Zeitschrift für Numismatik, vol. 17 — 1890

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MAGAZINE

PURE

NUMISMATICS

REDIT •

YQS

• • •

ALFEED OF SALLET.

SEVENTEENTH VOLUME.

BERLIN

WEIDMANN'S BOOKSHOP.

1890.

Contents of the seventeenth volume.

Antiquity Page

Löbbecke, A., Greek coins in my collection. lY. (Plate 1. 11.) 1

Seeck, 0., The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors . . 36. 113

Löbbecke, A., coin found at Avola. (Plate VI.) 167

Pick, B., About some coins from the Roman Ice Age 180

Sallet, A. Y., The acquisitions of the Royal Coin Cabinet on April 1st

1888 to April 1, 1889. (TafellV. V.) (Includes Middle Ages) . 233

Dressel, H., Titakazos 285

Middle Ages n.a.

Buchenau, H., Bracteate impressions on oak bells in Terden.

(Plate m.) 27

Alexi, S., The payment of the eaufshilling for the Duchy of Esth-

land in 1346 and 1347 90

Bardt, Fr., The discovery of rich people 98

Friedensburg, F., Two denarius finds from the X to XI. century. 202 Friedensburg, F., Studies on the coinage history of Silesia in the XYL year- hundred, n 213

Alexi, S., The mint masters of the Calimala and money changers guild 258

Nützel, H., Muhammedan coin find from Pinnow 270

Friedensburg, F., The Silesian coins of King Ferdinand before 1546.

Addendum 282

Scheuner, B., A penny find in Upper Lusatia 287

Dannenberg, H., On Pomeranian and Mecklenburg coinage. IX 290

Stückelberg, A., The use of coins in decoration ... 198

Miscellaneous.

Drude, P., About a property of the silver coins 100

Drexler, W., A gold coin of Allectus 231 not recorded by Cohen

^c^^yS

ly Contents of the seventeenth volume.

necrologist.

Albert Erbstein 311

Literature number

Bahrfeldt 102

Doneban 106

de Ghestret de Haneffe 310

Register 313

* .

* V.-

GreekMsclie coins from my collection IV.

Plates I and II.

RF

2. jK

RF

3. jK

Italy.

Nar.... 1. iR 9 m, size. 0.45.

Apollo head with laurel wreath right, hair tied up at the back bound.

Z Lyra

8 m, 2 ex. sizes, 0.50 and 0.45. Apollo head as before.

^Lyra^

8 m, 2 ex. size. 0.55 and 0.42. Apollo head as before. Rj, N Lyra A 4th jR 9 m, size. 0.46.

Apollo head as before. RF < Lyra . . . I received these six half-liter pieces with a large one Number of Italian obols and smaller silver coins in the previous year from Naples.

No. 1. of which has been known for a long time and was first published by Millingen^) and assigned to Arnae in Macedonia and this allocation is Head in the Catalog of Brit Mus.') and followed his Historia Numorum p. 182. This includes: of which the coins are not, rather, like style and manufacture, they are prove the origin of my six copies, Italian.

1) SyUoge of ancient anedited coins p. 42 PI. III 19. ') Macedonia p. 62.

ZeitMhrift Air Namumatik. XVII.

1

2 Arthur Löbbecke:

Piorelli also believed this and gave the first coin when- immediately later doubtful, Arpi in Apulia*). Garrucci') has it there too, and even any doubt about the correctness of this to lift the determination, with the invented transliteration HAPISA, d. h. with arbitrarily added API. Imhoof has in his Garrucci's*) also noticed the latter, and mine Coins fully confirm his. Notice that except the There are no other letters N^A on the same ones. These three characters are now like the previously unknown variants Nos. 2 and 3 show, Nar . . . and not as happened before Arn. . . to read.

Except that of the Romans in wars with the Umbriem founded colony of Narnia, which was formerly called Nequinum I don't have anyone with Nar in Italy. . . beginning city name. But the coins are certainly not Umbrian, rather they are southern. Italic, perhaps Campanian, and a second with Nar... The original place name can therefore still be found there.

The following coins probably also belong: I got along with the above, here:

5. M 8 m, size. 0.38.

Eagle sitting on a column capital 1. RF Delphin 1. below NA.

See Vienna Numerical Journal. 1886. P. 259.

6. M 6 m, Gj. 0.17.

Cross torch between poppy head and grain. Rf. Delphin r. including NA.

Thrace. Dicaea. 1. M 25m, size 19.20.

Bearded head of Heracles covered with lion skin right. Rf. irregularly recessed square. Plate L 1.

1) Mon. ined. P. 4. and Gat Santangelo No. 12433.

2) Le Monete deU Italia antica p. 112, Tay. 93, 7.

3) Vienna Num. Ztschr. 1886, p. 234.

Greek coins. 3

2. M 19 m, size 6.98.

Heracles head as before, later styles. Rf. DIKAI bull's head 1. in a recessed square.

Among the well-known silver staters and diobols from Dikaia, around 500 B.C. Beaten there after Babylonian foot the previous coin now also occurs with the former coin unknown tetradrachm. The finely executed head of the same is of pure archaic style and one of the best old-fashioned traditional heads of Heracles that we have on coins.

Stater No. 2, about fifty years later, is far more raw. the delta of his inscription shows the old form D as used, among others. also on the beautiful tetradrachmon from Delphi with the occurs in both ram heads*).

Illyrian-Epirotic lands. Damastium? M 23 m, size 10.65.

Apollo head with laurel wreath right. Rf. ^KP-.ATIAA on both sides of a tripod.

Plate I. 2. From the shape and size of the plantain it seems The coin did not have a city name, its factory According to this, it definitely belongs to the area around Da- mastion or this city itself.

The ^KPATIAA of the same is the genitive of the name of one officials or dynasts there SooKQotidagj the same APPIA, HPAKAEIAO and others appear on other pieces.

