Money in Antiquity, vol. II: Monetary Systems — 1878

432 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

part of the territory of the Bosphoric kingdom and established their capital in Phanagoria, by having their advent recognized ment by Augustus, obtained from him the permission of the mon - sinking of gold, submitting to the condition of placing the imperial effigy on the main face of their species. We thus have gold coins from the first two kings of this dynasty, whose names are unknown to historians and cannot yet be restored with any chance of certainty (1); the weight is that of the Roman aureus of Caesar (2). All invariably carry their heads straight of Augustus, then on the reverse the head of the native prince vas- sal, with a date from the Bosphorus era (289 and 304-=8 av. and 8 AD AD for the first king, 305 and 306 = 9 and 10 AD. AD for the second) and a mono- gram containing the initials of the royal name. The same coinage system, with the same shape of the coins, the same presence of the imperial effigy on one side and that of the vassal king of the other, continues under the reign of Khescuporis 1 (11-39 CE), contemporary of Au- Guste and Tiberius (3), who appears to have transferred the seat of his power at Panticapaea. Under Cotys I (49-69), after an interruption that corresponds to years of unrest and to the reign of Mithridates III, while the species of copper are struck in the name and head of the native king, associated or not with that of its overlord, the currencies of gold, which now follow the variations of the aureus ro-

(1) De Kœhne, Mus. Kotchoubey, t. II, p. 199 et seq.; Waddington, Rev. mm. 1866, p. 423.

(2) This is, moreover, the rate at which the Attic stater had descended dually to the Bosphorus.

(3) De Kœhne, op. cit. t. II, p. 203 et seq.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 433

hand (i) (on these, see book VII, chap. iv, § 1), take- take on a new character and become more and more imperial. The effigy of the king of the Bosphorus is quite banned. We first have those which have on one side the head of Claudius and on the other the portrait of one of the British Caesars nicus and Nero, accompanied by the date of the local era and of the monogram of King Cotys (2), Under Nero, this mono- gram disappears (3); there is no longer any question of the king; we place a monogram next to the head of the reigning emperor, to which made during that of Claudius deified, but this monogram consists of the letters NEPHv KXa-j^ioç (4). That of Cotys reappears under Yitellius, but the Bosporitan aureus then bears the two heads of this em- father and his father (5). Follows a complete interruption of the gold coinage of the Bosphorus up to Fan 84 of our era, under Domitian (6). At the two interruptions that we have just reported in the making of the aurei of the kingdom of the Bosphorus correspond, by a coincidence of a high historical significance, the only known gold coins, those fully autonomous and without trace of supremacy imperial matie, from the city of Chersonesos(7), the rival fierce battle of the kings of Panticapaea, who prided himself on his title

(1) Moinmsen, M R. t. III, p. 293.

(2) De Koehne, t. II, p. 220-224,

1.3) Copper coins minted at the same time are also excluded. sively in the name of the Emperor.

(4) De Kœhne, t. II, p. 223 et seq.

(o) De Kœhne, t, II, p. 227.

^6) De Koehne, t. II, p. 229.

(7) Von Sallet, Zeitschr. f, Num. 1. 1, p. 28 et seq.

II.

28

434 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

of a free city and has never minted currency bearing the effigy of Emperors (1). We know, in fact, three samples, one with the date 73 CE (2), which is 38 AD. BC, the others with those of iOli and 109, 70 and 75 of the Christian era. On the coin of the year 109, the city takes the proud title, and without any other example in numis- matic, from [iacri.'XeuouuYi, "enjoying royal rights:" XEPaovv^aou — BACIAeVOYCHC- GTOTC. P0 (3).

Given the emperors' pretension not to tolerate, within their reach and within the sphere of their action, the manufacture of gold species which were not issued in their name and did not bear their effigy, the coinage fully autonomous Chersonesos was a fact well more serious, carrying many other consequences than that of the gold coinage of the kings of the Bosphorus, subject to the condition of the presence of the portrait of Augustus in sign of vassalage, which however they had shown themselves jealous, since they had interrupted him. It was important to put an end to a fact where they could not fail to see a daring usurpation, and, since the country could not to do without a local gold currency, to take back, to replace that of Chersonesos, the emission of cash of the kings of the Bosphorus in ancient conditions. This is what what Domitian did, and, by giving these kings the permission which had been taken from them by Vitellius, he gave them a prize honorary privilege more extensive than the one they had had formerly, because they could now place their heads, with

(1) Ibid. p. 27.

(2) On the era of Chersonesos, see. Boeckh, Corp. register graec. t. II, p. 90.

(3) VonSallet, Zeitschr. f. Num. t. IV, 273-277.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 435

their name written throughout and the royal title, on one of the faces of gold coins. . It is under these conditions that the coinage thus restored continued without interruption and without change until under Constantine (1), with an alteration progressive and rapid ration of the title of the currency, which, legally considered gold, is nothing more than gilded copper in the second half of the third century (see above, book III, chap. i, § 3, 4). But if one of the faces of For of the Cimmerian Bosphorus thus presents, since Domitian^ the portrait and legend of the vassal king, the other, the one where is written on the date, always remains reserved for the effigy of the suzerain Emperor, who is never omitted; and, in the data of the public law of the Empire, this face is the principle cipal: the image of the Emperor takes precedence over that of the king. So the essential principle of the privilege of sovereignty is safe vegetated, even when we deviate from it in a certain extent. The gold currency issued at the Bosphorus remains in law an imperial currency, always marked with the sacred image of the sovereign; he only delegates to his vassal the power to manufacture it and put it into operation cond plan his effigy and his name. Also Mr. Mommsen (2) has was right to say: “The principle according to which the world swimming is an exclusive right of the sovereign therefore exercised also here its influence, with the modifications that the particular circumstances, duration and position, almost independent in fact, from the kingdom of Bos- phorus, however, had to bring it into practice. »

(1) See. the description of these currencies in volume II of the work of M. de Kœhne, from p. 229.

(2) M R, t. III, p. 298.

28.

436 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

9. What we saw the Barbarians of Dacia do or Pannonia in the 3rd century, the Barbarians settled in the Gauls and in Spain did it on a beautiful larger scale shot from the beginning of the v^. We still minted currency for the Western Emperor in a small number of workshops in these regions (1). But these official workshops were not the only ones operating, and the leaders of the Barbarians also did their own profit from the currency in the name and types of the Em- father.

“Although the barbarian chiefs established on Roman soil all recognize the sovereignty of the Empire, very well says M. de Pétigny ("2), it is no less certain that they exercised most of the sovereign rights in the vinces occupied by them, and one must think that they do not are not abstained from the benefits of a counter coinage way, especially when they owned the cities where they had imperial mints existed. The workers and the machines were then at their disposal, and they did not should not have left them jobless.

“The Burgundian kings, for example, masters of the workshop link of Lyon since 458, must not have lacked the ex- exploit for their benefit. Only we believe we can affirm- sea that they could not do anything other than faithfully imitate the imperial currencies, and that the coins issued by them were just pure counterfeits without any difference visible (3). It was especially at that time when there were Ci) Senckler, Rev. num. 1847, p. 410 et seq.; Petigny, Rev. num. 1851, p. 123 and P.

(2) Rev. num. 1831, p. 127 et seq.

(3) This is what Abbé Dubos had foreseen from the middle of the century

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 437

core im sovereign in Eome, where the great name of the Empire retained all its moral power, that the people, following Before Procopius' remark, would have refused any mon- nae which would have been distinguished from the imperial type by signs apparent. No proven numismatic facts have come so far refuting this opinion, based on the data authentic pieces of contemporary history, and we can even find confirmation in a precious document ment of the first years of the 6th century.

“Article 6 of the second decree of Gondebaud, placed at the continuation of the law of the Burgundians, aims to decry certain gold coins which circulated in Gaul, in stating that we could refuse to receive them, even by weight, as suspect alloy. These golden pennies demonetized are of four different types, among which the decree first names the Yalentinians, Valen- tiniani (1).

“At the time this decree was promulgated, Valenti- nien III had been dead for more than half a century. We have- would have difficulty understanding that it would have been necessary to decry the products of such ancient coinage^ all the more that no historical testimony establishes that this em- father lowered the title of the coins (2). The decree of Gondebaud explains himself very naturally, on the contrary, if we suppose that after the extinction of Theo's family- dose, the barbarian kings, in Gaul, continued to mint coins in the name of the last emperor of this dy-

last: Critical history of the establishment of the French monarchy, book II, clip. III.

(\)Lefj. Burgnnd. seciind. add. 6.

(2) Its non-counterfeited species of gold are of a very pure metal.

438 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

nastie. Nothing is more likely; because Go- Lentinian was in reality the last serious sovereign of the West. The emperors elected after him reigned so little of time and their authority has been so contested, that it is hardly if we were able to stamp their names on a few rare coins in Italy or in the city of Arles. Most of these ephemeral Caesars were unable to have their suze recognized - rained by the barbarian kings of Graul, It is therefore natural rel that these kings continued to mint coins with the effigy of the last princes whom they had declared as suzerains, that is to say, of Honorius and Valentinian. Isn't it as well as in the Middle Ages we saw certain vassals continuing nuer, long after the extinction of the dynasty of Char- lemagne, to put on the coins the monograms of the Carlovingian princes?

