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TREATISE ON GREEK AND ROMAN COINS . PART TWO HISTORICAL DESCRIPTION VOLUME THREE TA | —"_— | 5 L … + to L

TREATISE ON GREEK AND ROMAN COINS BY ERNEST BABELON MEMBER OF THE INSTITUTE PART TWO HISTORICAL DESCRIPTION VOLUME THREE UNDERSTANDING THE COINS OF CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN GREECE IN VO AND IV. CENTURIES B.C. PARIS ERNEST LEROUX, PUBLISHER 28, RUE BONAPARTE, 28 1914 All rights reserved,

0 ANA NT ABOUT In the first volume of this Historical Description, published in 1907, we we have described all the Greek coins which have been struck since the origins coins of the currency until the defeats of the Persians at Salamis, Plataea and Mycale in 480 and 479 BC. We stopped at the time when Athens, at the following his resounding victories, will put himself at the head of the Maritime Lique which will make her, for three-quarters of a century, the mistress of the destinies of the Hellenistic world. We continue that history. Our second volume, published in 1910, was exclusively devoted to mon- naïes of the Hellenic and Semitic East, from the disasters of Xerxes in 480-179 until the fall of the Achaemenid Empire determined by the invasion of Ale- travel to Asia. This volume was therefore for Asia Minor and Phoenicia during the 5th and 4th centuries BC, the continuation of the first volume. The volume that we offer today to the public fulfills the same program for central Greece and southern Greece. J/ takes back, for Athens, Euboea, Boeotia, Phocis and Locris, Corinth and the Peloponnese, Aegina and the Cyclades, Crete and Cyrenaica, the description of currencies and monetary history silence of each city, since the constitution of the Hellenic Maritime League under the hegemony of Athens, until the division of Alexander's empire between his lieutenants nants in the last quarter of the 4th century BC. As in previous volumes, the order we have adopted in this vast table of the monetary history of European Greece for approximately 175 years, is the geographical order of provinces and cities. We do not hide ourselves

VI FOREWORD that this classification system presents difficulties for consulting the work, and that it can be an obstacle to the speed of research because it requires cross-referencing laugh at the Table, anyone who does not have in mind the geographical position of all the monetary cities of a country, one in relation to the other. But on the other hand, geographic walking offers such advantages from a scientific point of view. tifical, historical, even artistic, that it must be preferred in a book which has the pretension to be something other than a Dictionary and to rise to the level of Doctrine. With the geographical order, we are not transported to the four corners of a province, empirically, suddenly and according to the chance of the first letter of a name city. Neighboring workshops are close to each other; we see them adopting the same cutting system, similar or rival types, sometimes making the same artists; we grasp the manifestations of racial and tradition affinities mythical, political alliances or parochial rivalries; we follow the tracks monetary imitations, the similarity of the administrative organization and the inner life, commercial relationships, invasive walking or retirement gradual weight standards, in a word the whole play of religious influences, ethnic, political and economic. Whether we notice similarities or dissimilarities between neighboring towns, these findings are by themselves the most precious of lessons. We had to adopt the only classification system that could make them stand out just by examining our boards. The penalty that we impose on the Numismatist who makes this work the honor of consulting it, is therefore largely compensated. E.B. Paris, May 1, 1914.

COINS FROM THE CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN GREECE IN THE 5TH AND 4TH CENTURIES B.C.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION The geographical area of present volume includes the regions of Greece central and southern: we mean through there, besides Attica, Euboea and Pelo- Ponnese: Boeotia, Phocis and Lo- cride, to the north; the islands of the Archipelago; the Crete and Cyrenaica to the south. In these countries which are like the cer- calf and the heart of the Hellenic world, the great economic and monetary fact which produced in the 5th and 15th centuries, and must retain our attention permanently, it is the struggle of the weight standards in the size of the species. First in the 5th century, the two protagonists are the Egyptian stater netic of 12 gr. 25 to 12 gr., and the tetra- Athenian drachma of 17 gr. 46. In the cities bathed by the Aegean Sea, this struggle was uneven from the start of the period that we kiss, as a result of the preponderance maritime and political deviance that the victims tories of Salamis, Plataea and Mycale, in 480 and 479, assured Athens; the stallion eginetic was to succumb quickly, like Aegina herself. But in the more distant countries or in the interior land, that is to say where action dominates trice of Athens could not penetrate or was made Volume IV. feel in a less immediate way, in Crete, throughout the Peloponnese, at Delphi, in Boeotia, the aeginetic standard resisted with success with invasive pretensions of his rival: nothing less than the prestige of Alexander’s arms for the make these countries disappear. It is to this economic and metrological duel that we let's attend first, because other systems size themes like that of Corinth (stater from 8 gr. 72 to 8 gr. 60; drachma of 2 gr. 90) and that of Miletus (Letradrachm of 14 gr. 56) only appear in the fray sporadically and are hardly involved, at least in the 5th century, in the geo-field graph that we have to go through. In the 15th century we will see the intervention of a new factor, it is the Rhodian standard (te- tradrachm of 15 gr. 50 to.14 gr. 20), intermediate derivative of those of Miletus (14 gr. 56) and Chios (15 gr. 88) and which, widespread in the 15th century, in competition with the Persian stallion, throughout the Maritime East time, finds himself in a fight with the stallions attic and eginetic that he ends up sup- plant in many cities traders from the Aegean basin, and as far as Egypt and Cyrenaica. 1

to GENERAL INTRODUCTION 4 I. The Attico-Délian league *. After the departure of the defeated Persians at Sa- lamina in 480, the population of Athens hastened to return to the devastated city and set on fire. Everything was quickly restored, jus- only to the ramparts which, where applicable, would have protected Athens from a new helping hand from the Asians. The mines of Laurion provided the silver necessary for these expenses. The Athenians then thought of pursuing the Persians on sea, of concert with the others Greeks *. In the spring of 478, a federal fleet under the orders of the king of Sparta Pausanias took to the sea: it consisted of 50 triremes Peloponnesians, 30 Athenian ships and other vessels provided by the Insu- laires and the Ionians of Asia Minor. After having tried his strength in a demons- tration against Cyprus, Pausanias cingla towards the seas from the north, engaged in the Hellespont and the Propontis and seized 1. We have already dealt with this League and its action from a monetary point of view, in what concerns the Greek cities of the coasts of mid-Asia neure, in the General Introduction to our volume second (Descr. hist, t.. IT, p. 19 et seq.). We let's start again here the same subject in completing it based on more recent works by epigraphists and considering it especially from the point of view of the islands of the Aegean Sea. See our more complete brief, in the Revue numismatique, 1913, p. 457 to 485. Rud. Weil, Zeit. für Numism., t. XXVIII (1910), p. 351 and Next. Théod. Reinach, Monetary anarchy and its consequences Medes, in-4°, 1911, p. 1 to 14 (Extract from vol. XXX VIII, Part 2C, of the Memoirs of the Academy of Inscript. el Belles-Leltres); Percy Gardner, Coinage of the Athenian Empire, in the Journal of Hellenic Stu- dies, t. XXXIII (1913), p. 147 to 188. 2. Herodotus, VII, 176; Diod. Sic., XI, 4, 1; cf. Ugh. Cavaignac, Hist. of Antiquity, t. He, Athens, p. 40. of Byzantium, in the winter of 478-477!. But the arrogance of the Lacedaemonians in- arranged their allies; Uliades of Samos and Antagoras of Chios caused the refusal of obedience, proposed to hand over the command of the federal fleet Athenian strategists, Cimon, son of Mil- Tiade and Aristide. From then on, the Lacédémo- The irritated citizens lost interest in the operations maritime tions (spring of 477)?. Athenian leaders were concerned immediately to give a coherent organization profitable and sustainable in this fleet competition Greek cities, linking the participants by a contract. They fixed on these a place of meeting, — not in Athens, which would have risked arousing susceptibilities ties and jealousy, — but on Delos, “the island sacred of which spring panegyries had never ceased to be a point of rallying for the Greeks of the Archipelago. At spring of 4176, the first assembly was held there regular appearance of the new symmachia velle, of which Aristide was responsible for ensuring the resources, with a view to the war of repre- sailles”?. Religious and geographical center, Delos gave to the confederation a character amphictyonic allowing to spare the self-esteem of small States which, if they agreed to group around Athè- nes, did not want any harm 1. Ugh. Cavaignac, Hist. of antiq., t. He, Athens, p. #2. 2, We follow the excellent summary of event- ments, presented by M. Cavaignac, op. eyelashes, p. 42. 3. E. Cavaignac, op. cit., p. 43; cf. E. Curtius, Hist. Greek., trans. Bouché-Leclercq, t. IT, p. 369.

L was brought to their autonomy. The strategists Athenians, skillfully advised by Aris- tide, understood that, while ensuring the Leagues the organs necessary for its vitality, above all, they had to avoid appearing to establish the domination of Athens. After the defection and flight of Thémis- tocle, in 476', Aristide remained the only trustworthy man of leaguers. Sound prestige was immense; he used it to have the islands of the Archipelago and the cities of the Aegean coasts the conditions in which each of them had to cooperate to promote common defense and maintenance of the federal fleet. He represented that it was necessary to provide for the construction, the crew and maintenance of a fleet of at least 200 triremes mounted by 40,000 ma- telots; the pay of the sailors was then 2 obols per day. Some big cities like Myti- Lene of Lesbos, Chios and Samos could together provide a fleet almost as numerous than that of Athens. But the most others, especially the Aegean Islands nes, having few vessels were invited to provide the League with a contribution in money. The annual amount needed was set at 460 talents (2,500,000 francs approximately) ?. Aristide responsible for distributing this contribution between the Confederate States, in proportion to their importance and to their income, acquitted himself so well that he received the nickname Just. In the following years, the budget the League grew from the annexation of cities news delivered from the yoke of the Persians by 1. See above, Descr. hist., t. He, p. 14; cf. Cavaignac, op. eyelashes, p. 46. 2.Thucydides, I, 96. 5 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 6 Cimon's campaigns. The total toll thus increased to 500, then to 600 talents. Everything went well in the first years. Cimon, at the head of the federal fleet, de- busqua of Macedonia and Thrace the last Persian garrisons. He took Eion from 476, reoccupied Byzantium in 472, purged the Archipelago of pirates who had their re- pair in Carystos and the island of Skyros. In 466, with 250 triremes, he took Phaselis and won the great victory of Eurymé- donation; the following year he completed the deli- vrance of the Chersonese of Thrace. From then on, the Asian peril was averted; we could think of carrying out the offensive in Asia, at the very heart of the Persian Empire. But these happy campaigns had to bring about a change in the state of mind. Allies and tribes- silences of Athens considering that the danger of a new invasion was ruled out, estimated mothers that the prolongation of hegemony Athenian was no longer necessary. At the end counting the victories of Cimon, winning partly with their money, their assets rins and their ships, benefited Athe- nes alone. They saw with despite the Athenians keep the money from the loot made on the enemy, to beautify their capital, the- saurize and plan to build a large temple diose, the Parthenon, to their goddess Poliade, Athena. It was said that at a cvpuzyia, the Athenians gradually replaced an à9yt, that is to say their thalassocracy’. What were the murmurs when A- Athens put the Federal forces in motion. rales to make, for its exclusive benefit, the conquest of gold and silver mines of Epi- Thrace and Mount Pangea! By the description- 4. See Descr. hist, L11ip 19822:

7 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 8 tion that Aeschylus makes of this mining region in his tragedy of the Persians, represented for the first time in 472 (around 494 and 877 ets.), we see that the Greek imaginations were also excited about mines of gold from Pangea, as were the spirits in modern times, during the discovery gold mines of Eldorado, Cali- fornie or Transwaal. These expeditions in the lower Strymon region in 465-464, were extremely deadly, and if the Confederates paid for them with their blood and their money, the Athenians alone in collecting- read the profit. In addition, the Athenians displayed the pretending to interfere in business internal affairs of their allies. They impose on them know everywhere a democratic constitution tick in imitation of that of Athens. In short, discontent became general; allies and tribulars now refusing to pay their federal contribution, we live the fleet placed under the orders of admirals Athenians especially busy, like says it M. E. Cavaignac, on tours of perception tions, from the Euxine Bridge, Byzantium and Calchedon, as far as Rhodes and the coasts of Caria, to force recalcitrant cities trantes to pay the tribute granted by them in the time of Aristide. The signal for revolt came from the island of Naxos: it was shortly after 470. Cimon came force the island to return to duty. A part of the inhabitants were exiled and replaced placed by Athenian clergy! In 465, Thasos, in turn, rebelled. Cimon ran up, destroyed the 33 ships of Thasians. The capital of the island, blocked, ends up going to 463*. Despite, or 1. Thucydides, 1, 98; Cavaignac, op. cit., p. 51. 2. Cavaignac, p. 52. perhaps because of these exemplary punishments please, discomfort does not only increased. In 454, it was believed to remedy this by a revision general sion of prices. Appeasement ap- parent who resulted from this measure was placed taken advantage of by the defiant and avi- ses, to transport the federal fund of Delos to Athens, under the pretext of putting it better protected from a surprise, because we had just suffered a slight failure in Egypt wanting support the revolt of Inaros against the Persians. The reserve was then of 3000 talents (18 million drachmas). This crate was placed in the Parthenon under custody of Athena, and in return for this moral protection, Athena struck de- from now on annually on the Federal Treasury ral, the sixtieth of the annual tribute, that is i.e. approximately seven or eight talents, which were poured into the treasure of the goddess and intended for the reconstruction of his temple?. Even better, we saw Pericles use part of the federal treasury, — the reserve was 6000 talents in 443 (36 million of drachmas) -- to pay for construction and the sculptures of the Parthenon where the statue of Athena was to be solemnly installed born September 15, 438 *. Outraged at such audacity, many cities went up to regret the protectorate Persian who had left them free in their currency law *, their courts, their domestic administration; while Athe- their troublesome people dictated constitutions to them policies like the one she imposed in 450 to Eritrea of Ionia, demanded the tax 1. E. Cavaignäe, p. 72; cf. Description hisb., t. IT, p. 21. 2. Cavaignac, op. cit., p. 12. 3, Cavaignac, op. quote, p. 109; Percy Gardner, Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. XXXIII, 1913, p. 152. 4, See our Descr. hist, t. 11, p. 15 et seq. DC RD ALTER

9 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 10 blood with heavy contributions pecuniary funds which were even embezzled of their true purpose. The Athenians, moved of this movement, believed it was good policy tick, even under Pericles, to close the eyes on late payments, settle for deposits and agree to reliefs, what does not prevented them point to be cruel and merciless there where they dominated by force. Thasos, by example, lives in 446, his tribute borne arbi- milking from 3 talents to 30 talents (180,000 drachmas) ‘. Megara massacred the Athenian garrison but was quickly punished. Euboea, too, at the gate of Athens, rose up all together third. Pericles led a bloody repression there. glante as a result of which the clergy Athenians were settled on the island place of the expelled natives. However, Pericles was the first to feel although reforms were necessary. In 443 we admit the principle of periodic review sets rates, every four years, by special financial commissioners. A commission of which Sophocles was part, divided the tributary towns into five districts or financial circles (06901): Aegean Islands, Jonie, Caria, Hellespont, Thrace *. Nothing happened. The most terrible revolt that Athens had to repress was that of Sa- mos, in 440. This island which was with Lesbos and Chios, the most important of the Confederation- Attico-Délian ration, provided 100 triremes mounted by 20,000 sailors. It was not necessary not give the insurrection time to organize and spread. Pericles in 1. Cavaignac, op. eyelashes, p. 81. 2. Cavaignac, op. cit., p. 94; Curtius, Hist. Greek, II, p. 524, person, like in Euboea, directed the retaliation. Samos suecomba after a nine-month siege (439); its walls were razed, its fleet confiscated; what remaining residents had to pay compensation war unit of 1,500 talents (9 million of drachmas) *. The cities which had sympathized with the rebels were also trailed mercilessly. Miletus had to agree to pay annually 10 talents; Byzantium was priced at 21 talents (126,000 drachmas). Potidaea passes, in 435, from 6 talents to 45 talents. On the other hand, the Most of the Cyclades are tax-free. By- times, to legitimize an increase in tribute, Athens argues development commercial of this or that city or be- urgent care, such as during the famous siege of Potidaea in 431, or in 438, during the defection of Lesbos, or again in 425, during the expedition of Pylos and Sphac- teracy and the daring helping hand of Peloponnesians in Attica. It is not exclusively by abuse of situation and selfish rapacity that the Atheists niens were carried to these excesses. Expeditions: said that they were led to undertake on all sides, from the Ponte Euxine to than in Egypt, especially with the aim of pro- protect the maritime route which conveyed Attic cereals of the Chersonese Tau- rique, Thrace, even the valley of Nile: the obligation they found themselves in police the seas and manpower everywhere keep the tributary towns in duty dissgeminated on all the ribs: such are the legitimate reasons that required maintaining a fleet on war footing. 1. Cavaignac, op. eyelash, t. 11, p. 94, Cf. our Descr. hist. t. IL, p. 1067,

Al GENERAL INTRODUCTION 1 It was increased from 200 to 300 triremes then that, at the same time, the price of all things having become more expensive, it was necessary to fix the normal salary of sailors at 3 obols or one half a drachma per day, instead of 2 obols. The resources of cities tributaries had also changed over time, and, most ordinarily, increased in considerable proportions. Those who were on the road to Pont Euxin, in business dealings with Sinope, Panti- capée, Olbia, were in a state of great prosperity, because of the trade in cereals real, pelts, fish, gold of the Urals, of which they were the warehouses. The same was true of the coastal towns of the Thrace and Macedonia. The industry and trade were developed in the same proportions in cities like Chios, Miletus, Rhodes!. “The Piraeus movement,” said Mr. Ca- vaignac, was over 2,000 talents (1,200,000 drachmas); the movement of all Aegean ports from 30,000 to 40,000 ta- slow (240 million) and customs duties became the main resource of the cities. In 413, Athens therefore thought of replace the tribute with a uniform duty of 20 0/0 on the goods" which arrive were in the ports of the Aegean Sea. But this very measure was considered a new affirmation of imperialism Athenian on all the ports, and she did not only accentuate the general discontent. The cities didn't want to hear anything about new necessities. They compared the tribute they had paid to time 1. Paul Guiraud, Industrial workforce in Greece, p. 34 et seq.; Cavaignac, op. cit. t. II, p. 158. of Aristide with what was demanded of her now, and even contesting the usefulness of of the League, they claimed their com- complete autonomy. We live the furthest away, like those of Carie, no longer pay anything, although Athens persisted in maintaining their names on the lists of tributaries. Among the islands of the Archipelago, he is two who, in the midst of all these events, had succeeded in safeguarding their independence dance, these are the Dorians Melos and Théra. The latter was forced to bow before strength, in 426. As for Melos, she had the audacity to resist the summons Athenians. The fragile Peace of Nicias, in: April 421, saved her momentarily; but, in 416, Athens sent against she a great expedition; the Meliens ended up succumb in the winter of 416-415; the po- population was slaughtered and replaced by Athenian clergymen. It was more and more dominated by terrorize and alienate all Greeks. Also from the first news of the disasters of the expedition of the Athenians in Sicily, in: October 413, a general defection broke out. In the spring of 412, Chios, Eritrea, Clazomene, then Lesbos, declared themselves against Athens and their example was followed by all the cities on the Asian coast. We! can say that from this moment, the Days of the Attico-Delian Empire are comp- tees; the successes partial of Alcibiades, del Thrasybulus and Conon did not succeed in save it. The disaster final of the! Athenian fleet at Aegos Potamos east of month of August 405 and the taking of Athens bet the Lacedaemonians, from April 25, 404 t. 1DesSc his E and p.22;

13 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 14 IT. The Athenian tetradrachm, international currency of the Attico-Delian League. Gold and bronze coinage. The States, which in 478, had grouped themselves around the Athenians to prevent a re- possible turn of the Asians, heard well, then, keep their autonomy polished- legal and the monetary rights which are the symbol. However, they bowed to necessities of a practical nature which will, inevitably, ensure the diffusion and the rapid predominance of money Athenian to the detriment of their own. Athens was the soul of the confederation and the Athenian strategists, the recognized leaders allied forces. Although the federal fund rale was, at the beginning, placed in the sanctuary panhellenic of Delos, the administration in was reserved for recruited hellnotames exclusively in Athens. From the first day, we felt the need to adopt a common, international currency, which was the currency of the Lique, and in which the federal accounts had to be established. From consent of all federated cities, this currency was the Athenian currency. The tributes set by the Athenian Aristide, are, from the origin, everywhere evaluated in Attic silver. Construction work of the fleet, the pay of sailors and crews are paid in Athenian currency or counted in Attic currency. It couldn't have been any other way- ment, unless we multiply, even in the details of the account menus, the causes of individual complaints and conflicts. The crews were recruited from all the countries: there were sailors from Miletus, of Phaselis, of Phocaea, of Chios, of Sa- mos, as well as from Athens, from Aegina, of the Cyclades, of Cyzicus, of Maronée, of Byzantium. If we had had to pay these continu- people in currencies of their respective countries, in coins of various values and of any pro- arrival, evaluate their balance, for such group in aeginetic money, for another in currency altic, milesiac, phocaic, Persian, etc., we were, so to speak, ler, never released. It would have been, for the fleet federal, a general confusion which can give us some idea, following observation vation of Mr. Th. Reinach, the comic poet Diphile, putting in scene, at the end of 4th century, people who discuss to elu- blir in Attic currency or currency eginetic the price of fish on the market from Athens!. “How much is this fish? request a purchase to a merchant. —It’s ten obols, replies this one, without specifying what kind of obols it is. This was a res- traction mental. The buyer accepts; the deal is concluded. When it comes to settling, the buyer wants to pay the debt he has incurred towed in Attic currency: it counts ten obols. But the merchant cries out and pre- says he meant ten Aeginetic obols and not ten Attic obols. However, the obolus Attica was only 7/10 of the Egyptian obol. netic. There is no need to emphasize the damages and exchange costs, on inconveniences 1. Diphilos, Fragm., 66, ed. Keil, Comici allici, t. 11, p. 563: cf. Th. Reinach, Monetary anarchy and its remedies among the ancient Greeks, p. 2.