Euboea.

Ghalcis. M 23 m, size 1M9.

Eagle flying to the left with a snake in its beak. Rf. In a recessed triangle a wheel in its spokes

AAt plate L 3.

1) Ztechr. f. Nom. XIII, p. 61.

4 Arthnr Löbbecke:

The small series of coins with the flying eagle and wheel, those of Sallet and Lambros in this magazine*) are correct first attributed to the Euboean Chalcis, is hereby replaced by the The largest and most important piece, the tetradrachmon, is in yeryoll.

We now know about this series except for the one above Tetradrachmon of Gr. 16.49, didrachms by Gr. 8.50 (im trade) and Gr. 8.35, Tetrobolen from Gr. 2.80—2.52 and obols from Gr. 0.47.

Attica.

Athenae. M 15m, size 4.13.

Helmeted head of Pallas right, the helmet without laurel. Rf. A6^ Sitting owl r. in a recessed square. Top left Laurel branch with fruit. Plate L 4.

The archaic drachma from the sixth century is one of the rarest denominations in Athens and only in very few specimens known. Mine is probably the best preserved underneath and their Pallas head particularly delicate.

Achaia. Sicyon. N 15m, size 3.06.

Apollo head with long curls and laurel wreath right. There- next to ^(1). Rf. In a laurel wreath a r. flying pigeon. Under the same a small dolphin. Slightly concave recessed field. Plate I. 5.

There is a second semi-stater in the Paris cabinet Sikyon, whose cast I have: N 15 m, size 3.05.

Apollo head from the same stamp as the previous one. There- next to ^1.

1) Ztschr. f. Nam. III, pp. 134 and 216.

Greek coins. 5

Rf, in a laurel wreath a r. flying pigeon with one Bands in the beak. Also slightly recessed field.

Gardner considers the authenticity of this latter to be equal to that of the small gold coins from Pisa were not considered safe'). My copy, like the Paris one, bears all the signs of the Authenticity, the color of the gold as well as the technical execution are excellent, plus the main sides of both coins made of the same stamp, but the backs made of different stamps are so that I am convinced of the authenticity of both. Also Imhoof, who had both pieces, is now this one View.

In terms of time, the above gold coins are from the first Half of the fourth century, the Apollo head of the same again takes place on simultaneous and later parts of the Sikyo- niche silver drachma like some copper coins.

The raw small gold coins with doves on both sides it was probably previously attributed to Sikyon, sinii Cretan^).

Elis. M 26m, size 12.15.

Zeus head with laurel wreath right. Rj\ Eagle sitting on the right on an Ionic column head. In addition, FA distributes AP. Plate I. 6. This magnificent didrachm comes from what I was told is, not from the big one a few years ago in the Peloponnese finds made, but from a second smaller one there, but I couldn't find out more about it. The head of Zeus is probably one of the greatest, if not the most beautiful of all Elian coins; the one with the The transcription FAAEION*) comes closest to it, then also a in the Bulletin de Corr. Hell.*) similar head shown.

1) Catalog of Brit.-Mu8. Peloponnesus Introduction, p. XIV.

2) Rev. Num. 1888, p. 393.

3) Magazine f. Number 1887. Plate I, 2 m. S. and A.

4) 1880, p. 43.

ß Arthur Löbbecke:

It then has a great resemblance to the head of a stater of the Italian Lokrians with the seated Eirene on the back, from which I copied an illustration from plate L 7 give one copy m. S. for comparison. Already Peace länder had the match of the Zeus head of the latter miLnze recognized with the Elian stack'), here it is particularly large, since the profile line of the head of my Locrian coin is not like that concave and unsightly, as shown in verbeck*). Examples of the Brera in Milan.

The Elian coins with .AP and API are now sold usually to Aristotimus, i.e. h. the first quarter of the third century B.C. Given, I think wrongly, that The number of the same and the diversity of their styles are too large than fitting them all into the short period of time of one or for a few years that his tyranny lasted. My didrachmon described above is certainly from the beginning of the fourth century, i.e. 100 years older, and the AP of that The same is at least certainly not the case with the aforementioned Aristotimus to refer, it is the beginning of an official's name l^nfiödiog or similar.

Argoh'8.

Argos.

M 26m, size 12.10.

Hera head with Stephanos and earring right. Rf. ARAEION Two dolphins, in between EM and a co- rinthian helmet. Plate I. 8. The head of Hera, around 420 BC. The stater was minted in the 1st century BC of better drawing and execution than most other varieties.

On the archaic form A of gamma see Imhoof, Monnaies Grecques p. 175.

1) Monthly reports d. Academy 1874, 8. 499.

2) Oriech. Art Mythology I, MOnztafel 1 13.

Greek coins. 7

Crete.

Phaestus.

1. M 26m, size 11.58.

(t)AI^TIO^ Heracles v. standing in front in the raised In the right hand the club, in the left the bow. Behind him an erect snake. Rf. Bull walking to the left in a laurel wreath.

Plate I. 9. The form (DAI^TIO^ instead of the usual >AO>|ITMIA0 (for (DAI^TIKON), (t)AI^TION or (DAI^TIßN is new.

A poorly preserved example of this coin with deleted legend in the catalog of the Brit. Mus. '), another similar see the Hunter Catalog') with MOIT^IA* read circumference writing and the bull in the wreath to the right.

2. M 22/27m, size. 11.75.

Young male head with short hair right. R/. Winged Talos with raised arms 1. rushing. Under

his legs a dog. Plate I. 10.