“It is also probable that counterfeiters of mon- The imperial treasures had no scruples about altering the title; and like most coins circulating in the Gaul, to the type of Valentinian, must have come from this source, Gondebaud demonetized them en masse. According to all appearance, it was to the same counterfeits that applied as Majorian's decree against the Gallic solidi, that he excepted, because of their bad character, from the injunction made to public receivers to take all the money gold by weight (1). ))

These remarks, based solely on considerations tions of history and law, have been confirmed in the manner the most complete by the discovery of the monuments of gold coinage of the Suevi established in the west of Es-

(1) Cod. Theod. iMajor. Nov. Ut. VII, De curial. 1, § 14; cf. S. Gregor. Magn. £pî4MII, 33; VI, 7.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 439

loincloth (1). These parts, the manufacture of which must have continued for almost two centuries, offer the immobilization of types of the coins of Avitus and Honoriiis, where the barba- The story always increases, where legends become, as we move away from the origin, more altered^ more unintelligible. The kings of the Suevi did not introduce, remains, on the currencies no indication that they clean, no legend designating them; and, when at the end of this coinage, around the middle of the fifth century, for example of what all the other Barbarians were doing from then on, we begins to substitute in the legend on the reverse some significant indications with inconsistent letters which si- mulated only ime inscription, these are only designations of the cities where the broadcast took place. The only one nominal currency of a Suevian king, which is at the same time the most ancient that the barbarian princes have bequeathed to us, is the silver coin of Eicbiaire (448-4o6), struck at ^Racara, today Braga (2). It offers the right a very correct imperial effigy and legend, but it is that of Honorius^ who has been dead for a quarter of century; on the reverse is the legend of the king, IVSSV RICHIARI REGES-

By using the excellent and safe method according to the which MM. Allen and Teixeira determined the currencies gold from the Lusitanian Suevi, there is no doubt that we will also arrive to recognize those which, in the period of pure counterfeiting çonon of the imperial species, in the 5th century, were manufactured by the Burgundians, the Visigoths of Aquitaine and perhaps also by the Salian Franks at the time of Chil-

(1) Allen and Teixeira, Rev. num. 1863, p. 233-249, pi. IX.

(2) Eckhel, D N, t. VIII, p. 172; Rev. num. 1863, pi. IX, no. I.

440 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

deric or by the Ripuarian Francs established in Trier. For this will have to be determined, based on careful provenance. ment observed and controlled, what is the species of gold coins of barbarian work, copying the types of the temples predates Anastasius, which is usually found ment in this or that specific region of the West. This is, moreover, a work which still remains entirely to undertake. Perhaps it will lead to the recognition that therefore, in the alteration of the legends copied from those properly imperial species, the barbarian chiefs make know how to use it (as was done in the Middle Ages on such a large scale in imitation currencies) of brands secret, of conventional letters which were the clue concealed from their coinage. But it is important to put great caution in the search for this last fact and to be on guard against the training of the im- gination, easily inclined to want to explain too much and find meaning in letter combinations that have never had any, which are only the pure product of barbarism.

We have also not yet determined the currencies gold from the Vandals of Africa. However, they had to exist; it is not probable that these princes, possessors of the great city of Carthage and its rich territory, whose independence had been recognized by the emperors from 442 and who, moreover, always showed themselves to be bitter nemis of the empire, have abstained from the mon- gold sinking. There is no doubt that we can recognize their species of this metal, which must have begun to be minted from the time of Genseric. We can even affirm in advance that they will go, not the effigy and the legend of emperors reigning in Constantinople at the time of their

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 441

broadcast in Carthage, but the guy immobilized and more and more more altered from the Emperor under whom they established themselves in Africa or a previous sovereign. Indeed, at the end of 5th century, the use by barbarian kings of the effigy of a ancient emperor instead of that of the reigning emperor begins to become an intentional fact and take a political meaning, that of the personal rupture relationship with the Emperor without completely rejecting the prince cijTe of the theoretical suzerainty of the Empire. We we have proof by numismatics of the Ostrogoths of Ita- lie, where Baduela and Tlieia put on their silver coins the effigy and name of Justinian when they hope to be able negotiate with him^ and the effigy and name of Anastasius, dead for 30 years, when the fight against the armies of Justi- nien returns with new vigor (1). As for pre- feels, we only know of the Vandals their coins silver and copper (2); the oldest are the silver coins of Hunnéric (477-496), which still offer the immobilized head and legend of Ho- norius (dead for more than half a century at the time where Hunnéric ascended the throne) and on the reverse of dates from the years of the Vandal king, without his name, as if he had preferred equivocation on the meaning of registration of the law, which could give rise to a certain some assonance between Honorius and Hiinnericus. Under the other princes, Gunthamund, Thrasamund, Hilderic and Geilamir^ species of silver and copper affect the

(1; Pétigny, Rcv. mun. 18S1, p. 131.

(2) Friedlgender, Die Miinzen der Vandakn, Berlin, 1849; Péiigny, Rev. num. 1831, p. 193 193; Sabatier, Descr, Byzantine coins, t. I, p. 212-220, pL XX, n° 1-20.

442 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

outside of full independence, without any mention of imperial suzerainty (1).

The suppression of the Western Empire in /i75, and more still the reign of Anastasius, marked a decisive epoch sive in the coinage of those of the Barbarians who had not not shaken openly, like the Suevi and the Van- Dales, the nominal vassalage links which attached them to emperors. The deposition of Augustulus by Odoacer did not infringe on the suzerainty of the crown imperial over the West; on the contrary, in law and in legal fiction^ it reestablishes the unity of the empire. The deputy tion.of the Senate of Rome, which Odoacer sent to Zeno to to bring back to him the imperial ornaments of the West, was responsible for declaring to him that from now on there would only be one emperor, and that the new king of Italy recognized this he of Constantinople for his sovereign; Zenon answers it said by consecrating the authority of Odoacer by the titles of Pa- trice and Master of the Western militias. In accordance with These data, Odoacer had beaten in the workshops of E-ome, of Ravenna and Milan of gold and silver coins of Zeno^ of Leo II and Basilisk, at the same time as the Senate of Rome struck the bronzes of Zeno which we we spoke a little above, where he put back as once in the field the letters SC. Odoacer, faithful observer guarantor of the public law of the Empire, in no way usurped

(1) It is obvious that the small silver coin minted in Carthage, D. N. IVSTINVS. PP. AVG — FELIX. KARTq (Sabalier, t. I, p. 219, n°l, pi. XX, n° 14), and the gold solidus of a Justin at the mark K of the workshop of this town (Ch. Lenormant, Rev. num. 1833, p. 114), belongs held by Justin II, after the resumption of Africa by Belisarius. The kings Vandals would not have allowed monsters to be struck in their capital coins of the Emperor, especially coins where they would not have been minted tioned.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 443

way the coinage of gold and did not even place any mark which was personal to him on the silver coinage properly imperial that was manufactured under his auspices parts. But, at least at the end of his reign, he wanted to have alongside his own currency in silver and copper. We have monuments of it (1); money goes to the right the effigy and name of the suzerain emperor of Constantine nople, Anastasius, on the reverse the monogram of the name of Odoacer; the copper is in the name alone of Odoacer, written all at length on the right, next to the effigy, and in monogram on the reverse.

Odoacer's claim was to extend his authority throughout the West and to be recognized by all the other Barbarians for the Emperor's vicar. This claim was universally rejected outside of Italy, but it served as a pretext. to the Barbarians of Gaul and Spain to protest more than ever their attachment to the direct suzerainty of the Caesar of By- zance. Since the overlord was further away than by this distance his authority could only be nominal, without real action on them which bothered them, the kings of the Barbarians of the West felt more disposed to recognize his supremacy and lavish him with homage honorifics. Also, from the establishment of the Os- trogoths in Italy and the fall of Odoacer, let us see throughout the West the coinage of barbarian kings, under the superior sovereignty of the Emperors of Constantine nople, organize yourself according to the ancient principles which re- under the High Empire the coins of the Vast kings saux (see in this chapter, § li, 9) and continue with

(1) Sabatier, t. I, p. 19o and s., pi. XVIII, No. 1.

444 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

perfect regularity for almost fifty years, under the three reigns of Anastasius, Justin 1" and Justinian, The gold belongs to the emperor; he hits himself with his effigy, with his name and type, in accordance with the templates provided by the coinage of the Constantinople mint. But the vassal kings, Ostrogoths, Burgundians, Franks, Wisi- goths, received the right to put in a secondary place daire on the reverse, at the end of the legend, in the different of the exergue or even in the field next to the type, a indication of their personal name in the form of a mono- gram or initial letters (1); likewise, the workshops emission are indicated by marks in the field or similar intentional modifications in the legends of the reverse. Sometimes there are only indications cations of cities, without royal marks, whether the kings, for various political causes that it is impossible for us to appreciate, wanted in certain cases to have them omitted, either (which is positive for some pieces) that there was also fabrications made outside the authority of kings by the cities, that is to say by the bishops, who tended to increasingly to take an independent political position. The money also bears on its main side the effigy and the imperial legend; and, as with gold, it is no longer then, as before, an immobilized effigy that we copy slavishly without it having almost any meaning; it is the effigy of the reigning emperor, which is taken care of to change as soon as a new sovereign sits on the throne of Constantinople (2). But silver coin

(1) It is a right of the same nature as that which we have seen granted der to the kings of the Cimmerian Bosphorus, but more restricted in its form exterior.

(2) Sometimes more care was taken in the exact change of the

THE LAW BANNING ANCIENT COINS 445

belongs much more than that of gold to the barbarian king; she is devoted in equal half to the suzerain and his vassal. The The other side is this one entirely; his personal monogram nel or his name and titles, arranged in a legend of several horizontal lines occupy it completely. In- end, on the species of copper, there is no longer any mention of the imperial overlord; the currency of this inferior metal is exclusively that of the vassal king, who owns it in full sovereignty. When copper coins present an ef- figie, legend describes it as that of the barbarian king, although unfortunately we cannot attribute any iconographic value.

We will embrace with a single, quick glance across seems the series of gold coinage issued in the name of emporiums reurs and manufactured by the barbarian kings of the West between 491 and 535 approximately, as revealed by the admirable and fruitful discoveries of Ch. Lenormant(l), to which almost nothing has been added since then. We we will limit ourselves, moreover, to indicating the main facts and some. Indeed, part of the explanations which have been proposed for the particularities of light anomalies Genres of the coins of this coinage are too conjunct rales to be able to be maintained; we have to make allowances

imperial legend of the right than that of the royal monogram on the reverse. So there are silver coins with the monogram of Theodoric l'Amale and the head and legend of Justinian, ascended the throne a year after the death of Theodoric (Sabatier, 1. 1, pi. XVIII, no. 9). We therefore used again, at the beginning of the reign of Athalaric, the royal monogram of his grandfather, while we did not fail to note that the overlord was now Justinian, instead of Justin.

(1) Letters to M. de Saulcy on the oldest numismatic monuments of the Merovingian series, in the Revue numismatique of 1848, 1849, 1853 and 18o4.

