social that the monetary triumvirate became a magisterial

(1) All coins in this group (Mommsen, n° 170) on the reverse both names L-UCinius. CN-DOtAitius; to the right is one only name, in the genitive, which varies:

Mr. AVRELI.SCAVRI: Cohen, MC, pi. seen, Aurélia, n- 5. L. COSCO««. Mr. Filii: Cohen, pi. xv, Cosconia, d« 1. C. MALLEO/t. C. Filii: Cohen, pi. xxxui, Poblicia, no. 1. L POMPONI. CN. Fiiii: Cohen, pi. xxxiv, PamporUa, no i. L. PORCI-LICIm: Cohen, pi. xxxiv, Porcia, 11° 1.

(2) See. Mommseû, Ann, from Vlnst. areh. 1863, p. 56; MR, t. n. p. 362 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 161

ordinary nature, to which one could not regularly aspire only at the age of twenty-seven (1). We would like be able to establish that it was exercised for a year, like all the others; but, according to the currencies, we do not finds that about sixty ordinary monetary coins between the Social War and the Civil War, and there should be more than double if the renewal had been annual. He I therefore have in the Organization of this magistracy what- something that we do not yet know exactly; perhaps its duration was two years, or else it was not was it only conferred every two years. » It would be possible ble also that the magistracy was annual, but that it has not been a monetary issue every year, which

(1) “Before all appearances,” says Mr. Mommsen, “there did not exist not, strictly speaking, of legal age to exercise the functions of mo- netary no less than for other unregulated magistracies; but this age may be determined by incidental circumstances and regulations general ments. So, we first know that it was forbidden to exercise no civil magistracy before having served ten years in the army (see. Becker, Handhuch^ II, 2, p. 21 1 Borghesi, cited by €avedoni, Ripostigli, p. 21), then there was a regulation for the order in which the magis'^ tures could be conferred; thus we could not obtain the question ture only after the vigintivirate since these functions had been formal- elevated to the rank of magistracy (Tacit. Ânn. lU, 29); finally we could cite the defense of exercising two magistracy without interval. The Gracchi could perfectly well have been quaestors at the age of twenty-seven years, because in their time the twenty-first century was not yet organized as it has been since; but, subsequently, the age at which it could be obtained-^ nir was delayed by three or four years. Under the emperors, we arrived went to the quaestorship at the age of twenty-five (Dio Cass» lu, 20; Mar-^^ quartt, Handbuch^ II, 3, p. 218) and vigintivirate at twenty years, but not before, like Eckhel {DN, t. Y, p. 63) established it very well according to the Annals of Tacitus (III, 29). The funerary inscription of a triumvir, who died at the age of eighteen years (/lucr. regn, Neap,, n^ 456) does not seem to us to be of unassailable authenticity. Cf. Plin. £Jp/day. ad Trajan. 19^einosStadtreehte^ p. 418.”

mr. H

i

has it

't

162 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

would make a certain number of colleges of triumvirs, all having been regularly constituted, would not have had the opportunity to sign cash, or that, on such or such a college of three^ a single magistrate would have had in certain years of presiding over a show. What would be nature to admit this last hypothesis is that, in a passage from the letters of Cicero (1) of which we let's get busy, we find a designated character formally as a monetary triumvir in 703 or 704 of Bome, and that his signature is however not read on other a currency.

In any case, the monetary triumvirate, once constituted in a permanent and regular manner, made part of tie of minor magistracies which formed under the Republic the college of viginti seœ viri and under the Empire that of the viginti viri (2). In the spring of 704 from Rome (50 BC), Cicero, returning from his government of Cilicia, had a business discussion with Vectenus, who was monetary triumvir in charge or coming out of being. He had bought this character a small house and was shocked that instead of having the deference of the consul- ter on the time when it would be best for him to pay, he had fixed a date on his own authority; he had been perhaps even more of what, in the superscription of his letter, Vectenus had only given him the title of procon- sul, instead of this qualification à'imperator to which so held his vanity. Cicero therefore replied with a curse Vaise Tiumeur, which he himself admits, and, while taking

•

(1) Ep.adAttic.X, 11.

(2) Hence the expression of XXvir monetalit in an inscription from Tibur, from the second half of the 2nd century AD: Orelli, no. 2761.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 163

the tone of joke, sought to make her the most biting as he could: ReseiripH ei stomcLehosiuSj eum joeo tdmen famUmri; and in another letter: Cum eo^ quod c(dT£pov eram jocatus. The main malice of the great orator was to qualify Yectenus as monetàlis in the superscription of his response: Mônètali autem adscripsi^ quod ille ad me, Proconsuli. It was treating him as a young man still without consequence; the omission of the title of triumvir meant that the qualification could have applied to a simple worker mint as well as a monetary magistrate; finally, As commentators have remarked, there I had a transparent allusion to the harshness shown in a question of money. Yectenus took the joke badly and i^cha absolutely. Oicero had to express something regret having been so biting and charging Atticus to settle the quarrel (!)

I have already explained above (in this book, chap, i, § 6, 3 and A) how the signature of the monetary magistrates, absent from the oldest coins of Rome, had made her first appearance, by what gradual progress she there had always taken on more developments, until come to banish the ancient legend ROM A, and also how, in the decadence of the public spirit and institutions republicans, we had left the same magistrates to substitute kill on the coined species of the types of their personal- nels^ relating to the particular cults of their families or to their historical memories, to the types of State^ which had initially been invariable. From 650 Borne (104 BC), although the monetary triumvirate was not