Although due to the unfortunately mediocre preservation of this Staters if any inscription on the same is destroyed, then the Correctness of the allocation of this according to Phaistos to no one Doubts are subject to doubt, as its two sides types this city wear. The youthful head of the main page comes very similar lich on their drachmas and smaller parts, i I don't want to think of it as that of Heracles, it's more likely the head of Phaistos or another local hero. The Interpretation of the winged youth on the reverse as Talos by the known staters with similar representation and secured with the explanatory inscription TAAßN *). The little dog On my coin the Talos appears here as a symbol Vigilance added, missing on the staters with TAA12N

1) Crete plate XV, 5.

2) Plate 42, XXir.

3) Cat. of. Brit. Mas. Crete plate XV, 11 and others.

g Arthur Löbbecke:

him, but a copy of the earlier collection also shows him 6r6au') with:

Rf. Stiervordertheil r.

Mysia. Lampsacus.

1. N 18 m, size 8.40.

Head of Zeus with laurel wreath 1. Behind the neck is the tip of the lightning visible. Rf. Front part of a winged seahorse r. Plate I. 11.

2. N 18 m, size 8.40.

Head of Aktaion with deer antlers 1. Rf. Similar to the previous one. Plate I. 12.

The beautiful series of Lampsaken gold staters from the first half of the fourth century is highlighted by both pieces increased by two new ones.

A stater with a different Zeus head and without the symbol of lightning is depicted in Head'), a completely new representation On the other hand, coins feature the head of the young hunter Ak- taion, who, as is well known, after seeing Artemis in the bath, was transformed into a deer by the angry goddess.

In Mionnet's "Index Rerum" there are two doubtful ones Action representations listed, but both are incorrect. On the Large bronze coin from Daldis') is Perseus instead of Actaion see - the coin represents the murder of the Gorgons - and the As is well known, the Arcadian Orchomenus shows that of the arrow Artemis hit the sinking Callisto and not one upward looking action.

Troas.

Dardanus. EL 20 m, size 16.22.

Rooster r. standing, a mussel in its beak.

Rf A larger and a smaller recessed square. Table 1.1 3.

1) Cat. Qr6au No. 1567.

2) Historia Num. p. 456, Fig. 279 and collection Imhoof.

3) Mion. IV, p. 34. 178 and Ztschr. f. Num. V, p. 105.

Greek coins. 9

The head is on a hectare of Imhoof's collection of a rooster with the same shell in its beak It also appears on staters and rectangles from Cyzicus also before'). That's a rooster or two roosters fighting Coin image from Dardanos.

Ilium.

1. M 28 m.

CeBAC. *AYCTINA • AVr. Bust portrait of the younger Faustina with robe r. Rf. AnOAAß . EKATOC • lAICflN Apollo leaning against the tripod 1. standing, with a laurel leaf in his right hand.

Table I.U. The nickname of Apollo 'Exatog^d, i. the gracious, friend- lich or widely ruling, we know from the Iliad'), it stands also for the god himself*). It appears here on coins for the first time on one of Novum Ilium, whose imperial coins often show us characters and scenes from the Iliad *).

2. M 26 m.

AY • KAI • M • AYPH KOMMOAOC Bust of Commodus with laurel wreath and vestment r. Rf. IAier2N Ganymede striding left with Phrygian Cap, in the right bow, in the left the shepherd's head rod. Behind him is an eagle with outstretched wings.

Plate L 15. This coin is from Mionnet ^} to Sestini and Vaillant inaccurately described, on the latter is the head of the eagle not have been visible, the “winged^^ Ganymede is therefore to paint there.

1) GreenweU, Num. Chron. 1887, plate VI, 26. 27. 31 and others.

2) Iliad 1, 383; 20, 71.

3) Pape-Benseler, Dictionary d. Greek proper name s.v.

4) Schliemann, Ilios pp. 713-20.

5) Suppl. y, p. 565, 440 and 443.

10 Arthur Löbbecke:

Jonah.

Ephesus.

1. M 20 m, size 5.50.

Veiled head of Queen Arsinoe r. Ef. BAO^ßN . AP^I . Bow and quiver. In field A and a little bee. Plate I. 16.

A new magistrate name of the few and rare coins from Ephesus-Arsinoe.

BloGoav or EXidav was the name of the father of the philosopher Hera- Kleitos from Ephesus, who lived around 500 BC. BC lived, the one of our coin is of course different; it is from the beginning of the third Century, when Lysimachus donated the city of Ephesus in honor of him wife in 295 BC. Given the name Arsinoe had.

2. M 37m.

T.AIA.KAICAP.ANTßNeiNOC Head of Antoninus Pias with laurel wreath r. Rf. neiflN e*eClflN Zeus Huoq on a mountain in the middle a landscape r. sitting, from his raised right hand falls Begen. Below him is a lying bearded figure Introducing God of the Mountain. Plate I. 17.

I have this rare and interesting coin, although it well known^), included here for the sake of its beauty and because the existing illustrations are not good enough for me appeared.

3. M 35m.

M • AY . ANTßNeiNOC . A. . Bust of Antoninus Pius with laurel wreath and robe r. RJ. e*e(ClflN B) NeßKO • nPß • ACIAC. Statue of Leto, in the children Apollo and Artemis in the outstretched arms carrying. There are two adults on the right and left at her feet. rants. Plate I. 18.

1) MioD. Sappl. VI, plate 4, 1. Lenormant, Galerie Mythol. Plate 8, 12. Annaaire de Num. 111, plate VI, 4.

Greek coins. U

In the recently published issue of Overbeck'schen Greek art mythology "ApoUon" can be found on plate V, 17 - 20 depictions of Leto with her children on coins from Ephesus, Miletus and the Carian Tripoli, whose settlement talk will follow later. On all of these, like mine otherwise known varieties, the goddess is rushing or in front of the Dragon Python depicted fleeing. The above coin shows On the other hand, a calm posture of the same, without a doubt a statue, as through the added little adorants is attested that do not appear on any of the other coin images. It makes sense to think of Euphranor's group in the temple to think of the Goncordia, whose Pliny^) mentions.