446 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

of the barbarity of engravers and accept our powerlessness to account for everything, when everything perhaps did not have an original meaning. But at least the big ones lines of the subject were determined with innate solidity jerkable; they are acquired in science. We can consider deem as assured the attributions of the main royal coins, if those of the cities still present many insoluble problems, and which will perhaps remain so always be. And even for these dubious currencies, the determination of local species established for each region of groups perfectly characterized by their style, and often by special details of types, in which include the still unexplained monuments; in such a way that, if we cannot yet give a precise and certain attribution to all parts of this monetary series and this historical period, we defines at least in broad strokes their homeland, we recognize born if they are Italian, Burgundian, Frankish or Armorican.

Ostrogothic Italy offers more gold coins to city marks than royal marks (1). Theodoric affected, in a very special way between the Bar- bars, the role of armed champion of Romanity; its ambi- The barely disguised idea was to resurrect the Western Empire. tooth and take the vacant place of the Caesars of Rome, or at least, since its barbaric origin, with the prejudices still all-powerful over the minds of the people, do not did not allow one to claim the imperial title, to become

[i) On the species of gold minted under the Ostrogoths: Senckler, Bev. num. 1847, p. 412; Ch. Lenormant, Rev.num. 1848, p. 106-115; 1833, p. 99-112; Petigny, Rev. mm. 1831, p. 189-193.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 447

a sort of vicar of the absent Emperor. This is why that he reestablishes the use, interrupted during the domination of Odoacer, to designate, in agreement with the court of By- zance, a consul for the West, and that after long negotiations he managed to obtain from Anastasius, in 497, the return to Rome of Western imperial ornaments. Until this moment, he made, in various cities of Italy, mint the gold coin in the name of Anastasius, without putting no personal mark, only indicating the ate- link the issue with a monogram in the cliamp or by a modification of the legend on the reverse, VICTORIA- AVGVSTORVM becoming VICTORIA. AVGVSTOROM on the coins of Rome (ROM), VICTORIA. AVGVSTORVN on those of Ravenna (RVN), VICTORIA. AVGVSTOBON on those of Bononia (BON), etc. After returning the ornaments imperial ments in 497, which was like a coronation of his authority, he dared to go further and place the monogram of his own name at the end of the legend on the reverse, while the mintmark is in the cbamp. We have not yet met countered under the same conditions, on no gold coin, the monograms of his successors.

The gold coinage of the Burgundian kings (1) is more numerous, more prolonged, and the royal marks are spread out there more complacently, so as to strike the eye more tage. We have: the solidi and the trientes struck by Gondebaud, from 491 to 500, in the name of Anastasius, with for different the personal monogram of Gonde- baud rate in the reverse field, and the letters D or Dl, initials of the Dijon workshop, following the exercise

(1) Ch. Lenormant, Rev. num. 18i8, p. 115-131; 18S3, p. 115-139 Petigny, Rev. num. 1851, p. 198-215.

448 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

gue ; those of Gondebaud and Sigismund, reigning set from 501 to 516, with the effigy of Anastasius, with the mo- charged Gondebaud nogram (as we say in coat of arms) an S, initial of Sigismond; those of Sigismund, reigning alone, from ol6 to 523, at the heads of Anastasius, then of Justin, with the monogram of Sigismond in the field of reverse and the letters LV, initials of the name of Lugdunum^ or other mint marks; finally those of Godomar, with the effigy of Justin, characterized by a mono- gram of the letters 90D, which is placed following the exercise gue. Furthermore, in the kingdom of the Burgundians, we notes with certainty several coinages of cities, whose products are generally of very high quality lower than those of the royal coinage. We recognized particularly (1) low-grade gold coins from Geneva and Valencia, the first of which are surely among the number species decried by the Gondebaud ordinance and maybe also the seconds (2").

Armoric Brittany, which energetically defended its nationality against the Germanic invaders, does not for- not a compact State, but a series of small indigenous truths, linked together by interests common. This country had a particular currency of gold trientes particularly barbaric in style, with heads of Justin and Justinian. Special attributions and precise parts are very difficult, but the whole

(1) Ch. Lenormant, Rev. mm. 1833, p. 121-124.

(2) Leg. Burgimd. seciind. add. 6. — Variants of manuscripts make Valentiniani or Valentiani hesitate on the lesson; if the latter was the real one, it would no longer be a question of Valentinian coins, like M. de Pétigny admitted it in the passage that we reported above, but of Valencian coins.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 449

of the group is well characterized and of secure origin (1). We notice some bad coins (2), which makes the Armoricani {solidi) correction very likely, in place of Ardaricajii which the manuscripts bear, in the list of species criticized by Gondebaud (3).

Species of gold minted by the kings of the Franks (4) are, on the contrary, of excellent quality. Clovis has struck with solidi and trientes with the effigy of Anastasius, recognizable by two Cs, the first of which turned upside down, which begin and end the legend of law and are made face in the following manner, C— D, on both sides of the bust of the Emperor; in the reverse field are the initials of the workshops of Paris, Metz, Toul, Laon, Soissons, perhaps also Cologne and Orléans. The two Cs confronted can be qualified as a Chlodovian brand and were obviously an allusion to the initial of this prince's name. The same brand was continued by his sons Clodomir, Chil- debert 1" and Clotaire I", in whose names she could also suitable, because it is still found on coins with the likeness of Justin, struck in cities in the States of these three princes. On the contrary, Théodoric on Thierry I" abandons the Chlodovéenne brand, which did not suit its name, and marks the coins he strikes, with the head of

(1) Ch. Lenormant, Rev. mm. 1849, p. 17-39; 1834, p. 257-274. — He However, it is necessary to remove the coins bearing the so-called mono- ARM gram, which must be returned to Amalaric, king of the Wi- sigoths.

(2) (^h, Lenormant, Rev. num. 18S4, p, 2S8, pi. seems to bear the mark of Nantes.

(3) Petigny, Rev. num. ISol, p. 215 et seq.

(4) Ch. Lenormant, Rev. num. 1848, p. 194-212; 1853, p. 281-304; Petigny, Rev. num. 1851, p. 306-326.

II. 29

450 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

Justin, with a capital T, placed between two points at the end of the legend on the reverse.

Alaric, king of the Visigoths of Toulouse (484-507), had deeply altered the title of the coins he had minted with imperial effigies. Gondebaud teaches us this by de- shouting its coins (1), and literary testimonies of time (2) show that "Alaric's gold" had become a proverbial expression to designate a starting metal testable quality. We have some samples of these bad Visigothbic coins, whose reputation was so generally established (3), They are in the effigy of Anastasius and have no royal marks, but the mono- gram of the S\rdigala workshop in the reverse field or the initials of 10 /osa and NAr6o following the le- guy on the same side. A little later, Amalaric (507- 531), reduced in Gaul to the possession of the country of Nar- good (4), had solidi and trientes struck there metal with his personal mark. These are the parts heads of Justin and Justinian (emperors including Amalaric was the contemporary), which have in the field of review: the monogram j^, which Ch. Lenormant attributed h Armorica. This attribution cannot be maintained,

(1) Leg. Burgundy. add. dry. 6. — A law of Alaric obliged his subjects to take this falsified currency to the weight of real gold: Leg. Wisi- golh. VII, VI, S.

(2) S.Avit. 78; see. Petigny, Rev. num. 1851, -p. 197; Mommsen he/fi, t. m, p. 67.

(3) Ch. Lenormant, Rev. num. 1853, p. 308-311.

(4) Sidoine Apollinaire {Carm. 13) addresses in these terms the city of ( Narbonne:

Salve Narbo potens salubritate, Delubris, capitoliis. monetis.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 451

since the parts in question are never found in the west of France, but exclusively in the south (1). Similar provenance necessarily leads to the attribution drink to King Visigotli of Narbonne, and the decomposition of the monogram gives in a very natural way the AMALAR elements (2).

I indicated earlier the essential characteristics of silver and copper coins, generally very small, which correspond to the gold coinage that we have just follow in the different barbarian kingdoms. Those of Ostrogoths of Italy have been known for a long time, but it is above all the work of Mr. Friedlœnder which has completely cleared (3). Among the Burgundians, we let's first encounter a small silver coin which has a side the head and the name of Anastasius, while the reverse is occupied by the monogram of Gondebaud (4), then a other, without any more trace of imperial supremacy, where the monogram of Gondebaud is on the right, surrounded by the legend PAX- ET- ABVNDANTIA, the reverse presenting a Victory next to the letters LD, an indicator of the workshop of Lugdunum (5). The copper offers on one side a diademed head

(1) B. V'ûlon, Numismatic studies. Memories of a trip to Poitiers, Poitiers, 18S5; E. Cartier, Rev. num. 1853, p. 400.

(2) No doubt the monogram of Amalaric is different on his small copper coins; but there is at least as much difference between the forms of the monogram of Theodoric l'Amale on gold and silver. These letter combinations were not absolutely fixed and depended to a certain extent at the whim of the minters.

(3)Eckhel, D N, t. VIII, p. 211-216; Friedloender, Die Miinzen dtr Ostgothen, Berlin, 1844; Sabatier, Descr. monn. Byzantine. t. I, p. 196- 210, ft. XVIII and XIX.

(4) Rev. num. 18S3, pi. VIII, no. 2.

(5) Rev. num. 1833, p. 119, pi. VIT, No. 1.

n. 29.

452 I^A CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

mee, without legend, and on the other the monogram of the same Gondebaud, above the Lyon workshop index (1). Neither silver nor copper of Sigismund is yet known, but a small bronze with the monogram of Godomar or Gon- domar (2). The money of the Frankish kings or the Visigoths of Aquitaine, at the time which occupies us, is absolutely lacking- lying so far. Besides, he must have had little development- ment, if it even existed, because it is always gold which has much predominated in Merovingian coinage, as in the circulation of Gaul under the Lower Empire (3). But we have small copper coins to monograms of the Franks Théodoric or Thierry 1"" (4), Clodomir(o), Childebert T^ (6), Clotaire I", Théode- bert (7) and Théodebald (8), as well as the Visigoth Ama- laric (9) .

10. The first of the Barbarians who repudiated his currency any sign of the sovereignty of the Emperors of Constantine

(1) Rev. num. 18o3, p. 120, ft. VIII, no. 3.

(2) Lagoy, Research on the explanation of the monograms of some inedible medals from the last times of the Western Empire and. from the time Meroringian (Aix, 18o6), pi. No. 8.

(3)Ch. Robert, Considerations on coins in the Romanesque period, Paris, 18d4; Petigny, Rev. num. 1854, p. 373-418.