15 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 16 ments that any buyer or seller must experience every moment!. We were, on all markets, in the situation where we we would find if we wanted, being at abroad, pay for all our purchases until smaller, with French currency. In a word, the unification of the pay of sailors of the federal fleet was necessary, to the same way as it was always necessary to the armies in all expeditions lions, and that is why, Persian satraps, Greek generals or kings at the head of their. contingents, later also generals Romans of the Republic, are invested with the currency law and often strike the uniform species intended for their soldiers in the countryside, To men working in common, embarked on board ships which cooperated in common action and obeyed know to a single leader, accomplishing a collective daily work, it was necessary to balance established in a monetary system unique, paid in a single type of money nae or in interchangeable parts. It was the interest of all. To remedy the daily inconveniences exchange transactions between currencies of different systems circulating on the same market, the Ancients had use of various processes. Sometimes they have emitted in abundance, in each of the systems temes, the divisions which corresponded exactly the ones with the others. We knew, for example, in the sanctuary Panhellenic Church of Delphi, where pilgrims brought their offerings in silver all sizes, that the Aegean tetrobole- tick (4 gr. 25) was almost the equivalent Attic drachma (4 gr. 36); that the 1. Description hist, t. 16. 22-93. aeginelic diobole (2 gr. 12) could pass for an Attic triobole (2 gr. 18) and the obol eginetic (1 gr. 06) for a trihemiobolus attic (1 gr. 09); that there was equality between the trilemorion attic (0 gr. 54) and the hotel aeginetic miobolus (0 gr. 53). We knew also that the Corinthian trihemiobolus was the equivalent of the Attic obol (0 gr. 72); that the Corinthian drachma corresponded Attic tetrobole (2 gr. 90); the triobole Corinthian to Altic diobolus (1 gr. 45); the Persian Diobolus Milesian triobole, etc. Other times, the Elders constituted monetary unions. At the beginning of the 15th century cle, Phocaea and Mytilene enter into an arrangement gement by which it is decided that the hects of electrum from the two Cireule towns- will freely enter each of them, but that they will strike alternately during for a year, this common currency. During one year, the show took place in Phocaea and the hecles struck in this city carry as an assistant symbol, a small seal; the following year, the Phocaea workshop must unemployed; it’s the turn of that of Mytilene to function, and its products are available guent by a little rooster in symbol t. The federal coins of the Confederation Boeotian version to the type of exchange shield created, present another arrangement. The coins from all the cities of the confederacy tion are similar in type, weight and aloi; they are only distinguished by the presence on the reverse, of the initial of each workshop. The Arcadian and Achaean Leagues have a federal coinage which has partial similar features. Let us cite again the cis- tophores of the province of Asia in the 1st and 1ACourrepDescrenns step 1108;

17 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 18 r'' century before our era; the citharaphores (x@agrocoo:) of the Lycian confederation; the coins of Philip and Alexander Great whose strike was continued during the 1st and 1st centuries, with the same types and the same weight, not only in the Greece in Europe, but in the largest part of the Orient, were also like the Athenian owls, an inter- national who remained secularly the main vehicle of city commerce Hellenics and even barbarians. Often foreign exchange operations were paid by legal rates displayed on the marketed by the urban authority. We found at Delphi a decree of this kind which is reminiscent dates back to the year 96 BC!. Regulations analogues were constantly published and displayed in our cities of the Middle Ages, also cluttered with parts of any size provenance, of all weight, of all aloï. The application of all these remedies to the multiplicity of currencies led, poorly despite everything, difficulties, delays, dis- cussions that the adoption of a single currency. In practice, Athens, as mistress of the Attico-de-League link therefore responded to the wish of commerce and of all individuals by substituting its own currency to local species. The owl currency was known on all markets since the reform which followed the Battle of Marathon and who had regularized the emissions; since on- all the discovery, in 483, of new deposits of the town of Maronée in the Laurion, which had made it possible to develop to mint and equip with this money, on the advice of Themistocles, the fleet who 4. Th. Reinach, Monetary anarchy, p.71 and following. Volume IV, conquered at Salamis, in 480. The tetra- owl drachma was popular in the maritime cities of the sea basin Aegean, even before the constitution of the League from 478. He had an excellent reputation, was deemed the best currency for its high and regular titer, much higher under this relation to the stater of Aegina to the turtle which is of uncertain validity, and whose weight is not very regular! The relative value of gold to silver Athens, in the time of Pericles, was like At at 142. Thus, Athens conquered monetary hegemony. silence, corollary of political hegemony and of domination on all the seas. It was the fortune of Athens, since the app- almost provisioning inexhaustible in owls, was in the exploitation of the Laurion mines which was exclusive- lies in the hands of the Athenians. Also, the strikes tetradrachms with the owl fut- she pushed with feverish activity. These are the facts and the economic situation. mic which, during the greater part of the fifth century, brought the extraordinary diffusion sion of Athenian coinage in all the eastern basin of the Mediterranean. The federal fleet, as well as the ships of commerce from Athens, carries the owls on all coasts: in Egypt, in Cyprus, in Phoenicia; in Sinope, in Pantica- sword, in Olbia; in Corcyra, in Cyrene, in Tarentum, in Syracuse: also, they are found everywhere, associated with Lous monetary treasures. On the other hand, if we review, one by one one, the monetary cities to which Athe- 1. Aristophanes, The Frogs, around 130; cf. our Description hist., t: 1, p. 662:and 118. 2. Th. Reinach, History through currencies, p. 50. 2

19 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 20 nes imposed its protectorate, we see that almost all of them stop beating my- born from the moment they enter, willingly or by force, in the League; or well, that their aulonomic cash con- is, therefore, exclusively in small local currency, — the drachma and its divisions zions, — whose course was restricted to the city and its suburbs. It is the decline of all autonomous coinages. From the day Aegina was forced to become tributary, in 456, Athens im- poses to cease the striking of its staters at the turtle. Tetradrachms Athenians the replace, even in Aegina, for the com- trade outside the island. The Aeginetans gar- only have the right to issue the dra- turtle chem and its subdivisions, for feed small market trade interior and the daily life of the inhabitants so much. This is how the Aegina s{atere which had dominated for so long in the com- trade of the islands and western coasts of the Aegean Sea was, overnight, banned from international circulation and lives its source dried up for many years. In Euboea, the only towns that have a monetary workshop in the 5th century, after the part of the Persians in 479, are Carystos and Eretria. The first has no currency at all above the drachma during hegemony of Athens which was imposed on him from 410. As for Eretria, it closes completely- opens his workshop only to reopen it the autumn of 411, that is to say when at the favor of the reverses of the Athenians in Sicily, Greek cities begin to recover their independence. 1. P. Six demonstrated (Num. Chron., 1895, p. 183) that the coins of Eretria classified by B. Head between 480 and 445, are in reality prior to the descent In the Cyclades, Andros cease everything coinage at 5th century; likewise, the three towns on the island of Ceos, Carthæa, Co- Ressia and Julis. Delos itself does not reopen not his workshop after the flight of the Persians in 479. As for the islands which, after the retreat Asians, had repaired their ruins and began to mint money again, — Ténos, Siphnos, Naxos, Paros, Thera, — they are forced to close their doors again workshop, as they enter in the Athenian alliance, either in their full willingly, or if they are forced to do so by weapons, like Naxos in 469, or Thera in 426. They only reopened their workshop after the failures of the Athenians in Sicily in A13, at the call of the Lacedaemonians, or at the following the fall of Athens in 404 or, for a few, only at beginning of 4th century. Mélos, on the contrary, we will say, fine silver staters of 1,000 weight siacque, which se distributed over the most most of the 5th century. But the existence of this remarkable series of mechanical staters links, far from contradicting the rule, is, at the contrary, a striking confirmation, then- that Melos opposed to Athenian hegemony a fierce resistance from which Athens came to an end only in 416. Also, from This date, the staters of Melos cease to be struck: the Athenian Melos does not have no more autonomous currency. The island does not re- takes its monetary life only after the fall of Athens in 404, when the harmoste laced- demonian Lysander reinstalls in their homes the exiled Meliens!. destruction of Eretria by the Persians. Mr. Rud. Weil has followed, wrongly, the chronological classification of B. Head. Cf. E. Babelon, Treatise, Descr. hist., t. I, p. 686 and following. 1. Percy Gardner, Journal of Hellen. Sludies, t. XXXIII, p. 158.

21 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 22 Let us now follow, with the list of tri- goals, the coasts of Asia Minor. Phaselis, the large port on the Lycian coast, strikes Persian weight staters (11 gr. 22) up to that in 466. She closed her workshop at this date which is the one where, delivered from the yoke Persian, she becomes a member of the Confederate Attico-Délian ration. She doesn't reopen it that thanks to repeated humiliations of Athens, from 413. Cnidus, whose coinage was so abundant dant until 480, ceases to strike his te- autonomous tradrachms and is limited to emitting be drachmas and dioboles during all the time she remains affiliated with the League; and again, this additional coinage, intended for local circulation, is very rarely vre and appears to have been intermittent. This is not that after the fall of Athens it inaugurated the issuance of its beautiful tetradrachms of Rhodian weight, to the types of the head of Aphro- called Euploia and the lion protome. Halicarnassus and Iasos do not have point of currencies as long as they are members of the League. In the island of Rhodes, the three towns which hit before the invasion Persian of if remarkable staters money, Lindos, lalysos and Camiros, se happy, so much that they are dependent on the League, put in small change. There are for- so much, at Jalysos, a very rare stater of weight Milesian (14 gr. 47), to the types of the pro- tomé of wild boar and the head of an eagle, which, by its style, appears posterior to the battle of Eurymedon in 465; but it is there, for Rhodes, an exception that would explain. no doubt, special circumstances. * The great Miletus stops minting money throughout the 5th century. It is the same from most other towns in Ionia southern. However, it is appropriate to explain quer, for this region of the Asian coast minor, apparent exceptions. Five major shopping centers, Kos, Samos, Chios, Ephesus and Teos for- follow, in the 5th century, the minting of their large self-contained rooms. Cos continues strikes its tetradrachms on the types of crab and discobolus; but these are, it im- door to observe it, tetradrachms cut- lied in the Attic system and they were not struck only at distant intervals, only ment on the occasion of the celebration of federal festivals of Apollo Triopian; these are agonistic pieces’. Samos, Lesbos and Chios were members of the League, but on an equal footing with Athens; Samos provided to the League 100 triremes mounted by 20,000 sailors. Having a separate fleet, which she recruited and paid directly, and of which she retained management, we can see that Samos designed continued to issue its autonomous currency. She has two sets of coins, tetradrachms of attic weight (17 gr. 20) and staters special weight of 13 gr. 28. Samos, ally of Athens but not subject, did not take long to find Athens’ interference unbearable in his business. We recalled his revolt of 440 and the repression following which Samos became the main point support for the Athenian armies operating on the coasts of Asia Minor. These events ments and this special role of Samos explain therefore easily the persistence of coinage Samian in the 5th century? 1. E. Babelon, Treatise. Description hist, t. IF, p. 1035; Percy Gardner, Journal of Hellen. Studies, t. XXXIIT, p. 164. 2, Percy Gardner, Journal of Hellen. Studies, t. XXXIII, p. 160.

23 Chios also continued the strike of its tetradrachms of the type of the sphinx, which weigh 15 gr. 26; but, here again, we must not not lose sight of the fact that Chios, like Sa- mos, allied and not dependent on Athens and that it had its autonomous fleet of which it intended to adjust the equipment as he wished and pay t. Ephesus whose contribution is set at 45,000 drachmas in 454, had, following Mr. Cavaignac, a population of approximately 30,000 inhabitants. She knocks, before entering in the alliance in 469, staters of ar- gent of 13 gr. 60. If, after this date, they continue to be emitted, it is likely ably under an agreement spec- connection with Athens, to pay the costs of the reconstruction of the temple of Artemis which had been set on fire. We know that the new temple, much larger and more sumptuous killer than the old one, was completed in 460, The strikes 13 gr staters. 60 seems to have ceased shortly after. It is only during the re- towards the Athenians in Sicily in 413, which phèse, rising, of the first, the standard of the revolt, resumes the broadcast of its major silver coins. As for in Teos of which the tribute is of 36,000 drachmas and the population of approximately 24,000 inhabitants, if it continues under the he- Athenian gemony the striking of its sta- aeginetic terers to the type of the griffin, it is for special reasons that we let's ignore. In the presence of these exceptions, it is necessary no doubt, to explain them, to inter- come the bad will of the cities to comply with the demands of Athens, in this regard port as well as regarding the 4. Percy Gardner, loc. eyelashes, p. 161, GENERAL INTRODUCTION 24 payment of the annual tribute. In a word, when we see it happening, exception- nally, the coinage of a self-stater nome in some city of the Attico- League délienne, we must ask ourselves if he is not a testimony of independence and insubordination towards the protector- Athenian rat, or if certain cities do not would not enter the League only by setting their conditions, that is to say by under special treaties which reserved formally their monetary rights, or conventions by which they engage were, for example, providing buckets armed and paid for by them, instead of all or part of their contribution in money. Colophon did not have a mint before the Persian invasion in 480. After the size of Mycale in 479, it enters the League and we have the treaty that it concludes with Athens on this occasion *. Also, its currency of the type of Apollo Cla- rios and the lyre do not have any division amounts greater than the drachma. Eritrea and Clazomène also, in the 5th century, only small change minted for the needs of small businesses which do not did not pass their enclosure or their suburbs?. As for the cities that struck the elec- trum, Alhènes did not think to contra- to exercise their monetary rights silence. Throughout the 5th century, Phocaea and Mytilene emit their fa- meuses hectés phocaïdes in electrum, and Cyzicus, his splendid series of staters of same metal. Mytilene of Lesbos having revolted in 428, was immediately punished and L.C. A4. 1; nr43,. 2. Percy Gardner, Journal of Hellenic Studies, t, XXXIII, p. 167,

railed, like Samos, into a conquered country. but under the Athenian yoke as before ant, she continued the coinage of her ected of electrum!. This coinage of electrum which circulated command of the ships of the federal fleet and have the Athenian accounts make such fre- uents mentions, replaced, for the Ilies, the gold currency, and it is [to, without all, as F. Lenormant thought, this who explains the abundance of his broadcasts and the favor he enjoyed even in the capital of Attica, next to the owls money. Athens respects the electricity stater trum of Cyzicus which she uses as a supplement to its national currency for its trade so developed in the Propontis and the Euxine Bridge. Besides, the staters of Cyzicus gave rise to Athens, from the bankers and money changers, at a share price that one can imagine to have been all for the benefit of residents of the capital of Attica. They therefore had no interest in upsetting the emission of these foreign species which were the subject of advantageous transactions *. On the contrary, for their silver coins, Cyzicus, Phocaea and Mytilene are not ex- acceptance of the rule and, throughout the 5th century key, they also only strike small parts for urban traffic. With the exception of the beautiful silver stater of Assos, to the type of Palladium, known only in two copies and who had to to be hit only for one circumstance determined, as a commemorative medal rative, all the towns on the coast of the Eo- 1. Description hist., t. 11, p. 1192; Percy Gardner, Day- evil of hellen. Studies, t. XXXIII, p. 1635. 2. Percy Gardner, Journal of Hellen. Sludies, t. XXXIII, p. 156-157. D GENERAL INTRODUCTION 26 the island, Mysia and the Troad do not strike, in the 5th century, that the drachma and its divisions lower sections. So it is in Cyme, Cebren, Dardanos, Gargara, Abydos, Asta- cos, Parion, Lampsaque. Tenedos itself shut up completely workshop to do it reopened only in the 15th century. Calchedon and Byzantium, one on the coast of Asia, the other on the coast of Europe, have not no coins greater than the drachma in their series from the 5th century. It is necessary to say the same about Heraclea of Bithynia and Sinope which, despite its remoteness, was client from Athens; as much also, from Sélym- brie and Chersonesos of Thrace. All these northern towns punctuated the path of the grain and grain trade fisheries of Pont Euxine and Panticapaea, route that the ships carefully guarded of the League, in the service of Athens: it was necessary before ensure everything the supply of Attica. However, we will note in the Notable places of the Thracian Sea exceptions to the general rule. Several towns on the southern coast of Thrace, although tributary to Athens, do not appear not have been upset in the emission of their tetradrachms tonomes. Aenos continues to broadcast its tetradrachms to the types of the head of Her- mes and goat. Maronée also continues the emission of his, to the types of the horse and the bunch of grapes. This coinage of Aenos and Maronée is cut following the Attic standard: it’s still apysptov arruxev. But Abdera has, in the 5th century, abundant tradrachms of the griffon type, which weigh 14 to 15 grams *. 1. Percy Gardner, Journal of hellen. Sludies, XXII pe (ie

21 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 208 . These cities from Thrace southern were charged by Athens to lead respect the Thracian Odryses who made incursions on their territory: it is there, maybe, which explains this cash autonomous with which they recruited and maintained their land militias on the war footing. At the time of its independence, Thasos emits staters whose weight, very irre- gulier, varies from 11 to 9 grams!. Thasos is, then, a revolt: its coinage is explained. If she continues the show after 463, that is to say under the domination Athenian, it is because it was, for a fairly long period, exempt from sorting purpose, in exchange for which she ceded to Athens Mount Pangea and its other possessions continental areas so rich in gold mines and money. Having no contribution annual payment, she was free to mon- -nayer for her business as she wishes- tended. This autonomous coinage seems having ceased in 446, when the Athenians bear the tribute of the Thasians of 3 talents to 30 talents. For something reason particular that we do not know, Acanthe, on the coast of the Chalcidice, continues the strike of its te- Attic tradrachms of the type of the devouring lion rant the bull. This city was quite independent pending so that, from 424, she would not hesitate point to contract an alliance with Sparta and to replace, from this moment, the ela- lon attique of its currencies by the standard millesiac of 14 gr. 52. It’s time to the expedition of Brasidas and the beginning of the coinage of Amphipolis which is ex- 1. Percy Gardner, Journal of hellen. Studies, L'XXXTIT p.173 and 1719; implied by this intervention of the Lacédé- moniens. As for the other towns on the Macé coast. Donienne, Terone, Olynthus, Potidaea, etc., as well as the Thessalian island of Peparethos, they follow the common law imposed by Athens, close their workshop, or restrict gnent their coinage autonomous at the drachma and its divisions, from the day they enter the Attico-Délian League. In this summary review which could be developed and specified, we have. left aside, — there is hardly any need to to point it out, — the cities, extreme- many, who had not yet open monetary workshop at the time of the invasion of the Persians and who were obliged, — consequence of Athenian hegemony, — to wait until after the fall of Athens in 40%, to inaugurate their coinage autonomous. We have taken the task of quoting only- ment the cities which already minted currency before becoming dependent. We just notice it : almost all of them emit tete large pieces of silver, — tetra- drachmas or staters, — until the day when they are members of the alliance; once affiliated to this confederation, they close their workshop where they only emit small local currency. This poverty of city coinage Greek tributaries of Athens in the 5th century, is even more striking if we put it in parallel with development, at the same era, of the coinage of the cities which were not part of the League. It will suffice to recall the abundance, the value riity and artistic beauty of the staters, of eginetic weight, from Thebes in the 5th century, those of large cities Thessalians

29 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 30 like Larisse and Phères; those of Elis- Olympia, of Argos, of Zacynthus; the stalers of Corinth and its colonies, not to mention cities of Crete, Cyrenaica, Western Greek world of Italy and Sicily, Greek cities of Cilicia, Pamphylia, Cyprus and all the other cities remaining in the empire of Achaemenid Persians, because never the Persians, more liberal than Athens, did not upset the autonomous coinage of Greek cities which were included in their empire. Thus, in the commerce of the cities of basin of the Aegean Sea and even well into beyond, from the beginning and throughout the thalassocracy Athenian, the tetradra- chems with the head of Athena and the owl, replace the local coinages indicated genes. It is in this diffusion that persisted three quarters of a century, that is the secret of the extreme abundance of tetra- Athenian drachmas known as old style. IT. Coercive measures taken by the Athenians to impose owl tetradrachms. Athens was too interested in the diffusion Zion of his owls so as not to search, from the first day, to impose them, even by regulations or by force which per- suade better than all other means, to the countries it had managed to encompass in this League which had become fast- an instrument of domination in his skillful hands. We have already pointed out some measurements administrative to which Athens resorted in the last pe- period of the Peloponnesian War for maintain the monetary monopoly?., We we have to come back to it within ourselves illuminating recent research of which these measures have been the subject of various scholars. We noticed notably that Aristo- phane alludes to it. In his Comedy of Birds, represented for the first time in 414, he puts on the lips of one of his Characters, expressions that recall slow the monopoly monetary than Athens 1. See on this point, Descr. hist. 1. JIMD-18. 2. See our Descr. hist., t. II, p. 26. then exercised with more and more difficulty. Here is this passage in which it is a question to develop a constitution for the city aerial birds: Phislhéléros: “Who is this other annoying person, with its laws? “I am a crier of edicts of the people and I come to see if you want to buy laws. : “What do you mean? : “So that the Nephelococcy- people use the same measures, weights and currencies! than the Olophyxians. “By beating you, I’m going to make you con- to be born the weights of the Ototy- xiens n 2 The maker of laws: Phistheteros The law maker Phistheleros : It is obviously alluded to in this passage, to some regulation which ordered 1. Mérootst «ai staôuoïot xxi vouiouaot (the latter term, vouiouast, is with reason substituted by Rud. Weil to Ynoisuaot). 2. The Nephelococcygians are the inhabitants of the aerial city of Birds; the Olophyxians were the inhabitants of a deme of Attica which, without doubt, had special laws of which the Athenians were joking. Under the pretext of having misheard the word Olophyxians, Phistheteros said in reply, Otolyxians (Qroti£to: instead of ’0ho2%£10:).