Whether the others, among themselves e.g. Th, significantly different, Leto representations are also gopies of statues, appears however, doubtful. 4. 21m EACH.

AYT. K • no • AIKIN . rAA(AIHN)OC Bust of Gallienus with laurel wreath and robe r. Rf. e*eClßN . r. NeßKOPnN Herakleitos with the pallium clothes 1. standing, with a club in the left, the right raised to the mouth. The philosopher Herakleitos only comes from Ephesian coins in front. The previously known ones, under Geta, Maximinus and the older Philippus shows pieces there with the The same representation above along with the explanatory caption HPAKAEITOC or HPAKAeTOC), which is missing here.

Caria.

Aphrodisias.

^ 23 m.

KAI. no. . . OYAAePIANOC. Bust of Valerian

with laurel wreath and robe r.

1) Bist. nat. 34. 77.

2) L. Barchner, Ztschr. f. Num. 1882, p. 123.

12 Arthur Löbbecke:

Rf, A*POAeiCienN Right and left next to a tree

two men with axes to strike it

reaching out, a third on the right with his head turned back

fleeing. Act II. 1.

The depiction of the reverse of this coin refers

on the myth of Myrrha, who was persecuted by her father

Aphrodite was transformed into a myrtle tree, from which

then Adonis arose. See Bötticher, The Tree Cultus

Hellenes p. 445.

Also on coins from Myra in Lycia, as well as some others Others of Aphrodisias have the same or a similar lish picture^).

Lycia. Limyra. M 30 m.

CABeiNIA • TPANKYAAeiNA • Ce • Bust of Tranquillina r. Behind her shoulders a half moon, i?/. AlMYPeOJN Zeus with patera and scepter 1. standing. Next to him are two small clothed figures. I can do the two small figures on Zeus's side cannot be interpreted due to the poor condition of the coin^). A second coin from the Tranquillina of Limyra with a seated Zeus Nikephoros is in Boutkowsky's Dictionnaire Num. p. 634 pictured.

Pisidia.

Amblada. 1. M 36 m.

lOYAlA • AOMNA • Ce . AYf. Bust of Julia Domna r. Rf, AMB(AAAea)N) AAKeAAlMONIGJN Helmeted male Bust portrait with mustache and sideburns r. Plate II. 2. A poorly preserved example of this coin with partial wisely erased transcription, of which only AAKeAAlMONIGJN can be read. bar, is in Imhoof and Gardner's Num. Commentary on Pau-

1 ) Rev. Num. 1849, pp. 418 and 428. 1861, p. 236. 2. Head, Hist. Number p. 578.

2) See Cat, Northwick No. 1152.

Greek coins. 13

sanias described and depicted^) and there incorrectly Lacedaemon assigned. But the piece is by Amblada, like the one above Copy shows, unfortunately the city name is also on this one The beginning of the same is distorted and unclear by a double strike But AMB is clear enough to make the legend safe to add, and after Pisidia the stack fits its size and because of the severity it is also better than to the Peloponnese, where Such large, thick coins were rare or not at all in the imperial era occur.

The bust on the back seems to me to be bearded, that is to be male, like I did in the Pausanias Comm. a. a. 0. Parisian specimens shown Best of the whiskers I see, it is not a head of Pallas but rather a local hero.

The following coin from the same empress is also new:

2. each 22 m.

lOYAlA • AYrOYCTA Bust of the Domna as before. Rf. AMBAAAeWN • AAKeAAlMONIGJN •

Baris. M 34m.

AY • K A . Cen. ceYhPOC • neP . Bust of Septimius Severus with laurel wreath and robe r. Rf. BAPHNßN Double-headed male figure r. striding, a club in his right hand and a bow in his left which a bird appears to be sitting. Around her shoulders a lion's skin is thrown. Plate IL 3.

Show a similar two-headed but four-armed figure other coins of this city'). Lion skin and club above point to Heracles, as Friedländer suspected '), however I don't know of any similar depictions of this.

1) 8. öS, plate N, XIV.

2) Sestini, Mas. Hedervar II, plate 22, 5; Ztschr. f. Nam. 1879, p. 17 a. Collection Imhoof.

3) Ztschr. f. Nam. a. G. 0.

14 Arthur LÖbbecke:

Lycaonia. Lystra.

1. M 24 m.

IMPE • AVGV8TI Head of Augustus with laurel wreath 1. Rf. COL • IVL • FEL • GEM . LVST(RA). Priest with two Humpback oxen 1. See Bev. Num. 1^3, p. 57.

2. M 20 m.

(F)AVST(INA). Bust portrait of the younger Faustina r.

Rf. (CO)L • IVL . LVSTRA Veiled City Tyche 1st on sitting on a rock. At her feet the head of one floating river god? Plate II. 4.

Cilicia. Cestrus. ^21m.

*AYCTeiNA.CeBACT Bust portrait of the younger Faustina with Garment r. Rf. KeCTPHNGJN City tyche with cornucopia and rudder 1. standing. Plate II. 5.

This coin bears the name of one in numismatics previously unknown city KitSxQog.

Of the similar-sounding names that have come down to us: to mention:

KidtQsov^ a place on the island of Tenos.

Ksatqia, a city in Epirus and a landscape

Chaoniens. Ksdvqiq or Ket^tQivtj^ the former name of Chaoniens. Kidtqoq, a river of Pisidia and Pamphylia, which e.g. b. mentioned on coins from Sagalassos'), then

KavdtQog^ a river of Lydia, whose inhabitants Kav

1) Rev. Nam. 1853, p. 44 etc.