(4) Longpérier, Notice on the coins of the Rovsseau collection, p. 23.

(5) Lagoy, Recherches, etc., pi. No. 11.

(6) Longpérier, Rousseau Collection, p. 24; Lagoy, Mixtures of numis- matic (Aix, 1843), pi. I, No. 20.

(7) Lagoy, Mixtures, pi. I, no. 19.

(8) Lagoy, Mixtures, pi. II, No. 9.

(9) Lagoy, Mixtures, pi. I, No. 10; Research, pi. n<" 9 and 10.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 453

nople and usurped for himself the right of coinage of gold, where until then everyone had respected the im- periales, was Theodebert, king of Austrasia (53ft-5/i7). In 536, Justinian summoned the sons of Clovis to fulfill their duty of federates of the Empire by providing assistance soldier in Belisarius' expedition against the Ostrogoths. Instead of obeying this call, Cliildebert and Clotaire declared their neutrality to Vitigès, against the cession of the territories tories of Arles and Marseille. Théodebert only received a large sum from the Gotlis. But three years later, in 539, he wanted to get involved in business on his own account from Italy. Descending from the Alps, after crossing the Milanese without obstacle, he crossed the Po at Pavia and went quickly on Fiesole in Tuscany, where he attacked and pillaged successively the camp of the Goths and that of the Romans; then, fearing the approach of Belisarius who had written to him a threatening letter, he hastened to go back to the League rie, pillaged Genoa in passing and returned to Germany by the Rhaetian Alps, It is following this expedition that inflated by his successes and irritated by the title of Francique that Justinian had just retired after his retirement, as if he had been defeated, he proclaimed himself completely in- dependent on the Empire. As a mark of this independence dance and as a sign of defiance to the Emperor, he then began to brick beautiful gold coins that have come down to us large number (1), where it exactly copies the imperti- rials and keeps intact the inscription on the reverse, VICTO- RIA. AVCCC, but where he writes his name alone, instead of

(1) Voillemier, Rev. num. 1841, p. 91-123, pi. IV and V; Lenormant, Rev. mm. 1848, p. 18M94; 1853, p. 277 et seq.; Petigny, Rev. num. 1852, p. 119-128.

454 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

that of the Emperor, in the legend which accompanies the figie, D. N. THEODEBERTVS. PP. AVG or D- N. THEODE- BERTVS. VICTOR.

Great was the indignation in Constantinople when learned of this usurpation; Procopius provides us with the expression sion. “At the beginning of this war (the war Gothic), he said (1), the Goths had given in to the Ger- hands all that they possessed in Gaul, did not feel not in a position to support the fight against both Germans and against the Emperor. The Romans did not have no means of opposing this transfer; moreover the em- Father Justinian hoped, by confirming it, to determine the Germans not to come to the aid of those of the Barbarians against whom he had just declared war, and the Franks, for their part, would not have believed themselves to be assured owners of Gaul, if the Emperor had not formally sanctioned their latest conquest. It is from this moment that the German kings occupied Marseille, the former colony of the Phocaeans, and that, masters of the coasts, they exercised their domination over the neighboring sea. Now they president at the equestrian games in the amphitheater of Arles (2), and they strike (3) with the gold of the mines of Sta-Gaul ters (solidi) on which they placed, not the head of the Roman emperor, as is the custom and the law, but their

own effigy What the Persians could not have done,

the Franks succeeded in this in Gaul. » Naturally, Théodebert did not care about the anger of the court of Byzantium and the sterile protests of the Emperor. On the contrary,

(1) Bell. Goth. III, 33.

(2) This appears to relate to Childebert.

(3) Theodebert.

THERE. LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 455

he began to fight much more openly against him, and, seven years after his first expedition (5/i6), returned to Italy. Taking advantage of the mutual exhaustion of the Romans and the Goths, Théodebert seized Liguria, beyond Ve- netie and all the provinces north of the Po and the Apennines, leaving only Tuscany to the Goths, to the Ror. hands as the maritime places of the Adriatic. He establishes himself so solidly in these conquests, that the Austrasians there maintained for ten years, under the reign of his son Théodebald, and were only expelled around 555 by Nar- ses. Until then, Théodebert had struck his gold coins in the various parts of its territory of Gaul and Germany, in Reims, Toul, Metz, Laon, Cologne, Trier, Antonacum (Andernach) and among the Arverni. He im- planted manufacturing in his new Italian States; a a number of the species in its name exhibit the type Italian, and a Bologna brand. It is also at this moment ment that, pushing much further than he had done so far that then the challenge to the Emperor, he issued in Gaul the solidus whose reverse legend has been modified so as to give VICTORIA. ACCC written in one direction and VICTOfll written in the other, that is, Victoria Augustorum vic- tori (1). He thus transformed the inscription originally intended nary to celebrate the glory of the emperors, in a monu- triumphant over their defeat.

Théodebert's act had been the impulse of a victim. torious. He broke so much with all the traditions of past, with the ideas of imperial prestige still powerful on most minds, that the other Frankish kings, his contemporaries, did not dare to follow his example. 11 ago

(1) Rev. num. 1848, p. 191, pi. IX, no. 6.

456 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

more: the type of immobilized Théodebert continued under Théodebald, as long as the Austrasians remained masters of Italy, and then we returned for a time, in the ancient States of Théodebert, as in the other parts of the Frankish monarchy, the coinage of gold was nant in the rut of imitation of that of reurs (1). It was no longer, moreover, the regular coinage from the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 6th century, where we was so careful to place the effigy and the name of the reigning emperor. There were still a few .properly imperial coins then struck in the Gauls as a result of particular circumstances, as the triens of Justin II, issued in Gévaudan with on the re- towards the legend GABALORVM (2), or the currencies that the temporary occupation of Provence by troops Constantinopolitans who supported Gon- dovald, then that of Syagrius (3) made it possible to strike at Marseille, Arles and Vienna [h) in the name of Maurice Ti- bere, and in Marseille only in the name of Phocas (5). But everywhere else the transition period, between the

(1) Ch. Lenormant, Rev. num. 18o3, p. 279 et seq.

(2) Banduri, t. H, p. 631. — Eckhel (D N, t. III. p. 31o) reported this piece in Gabala of Syria; it is Mr. de Saulcy (Test of classification Byzantine suites, p. 24) who was the first to recognize that it was original nary of Gaul.

(3) Bonamy, Mém. from VAcad. Registrations anc. ser. t. XX, p. 184-210; Lenormant, Rev. mm. 1854, p. 306-317.

(4) The currencies of Marseille and Arles are purely imperial; that of Vienna (Rev. num. 1834, pi. XII, no. 11), with its legend of reverse VIENNA. OF. OFFICINA. LAVRENTI, if she has the right to bear the effigy and the name of the emperor, came from an episcopal office.

(b)Rev. mm. 1805, pi. V, n*^ 1.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 457

still imperial coinage in principle and the coinage properly Merovingian (1), is marked by the immobilization tion, on the law of species of gold, of the legend of Justi- nien, more and more barbaric, altered, unintelligently copied, while the imperial types are maintained and that the legend on the reverse alone has a meaning according to which can be allocated parts.

However, if the example of Théodebert had not been first followed by others, he had given one of these impulses on which we do not return in a way definitive. Any trace of imperial supremacy must soon to disappear from the coins of barbarian royalty in West, because this supremacy tended more and more to absolutely cease to be, even nominal. The West escaped the decrepit suzerainty of Byzantium, and the young royalty who laid the foundations of modern nations emancipated themselves from all vassalage and all guardianship, to me- sure that they felt their strength growing. It's true- then lies the moment of the great revolution which put an end to antiquity to inaugurate the Middle Ages.

The oldest Frankish gold coin, post-date Théodebert, where his example is followed, is the triens, to types exactly copied from imperial coins, but legends HILDEBERRTVS — CHRAMNVS (2), which appears to have been struck in 557-558 by Childebert P' supporting the revolt of Chramne, son of Clotaire. She still remains isolated, and we have to let around fifteen years of

(1) This transition was followed step by step by Ch. Lenormant, Rev. num. 1834, p. 317-344.

(2) Ch. Robert, Rev. num. 1842, p. 340-343; Lenormant, Rev. num. 1849, p. 37. ft. I, n^ 12.

458 CURRENCY IN ANTIQUITY

further before seeing the nominal coins of Si- gebert P"" and de Gontran, hence any vestige of the legend imperial is also banned (i). They inaugurate defi- nitively the Merovingian royal gold series, which now but continues without interruption, with all the characteristics terers of full independence.

Among the Visigoths of Spain and Septimania, after Amalaric, we are entering a period where solidi are not that absolutely barbaric counterfeits of the types and of the legends of Justinian's trients. This is the room that Florez (2) wrongly attributed to Liuva, but which, in reality, presents only the corruption of the legends of Jus- tinien, DNIVSTINIANVSPPAVG — VICTORIAAVGVSTO- RVM, transvestites in DIIIVSTIIIIIIAVAC — VDTVLTOOVLO. But the reign of Leuvigilde (o72-o86) first offers us a currency with the same types as the previous one, where the right still offers the degeneration of the legend of Justi- nien, Dl IIVSTI IIAVAC, and the reverse that of the king, very clear, LIVVI9ILDI ReGia(3), then two others from which any vestige of the old inscription is banned, the one with the name of king on the right, near the head, and his titles on the reverse, LIVVICILDVCU — REX INCLITVOJ (4), the other with the indication of the city of issue on the right and the name from the prince on the reverse, VALENTA REX - LIVViqiLDVS(5). These coins open the series of nominal gold coins

(1) Ch. Lenormant, liev. num. 1834, p. 337.

(2) Medallas de Espana, t. lil, p. 16d; Rev. num. 1834, pi. XII, no. 8.

(3) Florez, t. III, p. 169.

(4) Florez, t. III, p. 170; cf. Rev. num. 4834. ft. XII, no. 9.

(3) Rev. num. 1834, pi, XII, n° 10. — The type on the reverse, which is not more the same, is copied from the gold of Emperor Tiberius Constantine.

THE LAW IN ANCIENT COINS 459

nal and fully independent of the Visigoth kings, which only ceases with the destruction of their monarchy by the Arabs.