31 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 32 the standardization of weights, measures and mon- naies’. We recognize a measure taken by Athens to impose its medical system stick and its currency to tributary towns whose complaints were particular- ly after the time when the Comedy of Birds. The Athenians persisted are born to assert the benefits of a uniform currency common to all; but allies and tributaries, in the name of their self- lost nomie, remained deaf to their remonstrances. Coinage attempts large autonomous silver coins darting produced from various sides, Athens resolved to intervene by force to repress them Wed. She had it engraved and exhibited on the square public of all tributary towns, decrees (YrnoisuxT:) which prohibited the autonomous coinage under severe penalties veres. We have received two copies of one of these prohibitive decrees, one of these texts was found in Smyrna, the other in the island of Siphnos. These two similar texts, but many complement each other, but only in part? They refer 1. Th. Reinach, Monetary anarchy, p. 4. 2. The text of the daptoua found in Smyrna was first published by A. Baumeister, in the Sifzungsberichte der Preussischen Akade- mie der Wissenschaften, 1855, p.197, n° 22. The inscription tion of Siphnos was published by Hiller von Gær- tringen, in Registration Insul. Maris Ægaei, fac. V, n° 480. The merit of having brought the two together texts go to Mr. Rudolf Weil, in the Zeit. for Numism., t. XXV, p. 52 to 62; the same, Zeit. for Num., t. XXVIII, 1910, p. 356. Cf. Charles Michel, Collection of Registration Greek. Supplement, No. 1439; Ugh. Cavaignac, Financial History of Athens, p. 186; Theod. Reinach, Monetary anarchy and its remedies of, p. 4; Percy Gardner, Journal of Hellenic Studies, t. XXXIIL, 1913, p. 150. We believe we must trans- write, here, according to these scholars, this important text to which we have already alluded (Descr. hist., 120) to a previous decree on the same subject, but which has not reached us. This older decree, the Athenians had it rendered on the initiative of a certain Cléar- chos, to prohibit allied cities from coinage of silver (edv tes x6ntn voptom £v vator môhestv), and to use currencies, weights and measures other than those from Athens. Penalties of up to one fine of 10,000 drachmas were pro taken against offenders. The second decree, — that which is to us received in duplicate, — confirm the prescriptions of the Yéotoux of Clearchos He adds that anyone who has money non-Athenian (£svwxiv) is invited to verse it at the local mint, where the masterful (ërisrara) will change it Athenian currency’. Mr. Th. Reinach places this document between =] r gæoy0910 ..26uvoow nuoiats ôpayuaïc * LAaTaEVar WHERE TÔ do: gua TOÛE TÔs dp- JOVTas Ëv Taist ue ty 4vayo pigavras èv sthhne Aublvne Ev th dyopai ÉxLGOTNS TRS The: aa Ts issuedtac ÉUTo00ÛEv To äpyvooxomio * Auntie Ôlaughs “AOnvai- 05, at ph adtoi BéAwvTtat * denbñvar 0 ad- tuwy TÜy xhouxa Tdv idVTa Üoa EÀEVOTL *Onvaior * mpooyoäat to rpùs Thv YU UNV 10 tœhy tic Bons To, ypaupatéx TÔV Th SoAñs, After-sales service tie LÔTTNL vOpLoua dpyvplo &v Talot TO- Aeotv # ph yofTat vouisuasiv Tois A Orvatwy To stabmots To pérontc, QAR Éevrmois vopiauasty xai oTaluois al HLÉTROIS, TV 15 tipwplav (9) elvar war Tù TpTepov Vstouax 0 Kheapyos elmev * Tùs 0 ldtwTas dmobdvat Tù Eevindv Apybotov — — Éxastoy (?) ütau ROAnTaL, try 0ë rOAV xatahhgtrey (?): AroypaddvTruwy 0È Ti aûTd ÉXAITOL LA LATAËXAGYTUV ÈS TÙ 20 ApYV00LÔTLOV, ui ôù entotäatar mapaûstd- evot £s AEUXWLATE AVaYORYAVTES LATABÉY- Twy — — euTposdey ro doyvooxonio cxoTÈ, TO! 2oOUEvVUL, avayeiqavres wpic pèv td Ee- VLXÔV, YWpÎc dE — — —y ap yUptLov Cr 1. Rud. Weil, Zeil. for Num., Reinach, loc. cik., p. 5. tk, XXV, p. 56:10

33 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 34 420 and 415 approximately, that is to say towards the time of the Melos expedition (416) and before the representation of the Birds (414). These decrees, we see, are the last demonstrations of the policy of intimidation tion and coercion followed by Athens, all the time she held on to the head of the Attico-Délian League. We have stated above the reasons which rendered these rigorous measures in vain: before the end of the Peloponnesian War nèse, the great commercial and economic role mic of old style owls is finished. Besides, a particular reason came to render coercive measures ineffective. tives of the Athenians and singular favora- the rebirth of local currencies: it is that the very source of the tetradrachms Athenians found themselves dried up towards the end of the Peloponnesian War. The occupation of Decélie by the Lacedaemonians, from 413, forced the Athenians to suspend the exploitation lalion of the mines of Laurion’. The slaves themselves who worked there, provoked to the revolt by the Lacedaemonians, deserted rent their construction sites in the most terrible insurrections whose ancient history kept the memory. For a long time Was Laurion abandoned? From there, the financial shortage which forced the Athenians, in 407, to exhaust their re- used for the Acropolis and even to melt the Golden Victories which decorated the surroundings of the Parthenon, then in 406, to resort to the first time in the coinage of bronze. The Athenian gold coin of the year 407 is only a currency of necessity which was 1. Thucydides, VII, 91; cf. Percy Gardner, Journ. of Hellen. Studies, t. XXXIII, p.153. 2. Ardaillon, The mines of Laurion, p. 149; E. Babelon, Treatise. Theory and Doctrine, t. I, DA H00e Volume IV. removed from circulation as soon as the finances of the city made it possible to place by good silver coin}. This character of obsidional currency must also be recognized in the first coins of bronze. We recount further the action unfavorable treatment which was given to these pieces of bronze or lead, that we were forced to issue as soon as access to ar-mines gent of Laurion was closed and the re- metal servers from the treasure of Athena eu- have been exhausted. The sellers of the market from Athens, according to a well-known passage from the Assembly many of Aristophanes' wives, had the habit dare to accommodate the little ones in their mouths divisions silver coin Athenian. When in 406 we issued, for the first time, bronze coinage, they continued in the same way and out of habit, to place in their mouth the news species, although they were more crowded brantes. One of the gossips that puts in scene Aristophanes, in 393, said that she had mouth full of copper coins when the public herald came to proclaim the decrie of the currency of this metal. However, these bronze pieces so mis- prized had a more practical character tick that the series of small pieces of art- people who sometimes weighed only a few centigrams. If it were more inconvenient to put them in the mouth, at least we was not likely to lose them so easily. ment; they were more manageable, more easily recognizable. These qualities found no favor before uses routines and the self-esteem of the Athenians. 1. Percy Gardner, Journal of Hellen. Studies, t. XXXIII, p. 185. 3

35 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 36 Bronze coinage succumbed under the sarcasms of the beautiful minds who rhyme- milk on the rovnwhere yaxix; she was demo- netized in 393 '. After an eclipse of 54 years, the xakxoës fil its reappearance in the capital of Atti- that, in 339, under the empire of the same necessities which had caused one first time on the show. Outside of Athens we did not have the same prejudices. Bronze is struck in all the Hellenic countries, at least from the first third of the 15th century. But everywhere also it is a conventional currency el no, like gold and silver, a mon- born at full value. The guys don't guarantee weave more quantity of pure metal than contains the part; they are only an indication cation of its legal value and convention- nelle. This is what Economists call slow sign money, as opposed to real equivalent money. IV. Countries which kept the eginetic standard in the 15th century. The Rhodian standard, its diffusion, its alliance with the Attic standard. The fall of Athens in 404 did not lead to ca monetary change in the regions of the Greek world who had not been part of the Attico-Délian League. Corinth, sur- all from around the year 400, develops immensely the strike of his staters at Pegasus (8 gr. 60), but these foals re- prevalent especially in Western countries where they are imitated in all the colonies Corinthians of Acarnania, Epirus, southern Italy and as far as Sicily. They don't hardly venture into the markets of Aegean Sea. We do not have to talk about Sparta, the victorious, who has no currency before Alexander. Other cities of Peloponnese nese, Argos, Phlionte, Sicyone, the cities of Achaia, Elis, Messene, Stymphalus, Man- tinée, Tegea, Megalopolis after its founding lion under the leadership of Epaminondas, in 3170, the whole Peloponnese, in a word, remains faithful to the eginetic system which he does not abandon will only be given after Alexander. Crete too 4 Aristophanes, Ranæ, 195; cf. our Treaty. Theo- rie and Doctrine, t. 1, p. 461, and hereinafter, $ Athens. remains entirely eginelic. But these Peloponnesian coins and Cretan, even the staters, have barely more than one circumference local culture; no more than the foals of Corinth they do not enter into the Aegean International Merchandise. The eginetic system continues to reign without competitor on Boeotia, Locris, Phocis, during the rv° century, until Alexander. At Delphi itself, although in the accounts of the temple of Apollo Pythian, Attic weight money be constantly cited in competition with weight money eginetics, it is eginetics which remains the ele- length of the coinage of Delphi, as at- test the magnificent staters (12 gr. 14) from the Amphictyons, to the types of the head of Demeter and Apollo on the omphalos. Thus, in the 15th century, until Alexander, the eginetic standard is, as before, master of the whole Peloponnese and the most large part of central Greece without the Attic standard succeeded in ousting him. The action of Athens was therefore mainly exercised on the islands and on the coastal towns

37 | GENERAL INTRODUCTION 38 Aegean. It was the same, we saw it- rons, of the Rhodian standard. Against the Peloponnese and the cities of the North, great political upheavals ticks agitated the Greek maritime cities times, following the fall of Athens in 404. Everywhere, here, local particularism is wake up. Athens no longer producing tetra- silver drachmas, could not think of spread as before on all the ribs. The towns which had been part of his empire and had suffered, in this respect, his requirements prohibitive, se finding lacking cash, were in some way sort, forced by their economic needs ques, to reopen their workshops for the broadcast sion of a new autonomous currency. And in fact, we immediately see the autonomous coinage of money becoming again abundant, in most cities where it had remained suspended for more than sixty years. Just open a locket to be struck by the extraordinary flowering of large silver coins, tetradrachms or staters, in all these cities, as soon as they are delivered from the Athenian yoke. The lists mother would be quoting all the workshops one by one coasts and islands, not only those which were already functioning before the big Persian invasions and who resumed their broadcasts so long suspended, but also, the cities, even more numerous, which saw a workshop for the first time, either from the last years of the war of the Peloponnese, i.e. at the beginning of the 4th century. Only, the eginetic standard which had been driven from the shores of the Aegean Sea by the Attic stallion, did not win back his year its preponderance. It's another rival, the Rhodian standard, that the Attic standard goes especially now to meet him in front of him. Égine is putting her workshop back into operation, at the same time as its exiled inhabitants meet return to their homes. She resumes naturally really the show of his staters of eginetic weight that it will continue, but little abundantly, until middle of 15th century, Delos, like Euboea, hunts its Athenian clergy, Skyros, Imbros, Lem- our whose population was Athenian, are forced to submit to the lacerated yoke demonian. Thasos, already so tested, undergoes a new revolution; likewise Lesbos, Samos, Miletus, Cyrene and as far as Byzantium where the Lacedaemonian Clearchus settles down!. Of governments oligarchs replace democratic governments everywhere that Athens had imposed. In the island of Rhodes, events took a turn that interests us particularly from a numismatic point of view tick. Of the synoecism of the three ancients cities, Camiros, Ialysos and Lindos, were born, at the beginning of 407, the city of Rhodes, settled at the northern tip of the island. From the the day after its foundation it beat my naie, choosing for national emblems the head of Helios and the pomegranate flower ($680v, Bahkaboruov), Under economic influence mics of Athens which was still practicing this date, the first pieces of Rhodes are tetradrachms of Attic weight. It does not take long for them to be replaced by coins of a special standard, which was only one variety of the old thousand-year-old stallion. Rhodes creates the 15 gr stater. 50 *?. 4. Cavaignac, Hist. p. 237 and 254. 2. See our Descr. hist., t. 11, p. 1014. We ancient, t. He, Athens,

39 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 40 The Rhodian system which must have had a immense success and spread not only- lies in the East, in Egypt, in Cyrene, but in most Aegean ports and up to in the Euxine and the western basin of the Mediterranean, is far from having the fixity of the Atlantic system. In the table that we have drawn up some !, we will notice that it oscillates, depending on the city, between 15 gr. 50 and 14 gr 20. Among its divisions, below the te- tradrachm, comes The tridrachm of 11 gr. 61 at 10 gr. 65, division which is hit well rarely in other systems, but that we we will meet in a enough many of the cities that have adopted the Rhodian foot, because this tridrachm cor- corresponds exactly to the weight slater Persian (11 gr. 20). The rho-tridrachm dien is therefore, in reality, a per- sique and this desired meeting has not little contributed to the success and dissemination of the Rhodian standard on the coasts of mid-Asia neure and from there to the Cyclades. The drachma Rhodian varies from 3 gr. 87 to 3 gr. 55; more later, it hardly exceeds 3 gr. In 394, the victory of Cnidus won by Conon and Pharnabaze having seemed res- destroy the fortune and prestige of Athens? a new political League was formed, but the cities which joined it were the allies, and no longer, as in the past, the tributaries from Athens. We told, subsequently by Waddington and K. Regling *, how let us recall that the Milesian efalon is the same as the one who is sometimes called Greco-Asialic and which He- Rodote is referred to as Phoenician. 4. Description. hist., t. II, p. 1014. 2. Description hist., t. He, pp. 986 and 1018. 3. See above all : K. Regling, Zeit für Num., LXXNE 906 p.20 to 214 CP ADescr hist he: p. 21 and 986. they decided to adopt on their mounts naies, as a symbol and pledge of alliance, the image of Heracles child strangling them snakes, type sometimes accompanied by legend significant, Zuvæytxôv doyéptov. But this type presents varieties and coins which bear it are in no way cut according to a common standard. Thebes who was perhaps the protagonist of this mou- vement against the Lacedaemonians, applies to its currencies which have the federal type, the eginetic weight at which she always remained faithful days; Byzantium, Ephesus, Cnidus, Rho- of, Iasos emit rho-tridrachms diens (Persian staters); Samos strikes with the same type of Heracles in the cradle, at both an Attic tetradrachm (17 gr.) and a Rhodian tridrachm, thus testifying of the two opposite directions which are arguing milk this island so important to the point of strategic and commercial view!. Lampsaque sports the same design on its stalers of pure gold and Cyzicus on its staters of electrum. Cities in the West joined also joined the League; Zacynthe strikes federal type of 11 gr coins. 61. These emissions reflect the common political actions caused by victory Athenian. From the spring of 393, the Allied fleets of Conon and Pharnabaze recapture from the Lacedaemonians the cities of the Asian coast, from Cnidus and Rhodes to the Hellespont; they travel through the Cyclades, restoring governments everywhere nements democratic. Corinth having massacred the leaders of the Lacedaemonian party calls the Athenian Iphicrates within its walls. Pharnabaze provides the money to raise the Long Walls of Athens, the capital of 1. Description hist., t. If, p. 1071, nos. 1811 and 1812.

41 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 42 Attica aspires to become mistress of the sea!. But, the diversity of weight and aloi in the coinage of the cities which league with Athens after the Battle of Cnidus in 394, is indeed proof that it is then a political symmachy and military, zero- ment of a monetary agreement. If each city, in a word, adopts the emblem of the League to clearly assert its political membership tick, we neither create nor adopt a currency common to the entire League. Athens, far from thinking, this time, of im- ask his allies and their allies replace autonomous currencies, scrupulously respects the monetary rights local authorities. The coins urban reached everywhere, at that time, at the apo- age of their independent flowering, and we can also add their flowering artistic. We know that, politically, this movement reaction in favor of Athens was short-term. Aided by the Argives, the La- Cedemonians return in Corinth and lharmoste Teleutias block the road of Cyprus to the Athenian fleet. In vain, Thrasybulus who, in 390, had reinstalled the au- toriled from Athens to Byzantium and reestablished the dime on the goods that crossed the Bosphorus, undertakes to travel, name of the new League, the coasts of Asia- minor: he was killed at Aspendos in 389?. . Rhodes returns to the Lacedaemo alliance nienne. After the peace negotiated by Antal- cidas in 387, the influence of Rhodes did not that grow, thanks to its commercial activity cial. His ships carry his everywhere currency in the Sun and rose. Like 1.E. Cavaignac, Hist.del'Ant., t. 11, Afhenes, p.261. 2. Cavaignac, op. cit., p. 262. Athens is no longer there to impose its fun, benefits and amenities of a common, international currency, adopt the foot of Rhodian silver in the size of autonomous species of a multitude of cities, not only in Caria, Cyprus and Asia Minor, but in the Cypriot clades, in Cyrene and on European shores of the Aegean Sea and the Thracian Sea!. A second time, following the blow State of Pelopidas who freed Thebes in 379, and the attempt of the Spartan Spho- drias against Athens in 378, the latter understood the need to pull himself together energetically quely. At the request of Archon Nau- sinicos, the Athenians consented of great financial sacrifices to recon- destroy a war fleet. Iphicrates, Cha- brias, Timothy, Callistrates united their efforts to lay the foundations of a new vel Athenian empire relying on al- alliance with Thebes and inviting the Islands Aegean and Maritime Stalls to shake the odious yoke of Lacedaemon? Like the day after their victory at Cnidus, the - Alhenians spontaneously offered gifts ranties, promised to pursue a policy tick no longer personal like other- times, but truly federal, of respect the constitutions of each state, to no longer demand tribute (05901), but to be satisfied with simple subscriptions volunteers (owwrdësx) for the maintenance of the federal fleet. They further committed to renounce any installation of clerouchie in the islands or elsewhere *. The new war with Lacedaemon took place 4. Fr. Lenormant, Money in Anliquilé, t. 11, p. 97; cf. our Descr. hist., t. If, p. 1014. 2. E. Curtius, Hist. Greek, t. IV, p. 353 et seq. 3, ECurtius, Histo -qtecq. LIN D: 355:

43 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 44 for theater the islands of the Archipelago; during two years we limited ourselves to skirmishes; finally the Athenian admiral Chabrias met the Lacedaemonian fleet commanded by Pollis, in the wide channel that separates Naxos of Paros. A great battle began on September 9, 376; the Lacedaemonians were completely defeated, their fleet destroyed; Chabrias returned to Athens with loot of 110 talents!. Athens then took over the hege- mony on the Cyclades, which it had to der until the time of Philip of Macé- doine. It was, for the capital of Attica, a period of prosperity. Xenophon, middle of the 15th century, depicts the exploitation Laurion mines reverted to quite active? But the advice given the Revenue Treaty to rebuild Lau- rion the source of the wealth of the State and individuals, could not be placed well long time in practice. The fight against Phi- Lippe of Macedonia came to put an end to this rebirth. On the verge of succumbing, Athens was, once again, obliged to make gold money, with the serves the treasure of Athena. Greek freedom succumbed at Chaeronea in 338; Philip, conqueror of the Athenians and the Thebans, imposed itself as a generalization sime of the Greeks against the Persians. On the international market, the currency of Phi- lippe (Attic gold statere of 8 gr. 61; tel- Rhodian tradrachm of 14 gr. 51) fit, from therefore, competition is all the more table to the Athenian currency, that the pro- duction of the Athens workshop was found, at from this time, singularly re- 1. Diod, Sic., XV, 35; cf. E. Curtius, Hist. Greek, t. IV, p. 358; E. Cavaignac, Hisl. from Antiquity, THE PATréenes Island, p.302. 2. Ardaïllon, The mines of Laurion, p. 151. pick. It was counterbalanced by mines gold and silver from Philippi and Epi- Thrace which the king of Macedonia put into ex- ploitation with the activity that we know. After his accession in 336, and once his hegemony over all of universal Greece sallity recognized, in the diet of Corinth, in 334, Alexander did not have to give himself the penalty of prohibiting Athens from continuing to strike tetradrachms with the owl. The Laurion mines being almost exhausted, money had become very scarce Athens, so much so that the ratio of gold to the money was then like 1 to 10!. If the wise administration of Lycurgus, during a period of twelve years (from 338 to 326), restored Athenian finances, she didn't save the owl's change. It happened for Athens the same phenomenon that in all the cities where penetrated the armies Macedonian, that is to say throughout the Hellenic East: the tetradrachms of Alexander substitute killed without difficulty with tetradrachms tonomes, because that the currency of Ale- xandre was, from an economic point of view and commercial, as advantageous as that from Athens. Philippe had already struck, with the products of the mines of Thrace, beautiful and good pieces gold and silver that we knew appreciated on all markets ches. Alexander went further; to do fall the Athenian currency, he adopted the Attic weight with which everyone Greek was already familiar. The weight of Silver Alexanders is the same as that owls; the strike was modernized, less archaic, which made the handling ment of rooms more convenient; the owls 1. Ardaillon, The mines of Laurion, p. 115.

45 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 46 your were no longer new, but already in largely worn by traffic prolonged; the Alexanders were at the con- brand new and issued in large quantities dance. The substitution of the currency of Ale- xander to the mint of Athens was therefore made easily, without shaking and without the slightest protest from the trade. She was further favored by the decline of the commercial movement in Athens and the ruin of its political influence in the former exterior. However, it is important to observe that for the time of Alexander and his successors immediate ceasers, the alexan currency drine spread especially on the continent European and Asian. The ports remain rent faithful to the Rhodian standard during throughout the mr century, and even, in certain country, until the arrival of the Romans. It's thus that we find again the Rhodian drachma of 3 gr. 25 among the monetary species listed in the accounts of the hierops of the temple of Apollo at Delphi, in 279!. After Alexander, we find the Rhodian standard applied to the size of the coins of Andros, Tenos, Delos, Naxos, Paros, Melos, that is that is to say of all the Gyclades which thus had, during the 15th century, abandoned given, some, the eginetic system, the others, the Atlantic system to adopt a new but common size, while con- 1. Homolle, Bull. corr. hell., t. VI, 1882, p. 132; cf. our Trailé. Theory and Doctrine, t. I, p. 500. serving their cash its au- tone. The Drachma of the Confederation of Cy- clades created in 308, under the protectorate of Ptolemy, became very popular under the island drachma name, vast dozyuû or nesiaca drachma’; its weight which varies following the workshops, 3 gr. 85 to 3 gr. 36, clearly shows that it was only a va- rity of the Rhodian drachma. Crete, which remained foreign to all these events, even hits at the end of 4th century all its coins according to the state lon eginetique that she had adopted as of the origin. Cyrenaica, further away core than Crete, seems to have suffered political only the aftermath of the events of the end of the Peloponnesian War, without that the size of its species is affected. Before the wars Medicines, she had adopted the euboic foot. After 480, the Cyrenean cities have series self- silver names that feature the alliance of the Attic system with the ancient system siacque called, from the 15th century, the Rhodian system. A similar duality of grain for parts of the same types are found in the golden creseids, in Carthage *? and elsewhere; we reported it to Samos *; she is constant in the currencies of the first Lagids in Egypt. 1. Hultsch, Metrol Scriptores, 1, 301; II, 143; our Treaty. Theory and Doctrine, t. I, p. 501. 2. Description hist, t. 1 p.281: 3. Description hist., t. II, p. 1067.