Greek coins. 15

KavdtQoq a city of Cilicia, mentioned by Ptolemy^) and to whom I give the above coin. The style of writing Kiötqoq instead of KavtttQog probably changes and does not contradict this. On the Kiepert'sche Map of Asia Minor is named after the city of Kaystros, Kestros attached in brackets, and those at Xeno- phon') KavatQov nsdlov level seems to be on Rivers Kestros to have been located in Pamphylia and That's why people wanted to read Kiatqov nediov there too '). From those of Ptolemy a. a. 0. mentioned five cities KävcftQog^ JoiMTionoXiq^ OiladiX(psia ^ SeXevxeia Tqax^ta and JioxaiaccQHa we already owned coins from Philadelphia the inscription “WAAAGAOeßN . KHTIAOC, Seleucia with the assistant names TgoxeTcc, better known as Seleucia ad Calycadnum and Diocaesarea. Kaystros or Kestros enters through the above coin newly added, like the other cities mentioned, it will be in the landscape of Keti, through which the Kalykadnos flowed, have laid, and from the still missing Domitiopolis Coins will probably appear again.

Despite my hard work, I have information about Kestros and his fate searches, except for Ptolemy's meager note about his Location, unable to find out anything further.

Colybrassus. 1. 36 m each.

AY. KAI. M. AYP Ce ANTßNeiNOC Bust of Cara calla with laurel wreath and robe r. Rf. KOAYBPACCeßN Zeus v. from standing on a base the head r. facing, in the right hand the scepter On the left a Nike facing him. This is the upper body The garment, which leaves one exposed, is draped over the left arm. hit. Plate IL 6.

1) Ptolemy V, 8.5.

2) Anabasis 1, 2, 11.

3) Pape-Benseler, Wortb. d. Greek proper names see ▼.

16 Arthur Löbbecke:

Only imperial coins, the small ones, are known from Kolybrassos The series stretched from Orbiana to Saloninus. The one above is the city's oldest coin to date, as it is from Mionnet*) described by M. Aurelius according to the communication of Babe- Ions') is retouched and unbelievable.

The Zeus Nikephoros of the same is the CJopie of a stand- picture, the base on which the figure stands shows this.

The city's following mfinze is also new:

2. M 32 m.

AYT.KAIC-r.MeCC.KYTPAIAN.AeKIOCCeB Bust portrait

of Trajanus Decius with laurel wreath and robe r. Rf. KOAYBPACCenN Pallas walking to the left,' the head turned back, a vessel in his right hand? in the left the spear. See Rev, number 1874/7, p. 454. 107.

Goraccsium.

1. iE 32 m.

AYTOK . KAICAP • ANTGJNeiNOC Bust of Antoninus

Pius with laurel wreath and robe r.

RF, KOPAKHCIGJTGJN Demeter with a torch in each

Hand on a cart pulled by two snakes 1.

The same type of reverse shows a coin from

Severus Alexander*).

Demeter's robe is on my coin behind hers Heads puffed up by the wind, we find something similar some coins depicting the rape of Persephone Hades' robe is depicted in the same way.

2. iE 23 m.

lOYA . MAMeA • ceB. Bust of Julia Mamaea r. Rf. KOPAKHCIßTßN Tyche with cornucopia and rudder 1. standing.

1) Suppl. VII, p. 200 205.

2) Annuaire de Num. 1883, p. 28.

3) Mion. in, p. 573. 175.

Greek mances. 17

Mopsuesta.

1. 35 m each.

AYT. KAI. (M . AYjP . ANTGJNeiNOC • CGB. Bust portrait of Elagabalus with laurel wreath and robe r. Rf. ANTGJNEINIANGJN . AAPI. MOtEATCON Elagabalus on horseback in step r.; the head is decorated with the crown of rays covers and the r. Arm outstretched. In the GT section. Znc (287). We have a new nickname for the city ^ Antoni- niana ^, which they receive from Caracalla or Elagabalus will have.

2. 33 m each.

AY. KAI. no. AI. OVAAEPIANOC • Ce . Breastplate of the Vale rianus with crown of rays and robe r. Rf. AAPI. OYAPAIGJN . MOtBATCON Apollo 1. standing, in the Carrying a torch, the bow in his left hand. In the field he . ACT (321). Plate II. 7.

The Apollo of this coin is accompanied by two pieces from Nicopolis Epiri to compare, which is a statue of ApoUon Leucates wear ^). Other depictions of the torch-bearing god are not known').

Then we learn a third thing from the above coin Known by the nickname Mopsuestias, OYAPAIGJN, which is one of the well-known AAPI(av(ov) and the ANTGJNeiNIANGJN of the former coin occurs.

Selinus. 2E 19 m.

l&}TAn(H) • BACIAICCA Head of Queen Jotape of Com-

magene with diadem r. Rf. CeAlNOYClGJN Artemis with bow v. v. standing, the

head r. skillful. She draws an arrow with her right hand

from the quiver, r. next to her a deer. Plate IL 8.

1) Ovcrbeck, art mythology. ApoUon. Medal plate lY, 45. 4G.

2) verbeck a. G. 0. p. 313.

Ztiuchrift for Numianuctics. XVI L 2

18 Arthar L6bbecke:

The portrait of this coin is that of Queen Jotape, the Wife of King Antiochus IV of Commagene, like the Similarity of the same with the known ones minted in Gommagene ten pieces shows. Except on the latter we find the picture the Jotape next to that of her husband on coins of the country Lacanitis and the city of Sebaste in Gilicia, the tiochus IV. alone also on those from Anemurium.

In AD 38, Galigula did not agree to Antiochus Not only Gommagene was returned, but also the one by the sea located part of Gilicia 0* Almost up to the pamphyli- see the border, the coastal land that has been added must be have stretched, since according to the above coin Selinus also became rich seems to have heard of Antiochus, otherwise the Seli- do not put the image of his wife on their coins have.