It was therefore in the last quarter of the 6th century that, in the Gauls and Spain, the barbarian kingships break define- tively the old mold of imperial supremacy, and translate into a material and sensitive form, in their currencies, their freedom from any external suzerainty laughter, which they finish consuming (1). The principle respected for so many centuries by the victors even of Rome, that no one can mint gold, this metal of sovereignty, of another imprint than that of Caesar, by right universal monarch, expired in fact, also becomes so in law; it falls into disuse and forgotten. This decisive revolution in uses and in the principles marks the end of numismatics of antiquity and the true beginning of that of the Middle Age. Also it is on the date when it occurs that we will stop our studies on ancient coinage.

(1) In 383, Gonlran, king of Burgundy, criticized Count Gontran Boson, who had just defeated Gondovald in Marseille, supported by the troops imperial, "to have wanted, by introducing into Gaul a man become a stranger to his own country, subject the kingdom of the Franks to the domination of the emperors", reputans cur hominem exlraneum intromi- sisset in Gallias, voluissetque Francorum regnum imperialibus per haec sub- dere ditionibus: Gregor. Turon. Hist. VI, 24.

END OF VOLUME II

ANALYTICAL TABLE

MATERIALS

FROM VOLUME II

Book III. — The law in ancient coins.

Chapter one. — Nature of the coinage right in antiquity.

§ L. — Coinage rights in the Greek and Asian world, until the Roman conquest.

Pages.

1. The right of coinage, an attribute of sovereignty 3

The currency of the republics struck in the name of the people, that of

monarchies in the name of the king Ibid.

Difference from this point of view between the basileus and the tyrannos 4

The ancient tyrants of the Greek cities did not record their names -

on currency, until Alexander of Phères 5

2. Particular organization of the right of coinage in the cons- Feudal titulation of the Achaemenid Empire. 6

The king of Persia reserved the exclusive manufacture of species golden 7

In the interior provinces of the monarchy, he did not tolerate the issue of currencies other than its own, currencies general Empire or provincial coins Ibid.

Satrapies where it allowed the local coinage of other metals than gold Ibid.

Municipal coins of the coastal cities of Asia Minor and Phoenicia 8

462 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pages. The three kinds of currencies, of the commanders of the military forces taries of the Great King, of the city and of the province, who strike pay simultaneously to Tarsus 9

Coins of the local despots of Asia Minor. •10

Coins of the minor kings of the cities of Cypre and Phoenicia "12

Coins of the vassal kings of Cappadocia 13

From those of Caria 14

Military coins of commanders-in-chief of the Persian armies,

struck on the occasion of major expeditions 15

Coins of the Satraps 16

Question of whether monetary law was a normal prerogative male of their charge Ibid.

In most cases, coins bearing the names of Satraps con- naked by history were struck by them on occasions extraordinary of great military commands 17

3. Alexander the Great, after the conquest of Asia, continued in monetary matter the traditions of the Achaemenids 18

Its Empire currency Ibid.

Asian coins that he had minted in a few provinces. . . .

Monetary autonomy of the Greek cities of Asia Minor Ibid.

Would withdraw from the monetary law of the Lycian cities 20

Autonomous coinage in some indigenous towns of Pam-

phylia and Pisidia -, 21

Coinage of vassal dynasts under Alexander Ibid.

4. Maintaining the nominal unity of Alexander's Empire in the middle

of the first quarrels of his generals after his death 24

Coinage in the name of Philippe Arrhidée and Alexandre son of Rhoxane Ibid.

First coins of the Diadoches, with their names, but without title

royal, from 311 to 306 BC. AD 23

They took the title of kings in 306 and inscribed it on their mon- naies 26

Their example is imitated by several other Greek princes, and the use of royal coins becomes general Ibid.

Sparta remains the only foreigner there, among the countries which had kings 27

In the monarchies after Alexander, monetary law belongs essentially and exclusively to royalty Ibid.

Coinage concessions granted, under certain conditions more or less restrictive, by the suzerain monarchs to princes their vassals 28

FROM VOLUME II 463

Pages.

Example of the concession made by Antiochus VII to Simon Mac- chabee 28

In these data, the coinage in the name of the king excludes that made in the name of the people of the country, which has a republican character. . 29

After Pyrrhus, the Epirols, although still having kings, but canceled, substitute the national coinage for the coinage royal 30

.'}. Concessions of a more or less extensive monetary right granted by kings to cities located in their States Ibid.

Coins of Cyrene under the Lagides 31

Coins of Tarsus under the first Seleucids Ibid.

Autonomous and semi-autonomous coinage of Phoenician cities under the same princes 32

Numerous concessions of the right to mint species of copper, granted by Antiochus IV to cities in Syria from North and Phenicia 34

Silver coinage concession in S’éléucie 36

Cities of their States to which the kings of Macedonia gave monetary permission 37

Coexistence of the royal coinage of Pyrrhus and the coinage of

. tonome of the city in Syracuse. .• Ibid.

Absolute monetary autonomy of the Greek cities of Asia Minor under the successors of Alexander 38

Their rich emissions of tetradrachms at this time 39

Skillful policy of the kings of Pergamum and their arrangements to the susceptibilities of Greek cities 41

Special characteristics of their royal coins Ibid.

Creation of the semi-autonomous currency of the Cislophores in a part of the cities directly subject to their scepter 42

The Arsacid Parthians leave monetary rights to the petty kings their vassals 44

6. Mint marks on royal coins from Phi- Lippe and Alexander 45

Copies of the coins of Philip, Alexander and Lysimachus executed, long after their death, by self-contained cities nomes 46

The secondary brands of cities are the real guarantee born to the species? 47

Under these conditions, we sometimes find the brands together of two cities which, acting in their full sovereignty, are associated for the manufacturing Ibid.

464 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pages. Refutation of the theory which, misunderstanding this fact, supposed indications of alliances of the same kind on the currencies of

Lagides 48

Coins resulting from a combination of royal law and mu- •

nicipal. 49

Coins of some of the Seleucid kings in the phe- niciennes SO

Coins of the kings of the Odryses at Maronée 51

From the kings of the Scythians to Olbiopolis 32

From Monunios, king of the Dardanians, to Dyrrhachion 53

§:2. — Monetary unions and federal currencies among the Greeks.

1. The Greeks, out of a spirit of particularism, never conceived the au- republican tonomy only restricted to the city 53

Consequence of this fact in monetary matters, the ingenious variety of Iccal coins'. 54

Complications of the exchange of all these various currencies, born management of the changers and trapezite industry Ibid.

In each era, large-scale commerce adopts one or more kinds of currencies, that of this or that city, of this or that State, to make it by mutual agreement the international instrument national trade 56

Governments sometimes seek to remedy inconsistencies come from this diversity of currencies by contracting monetary union conventions 58

2. Coins that unite the types and names of two cities • 60

Distinction to be made between those which date back to the full period autonomous nement and pieces of Concord of Greek cities under Roman imperial rule Ibid.

What was the purpose of the union coins between the cities so raines at the time of full independence 61

Convention of this kind between Mitylene and Phocaea, the text of which has been preserved to us by an inscription 62

Examples of currencies where the types and names of two cities are associated 63

Facts of this kind in the series of Incuses of Magna Graecia. . . 64

This entire series offers the characteristics of a resulting coinage so much of a monetary union convention 65

Unions of this kind which are revealed by other clues than the as-

FROM VOLUME H 465

Pages. association of the types of two cities on the same piece; that of Byzantium and Chalcedon 65

That of Mallos and Soli in Cilicia, 66

Coins struck under the agreement between Mitylene and Phocaea 67

The deshectes union of electrum in western Asia Minor at the end of the 5th century BC. AD Ibid.

Monetary unions only take place between neighboring cities 69

Coins struck on the occasion of the expedition which delivered Arcési- las III on the throne of Cyrene 70

Monetary unions involving some degree of confederation politics Ibid.

Alliance coins of some cities of Thessaly before Phi- lippe Ibid.

Imperfect attempts at confederation of the Thessalians 71

3. Political confederations among the Greeks and their nature. ...7;2 Federal coinage of a non-Greek league, that of the cities of the

Lycia before Alexander 73

Coins of the league formed by some Greek cities in Asia

Minor after the naval battle of Cnidus 75

Greek leagues which created a federal currency comprising mune Ibid.

Phocidian League 76

Boeotian League Ibid.

Chalcidian or Olynthian League,. 77

Acarnanian League < 78

Locrian League 79

4. Problem presented by very old coins in the name of the Arcadians, when there was, before Epaminondas, no political confederation between the cities of Arcadia 80

These coins were issued by the priesthood of the common cult of

L^'cosura, only national link of the Arcadian tribes 81

Special character of the use of a neutral adjective such as 'ApxaSt-

y.ov, implied v6(jiic-[jLa, in monetary legend Ibid.

Sacred coins minted in temples 82

Examples of this right of coinage possessed by certain great

shrines 83

Federal coins of the Arcadian League formed under the auspices

of Épaminondas 84

Coins of the Aetolian League 85

Coins of the Republican League of Epirotes 86

II. 30

466 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pages.

From that of the Bruttians after Pyrrhus 86

5. The cities included in a league retained the right to particular coinage alongside the federal coinage Ibid.

Examples of this fact provided by the Boeotian League and the Arca-League dienne 87

By the Acarnanian League 68

By the cities foreign to Aetolia proper, aggregated to the League Aetolian at the time of its greatest power 81)

Coins of the cities of the Achaeans of Phthiotida minted separately ment by these cities, but with a common federal brand. 90

G. Right of closer monetary union, of separate arrangement between them, claimed by cities in the very heart of certain confederations 91

League separated from certain Boeotian cities enemies of Thebes,. Ibid.

The separate unions within the Lycian League, organized under the auspices of Romans 93

7. There was only a common federal currency in the leagues permanent which had a central authority; the simple ones symmachies did not have 94

When a Confederation was completely placed under self-government rity of a dominant city, it avoided the creation of a federal currency, which would have been competition on its own species 96

The Delian Confederation Ibid.

Liberal monetary policy of Rhodes towards cities that de- hung from her 97

Restrictive monetary policy of Athens towards the countries where it established cleruchs 98

At the time of its supremacy over the Boeotian Confederation, Thebes develops its own coinage at the expense of the coinage federal 99

8. Coins of the Achaean League Ibid.

It was the best organized Greek Confederation, to the point of

monetary point of view as well as from a political point of view 100

The oldest numismatic monuments of the League to its

beginnings Ibid.