47 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 48 V. — General characteristics of monetary types. The role of international currency including the Athenian tetradrachm remained invested for so long, led to the immutability of types, weight, size and the appearance exterior of this monetary species. Such is the reason why, during the v° and 4th centuries, owls remained unchanged aged. We pushed respect for tradition until you place pieces in the field no brand workshop, neither symbol, mono- gram or name of magistrate: none other numismatic suite does not present a similar uniformity, for a period of such a prolonged time. The series of the fortresses and the foals themselves are far from undergo such rigor in their fixity: the field of pieces is often occupied by monetary differences, from the beginning from the 15th century, symbols, monograms and names of magistrates appear in Greek numismatics. We know that there was, in the Hellenistic world- that, many other political groups than the Attico-Délian league. We have there already alluded to, but it is important to in- sister on this point. Character and purpose of these provincial leagues is clearly defined by Fr. Lenormant: “In different parts of Greece and Greek countries and at various times, the dangers of all kinds which resulted from fragmentation of sovereignty until in the smallest localities, the isolation ment and the rivalry of cities in relation to each other, led to the implementation 1, See above, p. 15. common to military forces and major provincial interests, through the formation of permanent leagues having, for these things, a federal government and institutions communes, but where each of the cities or tribes who freely entered the league, kept his special laws, with the fullness of its sovereignty for its af- inner doings’. » These political unions or federations ordinarily constituted between cantons or cities with the same ethnic origin, traditions and common interests, a national sanctuary, speaking the same dia- lect, living in a region which includes same kind of existence for the inhabitants. Thus, the Dorians of Pelopon- nese early formed a group- ethnically, religiously and commercial who had as their currency the Phido-staters niens to the Aegina tortoise, qualified veutoux Helorovvnotaxov, In the 5th and 15th centuries, in our geographical domain, the countries where we find political leagues established which had a collective cash are: Euboea, with its legendary coins EYBOIEON, struck at Eretria, to the types of the nymph Euboia and the cow lo. Boeotia, including the federal currencies minted for the most part in Thebes, which some of them at Thespies, bear the legend BOINTON, with the indented shield and the amphora; the Boeotian cities, members of the League, also kept the shield 1. Fr. Lenormant, Money in Antiquity, THE 1 0 Ar PA

49 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 50 indented as the main type of their autonomous species. Phocis: its coins, struck Daulis, have the legend DOKIKON or DQ- KEOQN ct the bull's head for per-type manent. Delphi, landlocked in Phocis, but independent, issued in 346 magni- fiques coins amphictyonic with the effigy of the ancient Demeter of Anthela and Apollo seated on the omphalos. Locrida, including the federal currencies, to the legend AOKPON, were struck at Opponent to the Ajax type fighter. Corinth and its colonies; the slaters at Pegasus and at the head of Athena Chalinitis (the #who, foals), bear the initials of each workshop (the colonies of Corinth . are outside the scope of this volume). The Achaean League, whose capital was successively Aegæ, Helicé and Aegion, coins with the legend AXAIQN or with the monogram & , accompanying the images ages of Zeus Homagyrios and Demeter Panachaia. Arcadia, whose abundant trioboles, to the legend APKAAIKON, have for types the Zeus of Mount Lycée and the head of Des- poina; after 370, the League arcadian mints federal currency in Megalopolis, to the lypes of Zeus Lycaios and Pan, with the monogram Æ (APKzuwy). The Confederation of the Cyclades, constitutes killed only in 308, emits in most part of the adhering islands, the dozyut vnotwrtr (Mesiaca drachma) which is not, from the point of view weight, that a variety of the drachma Rhodian t, Cyrenaica has federal currencies 1. See this Trailé. Theory and doctrine, t. I, p. 502, and above, p. 46. Volume IV. minted in Cyrene, with the legend KYPA- NAION or without legend, whose types are silphium and the head of Zeus Ammon. Crete does not have federal cash, but to invest this role in the staters of certain cities, despite the variety of their types, a Supreme Council made them con- to mark with a cauldron (}é6rs) or a tripod: only the coins bearing this countermark were admitted in the official city-to-city relations, or for payment of fines imposed by the xouvôv Kontowv court. The federal currencies we come from to define, were only issued inter- mittence, in moments of external crisis emergency or necessity, to prepare a armed or respond to an attack against the independence of the common nationality. Sometimes also this coinage aims to the part of the city which orders it, to affirm in the eyes of all, its claims to gemmony on other Confederate cities: this was the case for Thebes, Heraea, Mantinea, Megalopolis and other cities that found thus a means of proclaiming their supremacy metropolitan area. This metro privilege- pole, pretext for so many intrigues and internal struggles, included, in addition to the strike of federal currencies, the presidency of meetings of delegates from all cities associated, honorary primacy in religious festivals, the management of the Games na- nationals. This is why these federal currencies rales often have, at the same time, a agonistic character, having been struck at the occasion for these periodic panegyries. Let us cite as examples, the currencies of the xotvèv Aoxddwv, issued for games Arcadic Mount High School; those of the Pho- cidians struck for the games celebrated at 4

51 Daulis in honor of the hero eponym Phocos; those of the Achaean League its during the meetings of the delegates of the League at the temple of Zeus Homagyrios. At the forefront of agonistic pieces it is necessary to place the abundant series of staters minted for the quadrennial celebration of the Olympic Games, with the name of Eleans, F.A. or FAAEION, exceptional- OAYNMIKON. The Pythian games celebrated at Delphi, also every four years, were also the occasion of the strike coins with the AAADIKON legend. The bronzes of Eleusis whose character religious is undeniable must have been issued, _from the middle of the 15th century, for periodic festivals which were called the Grand- of the Eleusinia. The coins of Salamis appear, for their part, to have a narrow relationship with the games organized in this island in honor of Ajax, son of Telamon. In Boeotia, most coins of Coronea and Haliarte were struck, some for the festivals of Athena I[tonian, the others for those of Poseidon Onchestios. At Pellene, Stymphale, Pheneus, Tegea, the feles of Apollo Théoxénios, of Arlémis Stym- phalia, of Hermes Cyllenian and Athena Alea, were also the occasion of the show from beautiful coins to the types of these divisions local units. Likewise, the staters types of Demeter and Zeus Ithomatas to Messene where we celebrated annually the 'I)wpuatz, Let us also cite as currencies agonistic, those of Delos with Apollo and the lyre, and those of Tenos to the type of Poseidon whose panegyries have remained have been popular and frequented for so long by all the islanders. The often considerable costs that dragged these inseparable national games [ GENERAL INTRODUCTION D2 religious festivals and political meetings : ques, sometimes resulted in the typing of medals including artistic beauty ex-. ceptional was researched and implemented tionally related, so to speak, with the brilliance of these amphiclyoni meetings- ques and these popular competitions. Mani- obviously, we call on artists in renowned for engraving the corners and making these medals are precious memories for those who had attended these parties or had taken part in these games and these meetings: national. They played the role of our: artistic and commemorative medals. Another circumstance of public life. only Greeks who required the broadcast of abundant cash, was the preparation. military expeditions, maintenance fleets and armies. We saw it for Athens; we we will see it from even in many other cities, each times our historical information per=. will clarify the circumstances of. emissions. We will then note, in the chosen types, direct allusions to events which caused these emissions sions: these pieces are real monuments ments of contemporary history. It's thus, to cite a few examples, that Thebes, the type of Heracles as a puffy child snakes in its cradle, recalls the League against Sparle which accompanied the victory of Conon at Cnidus, in 394. Des. coins of Orchomenus in Boeotia, of Thea bes.and of Corinth relate to the events events which led to the battle of OEno- phyta in 45b; types of Argos and Elis sanction the alliance between the Argives and the Eleans who followed the peace of Nicias in 421. The tragic story of the Pisates in 364 is attested by small medals in their name.

53 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 54 In Mantinea, Heræa, Megalopolis and in the most Arcadian cities, we cons- let's test the consequences through currencies of the expedition of Epaminondas and the inter- intervention of the Boeotians in the affairs of Peloponnese in 370. At Zacynthus, the sta- terers in the name of Dion the Syracusan are the illustration of the story of this adventurer in 357. In short, in many circumstances the oc- case will arise to signal the character history of certain monetary types. However, the mythological types are a lot more numerous. Each city, in all parts of the hellish world nique, and at all times, held to honor to recall memories on coins mythical and its legendary origins; she adorned herself with it like a coat of arms; the mytho- local logy has been the inexhaustible source of the inspiration of engravers. In Athens, it is the poliade goddess Athena; at Eleusis, Demeter and Triptolemus; in Sala- mine, Ajax, son of Telamon,; in Corinth, Bellerophon, Pegasus, the nymph Peirene; in Euboea, the Hera of Mount Dirphys, lo, Artemis Amarynthienne, the His-nymphs tied and Arethusa. In Boeotia, we are informed- rons the legend of the Theban Heracles; to Thespians, Aphrodite the Black; in Orchomenus Minyenne, offended separatist types as for deep Thebes which ends up impose the Boeotian shield on her rival. Whichever way we turn our looks, local legends interpreted by the types monetary abound. A Phlionte is the omphalos of this city and the bull, emblem of the Asopos; in Sicyon, it is the Ghimère and Bellerophon, the dove and the soothsayer Melampos. In Argos, it is Hera, Diomedes removing the Palladium, the pillar- fountain and the key of the Heraion with the wolf who was its guardian. A Epi- sea bream, it's Asclepius, Epione, Apollo Maleatas; to Troezenus, Apollo Thearios and Athena Lemnaia; to Hermione, the Demeter chthonic; in Mothone, Hephaestus. The cities of Achaia also wish to recall the gods and heroes who presided over their destinies: Zeus Homagyrios, Athena and Demeter Panachaia, Artemis Laphria on the coins of the League; Zeus as a child Aegion,; Poseidon Heliconios in Helice; Apol- lon Theoxénios in Pellene; the nymph Dyme in the city to which she gave her name. Likewise in Arcadia, alongside the types federal which relate to Poseidon Hip- pios, to the myths of Arcas and Callisto, of Zeus Irycaios and Despoina-Artemis, or of Pan-Helios, everywhere arise types local: Artemis Stymphalienne and Hera- keys fighting birds, at Stymphale; the river god Erymanthus to Psophis; Arté- mis Heurippa, the nymph Maia and Hermes carrying Arcas to Pheneus; Callisto, Arcas and Artemis to Orchomenus; the horse Erion, Demeter Erinys and Apollo Oncheiates _Thelpusa; the hero Pallas in Pallantion; Cepheus, the Gorgon, Athena Alea in Tegea; Athena Alea to Alea; Zeus Lycaios in Par- rhasia; Zeus Lycaios, Artemis, Despoina, Pan, the eponymous hero Heraios in Heræa; Poseidon Hippios, Lycaon, the tomb of Ar- case, Ulysses, Podarès, and the legends relating tives to the bear and the Arcadian eaters of acorns, in Mantinea. Demeter and Zeus Ithomatas represent the Messenian legends on the mon- born from Messene, like Olympian Zeus and its numerous symbols recall the origins of the Olympic games on the sta- ter Eleans. In Zacynthus we find the eponymous hero and Heracles as a child; In

55 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 56 the cities of Cephallenia, these are the fables relating to Cephalus, Procris and the dog Lalapse; finally, we have the supposed effigy performance of Ulysses on the bronzes of Ithaca. While traveling through the Cyclades we noticed- we will find the same variety of borrowed types to local mythology; Apollo and Artemis in Delos, Dionysus Pogon in Naxos, in Paros, in Mykonos; Poseidon at Tenos; Apollon Aegle- you in Thera; the eagle of Zeus at Siphnos; the pomegranate, the cabire Cadmilos, the bee of Aris- tee and other various types in Mélos. Each city in Crete also has its traditions mythicals translated into particular types bind. Those concerning Zeus Dictaios and Zeus Idaios, Rhea-Amalthea, the Curetes, Ariadne, Minos, the Minotaur, Europe removed born by the divine bull, Artemis-Dictynne or Britomartis, are common throughout the island. Itanos in particular, the giant anguiped Dagon, of Phoenician origin, called by the Greeks Glaucos or Triton’. The Zeus of Mont Dicté and its attributes form the types essentials of the cities of the eastern part of the island, such as Præsos which also has He- Dorian racles from the Peloponnese; Hiera- pytna and Lyttos, where we still find the triskelion and the Lycian boar. In Chersonese- sos is Zeus Dictaios, Britomartis and Apol- lon on the omphalos. Gortyn offers us multiple varieties of the European legend which is sometimes confused with Britomartis and with Ariadne. In Priansos, it is Poseidon and Persephone, hypostasis of Britomartis. Knosse, the most important city of the island, is the seat of the legend of King Minos, of the Minotaur, of the labyrinth, of Pasiphaé, of Ariadne, of Theseus, which we find on various monetary types; relationships with 4. Adolphe Reinach, Rev. of history. religions, t. LX, 1909, pp. 161 and 309. the Peloponnese also introduced Zeus there Olympian and Argive Hera. We will see for what ethnic reasons we have, on the coins of Rhaucos, the type of Posei- don Hippios, as in Boeotia and Arca- die. In Tylisos, it is Apollo holding in hand the head of the Cretan ibex. The legends of Zeus of Mount Ida, heart of Crete, were, in turn, particularly used by engravers currencies of this region. In Phæstos we let's find the curious type of Zeus Velcha- nos, perhaps the ancestor of the Etruscan Vulcan Latin; the giant Talos, guardian of the island of Crete, related to the Minotaur; the myths of Europa, Hermes, Heracles and the tau- Cretan water. In Eleutherne, it is Apollo: Styracites or the Apollo of the pine forests which cover the slopes of Ida; it is also the Artemis Diclynna who pursues, like Apollo, the long-haired Cretan goats: horns, still reported in these areas: by travelers today. In Sybrilia, : we will see remarkable types of Dionysus Pogon and Hermes. In Rhithymna and in other workshops we represent Apol-: lon, a stone in his hand, like the giant | Talos. The particular types of Gydonia are | Arlémis Dictynna, the Cretan Cydon archer: suckled by a dog. In Aptera, the hero: Ptolioicos appears as a Corybante, pro-. type of these dancing archers who have made the name of the Cretans so popular in: the Greek armies. At Polyrhenion, we have: Artemis Dictynne, Zeus Kontayevis and the tau-: water of Crete; in Phalasarne, it's the nym-- eponymous phe which is only a variety of Ar-: temis Dictynne. The goat Cretan and the bee form the essential types of Ely-: ros, Tarrha and Hyrtacine. Finally, in: Cyrenaica, silphium, the nymph Cyÿ-;

57 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 58 Rene, Zeus Ammon, Aristaeus the god of flocks and bees, are types whose local character need not be highlighted. VI. The place of monetary types in the history of art. The fixity of monetary types in certain wool series, such as Athens, Aegina, Co- Rinthe, Boeotia, is not exclusive of everything artistic merit. Far from it! The tetradra chems of Athens from the time of Pericles are of remarkable style, despite the roughness of their contours. We can regret that the head of Athena and the owl have not been replaced, as in other cities, by types borrowed from the works of contemporary art, such as sculptures tures of Phidias which took place around of the Parthenon; nevertheless we cannot predict tender as the engraving of monetary coins had no contact with the marvelous artistic development of the capital of Attica in the middle and in the second half from the 5th century. Without doubt, there is no concession to feminine grace in the re- impressive gaze of the goddess; in this lippy mouth and this gallant chin- che; in these huge drop earrings all round, in this triple headband want flattened on the temples, which tempers yet the hardness helmet warrior allique, with a heavy timbre, with a low crest, less elegant than the Corinthian helmet, top hat and thrown back on the occiput. And however, what an impression of majesty in the general physiognomy, what calm assurance, what unshakable strength! See now the owl with fascinating eyes tors; its downy plumage, the triple row of its feathers, its claws so solidly supported dice with stubby, sinewy legs : study all these details and you will see discover a thousand varieties, where skill is betrayed technique of the engraver, the delicate finesse in at the same time as boldness and vigor of his chisel. I know a fan of these old style chouels who grouped some nearly a thousand varieties. It is therefore not necessary letting yourself be dominated by the impression of location that give the countless more or less crude, cropped copies or badly struck. In the course from the 15th century, the currency Athenian woman slowly strips herself of her artistic character. The common workers who make the corners of owls are more than imitators industrial artists who preceded them; they don't have no concern for art, not the least contact with gem engravers, their contemporaries, so wonderfully ha- biles. Unlike other cities, Athens ends up letting monetary art decline such degree that his tetradrachms of the time of the Lamian war, after the death of Alexander in 323, denote a hasty manufacturing whose products cannot be wind be only ranked among the most me- diocons of all the Greek series. In Aegina, the sea turtle or fhalassite, sometimes so crudely depicted on the coins from the archaic period, is placed, after 480, by the land turtle (testudo graeca) whose shell, formed with a triple row of scales, is very studied and finely engraved.

59 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 60 In Corinth, monetary art reached its peak near the start of the Pelowar ponnese. The head of Athena Chalinitis is then of great beauty with its physio- a nomie both severe and gentle which makes its ger to the warrior Aphrodite. After 400, the foals issued in extreme abundance atles- tempted by this very profusion the expansion economic and commercial of Corinth and of its colonies. Pegasus is represented, ‘like the horse Larentin or Thessalian, in all the attitudes that the imagination can design for a winged horse: it is the setting in graceful monetary images successive phases of the legend of Bellerophon and the nymph Peirene, foot of the Acro-Corinth. The Boeotian shield offers little chance notable features other than ornamentation tion marli; the amphora itself is enough uniform, good whether it is decorated elegant grooves and leaves ivy are sometimes arranged around the collar and handles. But the advent of the party aristocratic, in 446, is suddenly the if- signal of an artistic development in engraving coin corners thebans, so much for execution technical that for the choice of types. We see Heracles there Theban in all attitudes, in athletics vigorous, standing, kneeling, standing pos, drawing his bow, shooting an arrow, fighting to snatch the tripod from Apol- lon, strangling serpents; then it's head and that of Dionysus Pogon, the nym- phes Thébé and Harmonie: magnificent mon- swimming which extends until the treaty ne- gocied by Antalcidas in 387. These types, when we look at them through a magnifying glass, they take sculptural proportions which relate them close to the majestic figures of Phi- dias at the Parthenon. We don't know what we must most admire flexibility and elegance of these nymphs wrapped in their draperies, of the vigorous mus- culture of the hero son of Alcmene, of this. self-confident strength and we feel so very comfortable in his multiple manifestations tions. The most beautiful vase paintings, the finest gems do not surpass not these monetary images. It was the time of the flowering of the great Boeotian sculptor Myron, the emulator of Polykleitos and Phidias.: If we compare sculptural works which he executed and of which we know the results famous replicas, such as the satyr Mar- syas and the Discobolus, with our mone-types laires, notably the heads of Heracles, 0 notes between one and the other a link so narrow that it is reasonable to think that it it is not just a contemporary neity of execution. Myron wouldn't he have exerted a direct action on the gravity from our corners? Unfortunately these corners are anonymous and the question must remain rer to the state of a plausible conjecture. The head of the nymph Euboia on coins of Eretria from the same period deserves such a tribute of admiration: we guess, by the nobility and breadth of the style the copy of some sculptural masterpiece from the school of Polycleitos. What to say now about the staters of Olympia this succession of masterpieces lasted two centuries! Here, it’s the Nike with wings deployed who run in front of the conqueror to present him with the crown or di edema; or else, who presents himself debo majestic leaning on her scpl flowery; or else, who is sitting in a meditative attitude, anxious about the result of the combat engaged. There, it is the eagle of Zeu

61 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 62 astonishing anatomical truth, in twenty varied altitudes, fighting against the snake, hovering, removing or dismembering its prey, triumphant, trampling his victim, serpent, hare, fawn, lamb, turtle. Observe again the varieties of lightning, impossible to describe, here, with eagle wings like the bird of Olympian Zeus, there, with the wings of a fly reminiscent of Zeus Apomyios or Baalzeboub, “the god Fly » oriental; lightning in Berne, with the tip veiled by a wing reiterates to recall the violation of the sacred truce by the Lacedaemonians; the fool- dre on an upturned shield, allusion to the deception of the Boeotian Lichas, in 420. After 472, the Olympian Zeus who figures on these medals with its varied attributes leads us to the study of the Zeus of Phidias, because he attests that the great sculptor, in performing his masterpiece, came closer of a pre-existing type of Zeus to whom he only brought of changes to detail. The rare stater who has, on the right, the head of Olympian Zeus and on the reverse, that of the nymph Olympia, is one of the most beautiful world medals. Many monetary types are pre- heavens for the history of art not only by their own artistic merit, but in that they reproduce masterpieces of ancient sculpture or are inspired by it. This is how we recognize in Argos and Elis the head of Polycleitos' Hera; in Plataea, in the 15th century, the head of Hera Teleia, work sculptural executed by an ancestor of Praxiteles; in Troezene we have the Athena Lem- his from Phidias; in Messene, it is Zeus Ithomatas of Agelaidas; at Epidaurus, Ascle- pios of Thrasymedes of Paros. In Pheneus, Hermes carrying on his arm young Arcas, was considered as the image of a statue executed by one of the sculptors named Euchéir; it's rather perhaps, given the extent of praxity- link of this monetary type, the image of a statue of Praxiteles himself, dignified during of the Hermes of Olympia who stands on his arms the child Dionysus. The magnificent Hermes endearing his heels on Sybritia coins is like the famous statue of Lysippus, named Jason, who is probably, she too, a Hermes. Finally among the symbols so numerous that we note on the staters of Corinth in the 15th century, it is reported the reproduction of a large number of statues that decorated public squares and the crossroads of this city which was to be, later, stripped of these masterpieces work by the Romans. Besides the works of art whose types monetary we have thus preserved the precious reproduction, completing or controlling the testimony of the perpetrators, facilitating reading the identification of preserved statues in our museums, there is the group no less importing currencies that bear artist signatures. The EYO signature, undoubtedly £'uthymos, appears on mon- nests of Elis from around the year 432; a little later the same artist was to be called to engrave the Syracuse medals. To Elis we will also note the initials AÀ, AA, TO, on currencies so similar that it must be concluded that these artists plagiarized themselves without scruple. These names are perhaps those of Alcamene, Daedalos and Polykleitos; but it's not there only a conjecture; see you more strong reason would it be rash to see in these names those of the great sculptors who have them illustrated in statuary. On the magni-

63 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 64 stater ticks of the Arcadian League in 310, we read the OAYM and XAPI signatures, at foot of the handsome Pan guy sitting on a rock. These engravers also (’OAsprtoc? Xaowh%s?) have slavishly copied themselves, because the works who carry their names don't differ only by the signature. We quote- let's have a third example of a copy too closer: it is borrowed from Crete. In Cydonia, staters quite similar bles, which represent the archer Cydon attacking singing the string of his bow, are signed, the some, by the name of Neuantos, others by the name of Pythodoros. Such audacious borrowing heavens, also contrary to our modern ideas nes on artistic property, are indeed nalure to warn us against at- tribulion to a determined engraver, of mon- unsigned letters where we believe we recognize the style or manner of this or that artist. The signature of Pythodoros also appears on staters of Aptera and Polyrhenion. On a drachma of Pheneus we have the name abbreviated OHPI; could it be Thericles of Corinth? Let us point out again the letter ©, perhaps Philistion, and the letter H, perhaps Heracleidas, on coins from Andros. Of artists with these names have signed types, rightly admired, of different cities of Magna Graecia and Sicily, We are sometimes surprised to see that the beautiful monetary compositions that we come from to review, be struck often, on irregular blanks, framed by a shapeless turned up metallic. This framework thick and cracked, so contrary to our concept modern geometric arrangement, only brings out the beauty of the painting: the Greek engravers were not mistaken don't pay. However, they have insensible- modified this framework over time, and from a technical point of view we witness, during the 5th and 15th centuries undergo a transformation | gradual workshop technique. A. Athens, the hollow square, so vigorously pressed that it traps the owl between: four bulges, persists until the end of the 5th century. Then in the following century, the Athenian tetradrachms end up being provided only with a hollow square wave preserved as a practitioner's roll; the drachma and its divisions do not even have no more trace. In Corinth and Boeotia, as in all the Hellenic countries, the square : hollow remains noticeable until the end of the 5th century. That of Aegina, so particular with its com- unequal sections separated by ban-. of flat dishes, completes its evolution in the period between 480 and 456. It per- siste without change, like brand : special of Aegina, until the closure of : the workshop in 348. The hollow square, shaped : so strange, that we see at Argos, at Mantinea, in Cleones, is the sign of an alliance between ; these cities; he persists there until near the beginning of the Peloponnesian War. In a few: series like that of Elis-Olympie the square : hollow is sometimes replaced, from before 450, through a hollow area circular; but there. also, despite these exceptional cases, the coinage technique remains faithful to the | hollow square until around the year 400. A century later certain workshops, like Argos and | Sicyone, restore by imitation and affection : tation of archaism, a flat hollow square which persists until the 1st century; in the East, he. characterizes the light drachmas of Rhodes, of Cos and the Lycian confederation.