Here is the following one from Mionnet') to Visconti to mention the coin described:

lOTAHH Tfete de Jotap6 fille d'Antiochus IV. de Gommagfene. Rf. Legend age6e. T£te nue et imberbe d'un young homme k droite; les epaules couvertes de la chlamyde? M4.

Visconti') believed this coin to the Englishman Massen following, a prince Alexander, who had a daughter Jotape of Antiochus of Gommagene and under Vespasian who ruled a part of Cilicia. As a reason he gives the difference in style with the coins Gommagenes, because the inscription on the back was lost. sanded. On his picture^) you can still see them there Letter C. . AI. . . . If this, as I suspect, is too ceAlNOYClGJN are to be added, then we would have a second one Coin from Selinus with the image of Jotape.

1) Dio Cass. LIX, 8.

2) Mion. Suppl. VII, pp. 297.-570.

3) Icon. Grecqae III, p. 310.

4) Likewise. Plate 57. 13.

Greek coin. 19

Salamis Cypri. Pnytagoras rex (352)—332 B.C. BC N 17 m, size 8.30.

Bust of Aphrodite with wall crown, earring and Collar 1. Behind it PN. Rf. Bust of Aphrodite with diadem, earring and neckpiece volume I. Behind it BA. Plate H. 9. This rare one exists in about a dozen copies. I knew Goldstater because of its special beauty included.

Phrygia. Amorium. 28 m each.

. . . . Cen. reTAC . KAICAP bust of Geta r. Rf, em . TAIOY • APX . Clothed and looking around fi- gur r. sitting. In front of her a flying bird and a Altar. A naked one to her left? small figure. In Section AMOPI(AN)nN. Plate U. 10.

I am able to depict the reverse of this coin cannot be explained for the time being. The seated figure appears female to be and the little one next to her a child, less likely is a seated Dionysus and satyr, albeit a drunken one Dionysus, leaning on a satyr, appears here^).

Cadi.

M 37 m.

AYT. K. r • OYI . TAAAOC . CEB. Bust of Trebonianus Gallus with laurel wreath and robe r.

Rf. en AYP . XAPIAHMOY TAI . APX. A ■ TO • B . On one Tables a prize urn with the inscription CeBACTA and palm branch. Under the table in two lines OMOBßMI/ (A?) In the section KAAOHNßN. Plate II. 11.

1) Cat. de Moustier No. 2417. Imhoof, M. Gr. P. 393. 59.

2*

20 Arthur Löbbecke:

The inscription OMOBßMI/, from ofioßdfuog, a common having a social altar, I have not yet appeared on any coin found.

Below is a correction.

In this document *) I described an autonomous coin from Cadi, on the back of which I have an idol reminiscent of Buddha thought I saw the picture. This is incorrect, it is the one with under- crossed legs and raised hands on the thyrsos Seated boy of Dionysus, like him in the same position on the cista mystica sitting on coins from Ionian Magnesia*).

Ceretape. iE 29 m.

AYT. KAI. M. AY. ON . BACCIANOC Half-length portrait of the youthful chen Caracalla with robe r. RF CTPA. SßCIMOY . AOMNOY • KePeTAHeflN. Dionysus with Thyrsos and Kantharos 1. standing. In front of him is the panther.

Plate IL 12. Garacalla's actual name was Bassianus, only when he When he was 8 years old (196/97 AD), his father appointed him Sep- Timius Severus to Caesar and at the same time gave him his name Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, and with these names alone Also appears his image on both the Roman and colonial Coins as well as those of the Greek cities that had the right to mint coins for their needs. My coin is of particular interest because on it this official name of the young Caesar is his first Childhood, Bassianus, is added to date on coins was not proven.

The genesis of this epigraph is perhaps as follows explain. When the first news of the appointment of the new Caesar to the interior of Asia Minor and to Phrygia penetrated, the town of Ceretape also rushed to get the picture

1) 1883 p. 82. 46.

2) Mion. Suppl. VI. 254. 1130. M.S. et al.

Greek costumes. 21

to put the same on his coins, and there his citizens Boy was well known by the name Bassianus, added the stamp cutter adds this name to the transcription in which Assumption that the young Caesar except those newly given to him Name Marcus Aurelius Antoninus also his old, Bassianus, have kept.

Elagabalus was also originally called Yarius Avitus Bassianus and his head is often very heavy like that of the young Garacalla to distinguish. However, the head is safe on the above coin Caracalla's and Elagabalus', as far as I know, always is depicted with a crown or laurel wreath and the same Strategos Zda^iAog Joi^vog also on coins of Septimius Scve- rus occurs in Ceretape*).

Cibyra. M 13 m.

Zeus head with laurel wreath right. i?/ (KIBY)PATa)(N) BABA helmet on meander. Plate II. 13. Baßag is a Phrygian name and occurs there in different ways. definitely in inscriptions^).

But you could also talk about it here, chat about it think and about KIBYPATGJN BABA(CoVira)v), (coin) of the many- speaking Kibyrats, read, since Strabo^) tells that with the Four languages are spoken in the Kibyrats, apart from Greek. Chinese, Pisidian, Lycian and Lydian. The interpretation of the BABA on an own d. h. The official name is the more likely.

Fulvia. 18 m each.

Bust of Eros or Fulvia as Nike with wings r. Bf. (DOYAOYI— ANÖN-^MEPTOPI. In three lines in one

Ivy wreath.

1) Mion. IV, pp. 256, 365 where instead of aiomoaoy, aomnoy can be read.

2) Bamsay, Inscriptions from Nacoleia. Journal of HeH. Study III p. 126.

3) Strabo Xin. 4. 17. (C. 631.)

22 Arthur Löbbecke:

The name Zmertorix or Smertorix can be found on Mttnzen of Eumenia and therefore assumes that this city was temporarily had the name Fulvia. So far only the latter name has been used a coin known in several copies with the same head and Pallas walking to the left^).