New organization of its coinage, necessitated by the expansion

what did League 101 take

Silver and copper coins from this period in the history of Confederation, struck by the cities under their own responsibility sandability, according to the same standard and with a common type 102

FROM VOLUME II 4t)7

rages. List of cities which took part in this coinage 103

§ 3, — Coinage of the provinces are the Roman Republic.

1. The Roman conquest did not suppress the local coinage of cities and subject countries, especially in the East 105

In the West, Rome imposes its monetary system for the coins of which it still tolerates the manufacture by its topics 106

In the East, it leaves the freedom to still follow the different systems of Greek drachmas, by determining by official rates their legal relationship of value with its own currencies. 107

These tariffs determine a certain number of current constituencies netaries, whose limits do not always coincide exactly with those of provinces 108

2. Distinction of the rights of allies and subjects of the Republic

from a monetary point of view 110

Cities recognized as free, autonomous and allied had the right to

coinage of silver Ibid.

The same was true of countries organized into nominal confederations. ly free under the Roman protectorate 111

Coins of the confederations established in the Greek countries by

T. Quinctius Flamininus 112

Coins of the four confederations established by Paul-Émile in

Macedonia after the Battle of Pydna. 113

The Lycian League and its coins ii^

Autonomous coinage of the Republican Community of Cyre-

naive before the reduction of the country into a province 118

Roman silver coins later minted in Cyrenaica. .. 119 Right of coinage of the money of the vassal kings of the Republic

roman 120

3. Jealousy of the Republic with regard to the coinage of gold, which she forbids to all her vassals Ibid.

Care of Mithridates to have, as a challenge, coins of this metal in all the provinces that it invaded on the Romans 121

Exception made by Brutus in favor of the Thracian prince Coson 122

In Gaul, the disappearance of indigenous gold coinage coincides with the progress of the Roman conquest Ibid.

The very kings simply placed in the sphere of action of the II. 30.

468 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pages. Roman policy refrains from minting coins of gold so as not to arouse the sensibilities of the Republic. . . 124

4. Special circumstances in which the government Roman not only tolerates, but develops and prescribes the coinage of silver among his vassals and subjects Ibid

Extraordinary abundance of tetradrachms from the First of This Macedonian infederations established by Paul-Emile 125

They were all struck during a space of eight years, after the reopening of the silver mines of region 126

Carlhage policy which had prohibited monetary law to its subjects of Spain Ibid.

Contrary policy of Romans 127

The so-called Celtibérietis Ibid.

Their designation under the name argentum oscense 128

Time of their manufacture, between the first establishment of the Citerior province and the war of Numantia 130

These coins remained for a certain time in the circulation of Es- loincloth after we had stopped hitting them 132

Policy of the elders not to allow precious metals to be exported only in coined form 133

The government was to have its share of the profits from coinage of money that he left and even had his subjects produce in countries that had mines, like the First Macedonia and Spain 133

5. After the reduction of Sicily to a province, the Romans did not allowed only the coinage of copper to be left free. . 13a

Various coins of this metal struck at Panorme under the domination nation of the Republic ^30

The municipal coinage authorization restricts it to copper comes the usual rule for the towns of the provinces of Macé- doine, Achaia and Asia 137

6. Dissolution of all Greek leagues in the province of Achaia, . 138

Maintaining a Community of Macedonians with Rights political, after the reduction of the country into a province Ibid.

Rich silver and copper coinage from the Celtic Community of Macedonians in the early stages of the conquest 139

First mention of a Roman magistrate on these coins 140

The tetradrachms in the name of the Macedonians become, a little before the war of Mithridates, coins minted by the Roman governors 142

FROM VOLUME II 469

Pages.

Role of Cistophores as provincial currency of the province asian 14o

Time when they begin to be struck in the name of the pro- consuls 146

Particular cistophores of the proconsuls of Cilicia 1 47

§ 4. — Coinage of the provinces under the Empire.

1. Augustus makes the use of the denarius obligatory for accounts public in all provinces, but does not remove for

this the local coins 148

The three types of coins from the time of the Empire, currency state currency, provincial currency and municipal or local currency. . 149

2. The provincial coins of the Emperor, minted in the Orient

on the foot of the Greek monetary systems 149

Series from the Alexandria workshop, for Egypt loO

Drachmas from the Caesarea workshop, for Cappadocia Ibid.

Tetradrachms from the Antioch workshop, for Syria Ibid.

Imperial tetradrachms of the province of Asia law

Imperial denarii of Lycia, minted after the suppression of the

Indigenous League „ lo2

Drachmas from the province of Osrhoëne and Mesopotamia Ibid.

Isolated examples of similar pieces in other provinces. ... 153 Copper coinage by native authorities in some one of these provinces, alongside the silver coinage of

the Emperor 154

Copper coins of the Provincial Communities of Bilhynia,

Cyprus, Macedonia and Thessaly Ibid.

Special coinage of the procurators of Judea, sparing the sus-

religious ceptibdities of the people 1 55

Provincial copper coins of Judea after the capture of Jerusalem rusalem 157

Differences between monetary districts and districts administrative descriptions of the provinces Ibid.

3. Provincial silver coins having a more self-contained character name 158

Coins of Crete Ibid.

Beyond Cilicia 159

4. Local and municipal coins 160

Scarcity of authorizations to mint silver coinage dedicated to cities under the Empire, Ibid.

470 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pages.

Main facts of this type observed so far HERE

Conditions of supervision and regulation by authorities Roman authorities to which these rare licenses were subject

of coinage of silver by the cities 163

5. Large extension given to municipal coinage permissions copper cipal 164

Political and economic reasons which led to the multi- fold Ibid.

This coinage restricted to copper was, moreover, subject to the con- edition, very rigorously observed, of a formal authorization miss of the governor of the province 163

Obligation imposed on most cities to place the effigy of

. the emperor on their municipal currencies 166

Very rare exceptions to this rule » 167

The Greek Imperial series; inaccuracy of this name Ibid.

The coins of the series thus designated were struck in the name and

under the responsibility of cities 168

True meaning of the imperial effigy placed on these pieces. . Ibid. Examples of effiigies of kings placed previously, as hom- mage, on the currencies of landlocked autonomous Greek cities

in the States of these princes 1 70

Portraits of the triumvirs and their family members on the coins of a large number of Greek cities at the time

of the last civil wars.^ 173

Relations between the right of monetary effigy and the apotheosis 174

The head of the personified Roman Senate placed, under the Empire, as recognition of sovereignty, on the currencies of cities

of the senatorial province of Asia 17S

Divine worship rendered to the Senate in this province 177

6, Gradual decrease in the coinage of Greek cities in

the th century Ibid.

Time when it ends 178

Role of the mass of copper money issued by cities Greeks and remained in traffic, in the middle of the great

monetary crisis of the third century 179

Its gradual assimilation to the currency of the Empire — 180

Numismatic facts related to it in the latest issues sions of the cities of Syria 181

7. Provincial coins in the West 182

No silver currency, since it would have been nothing other than

denier Ibid.

FROM VOLUME II. 471

Pages. Provincial coins of the Emperor, in copper, in some some of the Western provinces and under the sole reign of Augustus, to make up for the insufficient production of the senate workshop torial of Rome, which alone was to provide the extra currency to

the western half of the Empire 183

Distinctive characteristics of these iSi currencies

Sicily Ibid.

Spain 183

Africa Ibid.

Mauritania 18G

The three Gauls; coins of the type of the altar of Lugdunum Ibid.

Importance of the countermarks of which they have been so often

struck 187

Provincial coins of the Emperor, which, in Gaul, had preceded these pieces 1 89

8. Local coinage of cities in the West, ceasing everywhere very good hour 1^0

'Large development of this coinage of towns in the province

senatorial of Africa lî^'l

After the general cessation under Tiberius, the singular fact of the reap- appearance of an isolated municipal coinage at Hippo Diarrhytus. . 193

9. Monetary right granted to vassal kings under the Empire; his conditions and its extent varied without fixed rules 194

Princes who were only allowed to make currency of copper 19^5

Kois admitted to the right of coining silver 190

The only princes of the Cimraian osphorus have obtained the privilege to make gold money Ibid.

Right of effigy of the vassal kings of the Empire on their own coins 197

Obligation imposed on many of them to attach the efBgy imperial Ibid.

The Parthian Arsacid kings generally imposed on their vas- except the same condition 198

Absolute rigor of the obligation of the effigy of the Emperor for gold coins of the kings of the Cimmerian Bosphorus 199

§ S. — Coinage of the Roman colonies

1. Very considerable development of this coinage under the Em- worst • 200

472 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pages. Ancient principles of republican government in this matter: citizen colonies and cities admitted to citizenship

full did not have their own currency 200

Restricted monetary faculty of cities under ceretin law 201

Fullness of monetary law of the Latin colonies 202

We take away their right to coin money, from the moment

where Rome itself begins to mint species of this metal 203

New restrictions brought successively to modern rights netaries of the Latin colonies and the Italic allies Ibid.

The Plautia-Papiria law abolishes all local coinage in Italy 204

f.onlinuation of that of the Latin colonies of Sicily Ibid.

2. Forgetting of ancient principles and absence of fixed rule at the time of

the dictatorship of Caesar and the 20o triumvirate

Coinage of Corinilip, citizen colony Ibid.

Coinage of citizen municipalities in Espage 206

Municipalities under Roman law and those under Latin law 209

Coins of the colonies of Vienna and Lugdunum 210

Silver coinage from the colonies of Narbonne Gaul under the

triumvirate Ibid.

3. New rules established under the 1st Empire for the coinage of colonies and municipalities 21 J

There is no longer any right to certain city conditions, but permission granted by the sovereign authority to the colonies of citizens as well as the Latin colonies 21 2

In the only city in Italy which is admitted to local coinage, Paestum, permission is given by the S'nat Ibid.

Minting authorizations granted directly by the Empe- rector, under the reign of Augustus, to the colonies located outside Italy '2VS

From the end of the reign of Augustus, the permissions of this gender becomes the responsibility of proconsuls or legates of provinces; 21i

Abbreviated mentions of proconsular permission on species coined 215

The letters PP on the coins of Nemausus 216

Chronological succession of the eras of coinage of this city 217

Barbarian counterfeits of Nemausus coins and currencies provincial of Lugdunum 220

i. Periods when the monudyage of colonies in the various Western provinces Ibid.