CHAPTER ONE ATHENS, ELEUSIS, SALAMINA, MEGARA, AEGINA $S |. — Athens. For coins from the archaic period, see our Historical Description, t. I, p. 696 at 718; pl. XXXIIT, XXXIV and XXXV. In the 6th century, under the Pisistratids and until the time of the battle of Marathon, in 490, the exploitation of the mines of Lau- rion already provided Athens with income considerable: it is with the money extracted of these mines that were struck by the series archaic monetary, to the types of Athena and the owl, which were described in This is the first part of this work. But the discovery, under the archonship of Nico- Medes (484-483 BC), new and important deposits argentiferous, at town of Maronée, in the Lau massif rion, near the current village of Ca- maréza, was the starting point and the verification foundation of wealth table and the 1. Description hist., t. I, p. 102 to 711 et pl. XXXIII to XXXV; on the antiquity of mining of Laurion, c. Xenophon, Revenues, IV, 2; Ardaillon, The mines of Laurion in antiquity, p. 131. Volume IV. power of the Athenian state in the 5th century? On the advice of Themistocles, this ar- gent was employed to build the fleet which had to triumph at Salamis, three years later. Once the Persians were driven out, the Athenians who understood the party that they could get from the Laurion for the defense and prosperity of their homeland, began to exploit it with more ardor and of method the metalliferous veins: they took most of the money that they coined in such a great subscription dance throughout the 5th century. The State, from then, was able to equip the most important fleet rable that the Hellenic world ever had possessed; he was also able to undertake the 2. Aristotle, Constitulion of Athens, S 22; Hero- dote, VII, 144; Polyen, I, 30, 5; cf. Ardaillon, The Laurion mines, p. 190; also pp. 136 and 141; Ugh. Cavaignac, Financial history of Athens, p. 8. 5

67 ATHENS 68 great works of art which immortalized the century of Pericles; and it constituted by in addition a metal reserve capable of to save the future financial and prepare for any external eventuality. According to Thucydides, at start of the Peloponnesian War, the Athenian state had in reserve a sum of approximately 10,000 talents (261,600 kilos) in silver coined!. In ingots, utensils, vases, jewelry and objects of all kinds offered in ex-votos to Athena, the goddess Poliade, the metallic treasure was much more considered still safe. Individuals also got rich. Citizens of Athens, in the 5th century, enormous fortunes in exploitation deposits of Laurion which belong to them were born or that the State had granted them. Callias' fortune was estimated at 200 talents (1,200,000 drachmas); his son Hip- ponicos maintained 600 slaves in the mines who reported to him 100 drachmas by day. Nicias, the leader of the expedition of Si- cile, had up to 1,000 slaves in the mines of Laurion? It seems that the choueltes lived and still populate today the hollows of rocks in the vicinity of Athens and the cape Union. That's why we called by- times the coins of Athens yhuduee Aavotw- ral, “lauriotic owls ". From there also, the remarks of intelligent people on “the 1. Thucydides, 11, 13; cf. Ardaillon, The mines of Laurion, p. 115. 2, Xenophon. Income, 1V, 1% and 15; Plutarch, Aristides, 25; Nicias, 4; Alcibiades, 8; Lysias, Goods of Aristophon, 41 and 48; Andocide, |, 130. Cf. Ardail- lon, op. eil., p. 147. A member of the family of Callias reigned in Cition, Cyprus; see our Description hist., t Il, p. 150. owls that made their nests in scholarships!. » The owl, bird of Athena, was like this naturally a pledge of wealth in even time as an omen of victory since Athena is above all a goddess warrior. It was said that at the battle of Salamis, in 480, we saw an owl flying ler to the right of the Athenian generals. Two centuries later, popular remarks said that the king of Sicily, Agathocles, wanting to inflame the ardor of his soldiers, released owls into his camp. He must be understood by this that Agathocles made dis- pay tribute to his tetradrachm soldiers Athenians who had still remained so widespread at that time? Before the middle of the 5th century, Athens had also succeeded, not without having wiped terrible setbacks at Daton and Drabescos (463), to get their hands on the mines of the lower valley of Strymon, Epi-Thrace and of Thasos, especially after the submission of this island in 462%. Finally, she perceived, for the maintenance of its fleets, the contributions annual grants granted by maritime towns limes that she had enlisted in the league of Delos #. These are, with tax revenues, of commerce and customs, sources essential to the wealth of Athens at 5th century and its abundant cash. 1. Aristoph., due, around 1106. On popular names | laires of the coins of Athens: foys and the saying Boôc Er YAWOION Bebnusv, — YAAÏLE, Täobevot, Ta\hä- Ges, Opaymai voÿ repavhpopou, — see our Trailé, First Part, Theory and Doctrine, vol. 1, p.504 to 508. 2. Beulé, The coins of Alhènes, p. 19-20. 3. Ugh. Cavaignac, History of Antiquity, t. IF, Athens, p. 51-52. 4, For developments, see above, the General Introduction to this volume.

69 ATHENS 70 In the first volume of this Description historical, it has been exposed that, on the mounts naies of Athens, the type of the head of Athena wearing a helmet surrounded by a crown of olives life was created to consecrate the victory of Marathon on the Persians in 490 *. We also saw for what reasons, after the fire of Athens in 480, the victories Athenians of Salamis, Plataea and Mycale did not exert any influence on the monetary types of the capital of At- tick?. The war preparations to which presided over Themistocles, had, even before 480, caused considerable monetary emissions unmanageable: these broadcasts fixed the types and won them the popularity which was to always oppose their change or their modification. These guys, — head of Athena 4. See our Descr. hist., t. I, p. 168. The hole vaille of Taranto, in June 1911, brought to light a treasure which was buried shortly after the destruction of Sybaris in 510; there were atheistic coins there primitive niennes, without the olive leaves on the helmet of Athena, which confirms our classification tion of the primitive series of Athens. E. Babelon, Rev. Numism., 1912, p. 6 and pl. I, fig. 9 to 12; cf. our Mixtures numismatics, t. IV, p. 309, pl. XXII, 9 to 12. As a complement to our class- archaic series from Athens, see especially Michel Cambanis, in the Bull. corr. hellén., t'XXX, 1906, p. 58 to 91. 2. Above, Descr. hist., t. 1, p. 114. I believed be able to admit that the crescent which accompanies the owl, on the reverse currencies from Athens, appeared for the first time following the battle of Marathon, in 490. This opinion must be modified trusted since the crescent exists on currencies primitives from Athens which appeared in the hole Valle de Taranto of 1911, which is discussed in the previous note : the croissant sporadic fact- ment its appearance on the tetradrachms of Athe- nes, at the latest around 510. This lunar crescent currencies is obviously related to the night life of the owl, the bird of Athena, and we know the role attributed to the moon in the battle of Salamis, in 480 (cf. E. Curtius, Hist. Greek., trans. Bouché-Leclercq, t. 11, p. 322; Review numism., 1912, p. 8, note 2). wearing a helmet surrounded by olive leaves, and nice with the croissant and the shoot olive formed of a bay between two leaves, — remained exclusive, and, in their general appearance, immutable and as they had been created in the aftermath of Mara- tuna; they persisted until after Alexan- Dr. the Great, forming this great series monetary which we call the old style. During this period of two centuries, the Athenian owls still remain the same, except for modifications retail which come rather from routine and let go in manufacturing, that of concern to follow fashion and be inspired progress in sculptural art. As we have brought out in the General Introduction which precedes, the v° and 15th centuries are the period of the great expansion of the so-called Athenian currency old style, not only on the coasts of European Greece but in all countries of the eastern Mediterranean basin. The owl tetradrachm is the coin essential for payment of the inter-fleet national which, for the greater part from the 5th century, is at the service of thalasso- Athenian cracy. The capital of Attica who strives to substitute everywhere his owls to local currencies, enters into fight, first of all, with Aegina. The war between Aegina and Athens that we have already seen so fiercely, before the Persian invasions!, suspended in the face of peril common, resumes almost immediately after Salamis. There was between the two capitals who represented the Ionian race and the Dorian race, an irreducible antagonism, a daily conflict of commercial interests A, Descr. hist.,t. I, p. 644:

71 ATHENS T2 and economic; they were too imme- immediately neighbors so that an arrangement could intervene between them and cut each cune its domain and its share of influence. In this conflict, Aegina succumbed, after having fought for a long time, in 456. To the point of numismatic view, we can say that the owls chased away the {ortues, and we know how Athens, mistress of the sea, continued the eginetic standard in all the Cyclades and even the Orient Hellenic!. Thus becoming international currency and spread far and wide, the atheistic tetradrachms niens had an immediate interest in not change appearance. Also, no only their types retain a fixity which is not disturbed only by gradual and slow changes style and technique, but the title of the pieces remains very high, oscillating between 986 and 975 thousandths of end?. And then, Athens keeps on its currencies, Until the Romans took control of the Greece, the primitive and abbreviated form of its name, AOE, (with epsilon); this shape persisted as if it had been maintained through religious respect, even though the letter H (hefa) had long been common in epigraphy in the word AOH- NAIOQN. It's the same way, moreover, that in Thebes the QE legend is perpetuated place of OH (OHBAIQN); we also have, during centuries, the primitive $ on currencies 1. See above, the Introduction general at present volume. 2. Ardaillon, The mines of Laurion, p. 113. of Corinth, and in Elis, the syllable FA or the complete legend FAAEION, which is not replaced placed by HAEIQN only under the dominion Roman tion. Paleographically, the AOE legend is present in forms which in, both centuries that we study, we group first around AO, then from AQE, to from around 440 t. Based on considerations historical and these rather uncertain elements of crilique, we can share chronology how the story atheist currency nienne in the 5th and 15th centuries, in two large periods: 1. The currency of Athens since the size of Salamis in 480 until exhaustion- financial ment of Athens in 407, three years before the end of the Peloponnesian War. 2. The currency of Athens since the year 407 Until the cessation of the minting of mon- Athenian naies called old style, in time of the Diadochi, successors of Alexan- Dr. the Great. The first period only includes silver coins; the second has silver, bronze and, exceptionally, nally, gold coins. Considered throughout its history Tory, until the 1st century, silver currency people in Athens have, from the point of view weight, the following divisions which, moreover, theirs, were not all struck simultaneously dully: 1. See for the oldest forms, our Description hist., t. I, p. 141.

73 ATHENS 74 Decadrachm (438r.60): we only know rare specimens, which belong held at the time of the Battle of Marathon. Tetradrachm (17. 46), the most common of all divisions. Didrachm (8. 72), rare, struck only at the beginning of the 5th century. Drachma (4. 36), frequent, especially from the middle of the 5th century. Pentobole (3. 62), exceptional division, mentioned as currency of account in the texts of the end of the 5th century, but of which we only have copies from the time of Alexander. Tetrobole (2. 91), exceptional division like the pentobol and struck in the same period. 3. 6 Triobole (2. 18), or hemi-drachma; common. Diobolus (4.45). Trihemiobolus (4.09). Obol (0.72), commune. Heptachalcon (0. 63), division whose existence is questionable Tritemorion (0.54), or 3/4 of an obol. Pentachalcon (0. 45), division whose existence is questionable | Hemiobolus ‘0. 36). Trihemitelartemorion (0.21). Tartemorion (0.18), or 1/4 of an obol. Hemitetartemorion (0.09), or 1/8° of obol. FIRST PERIOD. From 480 to 407 BC. AD 1. — Head of Athena right, the eye facing forward and elongated almond-shaped, the hair want arranged in a double band on the forehead and temples, and raised in bun on the nape of the neck; the goddess has thick, curled lips, his ears are decorated with large round pendants and her neck with a necklace; sound helmet is surrounded by a crown of olive leaves of which only three are apparent; on the back of the stamp, a branch-shaped ornament sinuous finished in a fleuron. B.AOE. Owl on the right, looking straight ahead; in the field, on the left, the crescent and the olive shoot comprising a berry between two leaves. Hollow square. 4. See Descr. hist., t. I, p. 111, nos. 1141 to 1143, pl. XXXV, 8 and 11.

75 ATHENS 716 ÆR 25; tetradr. att., 17 gr. 46 to 16 gr. 80 (P) PI. CLXXXVI, fig. 1 to 12:. Enough often these tetradrachms have either on the right or on the reverse, sometimes on received blows from the shears in antiquity, both sides (PI.CCLXXX VI, fig. 12). 2. — Same description, but in a more advanced style. The eye of Athena is more open, the lips less thick, the fold of the cheek less accentuated; the work is less careful, with a tendency towards routine. In the caption, the letter alpha takes its regular form A {and no longer A, with oblique cross); the style of the owl is more neglected, the hollow square less deep. ZR 25, tetradr. att. (P) PL CLXXXVII, fig. 1 to 6. 2 bis. - Variety. On the reverse of the tetradrachm reproduced PL CLXXXVII, fig. 7, we notice, in front of the owl, a bull's head in profile to the right (brand of the Samos workshop). The Athens workshop was sufficient to supply in cash to all naval stations where departing ships were transported of Piraeus, and Athens does not seem to have has officially installed pharmacies netaires in its external possessions. There are, however, some exceptions to this rule. The tetradrachm from the collection of Luynes, which we have just described {n°2 bis) is of a particular make and it did not know ment was not struck in Athens, although it has the legend AOËE. In fact, he carries, con- milked for use Athenian, in the field of the reverse a symbol, mark of a- telier : it is the bull's head, emblem borrowed from the autonomous currencies of Sa- mos?. Beulé had already suspected it*. Ulrich Koehler, in 1896, made new efforts to new arguments, to demonstrate that this te- IC EB EE MUSIC Arc pla IE". 2. See our Descr. hist.,t. II, p. 1062. 3. Beulé, The coins of Athens, p. 38. 4, U. Kochler, in the Berichte de l'Acad. of Ber- tradrachma refers to the alliance made between Athens and Samos towards the end of the 5th century, i.e. in 411; or rather in 407, at time when Alcibiades had his headquarters general in Samos, or even after the battle of Aegos Potamos, in 405 #. The Samians were considered — of inscriptions attest to this, — as below citizens of Athens, that is to say as clerouques. It is therefore possible that the Atheists nians settled in Samos, where stationed their fleet, a branch of their workshop national. But the existence of this branch dirty only had a fleeting duration, being given the last events of the Peloponnesian War; from there, the extreme rarity of its monetary products, difficult moreover to be distinguished from those of the metro- pole to. linen, 1896, p. 1092; cf. our Descr. p. 1070. 5. A silver coin from Samos has been cited, today today in the British Museum, with the double legend RSC WEBSITE

71 ATHENS 18 3. — Same helmeted head of Athena. Bt. AOE. Owl on the right, looking straight ahead; in the field on the left, the olive shoot (without crescent). Hollow square. ZR 20; didr. att., 8 gr. 55 (Jameson) PL CLXXXVII, fig. 8; — 8 gr. 35 (H):. The didrachm, very rare, seems to have was struck only around the time of 480; all the copies that I know of are characterized by their archaism and the position tion of the olive shoot which is in part tie out of the hollow square?. 4. — Same helmeted head of Athena. Be. AOE. Owl, as above, with olive shoot (without crescent). ZR 18; alt. drachma, 4 gr. 36 to 4 gr. 15 (P) PL CLXXXVII, fig. 9 to 17 3. 5. — Same helmeted head of Athena. B.AOE. Chouelte facing, wings closed; on each side, a branch olive tree hanging from top to bottom. Concave field. ÆR 13; triob. att., 2 gr. 18 to.2 gr. (P) PL. CLXXXVIII, fig. 1 to 5:. 6. — Same helmeted head of Athena. 2. AOE. Double owl, with a single head facing, the two bodies opposite attached to each other; hollow area. ZR 12; diobole att., 1 gr. 36 (Luynes) PL. CLXXXVIII, fig. 6. ZA and AOEN, considering this piece as another monument to the close alliance that unites knows Samos and Athens (Borrell, Num. Chron., 1844, p. 14; Beulé, Monn. of Athens, p. 38; Fr. Lenor- mant, La Monn. in Antiquity, &. 1, p. 60; U. Kœæh- ler, Berichle der Berliner Akad., 1896, p. 1092); but Mr. Percy Gardner has established that it is simply from an Athenian tetradrachm overhit in Samos (Percy Gardner, Samos and Samian Coins, p. 45); of the old AOE legend, there remains, in addition, that the letters AO., and not AOËEN.— A drachma from the Copenhagen Museum meets the description next: Niké standing facing, holding hands right the Palladium. RL. AOË. Owl on the right. 4 gr. 27. This drachma that Beulé pompously decorates ment of the name of Conon's drachma (Beulé, Revue numism., 1858, p. 357 to 361), would have been struck by Conon at the time of his great victory of Cnidus, in 394. This is probably an original piece Asian gene which falls into the category of imi- tations that we have described in our Descr. hist., t. II, p. 610 to 690. 1. Catal. Jameson, No. 1188; Macdonald, Hunle- rian collection, pl. XXXIII, 21; cf. our Descr. hist., t. I, p. 114, n° 1146 et pl. XXXV, 12; Brit. Mus. Atlica, p.8, nos. 72 and 13, pl. IV, 4; Head, Hisé. num. (2nd ed.), p. 371, fig. 210. 2. We don't talk not here atheistic pieces niennes known as the new style, issued from 229 BC AD: didrachm is quite common there. 3. See our Descr. hist, p. 159, nos. 1135 and 1136, pl. XXXV, fig. 5, 6 and 10; Brit. Mus. Attica, p. 9, nos 148 81, pl. IV, 5:.B, Head, Mist, num, po, fig. 211. The Athenian drachma is the state coin lon; we always count in drachmas. On what we must be heard by the drachmas of Stephanephorus, doxyuat ToË Etepavnpdpou, see this Treaty, Theory and Doctrine, t. I, p. 507. 4. Common room. Brit. Mus. Cal., p. 9, nes 82 ä 89, pl. IV, 1 and 8: B. Head, Misfinum, po, fig. 212. Cf, our Trailé, Theory and doctrine, t. I, p. 423; Svoronos, Rivisla ilal. di Num., t. XI, 1898, p. 505 (on the votwéohoy éxxnsiastiudv, at Athens).

79 ATHENS 80 7. — Same helmeted head of Athena. BL. AOE. Two owls facing each other, dangling and looking straight on; between them, a shoot of two olive leaves. Æ11; diobole att., 1 gr. 45 to 1 gr. 30 (P) PL. CLXXXVIIT, fig. 7 and 8. 8. — Same helmeted head of Athena. BL. AOE. Owl from the front, wings outstretched; above, a shoot of two olive leaves. ÆR 10; trihemiob., 1 gr. 09 to 0 gr. 98 (P) PL. CLXXX VIII, fig. 9 and 10”. 9, — Same helmeted head of Athena. Bt. AOE. Owl on the right looking straight ahead; in the field on the left a olive leaf with a berry. Æ9; obole att., 0 gr. 72 to 0 gr. 65 (P) PI. CLXXX VIII, fig. 11 to 15:. 10. — Same helmeted head of Athena. BR. AOE. Four croissants placed two by two. Hollow square. ZR 9; heptachalcon (?) 0 gr. 63 (P) PI. CLXXX VIII, fig. 16:. Heptachalcon (piece money worth 1 chalques) whose existence is affirmed 11. — Same helmeted head of Athena. by Mr. Earle Fox, was 7/8 of the obolus; it was equivalent to 7 hemitartemorions*. BL. AGE. Three crescents arranged in a crown around the legend. ÆR 7; tritartemorion, 0 gr. 54 (P) PL CLXXXVIII, fig. 17°. 12. — Same helmeted head of Athena. 1. From copies to same types, weighing only 1 gr. approximately, were considered by Mr. Earle Fox as Trihemioboles (Rev. num., 1890, p. 55). The diobole is a common division, see Brit. Mus. Cat. Attica, p. 10, no. 90, pl. LV, 9. On the ôtw6ehia, in Athens, see our Trailé, Theory and Doctrine, t. 1, p.425; E. Cavaignac, Hist. finance of Athens, p. 152. 2. Others: Brit. Mus. Attica, p. 10, nos. 91 to 95, pl. IV, 10; Catal. Jameson, No. 1190. The trihemio- bole of Athens is mentioned by Pollux, according to Aristophanes. Trailé, Theory and Doctrine, t. I, p. 426. 3. Common room. See our Descr. hist., t. I, p. 159, nos. 1137 and 1138, and pl. XXXV, fig. 3 and 4; Brit. Mus. Allica, p. 10, nos. 96 to 114, pl. IV, 11; Rev. numism., 1887, p. 210. 4. Others: Rev. numism., 1887, p. 211 (0 gr. 615 to 0 gr. 593); see also below, n° 30. 5. B. Keil, in Hermès, t. XX VII, 1892, p. 446, a undertook to demonstrate that the piece with four croissants is an obol, since the quarter of an obol, in the inscriptions, is represented by a cross health. B. Head (Hist. num., 2nd ed. p. 3174) appears by- tag this opinion which can only be verified by numerous weighings. Cf. our Trailé, Theory and doctrine, t. 1, p. 421. 6. Others: Rev. num., 1887, p. 211 (0 gr. 535 at 0 gr. 505).

81 ATHENS 82 B2. AOE. Owl almost from the front; in the field, on the left, a shoot olive tree. Hollow square. ZR 6; pentachalcon (?) 0 gr. 45 (P)P1. CLXXXVIII, fig. 18:. 13. — Same helmeted head of Athena. Be. A@E. Owl on the right, looking straight ahead; in the field, on the left, a olive leaf. Hollow square. an olive leaf. Hollow square. 2 17. — Smooth blank (without type). an olive leaf. Considered from the point of view of style, the Coins reproduced on our boards EXXXVI, CLXXXVI and CLXXXVIIL, are direct verification of the formulated rules read above. This style only undergoes one modification slow ation throughout the 5th century, feeling ible however when comparing the tetra- rachmes from the time of the battle of Sala- 1. Others: Rev. num., 1887, p. 211 (0 gr. 453; gr. 425). It is impossible, notes Mr. Earle ox (loc. cit.) to do of these pieces, which weigh gr. 45, hemioboles since the theoretical weight lPhemiobolus is 0 gr. 36. 2. Very common division, Cf. our Descr. hisé., Vol. IV, 14. — Same helmeted head of Athena. Bt. AOE. Owl on the right, looking straight on; 15. — Even the helmeted role of Athena. BR. 10A or OA (retrograde). Croissant; hollow square. ZR 6; telartemorion, 0 gr. 18 (P) PL CLXXXVIII, fig. 38. :, ZR 6; pentachalcon (?) 0 gr. 45 (Luynes) PL CLXXXVIIL, fig. 82. in the field, on the left, {R 7; hemiobolus att., 0 gr. 36 to 0 gr. 30 (P) PL. CLXXXVIII, fig. 19 to 31?. 16. — Variety, with AO or AOE (non-retrograde), 2 5; letartemorion, 0 gr. 18 (P) PL CLXXXVIII, fig. 34’. Bt. A@E. Chouelte on the right, looking straight on; in the field on the left, ZR 10 (currency?) 0 gr. 78 (P) P1. CLXXXVIII, fig. 35. mine, in 480, to those who are neighbors of the fall of Athens in April 404. These transformations gradual changes are observed in particular in the shape of the eye of the goddess, well that he always remains facing. Headbands hair of Athena, on the forehead and temples, are, in the end, heavier, less silky, less delicately engraved; those t. [, 159, nos. 1139 and 1140 et pl. XXXV, fig. 7 and 9; Brit, Mus. Attica, p. 11, n°% 11274 428 pl. IV, fig. 12 and 13. 3. Others, Brit. Mus. Allica, p. 19, nos. 205 and 206. 4. Others, Brit, Mus. Allica, p. 19, nos. 197 et seq.