Hyrgalea.

1. M 30 m.

AHMOC Young head of the demo with laurel wreath r. Rf. YPrAAeflN . "f" . TS (306). Demeter walking to the left, in the outstretched right hand three ears of grain, the left up supported by a long torch.

2. ^ 26 m.

AYTOKPATnP . KAIC • ANTßNeiNOC Bust portrait of Anto- ninus Pius with robe r. Mf. eni AnOAAn(N) CTPA • YPrAAeßN Amazon on horseback with the double ax on the shoulder in step r. Before the horse a small dog. On some autonomous coins of Hyrgalea, including the former, There are numerals from an era not yet known.

An Amazon riding in the same way is particularly in Phrygicn (Eumenia, Hierapolis, Temenothyrae, etc.) often, always but without the little dog that came with her here.

Philomelium. 31m EACH.

AY K. M. AY CeY AACIAN APOC Head of Sevcrus

Alexander with laurel wreath right.

Letter eni nAYAOY . *IAOMHAe Six-pillared temple, in whose

In the middle an upright snake. In the ACKAH section

niOC. Plate H. 14.

Depictions related to Asclepius on coins from

I don't know anything else about Philomelium. Here we have one

IJ Cohen, Med. Imp. Rome. II. ed. p. 51. 1 and others.

Greek Munsen. 23

Temple of the same with the explanatory inscription ^ACKAHniOC^ and inside, instead of his statue, as usual, there is only one erect serpent, the god's constant companion.

Sebastian. ^ 36m.

AY. KAI A Cen CeOYHPOC nePT . Bust portrait of September Timius Severus with laurel wreath and robe r. Rf. eniAOYKeiAAlOYANTflNIOYAPX- Perseus r. the kneeling cutting off the Gorgon's head. Stands behind him Pallas with shield and spear. In section CGBACTHNfiN.

Taf.n. 15. The same scene on a coin of Garacalla at Mion- net') with the archon's name read out.

Siocharax. M 25 m.

n O . Cenri reTAC KAI Bust of Geta with Ge- Wall r. Rf. eni OIAICKOY AIAOYX . ClOXAPAKeiTflN MOSEA Tyche with cornucopia and rudder 1. standing. Plate H. 16. In Mr. Waddington's collection is as Unique coin from Geta with the inscription lePOXAPAKei- TflM • MOI '). This Hierocharax, after Professor Ramsay') seven English (about V^ geographical) miles from Dioclea im Located in the lands of the Mozeani, mine is with the Siocharax Coin certainly identical.

The CIO of the same can be derived from cioMqoq=vifaMqoq, the lePO of Waddington's coin probably from U^owiioq^ both with the same meaning regarding the temple service. So both pieces belong to the same city.

1) Soppl. Vn, p. 616. 575. Plate XUI, 2.

2) Head, HiBt. Number p. 565.

3) Academy 1S84, p. 174.

24 Arthur Löbbecke:

Hierocharax appears in Hierocles in the corrupted form ^lovxccQccvals and, as mentioned above, lay in the District of the Mozeani. Both cities argued, the first there to be, an honor then awarded to Dioclea by the Romans was*).

Phenice.

Sidon.

1. M 26 m.

IMP C. M AV . ANTONINVS AVG- bust of Elaga- balus with laurel wreath and robe r. RF COL . AVR. PIA. METRO • SID . Amalthea with Zeus child standing on the left arm 1. In the field before her the goat that she touches with her right hand. About that the Astarte car. Plate E. 17.

This coin is already known from Mionnet^), but the Did not recognize the meaning of the presentation. Amalthea doesn't wear for example with the outstretched right hand the goat, which is not good would be possible, but the animal is seen as being in front of it think and she just touches it or caresses it.

2. iE 26 m.

(IMP • C . M . AV . ANT)ONINVS . AV bust portrait of Elaga balus as before. RF COL . AVR. PIA. (MET • SID •) Two ships with rowers. On or behind the one Athena with spear and shield next to an unrecognizable object on which change two 1st walking figures. Below a dolphin...

Plate n. 18. Also this piece, two of which partially complement each other If I have any existing specimens, it can be found taken from Vaillant in Mionnet'), who incorrectly calls the standing Pallas Athena Astarte and the two small figures of warriors. Probably have

1) Ramsay, Journal of HeU. Stndies 7III, p. 466.

2) Mion. V, p. 387. 343.

3) Mion. V, p. 384. 322.

Greek coins, 25

Here we have a scene from the Argonaut legend in front of us. During construction As is well known, Athena instructed the builders of the ship Argo, but the building itself does not appear to be depicted on the coin, more like a fight between the two ships or a landing. A picture of the ship Argo is given below MQnzen:

3. M 26 m.

IMP. C. M. AV ANTONIN(VS) . AV-) bust of Elaga balus as before. The Astarte car is stamped in front of it. Rf. COL-AVR.PIA.METR.SID. The ship Argo with the Argonauts. The Dioscuri sit on the hindquarters. In the field above is the Astarte wagon.

4. 27 m each.

(IVUA.SO)AEMIA(S.AVG) Head of Julia Soaemias r.

RF COL . (AVR)PIA . METR • SID • ARG(0.) The ship Argo

as before. A large shield is attached to the hindquarters.

Two of the last similar marches of Alexander Severus is known by Mr. H. C. Reichardt in the Vienna Num. Ztschr.*). made, the one with the explanatory inscription APro—NAYT the other with APro. Imperial coins of the Ionian Magne- sia show the ship with the inscription APm.

Aegyptus.

Arsinoe lU.

N 28 m, size 27.02.

Bust of Arsinoe HI. with tiara, collar and earring ring r. On the left shoulder the scepter, its tip protruding from behind the head.

/?/. AP^INOH^ .

1) 1869, pp. 385/86.