FROM VOLUME II 473

Pages.

Coins of Commodus qualifying Rome as Colonia Commodiana. . â21

Coins of Posturae in the name of Colonia Agrippina 222

Extension of the coinage of the Eastern colonies until the reign

by Aurélien Ibid.

T). Latin, the official language of numismatics of the Roman colonies Maines, even in the Orient 223

Late exceptions to this rule Ibid.

Cities which adorn themselves on their species with the title of colony and

those who omit it 225

The imperial effigy on the coins of the colonies Ibid.

Effigies and mentions of patrons of colonies or municipalities .... 226

Commemorative effigies of members of the imperial family after

their death. 227

Variety of types of colonial coin reverses Ibid.

Types specific to these currencies 228

The Marsyas of the colonies of Latin law Ibid.

Type of military ensigns and mentions of deductions from

veterans 229

Mentions of legionary cantonments on city coins

which were not veteran colonies 231

§ 6. — The currency of Elat of the Roman Republic.

1. A. Rome, monetary law belongs exclusively to the verainety, and the currency is minted in the name of the State Ibid.

The ROMA legend, its meaning and the circumstances of its in- description on Vaes grave 232

The two successive forms of the State legend on the mon- Roman-Campanian nais 233

2. The oldest silver coins of the Roman series have

were minted exclusively in Rome itself 234

Creation of numerous branch workshops in the district

consular around 523 of Rome'. Ibid.

Return to centralized state coinage in Rome, during the second

Punic War 236

3. Inscription of the ROMA legend on silver coins and contemporary copper Ibid.

Its suppression after the year 040 of Rome 237

The names of the monetary magistrates are absent from the most an- ancient Roman coins 238

474 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS

Gradual introduction of the signature of the magistrates responsible sands 238

Usually, a single magistrate signs the documents, without his colleagues. legacies 240

Date when the names, in these signatures, begin to be accompanied pagnes of very functions Ibid.

4. Gradual modification of the types of currencies of the Republic Roman, parallel to that of the legends Ibid.

Old Types of State Ibid.

Introduction of allusive types to family memories of

monetary, in the first half of the 7th century in Rome. ... 242

Appearance of historical types, allusive to contemporary events porains 243

Era of the complete disappearance of old types of state... 246

Effigies of living men have never been admitted on the

republican coinage of Rome 247

5. Share of each state power in the currency. ...Ihid.

Plebiscites on monetary matters 248

Manufacturing appears to have been originally entrusted to the consuls. . . Ibid.

Institution of special magistrates, the monetary triumvirs 249

Control and senior management of the Senate 250

Extraordinary broadcasts of which he entrusted the care to other magis- trats as the special triumvirs Ibid.

Distinction between regular urban currency and ex-currency ceptional minted outside Rome under Ximperium mihtare 252

§ 7. — VwnéUiirc right attached to the military imperium.

1. Military necessities were in antiquity one of the principal pale causes of coin making 253

Most Greek cities only coined at intervals, as needs arise, and it is above all the war which determined the need for new issues of cash 255

Strictly military coins, struck by generals at the head of armies in the field 256

These are not obsidian currencies with fictitious value, but excellent quality species Ibid.

The nature of the processes used by the ancients made their manufacture very easy cation in occupied cities and even in camps 257

FROM VOLUME II 475

Pages. '2. Anecdote on the military coinage of Datame, reported by

Aristotle 2u7

Thibronian currency 238

Coin of the Athenian army of Samos, during its revolt against

the Four Hundred 259

Military coins in the Achaemenid Empire? 261

Meaning of the word n'^^ on these pieces 262

The military coins of the Carthaginians in Sicily 263

Pieces with legend n;nî2 D" 266

Documents in the name of the quaestors 268

Coins of the Sicilian Confederates gathered at Alœsa under the leadership

of Timoleon 269

Coins struck by Polysperchon during his expedition to

the Peloponnese 270

Coins of Arsace VU, Phraates II, with the legend xaTaoTpaTsîa 271

3. Military coins in the Roman continuation of the Republic and their historical importance as forming the transition to imperial currency 272

Principles on which the monetary law of Vimperator was based

military 27i

Rare mentions of a Senate authorization on the species of

this class Ibid.

The currencies of the provincial governors and the pro- primarily military 273

4. Review of the main currencies minted in the name of governments governors of provinces or their quaestors 277

Later Spain Ibid.

Sardinia 278

' Sicily Ibid.

Macedonia 281

Bithynia and Bridge 282

Asia.” 283

Cilicia 283

Cyrenaica 286

Africa, ; 287

5. Strictly military coins in the Roman suite until

the death of Caesar Ibid.

Traces of similar currencies before the establishment of the regime of

the Flaminia law Ibid.

Gold coins minted in southern Italy by the Roman generals hands warring against Hannibal 289

476 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pages.

The probable symbol of Scipio Africanus 290

Golden stallion of T. Quinctius Flamininus Ibid.

Civil currency and military currency of the Italian rebels in the

Social War 291

Coins bearing the names of their generals. 292

Coins of the quaestors of Marius in the Cimbrian War. . . 293 The Imullian currency minted in the Orient for Sulla's army

during the war against Mithridates 294

Military coins of Sulla and the Syllanian party in Italy during

the civil war 296

Coins of the generals of the Syllanian party in the provinces 299

Cash minted in Spain by the generals of the Senate in the

war of Ser torius 300

Extraordinary broadcasts made for preparations for war

of Pirates and the New War of Mithridates, 302

Aureus of Pompey proconsul 303

Coins minted by Caesar in his province of Cisalpine,

during the Gallic War 304

Numismatics from the civil war between Caesar and Pompey ÎInd.

Coins struck by regular monetary triumvirs, withdrawn

in the East with the other urban magistrates 305

Military coins of the generals of the Pompeian party in the East. . . 306

In Spain 307

Imperial coinage of Caesar in Rome in 48 BC. AD 308

The same coinage in 47; aureus size introduction

from 40 to 309 pounds

Species struck by the leaders of the Pompeian party in Africa Ihid.

Imperial coinage of Césyr in Rome in 46 and ur-coins Baines of regular monetary triumvirs 31tt

Coins of the sons of Pompey in Spain, before the battle of Munda, and Sextus alone, when he takes up arms a little

after 31 days

Coins of Caesar's prefects during the Munda War 312

Beginning of the year 43 BC. AD, urban currencies; was- establishment of monetary quartets and legal introduction of

portrait of Caesar on coins 313

Coins of A. Hirtius in Gaul Belgium "314

6. The two capital innovations offered by Cé- numismatics sar, creation of an urban gold currency and the introduction of the effigy of a character living on the species, are borrowed to the special privileges of military coinage 316

FROM VOLUME II 477

Pages.

During the Roman Republic, it was only minted with gold.

outside Rome and in military mints 316

Gold in ingots in the habits of Roman commerce and in the Vœrarinm reserves 31 7

The Senate sent gold bars to generals in the field who asked him for the service of their armies 319

The generals transformed these ingots into currencies when they considered advantageous 320

Until Caesar there was no fixed size for gold coins; we gave them as weight one of the aliquot parts of the pound, which varied according to circumstances Ibid.

Caesar introduced gold coinage in Rome, but during his lifetime this currency still retains the imperatorial character 321

Also no gold coins of his time were issued by the trium- regular monetary virs or quartet 322

7. The innovation is more considerable with regard to the intro- duction of the effigy of a living man on the currency of the Republic Ibid.

Origin of the use of the effigy and its exclusively modern character narchic among the Greeks, ., 323

Because of the idea attached to it, the effigy of living characters was absolutely banned from the Roman state currency as how long did the ibjd Republic last?

The effigy is even absent from the vast majority of coins made outside Rome under military Vimperium 324

However there are some examples on the species of cttte class: the stater of T. Quinctius Flamininus 325

Coin minted at Nicaea under the government of Vibius Pansa, before Caesar 326

The faculty of effigy on the currency, although we rather avoided it user, was therefore numbered. exceptional privileges attached to military command 327

Imperial aureus of Caesar with his portrait, before the decree of the Senate which placed his effigy on urban currency regular 328

This decree, coinciding with the establishment of the perpetuating dictatorship tural, related to urban silver currency, the only one on which the Senate would have authority 329

The ancients do not classify it among the honors affecting for- manly royalty, which were awarded to the dictator Ibid.

After Caesar's death, the monetary effigy right was considered

478 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pages.

as regularly belonging to the military command silence 330

Coins of Antony and Octave with their heads prior to

triumvirate Ibid.

Coins with portraits of Republican Party leaders 331

The right of effigy is closer to the monarchical character- chic that he had in the East, under the triumvirs, who there participate their family members, even children and women Ibid.

Association of the head of Cleopatra with that of Antony on a denarius from Roman series 332

Antony had his effigy placed on the coinage of Polemon, king of Bridge 334

The right of monetary effigy of the proconsuls of the two provinces senatorial elections from Asia and Africa for a large part of the reign of Augustus Ibid.

Coins where Clodius Macer, in Africa, placed his effigy without take the imperial title 338

8. The Senate reorganizes the system of urban currencies in January 43,339

It includes the species of gold that the quartet virs strike de- now regularly 340

Military coinage continues alongside coinage urban, and takes a very great development in the middle of troubles of this time Ibid.

Numismatics of the War of Modena and the events preceding ceded the constitution of the triumvirate 341

The regular quartet place the portraits of the triumvirs on urban currency 343

Military coins of the war of Perugia 344

9. Imperial coins of the party of tyrannicides 345

Coins in the names of Brutus and Cassius Ibid.

Species minted without their names by generals of their

party 347

Coins of Domitius Ahenobarbus and Labienus 348

Numismatics of Sextus Pompey 349

10. Military coinage of the triumvirs and their generals 3o0

Coins of Antony's lieutenants 351

Bronze coins of Canidius Crassus in Egypt 3o4

Legionary coins of Antony, Ibid.

The only legionary piece of Octave 3o6

FROM VOLUME ir 479

Pages.

Coins of Octave's lieutenants 336

IJ. Coins of the proconsuls of the senatorial provinces under Au- taste 358

Cyprus Ibid.