83 ATHENS 84 which form upturned on the nape of the neck are represented by a coarser grit; the flowered stem which decorates the stamp of the helmet features varieties inspired by the whims of engravers. The hollow square the reverse persists, while becoming less and less accentuated, less depressed. In the middle of the 5th century, at the time of Peri- key, place themselves the most beautiful tetra- drachmas that Athens has ever produced and the assessment that Beulé made of it is justified tified by the examination of our boards: “The owl, he wrote, is rendered with a exquisite precision, without moving away however- of a purely type conventional. The letters are more regular, the legs of the bird and the olive leaves are more fine; sometimes they even fall by an elegant curve; abundant ranks of pearls run from the helmet onto the shoulders of the goddess and represent the waves of her hair lure. In this way, the beautiful century remains more naive than archaism itself” *. Despite these qualities of style and technique, we cannot help but recognize born as the engraving of monetary coins in Athens during the 5th century, does not participate only mediocre and by a counter-stroke distant to the great artistic movement which takes away the other arts, in the capital of Attica. The sculptures of Phidias remain without influence on the engraving of contemporary monetary coins?. As we said above, 1. Beulé, Coins d'Alhènes, p. 39. The Philosopher Sophe Zeno (362-264 BC) describes the currencies Athenian coins of the old style of minted coins chance el roughly (sixñ nai sohoîxws) : this recalls Fénelon finding the Gothic art of our cathedrals. 2. See the observations we have presented in our Descr. hist., t. I, p. 113 to 718. necessary commercial and political imposed on the Athenian currency this immobility of types, as also the fixity weight and strength. The pretension, of the part of the Athenians, to provide their allies and tributaries international cash, unified, intended for the pay of the federal fleet, lasted also long time that hegemony of Athens on the Cyclades and the coasts of Asia Minor! The Athenians noted with joy the broadcast and the good reputation of their owls. These old silver coins, said Aristophanes, which are alloy free and the most beautiful of all; these parts which are the better struck and who, everywhere, among Greeks as among the barbarians, are judged, just by sound, the best”?. The first attacks on this prosperity and to this abundance of emissions came the invasion of Attica by the Lacedaemo- nians during the Peloponnesian War. A first time, in 430, these, under the con: dike of Archidamos, ravaged the region mines and destroyed the construction sites operating; such damage was renewed over the years following Nevertheless, from 425 to 413, the Athenians were able to repair them and even give a particularly intensive impulse to operating works, in order to fill the state budget deficits. Aristophanes el Xenophon gives us some idea of silver fever which then seized the Atheists: 1. See on this point, our Descr. hist, t. IE p. 20 et seq., and especially the general Introduction di present volume. 2, Aristophanes, Frogs, 121 et seq. We let us quote further the whole passage, important to other points of view. 3. Ardaillon, The mines of Laurion, p. 1417-14 n

85 ATHENS 86 niens’. But then came the occupation of Décélie by the king of Sparta Agis, in the spring of 413; she abruptly stopped the exploitation of mining and by backlash ruined Athens? Twenty thousand slaves working- The children of Laurion fled and passed in the camp of the Lacedaemonians. From there, the ter- terrible financial crisis which forced the Athe- niens, in 407, to make money gold, then in 406, bronze coinage. SECOND PERIOD. From approximately 407 to 300. In this second period which includes gold, silver and bronze coins, several groups must be formed: A. — Gold coinage, from 407-406. B. — Bronze coinage, from 406 to 393. C. — Silver coinage, from 393 to 338. D. — Gold coinage, from 339-338. E. — Silver coinage, from 338 to 229. F. — Bronze coinage, from approximately 339 to 300. A. — Gold coinage in 407-406. The old numismatists have long discussed the question of whether Athens had minted gold coins and, in If so, during what periods of its history we had to classify these pieces golden *. The problem is now resolved and the memorandum that Mr. Ulrich Kœæhler gave him dedicated, by constituting at the same time 1. Aristoph., Knights, 362; Birds, 1106; Xenophon, Revenues, IV, 25. 2. Ardaillon, op. cit., p. 149. 3. Eckhel (Doctr. t. II, p. 206) did not believe in the gold coin of Athens; Charles Lenormant, Beulé (Monn. of Athens, p. 59 to T2), Francois Lenormant (Monn. in Antiquity, t. 1, p. 118), Mommsen (Hist. de la monn. rom., trans. Blacas, t. [, p. 18); B.Head (Catal. Attica, Introduction, p. xxvi), who admit the existence of gold currencies and even, — but wrongly, — of Athenian electrum coins, a complete collection of all currencies golden from Athens, to put the seal to previous research. Athens, whatever has been said, has never minted with electrum coins *. It is necessary also exclude monetary series Athenians of small gold bracteates, est- stamped with the type of the head of Athena or with discuss on the time in the history of Athens when we must classify these currencies. I myself took over the question in Rev. of Greek Studies, t. 1, 1889, p. 124 to 148 (Mixtures numism., 1"° series, p. 171 to 201); it was finally completely cleared up using elements new, by H. von Fritze in the Zeit. für Numism., t. XX, p. 142 and by Ulrich Kæhler, in the same collection, vol. XXI, p. 5. 4. See on this point, our Desc. hist.,t. I, p. 138, nos. 208 to 210.

87 ATHENS 88 type of owl, that we find enough frequently in the tombs of Atti- that. Such is its fragility that with a mo- dule of 15 millim. they only weigh 30 or even 15 centigr. or even less. These films, round like mon- flat, sometimes square and with edges holes, were sewn or applied to clothes dead people: they are ornaments funeral, occasionally perhaps obols to Charon, that is to say fictitious currencies that have never been able to be used by the living? The circumstances in which Athe- nes struck, for the first time, mon- naies of gold, are known *. It was towards the end of the disastrous Peloponian War nesis, in the summer of the year 407, under the archon- lat of Antigen, when Athens defeated, having no more ships or soldiers to resist the Lacedaemonians, was reduced to the expedients of the supreme struggle. For hastily build a new fleet and complete the city fortifications, we used the last resources of Elat; we did not hesitate to draw on the treasury spell of Athena herself; then we solved to melt, to convert them into mon- naie, the statues of Nike, in solid gold, which we admired, on the Acropolis, on the outskirts of the Parthenon *. These statues mentioned in an invention silence of the treasurers of Athena prior to the Peloponnesian War, were probably probably ten in number; we didn't reserve any only two. Eight of them were thrown away in the crucible. The average weight of each being about two talents, i.e. 92k. 320 gr., it was therefore a weight overall 418k. 560 which constituted the issue sion of gold currencies that we will describe; describe; they represent a total of 48,000 staters*. With these resources extraordinary, 150 ships, component the last fleet of Athens, set sail and, in September 406, under the archon- state of Callias, won the battle of Arginuses. 18. — Helmeted head of Athena, right, the eye facing, the helmet encircled by the olive wreath. B.AOE. Owl standing right, looking frontally; she is perched on a branch to which a branch of five leaves adheres; in the field at 1. Beulé, Monn. of Athens, p. 64; Lenormant, The Monn. in Antiq., t. 1, p. 38-39. 2. Anatomy gold funerary bracts have been reported logues, to the monetary types of Cyzicus, of Si- cyone, of Panticapaea, from Tenedos, of Melos, of Alexander the Great, and even later with the effigy Roman emperors. A. Sorlin-Dorigny, Rev. num., 1888, p. 1; Spratt, Num. Chrono., 1887, p. 309; Delbeke, Rev. Belgian numism., t. XLVIN, 1892, p. 430; cf. our Treatise, Theory and Doctrine, LD 1082: 3. See last: Arthur M. Woodward, Num. Chron., 1911, p. 351 to 356. 4. Scolies on Aristophanes, The Frogs, verse 120 (according to Hellanicus and Philochorus); Demetrius from Alexandria, Iso! ‘Eppnvetxs S 281, also refers to this fact, in a play on words. Cf. Curtius, Hisé. Greek, t. II, p. 487; Beulé, Monn. d’Alhènes, p. 70; Babelon, Mixtures, t. I, p.190. 5. P. Foucart, in Bull. corr. hell., t. XIT, 1888, p. 291 et seq. In 430 BC. BC, during the invasion of Attica by the Peloponnesians, Pericles had already formed the eventual project of making coins gold with the riches of the temple of Athena in this metal. Thucydides, Pelops War, 11, 13; cf. Babelon, Mixtures, loc. cit.

hollow. A7 10; quarter stater, 2 1. CLXXXIX, fig. 7 ?. 'olive. That these gold coins belong to the th era, or even on the same show, This is established by the addition of the branch ‘olive tree in the field of the back of each one of them. The stater is missing from the head a group, whether it was not hit, or he hasn't been found. The style The pieces are still archaic, as 4. U. Kæbhler, Zeit. für Num, t. XXI, p. 6, no. 1. 2. Koehler, op. cit., no. 2. 3. Koehler, No. 3; cf. E. Muret, Bull. corr. hell. 19. — Same helmeted head of Athena. 2. AOE. Owl standing facing, wings closed; around the edge, a layer ring made of two olive branches. gr. 144 (B) PL CLXXXIX, fig. 4°. 22. — Same helmeted head of Athena. . AOE. Owl on the right, looking straight ahead; in front, a small branch 89 ATHENS 90 also, the olive shoot composed of a berry between two leaves. Square Fi No. 12; drachma gold (ypusû Gosyun) or hemi-stater, 4 gr. 30 (PB) PI. CLXXXIX, fig. 1; — other, 4 gr. 31 goes PI. CLXXXIX, fig. 2: — other, 4 gr. 29 (Luynes) PL. CLXXXIX, fig. 8!, 20. — Variety, with leg. retrograde: 304. At 10; quarter stat., 2 gr. 14 (L) PL CLXXXIX, fig. 5. 21. — Helmeted head of Athena to the right, the helmet encircled by the crown olive; the hair of the goddess, instead of being arranged in flat headbands on the temples, are piped all around the forehead. Be. AOE, in exergue. Two owls opposite; their heads close together are facing; between the owls, an olive branch. Hollow square. AT 8; hectée, 1 gr. 45 (B) PL CLXXXIX, fig. 6; — other, 1 gr. 45 (P) A 7; hemi-hecton, 0 gr. 715 (B) PL CLXXXIX, fig. 8:. that of tetradrachms contemporaries; Athena's eye is facing, her hair is arranged as on the silver coins of the 5th century; finally, the reverse guy is in a hollow square. The date assigned to this first coinage gold in Athens is confirmed by a pas- wise man of Aristophanes, in his comedy of t. VI, 1882, p. 210. 4. Koehler, No. 4; cf. J. Friedlænder, Zeit. for Num pile Be SALE

91 Frogs, represented for the first time time in February 405: the poet alludes, to around 720, to the old silver coinage and to the recent gold coinage, both of a excellent aloi xauvdv yovstov. He compares them to money bronze which we are going to talk about. So the gold coins described above were struck in the summer of the year 407 before our apyxtov VOLOUX HAL TO B. — The currency of In the passage from the comedy of Gre- noodles depicted in 405, where Aristophanes cites the new gold currency (xzvdv ypustov), the poet also alludes to the currency of copper or bronze from which we also came ment to inaugurate the show; he compares it to the men of nothing and the upstarts, while good silver coinage and gold represents good citizens. “I have often noticed, says the poet, that our cilé behaves towards good and honest people stupid citizens like towards the old woman silver currency and the new currency gold. These pieces are of an excellent liter and, without doubt, the most beautiful of all currencies; well struck and well sounding they are current everywhere, in Greece and among the barbarians. However, we do not we serve more and we prefer them these nasty parts copper (roytots see 4. C. I. ALL. Il, 843, line 5, otatñozxs 'Attixods; line 9-10: xepxhatov ...ypusiou qrrixod; C. I. AE. IV, 2nd part. 843 b, line 24: youciou atr:uou. 2. Aristoph., Frogs, verses 118 to 733: Hohhäuc y’ huiv Édoñev À OMS T:rovBEvar TAUTÔV Ës Te TOY TOATEV TOÙS HAAOÛS TE XAYAOUDS Ës te Tdpyatov VOICE THE TÙ HALVÔV xpvsiov. OÙte Yap Toutoroiv oÙstv where ext6OnAEUMÉVOLS ; ARR xaNMioTOL éTévrwv, be out, voutouetTuy, #ai pôvors 6p0Gs xomeïst ua xexwÔwvLSpLévOIs b ATHENS = 92 era, with the gold of the statues of Victories which lined up around the Parthenon; their broadcast was temporary and occasioned by the political and financial crisis of Athè- born in the last years of the war of the Peloponnese. Attic gold (Athenian coins?) is mentioned in the treasury accounts of Parthenon, at the beginning of the 15th century. eleven, from 406 to 393. movnpuis yahu'or) recently issued and if badly struck. This is how we act with regard to citizens: do we know them well born, moderate, brave, honest, learned in exercises in the gymnasium and in the arts liberals, they are the target of our outrages; we on the contrary, we use this collection of foreigners, slaves, people of low birth and not worth much better, arriving yesterday and which formerly Athens would not even have wanted to make them expiatory victims. In- sensible! change drivers; use honest people again... The scholia relating to this passage of the comedy by Aristophanes teach us that this currency of bronze so good welcomed by the Athenian public, although badly struck and without intrinsic value, fit its appearance under the archonship of Callias *, that is to say in 406 BC, a year later D, There you are “EAAnot mai you 6xp6ootot Tavtayod, ypwuel" whereBev, QAR ToûTots see rovnpois yanxios, AÔES Te ual Townv xoTeiot TO uauloTy xépuaTL... On the erroneous interpretations of which this passage was the subject of Boeckh, Beulé, Barclay Head and other scholars, see E. Babelon, Rev. Studies Greek, t. II, 1889, p. 124 to 148 (— Mixtures num., 1st series, p. 192). 3... êri yko Kahiou yañxoëv vououx éxônn. School. Arisloph. in Ran., around 725 (p. 296 of the Didot ed.).

93 ATHENS 94 the first issue of gold currency, and one year before the performance of the comedy where Aristophanes castigates her so disdainfully grumpily. So these were, to a few month of distance, the same critical circumstances who, in Athens, gave birth to the gold coinage and bronze coinage. Only, while the show of the Orne currency could continue, the stock of this metal which had the Elat being exhausted, it was quite different with the mon- bronze plate that continued to be struck because the raw material was com- mune and at a low price. Under the empire of necessity, bronze pieces were made and lead which have the module and types of main divisions from the old silver coinage; the forced course on them also gave the value. 23. — Helmeted head of Athena (old style tetradr.), right. Rz. AOE. Owl standing right; growing and growing olive tree. Hollow square. Lead piece, made from the corners of an old style tetradrachm. — 18 gr. (P)PI. CXCII, fig. 1. We know of many other examples. please, more or less worn and oxidized. Their extended stay with bronze coins sometimes gave them the patina of bronze. 2%. — Head of Athena, the Athenian helmet decorated with a fleuron, on the right. RL. AGE. Owl from the front, between two olive branches which hang from each side and form a crown. Æ 23; (Ath.) PL CXCII, fig. 2. 25. — Head of Athena, the Athenian helmet decorated with a fleuron, on the right. BL. AOE. Owl standing right, looking straight ahead; in the field at also, the olive shoot. Hollow square. 1 Æ 15: (P) PL CXCII, fig. 8. This bronze piece (n° 25) which received, in antiquity, a cut of shears at reverse, is like silver drachmas. It could have been stuffed. 26. — Head of Athena, wearing an Athenian helmet decorated with a fleuron, right. BL. AO, legend placed between two owls opposite each other, their heads facing. Laurel wreath around the edge. Æ15; (P) PL CXCII, fig. 4 and 5. 27, — Tela of Athena, wearing the Athenian helmet, on the left.

95 ATHENS 96 BL, AOE. Owl perched on a barley grain. Laurel wreath around the edge, formed of two hanging branches. Æ12; (Ath.) PL CXCII, fig. 6. We see, the types of these lead pieces and bronze are reproductions of those silver coins of the same module: the tetradrachm {no. 23), the drachma (no. 95), the pentobol (no. 24), tetrobole (no. 26), diobole (n° 27) t. This identity of types and this graduation of the module seems demonstrate that these bronze pieces don't were, in their principle and their origin to Athens, only currencies of necessity, forced course. They last legally, without doubt, despite their vile metal, be accepted in urban commerce as the equivalent slow silver coins which they reproduce derive the types and module; their role was that of paper money that governments nements modern are sometimes obliged to emit during similar crises. This state of affairs lasted twelve years, that is to say i.e. until 393, when Conon returned to Athens following its brilliant campaign in the Orient and in the Cyclades: his victory in 394, in the waters of Cnidus, on the admiral Lacedaemonian Pisander, his victory tour laughing in Cyprus, then in the Aegean Islands nes and Cythera. He returned to Piraeus, loaded of the liberalities of the satrap Pharnabazus, the chests of his ships filled and having imposed contributions on all countries that he had traveled and reconquered?. He did restore the walls of Athens. A new 1. B. Head, Catal. Allica, Introd., p. xxvir. A Inventory of the Parthenon of the year 398, mentions false golden staleres (statüpss x{6nho:.. natausyou- souevot), but it is not said that these false staters were Athenian types. Beulé, Monn. of Athe- nes, p.11; cf. our Treaty, Part 1, Theory and new era of prosperity opened for the capital tale of Attica; straight away, the currency of necessity, the bronze pieces which circulate were in everyone's hands and excited the taunts of Aristophanes, were withdrawn of circulation and demonetized, which explains why one reached us if small number In a passage from his Assembly of women, represented for the first time at Athens towards the end of 393 BC. J.C., that is to say a few months after the return of Conon, Aristophanes alludes to a very recent decree which had just abolished the bronze coin created in 406. The herald publish had been responsible for proclaiming towards the streets of the city that now we would no longer accept bronze currency in the state coffers and that the parties Individuals would be authorized to refuse them themselves. same, money being henceforth, as it had once been the only legal tender from Athens. Here is the dialogue of women, from Aristo- phane: “Don’t you remember the decree on copper coins? — Yes, certainly, and I have lost enough; I had sold grapes and I retired with my mouth stuffed of copper coins to go buy flour *. Already, I held the bag open to receive it from the seller, when the herald Doctrine, t. I, p. 373. 2. Xenophon, Hellen., IV, 8-10. 3. On the habit that had the Athenian women, ven- market women, to put the small silver coins and also bronze coins, see Aristophanes, Eccles., around 817; Vesp., 191;

He starts shouting: “Let no one accept now copper coins; money alone Let's go! », Thus, the bronze coin, Without intrinsic value, had not been issued We noted above that from shooting of the capture of Décélie by the Lacédés moniens, in the spring of the year 413, the exploitation ation of the Laurion silver mines had stopped *, and that it was soon followed by the essation of the coinage of silver. When Conon had brought prosperity n Athens, around 393, the exploitation was resumed ion of Laurion, but timidly; slaves t capitals were missing. Xenophon or unknown author of /evenus, who wrote ers 3595, deplores the poverty of construction sites compared to those of the previous century. “The ex- loitation, concludes Mr. Ardaillon, vegetated without great profit neither for individuals nor for the State; the Laurion was no longer for the resor publishes the inexhaustible source of ichesses which had fueled it in the 5th century #”. A little later, under the administration 'Eubule who restored Athenian finances- es, we see that the exploitation of mines take it up with new ardor. Demos- hene and other speakers are brought to purr many speech to this ropos and we cite, among others, a certain antainétès who, in 345, paid up to a ves, 103; Alexis, Ac6ns, fragm. 128, ed. Kock; Heophrastus, Caract., VI, 9 (Bonn ed.). Cf. Beulé, onn. of Allienes, p. 14; Bessy, Rev. num., 851, p. 107; Th. Reinach, Review of Greek Studies, MXXIV, 1911, p. 344. To. … dvsxpay Ô uhpuË * Mn déyeoôat pnôévx yahdy in AoëtÔv * dpypw yo yowucôa. Aristoph., Eccl. 819. Volume IV, 97 ATHENS 98 only temporarily in 406, to replace the money that was lacking; in 393, she was withdrawn from circulation as would be today, obsidian tickets?. GC. — Silver coinage, from 393 to 338 BC. AD talent and a half (9000 drachmas) for the annual rent of his concession ÿ,. The issuance of silver currency undergoes the backlash of these alternatives in the public and private wealth in Athens, 4th century. Minting of tetradrachms money resumed, after Conon's return to 393, in the circumstances we have related. Silver coins of the 15th century have the same types as those of ve, but in a whole style different. The eye, which the eye remained facing on a face in profile, ends up being drawn in profile in turn, innovation which does not contribute to giving to the figure of the goddess more nobility and majesty; on the contrary, the eye is so much forward impresses the spectator less tator as if it seemed fix it. This ancient artistic convention, sculptures creators of the great century had guard of never completely abandon it, even — art historians have noticed it, — in the large marble sculpture. The facial features of the goddess and her chin become more natural perhaps, but certainly more petty, more vulgar. 2. Earle Fox, Num. Chronicle, 1905, p. 1; B.Head, Hist. Num. (2nd ed.), p. 316. 3. Thucyd., VII, 271; Ardaillon, The mines of Laurion, p. 95. 4. Ardaillon, The mines of Laurion, p. 152. 5. Ardaillon, p. 155.