Cyrenaica 359

Africa 300

Mentions of proconsuls and legates on muni coins 3G1

Coins of T. Carisius, minted in the Canlabrian War 362

12. Suppression of the monetary right of generals under the Empire. Ibid. We give them the right to create temporary kinds of necessities. sity, by punching countermarks on coins already

struck 363

Types and legends having the character of army flatteries

on imperial coins 363

Coins of the legions of Septimius Severus 367

By Gallienus 368

By Victorin 371

By Carausius 372

§ 8. — The Roman imperial currency,

1. Imperial currency is the continuation of imperial coinage ratorial of the last times of the Republic 373

The right of effigy of emperors 374

It was only from the end of the reign of Augustus that he became a essential and exclusive attribute of sovereign power Ibid.

Republican coins minted by the Senate after the death of Nero 375

Extreme jealousy of later emperors over their right effigy 376

The mark of the taking possession of imperial power is the manufacture immediate cation of currencies in the name and image of the new sovereign; historical examples 377

Examination of the text of Trébellius Pollion on minted coins for Odénat 378

True meaning of what the same author says about the effigy Monetary of Victorina 380

Indications of a coregency by types of setbacks 381

Multiplicity of currencies of certain ephemeral pretenders to purple 383

480 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pages. Divergences between writers and numismatic monuments

concerning the names of some of the usurpers of the 12th century. . . 384 Aureus struck in the camp of Sapor!""■, king of Persia, for Cy-

riade or Miriade, of whom he claimed to make an emperor 385

All the pretenders of the th century did not dare to coin money

in their name and likeness 387

Coins with the name and head of Tetricus, struck in Gaul during

of the revolt of Proculus against Probus 388

2. Sacred character of the imperial effigy 389

We avoid reaching it by countermarks Ibid.

Case where, however, the countermark was placed intentionally

so as to have the character of a real proscription of

the effigy Ibid.

Heads or names erased on coins 391

Substitution of one imperial effigy for another by means of a countermark Ibid.

3. Emperors involve their family members in their right of effigy 392

Posthumous and commemorative monetary portraits in the fa- imperial mile 393

First examples of admissions of living people by emperors to share their effigy privilege 394

From the Flavians onwards, this became a right of the sons of emperors proclaimed Caesars 395

Long repugnance of the Romans to effigies of women on the currency Ibid.

They first introduce themselves in a roundabout way 396

The habit only definitively took hold under Domitian 397

Portraits of women that, even later, we did not dare to put on currency than with a disguise: Marcia Ibid.

Victoria 398

4. From Augustus onwards, all currency is exclusively imperial

in its form Ibid.

But, for the direction and responsibility of the coinage, he had

carried out a division between the Emperor and the Senate 399

Determination of the date of this fact Ibid.

Principle of sharing: gold and silver to the emperor, copper to the

Senate 401

The Seiiatus Consulta letters on copper coins Ibid.

The senatorial coinage of this metal, administered by the former

magistracy of the monetary triumvirates 402

FROM VOLUME 11,481

Pages. Guarantees which resulted for the public from what the manufacture fiat and auxiliary currency was not delivered to the omni- gallows of the imperial pleasure, but entrusted to a deliberate body rant like the Senate 403

5. The mints where gold coins were manufactured and of money were the responsibility of the administration of the house of the emperor 404

The two senatorial workshops for the manufacture of currency copper, in Rome and Antioch 40S

Sketch of the history of the senatorial copper coinage of Antioch, and its products 406

6. Thanks to the difference in legal condition of the two coins, all the pretenders to the empire have minted species of gold and money, while only those who have obtained recognition session of the Senate we have copper coins with the S C mark, minted to Rome or Antioch 408

Exception for Postumum and role of its Gallic Senate 410

The senatorial workshop of Antioch has never minted except on order formal of the Senate of Rome; and the suitors, even masters of the city, have always respected this legal privilege 4.11

Literary texts which confirm it ' 412

Question relating to Olhon, of which we do not have senatorial coins of copper from the workshop of Rome, while we have some from that of An- tioche. 414

Otto had been regularly recognized by the Senate. . Ibid.

But this body did not begin, in the 1st century, its coinage in name of an emperor in the workshop of Rome, that when he had received the title of Pontifex Maximus, which put the final seal on the legal consecration of his power 415

The date, now known, of Otho's elevation to sovereign pontificate, preceded its catastrophe by so few days that it did not leave time for coinage in the workshop of Rome 416

For the Antioch mint, on the contrary, the coinage orders had to be given in advance, as soon as the date of the elections priests for the election had been fixed, and it had to pass a certain time between the receipt of these orders and that of the new news of the death of Otto Ibid.

7. The monetary law of the Senate for copper specie is suppressed by Aurélien, following the great revolt of the mon- nayers of Rome ■. = 'ilS

Vain attempts by Tacitus and Florian to reestablish it Ibid.

II. 31

482 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pages.

Reorganization of the empire's coinage system by Diocle- hold on 419

What had become of the circulation of copper species in the III® century 420

To replace the old deleted municipal currencies, Diocletian organizes the manufacture of imperial gold coins, of silver and copper in numerous workshops, established in all provinces 421

Introduction of the marks of these workshops on these species, for the manufacturing control Ibid.

8. The new system of imperial coinage, organized by Dio- Cletian, remains until the moment when the kings of the Barbarians, established in the empire, assume monetary law. 423

Gradual manner in which this latest revolution takes place Ibid.

The emperors reserved themselves exclusively, as a privilege essential of their power, the coinage of gold 424

Passage from Procopius on this subject Ibid.

What exactly is 42S

The gold coins of the Sassanid kings of Persia and the saying of the Byzantine historian „ 426

Justinian Rhinotmète and the Caliph Abd-el-Mélik 427

Barbarian gold coins with effigies of emperors, minted, in the 111th century, by the Goths of Dacia and Pannonia 428

Exception to the rules established for the rest of the empire, which the Au- tastes do in favor of the kings of the Cimmerian Bosphorus, in their allowing gold to be minted, because of economic conditions particularities of the country 430

The Cimmerian Bosphorus only submitted late, under Augustus, to Roman supremacy, 431

Gold coins of the first Aspurgian princes, with double effigy of the emperor and the native king 432

The effigy of the latter disappears from Bosporitan gold species in the time of Claude 433

Vitellius suppresses this local gold coinage Ibid.

Species of gold that the free city of Chersonesos then manufactured, without no mention of imperial suzerainty Ibid.

Domitian puts an end to this usurpation of the city of Chersonesos and reestablishes the manufacture of royal Bosphorus gold coins Cim- merian, with the double effigy of the emperor and the local king 434

The show continues like this until under Constantine, with the head of the emperor occupying the main side of rooms 43o

FROM VOLUME II 483

F'ages.

The privilege of the suzerain was guaranteed by this last circum- stance, and in law the gold coins of the Bosphorus were above all imperial 435

9. The princes of the Barbarians established in the West began by do like the kings of the Cimmerian Bosphorus; they manufactured

their profit from the currency in the name and types of the Emperor. . 436 The imitations of the coins of Valentinian III, continued during

more than half a century 437

Gold species from the Suevi of Lusitania, offering immovable effigies Sees of Avitus and Honorius 439

Chances of finding analogous numismatics from Bourgui- gnons, Visigoths of Aquitaine and Franks Ibid.

The gold coins of the African Vandals are still unknown. . 440

Their species of silver and copper. 441

Legal character and numismatic consequences of the events

which marked the fall of the Western Empire 442

Odoacer had gold coins of the Emperor of Con-

stantinople Ibid^

His own silver and copper coins 443

Conduct of the other Barbarians, who make all their watches gold plates with the names and types of the emperors of the East Ibid.

Secondary marks which, on these parts, belong to their own

to barbarian kings or cities of issue 444

Works of Ch. Lenormant on this subject, 445

Gold coinage of the Ostrogoths of Italy 446

Burgundians. 447

From Armorica 448

Of Clovis and his sons in Gaul 449

Visigoths of Toulouse 450

From Amalaric to Narbonne Ibid.

Contemporary silver and copper coins, from the Ostrogoths.. . . 4ol

Of the Burgundians Ibid.

Franks and Visigoths of Aquitaine 452

10. The first of the Barbarian kings who suppressed the mention of the Emperor on coins and made gold species to his own name is Theodeberl, king of Austrasia, after his first expedition from Italy ■ Ibid.

Anger caused in Constantinople by this audacious usurpation of king franc 434

Théodebert's second expedition to Italy and the gold coins he

has it made in his name 455

484 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pages

Hesitation of other barbarian kings to follow Theode's example bert 455

In Austrasia itself, we return to coinage imitating that of emperors, after the evacuation of Italy under Theodebald 456

Purely imperial gold coins manufactured towards the end of the 6th century in Gévaudan. in Marseille, Arles and Vienna Ibid.

The example given by Théodebert, however, ends up bearing its fruits and become the starting point of a comprehensive revolution complete 457

Let's sort out the names of Childebert P' and Chramne Ibid.

Nominal coins of Sigebert P'' and Gontran 458

From this moment on, all traces of allusion to the emperors disappeared. about Merovingian coins Ibid.

At the same time, the gold species of the Visigoths of Spain included began to bear the names of kings, and those of emperors in are banned Ihid.

This monetary revolution, which marks the emancipation of the royal barbaric qualities of the West and the abolition of the privilege of the Emperors retors, must be considered as determining the end of the ancient numismatics and opening that of modern peoples. . . 459

END OF THE TOAIE II TABLE OF CONTENTS

Untversitas LIBRARY

Paris. — Imp. Gautliier-Villars, 55, quai des Grands-Augustins.

The Library

University of Ottawa

Deadline

The Library

University of Ottawa

Endowment due

07Nnw.198|9

2 7 NOV. 1989

dd

i^^ï

'-K

FEB. 1996

tf^

^I^^I 0 OJ^i. 5 26 gi5 • L 4

C J 2 3 3

L E IM 0 R R fl •^ 0 N IM fl I E

5 18 9 7 V 2

mTt franco

I> « N S L • R M

I S • T Z Q U

C

c CJ 0233

.L45 1897 VC02 ^-^^,^^1^ CANS

ROOSTER LENORKANT » F KGN^ a i - ACC# 1051330 <