99 ATHENS At the time of Marathon and Salamis the owl presents itself with all perfection anatomical and conventional that the artists your engravers wanted to give it to him. These owls are truly charming, well feathered, head and belly full of a delicate and silky granule; the look intentionally expressive, fascinating and terrifying; Attic art will never engrave them more beautiful ones. Later, the owl has less worries natural flesh, less grace, more agreed. And this decadence, consumed from the beginning of the 4th century, gradually increased dually, as we descend the 100 over the ages, so that we see this: phenomenon which will not surprise, at the, reflection, only the most beautiful owls. are the oldest and those of: 4th century are moving forward, with each new emission, towards the agreed, drought,: the stupefaction and crudeness of the meas. As we have already highlighted- shot!, we see that now the currency Athenian is engraved by common workers. workers who exercise an industrial profession} without the slightest concern for the artistic side. It’s decadence and we feel that Athens; humiliated by Philippe, will not take long to be absorbed by Alexander. 28. — Head of Athena right, eye in profile, hair arranged in plain double headband on the forehead and temples and rolled up at the nape of the neck; she has; on the ears, large round pendants, and on the neck, a necklace; his helmet is decorated with the olive crown of which three leaves are visible, and at the back of the stamp, of a sinuous branch ending in a fleuron. Bt. AOE. Owl on the right, looking straight on; in the field on the left, the growing and the olive shoot formed by a berry between two leaves. Traces of a hollow square. ZR 95: tetradr. att., 17 gr. 36 to 17 gr. 15 (P) PL CXC, fig. 1, 2.8, 4°. 29. — Same helmeted head of Athena, right. Bz. AOE. Owl on the right, looking straight ahead; in the field on the left, Id croissant and olive shoot. Traces of a hollow square. ZR 17; Attic drachma, 4 gr. 36 to 4 gr. 20 (P) PL. CXC, fig. 5.6, 7.8, 9 to, 30. — Head of Athena right, the helmet decorated with three olive leaves ek of a sinuous branch ending in a fleuron. BL. AOE. Owl from the front; on each side, an olive branch hanging from top to bottom. to | Æ13; triobole att., 2 gr. 15 (P) PI. CXC, fig. 10 and 11. L Desert. hub LCL D. 16. 2. Others. Brit. Mus. Atlica, p.13, n°5 132 to 147, pl. V, 3,4,5 and 6. 3. Others. Brit. Mus., p. 14, n°95 148 to 154, pl. V, 1

101 ATHENS 102 31. — Variety, with the retrograde legend: 30A {the letter A always placed above the owl) (P) PI. CXC, fig. 12 and 13: 32. — Same helmeted head of Athena, right. B.AOE. Double owl, opposite bodies, with a single head facing: in the field, to the left, the olive shoot; on the right, the crescent. Hollow square. ZR 11; diobole att., 1 gr. 45 to 1 gr. 36 (P) PI. CXO, fig. 14. 33. — Variety, more recent style; the retrograde legend: 30A (no hollow square) (P) PI. CXC, fig. 15*. 34. — Same helmeted head of Athena. B.AOE. Owl on the right, looking straight on; in the field on the left, grows olive tree composed of a leaf and a berry (no crescent). Hollow square. ÆR 10; obole att., 0 gr. 72 to 0 gr. 68 (P) PI CXC, fig. 16 and 17. 35. — Same helmeted head of Athena. Bi. AOE. Four croissants placed two by two. Hollow square. ZR 8; heptachalcon, 0 gr. 63 (P) PL CXC, fig. 18, 19, 20:. 36, — Same helmeted head of Athena. BR. AOE. Three crescents arranged in a crown around the legend. ÆR 8; tritartemorion, 0 gr. 54 to 0 gr. 51 (P) PL CXC, fig. 21, 22, 23, 24. 37. — Same helmeted head of Athena. BR. AOE. Owl from the front; in the field on the left, the olive shoot; to straight, The crescent. ZR 7, pentachalkon, 0 gr. 45 (P, PL CXC, figs. 25 and 26. 38. — Same helmeted head of Athena. BL. AOE. Owl on the right, looking straight ahead. Hollow square. ZÆR 6; hemiobolus att., 0 gr. 36 to 0 gr. 30 (P) PI. CXC, fig. 27 and 28°. 39. — Same helmeted head of Athena. 4. Common room. Others : Brit. Mus. Altica, 3. Others. Brit. Mus. Attica, p. 11, nos. 80 to 82, : 16, nos. 162 to 172 et pl. V, fig. 13 and 14. See our pl. V,17. See above, our n° 10. raité, {re part, Theory and Doctrine, t. I, p. 424. 4. See above, our n° 12. 2: Other. Brit. Mus. p. 17, no. 177, pl. V, 16. 5, Cf. above, our n° 13.

103 BL. AOE. Calathos; traces of a hollow square. ÆR 6; trihemitartemorion, 0 gr. 27 (P) PL CXC, fig. 29 and 30°. 40. — Same helmeted head of Athena, right. BR. AOE. Croissant. ZR 5; tétartémorion (1/4 obol), 0 gr. 18 (P) PI. CXC, fig. 31”, 41. — Variety, with 304 *. 42. — Same helmeted head of Athena. BL. AOE. Owl from the front, with the olive shoot in the field. ÆR 4; hemitetartemorion (1/8° of obol), 0 gr. 09 (P, L)°. A number of the smaller divisions that we have just described can be traced back ter until the 5th century and enter into the previous period {ei above, p. 79-82). The calathos, type of reverse of the trihemi- tartemorion (n° 39), is found as a symbol on the gold coins that we describe below. It used to be taken for the cist in which Erichtho was imprisoned nios, the serpent of Athena. Beulé wants to do it again know “either the basket in which Minerva enclosed Erichthonios when she entrusted him to the daughters of Cecrops, the cor- mysterious beauty that the Errhephores carry were on their heads, the day before the Pana- theneas, or finally Minerva's basket Ergané who appeared in the mysteries of Eleu- D. — Gold currency, In addition to the gold coins of the year 407 (hereinafter above, n° 18 to 22), there is a group most considerable number of Athenian coins, 4. Others. Brit. Mus., p.18, n9s 173 to 196, pl. V, 20. 2. Others. Brit. Mus., p. 19, nos. 197 to 204, pl. V, 21. 3. Brit. Mus. Attica, p. 19, nos. 205 and 206. Aristotle (Politics, IV, 1, 2), mentions the tetartemorion or tartemorion as being the smallest of the divi- ions of the currency of Athens. Cf. Trailé, 1rc par- ATHENS 104 sis*”. Prokesch-Osten had the idea of seeing on the contrary, the cylindrical vase without a neck: vercle (xirukos) which was the usual measure for the oil, so that the trihemitarté= morion would be the ordinary price of this oil measurement normally f. We we think it is preferable to recognize here the calathos made of rush or wicker, which was like the work basket of Greek women: he became all natus really the attribute of Athena Ergané who taught the Athenian women the art of spinning to weave. It was also the attribute of Démé ter, and that is why a calathos mystis that wicker was carried in processions Eleusinians. in 339-338 BC. AD also in gold, which their style does not allow to assign to the end of the 5th century. The compass reason with the silver coins mounted tie, Theory and Doctrine, t. I, p. 434. 4 Brit. Mus. AC, p.19, n°201, pl. V2 The hemitetartemorion was equivalent to one yxhuous Trailé, 1st part, Theory and doctrine, t. 1, p. 43ÿ 5. Beulé, Monn. of Athens, p. 56. 6. Prokesch-Osten, Inedila, 1854, p. 21.

105 that it is not possible to trace them back ter even until the middle of the 15th century. Searching through the story times posterior, in what circumstances Athens may have once again been forced to accidentally resort to coinage gold, U. Koehler thinks that it was pro- probably in 339 BC. AD, during the preparations ralifs of the final struggle against Philip of Macedonia. On this occasion, Athens simposa the heaviest sacrifices. She raised and equipped a corps of ten thousand hoplites. State finances were quickly exhausted. At the beginning of the summer of 339, it was decided to sus- suspend public works and remove the budget for periodic holidays to make faced with the expenses of the war? Athens found himself in a financial crisis analogous to that of the year 407, although we do not say that riches and ornaments gold from the Parthenon, as well as the treasure of ATHENS 106 temple, would have been, as in 407, sent in the crucible. Despite the absence of any witnesses literary gnage, one can subscribe to the pro- position of Mr. Ulrich Kœhler who thinks that the following gold coins were issued as currencies of necessity, in 339, in circumstances similar to those which had caused the emission of the year 407. The following spring, mass lifting of the Athenians is decreed; Phocion takes the command of the army, Demosthenes takes care of repairing the city walls, while Lycurgus advises on the means of find the financial resources which, more and more, are lacking. These are the circumstances in which U. Kæhler believes that the new gold currencies have been hit. They would be placed in 339- 338, during the arming of Athens who preceded the disastrous battle of Ché- ronea, where Greek freedom succumbed. 43. — Head of Athena right, eye in profile, hair arranged in a double headband on the forehead and temples and rolled up at the nape of the neck; she has - round pendants on the ears and a necklace on the neck; his helmet is decorated three olive leaves and the sinuous flowered branch. Be. AOE. Owl on the right, looking straight ahead; in the field, left, a crescent and an olive shoot; on the right, at the foot of the owl, a calahos lying down. At 18; stater. 8 gr. 61 (L) PL. CLXXXIX, fig. 9. 8 gr. 60 (B) fig. 12. 8 gr. 52 (PB) fig. 15. 8 gr. 60 (P) fig. 18. — 8 gr. 60 (P) fig. 11. 8 gr. 56 (L) fig. 14. 8 gr. 59 (P) fig. 17. 44. — Same helmeted head of Athena. 8 gr. 53 (PB) fig. 10. 8 gr. 59 (L) fig. 13. 8 gr. 58 (B) fig. 16. 8 gr. 58 (Jameson) *. BL. AOE. Owl from the front, wings outstretched; e.g., a lying calathos. 1. U. Koehler, Zeil. für Num., t. XXI, p. 14; cf. B. Head, Hist. num., 2nd ed., p. 375. 2. Philochorus, Fragm. 135; Philochorus fills- knows in Athens the functions of teoosxéros in 306 av. AD GIE. CGurtius, Hist.…Greek., lt. .N; p.983. 3. Catal. Jameson, No. 1193; cf. other copies described by H. von Fritze, Zeit. für Num., t. XXI, p. 8and9. ;

107 ATHENS 108 At 11; quarter of a stater, 2 gr. 15 (P) PL CLXXXIX, fig. 19. 45. — Same helmeted head of Athena, right. . AOE. Owl on the right, looking straight ahead; in the field on the left, the olive shoot; on the right, at the foot of the owl, a lying calathos. At 10; sixth of a stater, 1 gr. 40 (P) PL. CLXXXIX, fig. 20; — 1 gr. 44 (B) PL CLXXXIX, fig. 21, — 1 gr. 45 (Petersb.); 1 gr. 44 (Turin) ‘. 46. ​​— ​​Helmeted head of Athena, right. BL. AO. Owl on the right. looking straight on. A 7; hemi-hecton, 0 gr. 76 (P) PL CLXXXIX, fig. 22°. 47. — Gorgonion facing. Bt. AOE. Owl on the right, looking straight ahead. At 9; three-eighths of a hecto, 0 gr. 54 (B) PL CLXXXIX, fig. 28:. The gold coins that we have just de- crire (nos. 43 to 47) were attributed by Mr. Svoronos, no longer at 339, but at the year 255 or thereabouts, when Antigone Gona- tas granted political freedom to Athens *. This scholar relies, to support this hypothesis, on this fact, that the symbol ad- seal of the reverse of these gold coins, the cala- Athenian thos, is found, as a mark from the Athens workshop, on rare tetra- drachmas of Antigone Gonatas. But Mr. Head points out that the sym- Athenian bole of calathos is not confined only in a specific period and that it forms, in particular, the type of trihe- AU KChIer toc Cu pl MMIBELES 2. Beulé, p. 64; Koæhler, pl. I, 19. 3. Kœæbhler, pl. I, 20. — In Hermès, 1901, p. 317, Mr. Hill comments on the expression tetpäüoay pLov yousoûv, long reported in an Inventory of Parthenon dated to the 90th Olympiad. This {élradra- gold cheme is given as weighing T drachmas 2 obols 1/2 (32 gr. 38). Some numismatists have considered this piece as a double stater of Phocaic weight. Mr. Hill speaks out against this inter- presentation and proposal to recognize in this mention of an Attic gold tetradrachm, which, in virtue of the density ratio of gold and silver, mitartémorions of the 5th and 15th centuries f. From no longer, the manufacture of these gold coins does not allow them to be placed at a time after Alexander 7. On the other hand, it is easy to see than gold coins whose description precedes {nos. 43 to 47), are, by their style, chronologically distant from less half a century of those which constitute the group from the year 407 described above (no. 18 at 22). This observation comes so to supporting the opinion of Ulrich Kæhler. The olive branch which, on the currencies gold of 407, is the characteristic of the emission sion, lack on the gold coins of the would give the balance the indicated weight. We thought it would be simpler, for our part, to make a gold ingot weighing 4 Attic staters. See the present Trailé, Theory and Doctrine, t. I, p. 431. 4. J. Svoronos, Journ. int. of arch. num., 1898, p. 107; cf. B. Head, Hist. num., 2nd ed., p. 315. note. 8. The Tétoayuaæ 'Avtiyôveta; see our Trailé, First part, Theory and Doctrine, vol. 1, p. 485. 6. Above, n° 39 and our pl. CXC, fig. 29 and 30. 1. M. Head, Hist. num., p. 315 (note), remark that the main piece on which Mr. Svoronos tries to support his theory, it is a false piece, modern manufacturing.

A 109 new series. Here, on the contrary, the symbol accessory is the calathos, which we find we will see on contemporary bronzes. If, in the group of gold coins of the year 407, the stater appears to be missing and not to have been hit, it is quite different for the group of 339: the stallion presents himself there like the common room, while the semi- slate or drachma of gold seems, at the con- to milk, not to have been coined!. The smallest division, 3/8 of a hecté or tritemorion of gold, has as its type the head of Gorgon in place of Athena's head. For explain metrologically this division, it must be observed that in Athens, in 15th century, the 3/4 of an obol or tritemorion was also struck in silver (see above, n° 36 and below, n° 62). The tritemorion of silver is 1/12 of a 1 drachma coin and a half or 9 obols: that’s what we call dreamed milk * 66o)ot ?, Gold, the golden trilemorion was equivalent to this same 1 drachma coin and a half of silver: which demonstrates that the ratio of gold to silver in Athens was then like 1 to 12. Examination of the two groups of currencies gold from Athens, that of 407 and that of 339, attests that, in these circumstances, the gold was cut on the same footing as money and According to the same standard. Only, in ordinary usage, we changed the denominations nations to avoid confusion. So: The stater (8 gr. 73) is, in fact, a didra- gold chem; The hemi-stater (4 gr. 36) is, in fact, a gold drachma (doxyu yovstou); 1. Pollux (Onom. IX, 51) cites the staters of Athens among the main gold coins of the Greek world. Cf. our Treatise, Part One, Theory and Doc- trine, t. I, p. 409 and 440. 2. Cf. our Trailé, First part, Theory and Doctrine, t. I, p. 421, ATHENS 110 The 1/4 stater (2 gr. 18) is, in fact, a hemi-drachma or triobole of gold; The 1/6 or hecté (1 gr. 45) is, in fact, a golden diobolus; The 1/12 or hemi-hecton {0 gr. 72) is, in made, a gold mite; 3/8 of a hecté or 3/4 of an obole (0 gr. 54) is, in fact, a golden tritemorion {. The triumph of Philip of Macedon at Chaeronea, September 1, 338 and the ruin policy of Athens put an end to this mon- gold sinking. Immediately after the accession of Alexander in 336, under Macedonian protection, times became prosperous again for Athe- nes. It was then that the Athenians thought- come to fulfill the vow that their fathers had formed, in the distant day when they had sent to the crucible the Nikes of the Parthenon. This wish was to replace these Nikes with new statues like the old ones, as soon as the financial situation allows. They had considered that Athena had done nothing than take his treasures to his people. By following, in the years 334 and following, Lycurgus who had taken charge of the management of the finances of Athens after the defeat of Chaeronea, offered to take a sum considerable on the metallic reserve of the State, to remake the statues of Nikes in gold, whose bases had remained empty since 407. This restoration was dedicated with great solemnity. Philochorus, thus than a registration, inform us of these details on which we do not have to insist- ter, but what was interesting to indicate?. 4. See, for further developments, the present Treatise, Theory and Doctrine, vol. 1, p. 406 et seq. 2. See P. Foucart, in Bull. corr. hell., 1888, p. 283 ets.

111 ATHENS 112 E. — Silver coinage, from 338 to 229 BC. AD The disaster of the Athenians at Chaeronea, in 338, caused a great decrease in the production of silver coinage Athens. The capital of Attica ceased to be the principal state of Greece; the bel- the gold and silver coins of Philip, then from Alexander, gradually replaced each other ment to that of Athens on the markets of the Orient and throughout international trade nationality of the ancient world. Without doubt, the good management of finances by the speaker Lycurgus, from 338 to 326, bringing back the pros- perity in Athens, allowed us to reconstruct the public treasury, to resume fairly active- the exploitation of the mines of Laurion!, and presumably, to issue part of the cash that we let's go describe. But it was, despite everything, only one temporary rebirth. Athens had to count now with competition from mines, much richer, from Epi-Thrace where Philip and Alexander did not, therefore, have say, to draw on with both hands. It was necessary suffer the economic crisis that followed, the commercial lapse and maritime, the consequences of lost political freedom. And as the conquest of the Orient opens more widely to the Hellenic world Asian treasures, these essential causes from the poverty of Athenian coinage, to from Alexander the Great, impose themselves with more force. How do the mines of Laurion, already half exhausted in the middle of the 15th century, could they have fought? How the beautiful gold and silver coins types and in the name of the Macedonian conqueror 1. See on this subject, F. Durrbach, L’orateur Lycur- would they not have been driven out of the international market? national the old owls, from now on decrowned, humiliated and without prestige? For more than a century, from 338 to 229, dale of the appearance of abundant se- Monetary ries of Athens say something new calf style, the history of atheistic currency nienne is completely obscure. Some have claimed that after Chaeronea Athens ceased to strike the tetradrachm, not retaining more than the right to emit, for its com- local commerce, the drachma and its divisions, as well as bronze species. I believe that excessive opinion. It seems difficult to admit that the period during which Lycurgus administered the finances of Athens with complete independence has no had autonomous tetradrachms; it's at contrary in this period of time that I place these would be the least mediocre of the tetradra- chmes grouped below, under No. 48. In all cases, there is a cir- historical constancy in which Athens must surely have minted silver coins. gent, the tetradrachm included, with a very particular intensity: this is the time of the Lamiac War, in 322 BC. AD The death of Alexander (in June 323) had was the signal, in Athens, of a reaction against the Macedonian party. The national element nal regained power and expelled the Mace- Donians and their supporters: this was the signal of war Lamiac. The Athenians led part of the Peloponnese and central Greece. Anti- pater, governor of Macedonia, was that, p. 45; Ardaillon, The mines of Laurion, p.158.

115 first defeated; unfortunately, the leader of the insurgent Greeks, Leosthenes, was killed; the discord arose in the ranks of the confederates deres; the Aetolians abandoned them and returned home. Antipater having received from Asia a reinforcement army led by Leonnatos, delivered the city of Lamia in hessaly in front which the Athenians were going to lay siege; finally, on August 7, 329, he took, to Crannon, on the edges of the Aeneas, a decisive victory following to which the crushed Athenians implored to the clemency of the winner. Demosthenes and yperides were exiled; the Macedonian party, ith Phocion and Demades, regained power reestablished the protectorate of Macedonia ur Athens and other Greek cities. The latest tetradrachms Athenians old style or rather the so-called style of ransition, were struck in the circumstances ATHENS 11% crilic lances that we have just recalled- ler, that is to say for the preparations and to the occasion of the Lamiac war. Athens had, in fact, to make an abundant broadcast coins to pay his troops; she resumed his traditional types of the head of A- thena and the owl, public affirmation of its political autonomy and its old glory. At the same time, we understand that these pieces, hastily made, with edges so irregular, have, despite everything, one style rejuvenated denoting that they belong to the time following the death of Alexander. After placing Athens back under the yoke Macedonian in 322, Antipater made it stop the issuance of these silver telradrachms aulonomas. But the year 322 marks it the definitive suppression of this coinage or only a momentary suspension? This is what we will look at soon. 48. — Head of Athena to the right, the eye in profile, the helmet encircled by the neck olive tree; large dangling ears (Lype from the earlier period). BR. AOE. Owl on the right, with the olive shoot and the crescent. ZR 21; tetradr. att., 17 gr. 36 to 17 gr. (PP CXCL A1 2.345 6. 49. — Same helmeted head of Athena. BR. AOE. Owl on the right, looking straight ahead; in the field, on the left, the roissant and the olive shoot: above the olive shoot, the letter Y (?) 2K 17; drachma att., 4 st, 20 (EPRECOKCPESE in 20. — Same helmeted head of Athena. BL. AOE. Owl on the right, looking straight ahead; behind, the crescent, olive pod and the prow of a galley. ZR 17; drachma att., 4 ot. COTENPL OUXCR LS" the 1 In the 1st century, the weight of atheistic tetradrachms ens rarely drops below 17 cd garlic is he never again reaches the normal weight pri- A.I.M. mititive of 17 gr. 46, frequent previously. 2. Brit. Mus. Allica, p. 15, n° 155 MISCELLANEOUS 3. Br. Mus. Allica, p. 15, no. 157, pl, V, 40: 8

115 ATHENS 116. 51. — Same helmeted head of Athena, right. B.AOE. Chouelle on the right, looking straight on, perched on a rudder. ZR 18; drachma att., 4 gr. 27 (P) P1. CXCI, fig. 9. 52. — Same helmeted head of Athena. B.AOE. Owl on the right, looking straight on; in the field on the left, the crescent, the olive shoot and a head of Medusa from the front. ÆR 18; drachma att., 4 gr. 11 (P) PL CXCI, fig. 10. 53. — Same helmeted head of Athena. BR. AOE. Owl on the right, looking straight ahead; in the field on the left, the olive shoot and monog. BORN. Æ17; drachma att., 4 gr. 18 (P) PL CXCI, fig. 11; — varieties, 4 gr. 14 {(L)"; 3gr. 90 (Earle Fox) ?. 54. — Same helmeted head of Athena. A. AOE. Owl on the right, facing the front; in the field on the right, He ZR 16; drachma att., 4 gr. 20 (P) PI CXCI, fig. 12. 55. — Head of Athena right, with Corinthian helmet. | BL. AOE. Owl three-quarter right, looking straight on, wings down lifted; she is perched on a base; in the field on the right, an apluster. ZR 16; pentobol att., 3 gr. 48 (P) PI. CXCI, fig. 18. 56. — Same head of Athena, wearing the Corinthian helmet. Bz. AOE, Same three-quarter view, wings raised; in the field on the right, an amphora. | Æ16; pentobol, 3 gr. 26 (L)P1. CXCI, fig. 14°; — other, 3 gr. 20 (P) PL CXCI, fig. 15. | 57.— Head of Athena right, the Altic helmet decorated on the sides sinuous flowered stem. 1. Bril. Mus. Atlica, p.15, n° 156 et pl. V.9 tophane (Knights, towards 198) and in a text: (the monogr. NE cropped, was taken for a trident). epigraphic from the year 408 (C. I. Gr., t. I, 170, 173.4 2.Rev. num., 1890, p. 56, pl. ISLAND, 3. No. 324, 45). But we have not yet reported 3. Brit. Mus. Atlas, p. 15, nos. 158, 159 et pl. V, of previous copy in the time of Alexander S 11. Pentobol is an extremely division Big. Trailé, Theory and Doctrine, t. I, p. 422; rare; it appears to have been struck at the end of the 5th B. Head, His£. numer., p. 315, note 4 century, since it is mentioned in 424 by Aris-

117 ATHENS 118 BL. AOE. Two owls facing each other, their heads close together and looking straight ahead. Æ12; tetrobole att., (P) PL. CXCI, fig. 16 and 17; — other, 2 gr. 61 (L)!. 58. — Head of Athena right, the helmet decorated with three olive leaves. BL. AOE. Owl from the front; on each side, a hanging olive branch. Æ13; triobole att., 1 gr. 92 (P) PI. CXCI, fig. 18 and 19; — 1 gr.91 (B, L)°. 59. — Head of Athena right, the helmet decorated with three olive leaves. R2. AOE. Double owl with single head facing; hollow area. ZR 12; diobole att., 1 gr. 45 to 1 gr. 36 (P) PL CXCI, fig. 20. 60. — Same helmeted head of Athena. B. AGE. Owl on the right, looking straight on; in the field on the left, the croissant and olive shoot. ZÆR 9; Attic obol, 0 gr. 72 (P) PI. CXCI, fig. 21. 61. — Same helmeted head of Athena. BR. AOE. Three crescents arranged in a crown around the legend. ZR 6; tritartemorion, 0 gr. 54 (P) PL CXCI, fig. 22 and 28. 62. — Owl in three-quarter view to the left, looking straight ahead. BR. AGE. Three crescents arranged in a crown around the legend. 2R 6; tritartemorion, 0 gr. 54 (P) PL CXCI, fig. 24. 63. — Head of Athena wearing a Corinthian helmet, right. BL. AOE. Three crescents arranged in a crown around the legend. ZR 5; trilartemorion, 0 gr. 54 (P) PI. CXCI, fig. 25. 6%. — Same helmeted head of Athena. B£. AOE. Calathos. 5; trihemitartemorion, 0 gr. 27 (P) PI. CXCI, fig. 26. 65. — Head of Athena right, wearing the Attic helmet. B.AOE. Crescent, 2R 4; tétartemorion (1/4 of an obole), 0 gr. 18 (P) PI. CXCI, fig. 27. 1. Brit. Mus, Allica, p. 16, nos. 160 and 161, pl. V, real, at the end of the 5th century. See the cited texts 2. Tetrobole does not not met previously- in our Trailé, Theory and Doctrine, t. FE, p. 422: ent, although he be reported as currency 2. Cf. Brit. Mus. Allica, p. 17, n° 173 et pl. V, 45.

119 Several of the small divisions described above may belong to the period anterior (above, p. 102). The appearance of the new style series is fixed in 229, when after the death of Demetrius IT, Athens was delivered from its garrison Macedonian nison. The Athenians did alliance with Aratus, the founder of the Achaean League, which they pompously received- lies within their walls. Are there mon- silver coins that must be classified in this period of 93 years which extends from 322 to 229? Long time we thought I could answer negatively to this question. But in 1896, Ulrich Kaehler demonstrated that we had to classify in this long period a limited number of tetradrachms and drachmas Athenians who preserve again the types of the old style and the legend AGE, but which give the head of Athena the physiognomy of the head of Athena na gold coins of Alexander the Great?. Furthermore, these Athenian coins are ca- scraped by the addition of a symbol va- laughable, in the field of the reverse. This group of parts forms in some way ATHENS 120 sort of the link between currencies old style and those of the new style. But their small number is so restricted that they cannot constitute a mon-: regular and continuous watering filling the period of 93 years which goes from 322 to 229. It must admit, during this dark and troubled, intermittent and occasional coinage sional. Some of these pieces date back at the time of the Lamiac War in 322; others are perhaps just time of the so-called Chremonides War in 266- 263, when Athens, excited by Island king of Egypt, undertook a second times of shake off the Macedonian yoke. We could cite other circumstances, on occasion sion from which Athens was able to resume its autonomous coinage, before death of Demetrius IT, in 229, which was the signal, for Athens, the rebirth of autonomy politics and national currency. The chronological limits of the present volume do not allow us to dwell on these problems and to overcome otherwise than by these general indications the time of the Lamiac war. F.— Bronze coinage, from 339 to 300 BC. AD After 393, Athens remained without mon- bronze wall for quite a long time period: it is for this reason that, during this interval, she emitted such a great quan- ity of small silver coins, such as we just saw it. But in the long run and in practice, we could not fail to be struck by the inconvenience of these tiny 1. B.Head, Brit. Mus. Catal. Allica, Introd., p. xxx1 (London, 1888). silver coins, so easy to misplace, and same time ease of use, in neighboring towns, currencies of bronze which were becoming more and more abundant. It was there, without a doubt, one of the causes of the reappearance of bronze coinage in Athens; however this deep reason had to wait for an incentive 2, U. Kæhler in the Siézungsberichle de l’Acad, of Berlin, 1896, t. XLI, p. 1089 to 1097.

121 occasional tooth to produce its effects and to convey the desires of the public to the administrative reality. It was only in 339 BC BC, under the pressure of necessities news, in the face of Philippe's threats of Macedonia, that the capital of Attica was forced to resort again to both the minting of gold coins and bronze coins, as she had done already, at the end of the Peloponnesian War, Gold and bronze made up for the penury ATHENS 122 rie money for the preparations of a war which must, moreover, be unfortunate reuse. The bronze pieces that we recommend started to strike under these circumstances are of a style which adapts well to this period: it is still the old traditional style functional, but degenerate and reminiscent of the last nières parts money, that is to say the tetradrachms that we described in last place, like representing the end so-called old style series. 66. — Head of Athena, wearing the Attic helmet, decorated with a fleuron, right. Bt. AOËE. Two owls facing each other, their heads close together looking face; between them, a calathos lying. Olive wreath around the edge. Æ15; (P) PL CXCIL, fig. 7 and 8:. the gold coins (above, n° 43 to 45) on which have the same symbol. The lying calathos, on the reverse of these bronzes, classifies them at the same time as 67. — Same right. Bt. AO. Two opposing owls, as above; below, a ple- mochoé. Olive wreath around the edge. Æ15; (P)PI. CXCII, fig. 9 and 10*. The letter © on these bronzes is very small and barely visible. 68.— Same head of Athena (more recent style). Be. Same type of the two opposite owls; in the exergue, AOE. Crown olive tree around the edge. Æ 16: (Ath) PL CXCIL, fig. 11. 69. — Same head of Athena. BR. AOE. Two opposing owl bodies, with a single head seen from face; below, the calathos lying down. Æ 13: (P) PI. CXCIL, fig. 12 and 13*. d'Brl Mus. Afhca, p.20, n°216, pl'VI "3. By _ times, perhaps, in place of the calathos, on the reverse, the Jettre A. Cf, Earle Fox, in the Revue numism., 1890; p.150 n°06, pLAU 48 2. Brit. Mus. Atlas, p. 20, no. 218, pl. VI, 4. 3. Brit. Mus. Allica, p. 21, no. 224, pl. VI, 6.

123 ATHENS 124 70. — Same head of Athena. B.AOE. Owl standing on a thunderbolt, three-quarter view to the right. Æ11; (L) PL CXCII, fig. 14 and 15*. 71. — Head of Athena right, the helmet decorated with three olive leaves and of the flowering stem. B.AOE. Owl three-quarter right, looking straight on, wings raised lifted; in the field, a plemochoe. Æ20; (L) PL CXCII, fig. 16*. 72. — Variety. As a symbol on the reverse, an amphora. Æ20; (P)PI. CXCIL, fig. 17; — other (L) *. 73. — Head of Athena wearing a Corinthian helmet, right. B.AOE. Owl, three-quarters to the right, wings outstretched; in the field on the right, an amphora. Æ16; (L) PL CXCII, fig. 18*. This bronze piece is identical to the n° 56 el reproduced pl. CXCI, fig. 14 silver drachma described above under and 15. 74. — Head of Athena right, wearing a Corinthian helmet decorated with a serpent. BR. AOH. Owl on left, looking straight on; olive wreath around the edge. Æ15; (P) PL CXCII, fig. 19, 20 and 21 *. These bronzes are later than Alexander the helmet and the legend AOH the Abnvatwv). the Great, as indicated by the serpent on 75. — Head of Athena, wearing a Corinthian helmet, right. BR. AO. Owl on the right, looking straight ahead. Crown of ears around the edge. Æ15; (Ath) PL CXCIT, fig. 22 and 23”. 16. — Variety, with AOE (L)”. 77. — Variety, with AOE and a crown as a symbol. Æ15; (P) PL CXCIL, fig. 24*°. CT to © ND . Doctor: Dr. Br. Br. Br. Mus. Mus. Mus. Mus. Mus. Attica, p. 21, n° 226 to 228, pl. VI, 7. 6. Br. Mus. Attica, p. 22, nos. 229 to 234, pl. VI, 8. El, D. 23, n0225 pl'NI 42. 1. Br. Mus. Atlas, p. 22, no. 235. op. cit., p. 23, nos. 246 and 247, pl.VI, 13. 8. Others. Brit. Mus. Altica, p. 22, n° 236 to 239, op. cit., p. 20, n° 208 et pl. VI, 4. DIN 0100 op. eyelashes, p. 22, nos. 240 to 244, pl. VI, 11.

2125 ATHENS 126 78. — Variety, with a cornucopia as a symbol. Æ15; (P) PL CXCII, fig. 25 and 26. 19. — Head of Althena wearing a Corinthian helmet, right. Be. A. Three-quarter owl to the right. Crown of two ears of corn around the edge. Æ17; (Ath) PL CXCII, fig. 27. 80. — Variety, with AO. Æ15; (Ath) PL. CXCII, fig. 28. The last bronzes which precede {n° 75 et seq.) have the head of Athena topped with Corinthian helmet like the golden staters of Alexander who are contemporaries; we we noted, moreover, that more several of them are similar, for their types, to silver drachmas. Towards around the year 300, begins in Athens bondant series of bronzes which have for types, to the right, the head of Zeus or the head of Athena, and on the reverse, the legend AOE, with Zeus or Athena wielding the thunderbolt. ORIENTAL IMITATIONS OF OLD STYLE ATHENIAN COINS. At t. II of our Descr. hist. (p. 670 and Next. and pl. CXXV and CXXVI), we have grouped and described the Egyptian imitations, Aramaic and himyarites of coins of Athens in the old style. We collected a large number of these curious pieces Gaza and the Philistine region, in the Nile Delta and various points on the coast from Arabia to Yemen. The mu- The city of Alexandria has a remarkable also found in the Mesopota region. mine, in Persia and even in India, These imitations of Athenian currency generally Aramaic legends, Himyarite monograms or symbols which, despite their types, make mon- oriental nays; they are the extension exterior of the monetary history of Athens. Asian countries continued to made for a long time even after Alexander ble series coming from these regions. House the Great. Here is a new sample: 81. — Head of Athena, right, elongated eye, helmet decorated with crown olive tree and stylized fleuron.

127 ELEUSIS 128 ? — ©. Owl from the front, between two olive shoots. Hollow square. ÆR 23; tetradr., 16 gr. 83(B)*. This tetradrachm, struck outside Athens, must be placed among the oriental imitations tales, like the coins minted in Gaza and 2 in the Palestinian and Arabian region*. ATHENIAN TESSERAS. In the numismatic works, we have become accustomed to giving space to bronze tesserae (siotriotz) from Athens which bear, on the right, the helmeted head of Athena and, on the reverse, a large numeral letter variable, sometimes accompanied of a small * symbol. The majority of these monetiform monuments is later than the time of Alexander; he is, in all case, very difficult to distinguish those who $II. — Eleusis and coins The sacred town of Eleusis was crowned by its acropolis a rocky hill which dominates the Céphise valley and the Gulf of Salamis, four leagues west of Alhè- nes ; it was famous in antiquity and expensive to the Athenians with festivals and mysteries called Æleusinia that were celebrated there in the honor of Demeter, Persephone or Korah and Triptolemus or Iacchos. Eleusis was connected to Athens by the Sacred Way 4. To. von Sallet, Zeit. für Num., t. XXI, p. 207, pl. IV, 7 (Coll. Photiadès-Pacha, Catal. no. 559). 2. B. Head, His{. numor. (2nd ed.), p. 371. 3. Beulé, Monn. of Athens, p. 18; B. Ilead, Brit. Mus. Cat. Atlas, pp. xxx and 24, nos. 253 to 262 and pl. VI, 17; Head, His{. num., p. 311 (2nd ed.); J. Svo- ronos, in the Journat intern. of archaeol. numism.., t. 1, 1898, p. 37 to 120 and t. XLV, 1912, p. 123 to 160 can go back to the 5th and 4th centuries keys, especially since their manufacture has not could have been, like that of currency, in- influenced by political circumstances and economic. There is an interest in grouping all together these monuments of the same nature; that's why it will not be described here; we reserve them for the volume where it will be treated of Athenian coins of new style*. Eleusinians of Athens. (lepx od0<) which saw each year of solemn processions. The principles main religious buildings of Eleusis, grouped in the hieron, included the £leusinion, famous temple of Demeter, one of the chiefs works of Greek architecture whose ruins are still imposing, the temple of Triptolemus, that of Poseidon and that of of Artemis Propylaean. From the time of the Pisistratides, the cult (ot xoAAU601). In this last memoir Mr. Svoronos considers the coins of the 1st century very small bronzes, of extremely varied types, as Postolacca (Aüñvatov, t. IX, 1881) and others have until now been placed among the tesserae monéti- shapes. 4. Cf. this Trailé, Part One: Theory and Doctrine, t. 1, p. 698 et seq.

129 of the Great Goddesses at Eleusis was in honor neur among the Athenians; after 480, its fame sacerul with the power of Athens and it quickly became a cult panhellenic *. Triptolemus, son of Demeter, was the hero principal of the Eleusinian mysteries; the ruins of its temple mentioned by Pausanias?, have been identified. On the coins of Eleu- Sis, he is figurative passing through the fields of Attica, on a chariot drawn by dragons, to teach agriculture to the aborigines; bas-reliefs found in Eleusis represent the same scene or Get inspired of the same legend, that we find also interpreted on of vases einted, in particular, a famous hydria e Cumae, at the Hermitage Museum 5. The excavations carried out at Eleusis by the archaeological society of Athens have returned the light of the inscriptions which made know the administration financial 1. E. Cavaignac, Studies on financial history Athens. 11. The sacred treasure of Eleusis, GE 2. Pausan., 1, 38, 6 (Tp:rrohépou suis). 3, Revue archéolog., 1867, 1, p. 161 and DRIVE Svoronos, Journ. inlern. of archaeol. murIte, SUN, 01, p. 233; Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greek., p. 153. Volume IV. ELEUSIS 130 temple of Demeter, especially in the 6th century; the treasurers' accounts gave us something idea of the importance of treasure sacred, ex-votos, offerings and income from the temple, as well as from architecture projects undertaken in the last deny the links of the 5th century and the expenses of any nature to which the epistates and hieropes had to face #. This religious importance and this self- financial name of the sanctuary of Eleusis seemed a peremptory argument for explain the privilege of minting money of which he seems to have enjoyed, since we will describe bronzes which bear his name: EAEYEI(ywy). There are currencies to the same types, struck in the same circumstances, with the legend A68E. Finally, a few bronzes bear at the same time, a side, A6E and on the other, EAE. Let's get started by describing these different monetary groups laries before trying to explain them. L. — ELEUSIAN COINS WITH THE NAME OF ATHENS. 82. — Triplolemus (rather than Demeter) seated on the left in a drawn chariot ar two winged dragons; the god is crowned with ears of corn; he has a bare chest and his draped legs; with his outstretched right hand he holds ears of corn; the wings of Dragons, curled up, rise to the right and left of Triptolemus. BR. AOE. Pig standing on the right, on the Eleusinian 4acchos (cropped exergue). EE 18; 2er.25 (Ath) PL CXCIIL, fig. 1:. 83. — Same description; e.g., a small altar (P) PI. CXCIII, fig. 2, 3, 4 and 5°. 4. E. Cavaignac, loc. cit. 5. E. Cavaignac, The {sacred reservoir of Eleusis, p. 66, no. 952 and 53 et pl. I, 19 and 20. See below No. 95, bronzes from Eleusis with the same type of reverse. 6. Others, Brit. Mus. Cat. Attica, p. 23, no. 248 to 9

131 On none of the numerous copies of these little bronzes, always badly struck or poorly preserved, which passed to me through hands, I was not able to ensure that the 84. — Head of Demeter, right. BL. AOE. Pig standing right, posed Æ10; (P) PL CXCIIL, fig. 6 and 7:. Bacchos was, says F. Lenormant, a sort of very short and very decorated thyrsus that the mysts of Eleusis were held in the hand in the nights of initiations, to myYs- Eleusinian mothers of Demeter and Korah?. He ELEUSIS 132: type represents Triptolemus rather than Demeter. With Mr. Cavaignac, I describe Triptolemus; the British Museum catalogue said Demeter*. on the Eleusinian bacchos. is usually surrounded by buds and sometimes accompanied by poppies. We are going meet him on all the coins of Eleusis; we can sometimes confuse it with a torch. II. — COINS IN THE NAME OF ELEUSIS. First series. 85. — Triptolemus seated on the left, in a chariot drawn by two dragons winged: the god is crowned with ears of corn; he has a bare chest and draped legs with his outstretched right hand he holds ears of corn; the wings of dragons, curled up towns, rise to the right and left of Triptoleme. BL. EAEY2I (sometimes EAEY2). Pig standing right, on an acchos (without symbol): Æ 18: 3 gr. 90 (P) PL CXCII, fig. 8. 86. — Same types; in the exergue of the reverse, a pig's head on the right e an ivy leaf. Æ 18: 4 gr. 54 (L) PL CXCIII, fig. 9 — other (B) PL. CXCIIT, fig. 104 87. — Varieties 250, et pl. VI, 14, 15; Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greek, p. 151, no. 89, pl. C, 26 (we sometimes describe in exergue on the reverse, a plemochoe instead of the small altar). 1. See also the embarrassment of Mr. Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greek., p. 154; cf. U. Kæbhler, in the Miltheilungen de l’Instit. arch., Afhenische Ablhei- lung, t. IV, 1879, p. 250. 2. Other. Imhoof-Blumer, Greek Coins, p. 153, No. 103. in symbol, on the reverse PL. CXCIIL, fig. 11°. — Branch of ivy (B) PL CXCIIT, fig. 12”. Bucrane (2 3. F. Lenormant in the Dict. antiques @ Daremberg and Saglio, c. Bacchos. 4. Cavaignac, pl. I, 1 and 14; Imhoof-Blumet Monn. Greek., p. 152, n. 94. 5. Cavaignac, pl. I, 2; Greek., p. 152, n. 92 and 93. 6. Cavaignac, p. 152, no. 92 and 93, pl. I, 4 Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greek., p. 1b2, no. 91. Imhoof-Blumer, Monn

55 ELEUSIS 134 beille (L); — Dauphin (P) PL CXCIII, fig. 13. — Shell (B) PI. XIII, fig. 14’. —— Ossicle (L) PI CXCIII, fig. 15 ?. — Calathos in crown of ears (B) PI CXCIII, fig. 16:. 88. — Triptolemus seated in a chariot of winged dragons on the left. BR. EAEYZI. Same type of pig, but turned to the left: in the exergue, in ymbole, a vine with cluster and leaf. EE 18; 4 gr. 21 (L) Pl, CXCIIT, fig. 17:. 89. — Triptolemus {rather than Demeter), seated on the right in a drawn chariot ar two winged dragons; his legs are draped and he is holding an ear of corn in his hand further advanced. BR. EAEY2I. Pig standing right, placed on a bacchos:; in the field at right, the letter M. Æ18; 4 gr. 21 (L) PL CXCIIL, fig. 18°. 90. — Varieties, with the letter © (L)°; — other, with the letter N (At) Second series. 91. — Demeter seated on the left in a chariot drawn by two winged dragons n only sees a dragon); the goddess is crowned with ears of corn and veiled; she is dressed with a talar chiton which covers her chest and a himalion which envelops peel his legs; she holds two ears of corn in her right hand; the wings of the dra- Ons, curled up, rise to the right and left of Demeter. IR. EAEY3I, in exergue. Pig standing right, on a small reduced bacchos sometimes with a simple line; around the edge, a crown made up of two stems ears that cross over the pork. Æ16; 4 gr. 35 (L) PL CXCIIL, fig. 19 and 20°. 92. —_ Same right. 1° Cavaignac, pl. I, 11. 5. Cavaignac, n° 55, pl. I, 22. 2. Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. Greek., p. 152, no. 96. 6. Cavaignac, n° 13 and pl. I, 5. 3. Cavaignac, pl. I, 15; Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. 1. Cavaignac, pl. I, 18. M9, p. 152, no. 95. 8. Cavaignac, n° 60 et seq. and pl. IT, 1 to 6; Imhoof- 4 Cavaignac, n° 4, pl. I, 1a; Imhoof-Blumer, Blumer, Monn. Greek., p. 152, no. 99, pl. C, No. 98. onn. Greq., p, 152, no 97.

135 BL. EAEY, in exergue. Pig standing right, on a line; crown of two ears of corn around the edge. Æ13; 4 gr. 55 to 2 gr. 08 (B) PL CXCIIL, fig. 21. 93. — Variety; the EAEY legend is in the field, above the pig. Æ15; 4 gr. 55 to 2 gr. 08 (Ath) PI. CXCIIT, fig. 22 and 28 94. — EAEY, legend placed above the pore standing on the right, on the bacchos. Crown of ears around the edge. B. same as law. Æ13; (Earle Fox) *. Third series. 95. — Triptolemus standing, walking on a chariot drawn by two dragons winged, which move to the left; the god has a bare chest and extends his right arm forward, holding ears of corn. RL. EAEY, sometimes EAEY2I in the exergue. Pig standing right, on a bacchos reduced to a simple line; around the edge, a crown of two ears of corn: Æ15; 3 gr. 56 (P)P1. CXCIIT, fig. 24*. Fourth series. 96. — Head of Demeter crowned with ears (unveiled), right. Be. EAEY, sometimes EAEYZ, or EAEY3I, in the field. Vase (p/emochoé) on a broad basis. All in a crown formed of two ears of wheat Æ15; 3 gr. 24 (Ath) PL CXCOIIT, fig. 25:. III. — COINS BEARING BOTH THE NAMES OF ATHENS AND ELEUSIS. 97. — AOE (top). Two pores side by side, going left. Br. Without letters (?). Bacchos standing, in a crown of ears. Æ13; 3 gr. 25 (Ath) PL. CXCIIL, fig. 26. 1Lallaisnac, pl 1 8/0; 2. Earle Fox, Rev. num., 1890, p. 23, pl. III, 46. Reproduction of the same type, to the right and re- verse of this bronze must be attributed to an error typing. 3, Cavaignac, p. 73, n° 86 et seq., pl. II, 11; Imhoof- ELEUSIS | 1 136 Blumer, Monn. Greek., p. 153, no. 101, pl. C, 29 Compare the bronzes from Athens with the same typ reverse (above, n°' 83 and 84). 4. Cavaignac, p. 76, n°5 103 to 106; pl. IT, 15, 16; 11; cf. Num. Chron., 1881, p. 89 et pl. IV, 5 (hence coll, Bunbury).