26 Arthar Löbbecke: Greek coins.

, This gold octadrachmon belongs to the Arsinoe Philopätor the most beautiful and rarest coins of the Lagides. The example plar of the British Museum') is of a different stamp. See also Mionnet 2) and Catalog Demetrio plate V, 241.

Alexandria. 35 m each.

(AYT . TPA)IAN CBB rePM (AAKIK) Head of Trajan with laurel wreath r. Rf. Standing Demeter r., her right hand outstretched, a large one Torch in her left arm, with which she attaches herself to someone with un- clearly depicted and decorated altar leans. Three small standing figures on the altar. Before the Demeter on one drawn by two snakes Cart a basket with ears of grain. In the field at the top right Lir.

Plate II. 20. The work of this mask is strikingly good and ornamental. liche for place and time, in this she surpasses almost all Alexandrians Trajan. Then the representation of Demeter is complete unusual ones, at least I don't know of any similar ones. Unfortunately the preservation of the interesting coin is not good enough the details of the representation on the altar as well as those on the recognize the three small figures in the same place and thus to be able to interpret them yourself.

1) Gat. of. Brit. Mas. Ptolemies. Plate XV, 6.

2) Suppl. IX, plate IV, 2.

Braunschweig. Arthur Löbbecke.

Borection page 10 Kr. 3 the figure of Kj. is misunderstood, it is a Roman type, the ^.Fecunditas^' (cf. Koscher, Lexikon d. llyth. p. 1471), and then to correct what was said.

firacteatena bridge on Eirclienbell in Verden«

Plate IlL

A phenomenon that has rarely been observed so far is the come from MQnz impressions on medieval oak bells. It is therefore worthwhile to draw attention to one fact, which had to remain little known because the subsequent research usually due to the inaccessibility of the material is made more difficult. This type is even used by art researchers the bell decoration as a seemingly meaningless addition easy to overlook, so that a reference to this is also possible in view on the inventory of local art monuments is still in progress in many German landscapes, appropriate should be: the prints described below are despite their conspicuousness even caught Mithoff's expert eye for his The Hanoverian art monuments were not included. Also Otter's well-known writings only contain seal impressions mentioned as decorations on medieval bells.

The replica of an interesting, in this Ai*t ornamen- tyred Qlocke was at the heraldic exhibition in 1882 position in Berlin. According to its legend, this bell was writing 1504 by the ^Artifex'' Hermann in Hildesheim for the Peter Paul's Church in Ilsenburg was cast and contained the impressions of 72 coins that were circulating in the Harz at that time, namely from Goslar, Braunschweig, Halberstadt, Eimbeck- Göttingen, but also from Hamburg and Mecklenburg, among them There were eight dime-shaped coins, the remaining bracteates where the Braunschweig lion pennies predominated. stand out- The wise man also included a large one among these bracteates from the 13th century, which will be discussed further below

28 H. Buchenan

will be. The occurrence of a ^Myte** is meaningless of Osnabrück Bishop Konrad von Ritberg (1482-1508). a simultaneous bell of the Paulikirche in Bremen. One Bell from Landringhausen (Hanover Province) with hollow pennies I intend to discuss the 15th century elsewhere. The coin impressions on the bells are older and stranger the partly Romanesque St. John's Church in Verden a. d. All. A coincidence led me as a tourist to the tower Church. The molding of the decorations began immediately taken at hand, but the same thing was particularly difficult- ities connected, because first of all, in the absence of the Pastor overcame the distrust of the church official then the bells hung very freely and were included covered with a thick, half-oxidized layer of dirt could only be partially eliminated.

The bells are medium sized and are on the inside Page completely smooth. The decorations seem to be missing any finer ciselation, so that it has unevenness in places of the casting.

I. Annenbelle.

Inscription on the upper edge: “Numina pango festaq: clango fulmma frango. Anna''.

Behind this inscription as a separator next to each other: a lion in a hexagon (diameter: 45 mm); Plate III. 1.

a round medallion containing a triangular shield. The outside is decorated with six lilies and contains two transverse zigzag lines on the head and base of the shield five or two points correspond (diameter: approx. 38 mm).

Plate m. 2.

In the field of this bell there are the following four ornaments placed in the cross:

1. above a medallion, Christian with the Ereuzes flag, the Rising from the grave, the latter of which has pointed arched windows. is decorated (diameter approx. 57 mm). Plate III. 3.

2nd to the viewer's right: the not very clear cast of a

Bracteate impressions on oak bells in Verden. 29

Bracteates: Bishop apparently on a folding steel between sitting on two towers and holding two rods, apparently Traces of inscriptions? (Diameter: 28 mm). Plate III. 4.

3rd left: a medallion with the eagle of John without Banner (diameter: approx. 50 mm).

4. bottom: oblong relief: 3 pointed arches with noses, between them two stars, including St. George on horseback, the dragon killing; his shield is marked with the cross; in front of him stands the saved king's daughter. Width: approx. 60 mm, height: almost 80mm. Plate III. 5.

IL Marienglocke.

Inscription on the upper volume: "Maria. Demones ango cor- daq: tango fiinera plango.^

The mints of four hollow coins were placed in the cross pressed into the mold as a separator for this inscription:

1st upper coin: Bishop sitting between two towers, on the left an open book, on the right holding the crosier; Um- font: CONRA SC, a bingel between the staff and the head.

Diameter: 29 mm. Plate III. 6.

2nd right: Bishop with two flags, on an arch between sitting on two domed towers. Indistinct traces of inscriptions. through- knife: 30 mm. Plate III. 7.

3rd left: Bishop, seated, with crook and key. Traces of an inscription or an inner ray edge. through- knife: 28 mm.

4. bottom: pointed gable supported by columns, five above Towers, including a walking lion, under the lion still an object leaning at an angle, perhaps a key? Indistinct remains of inscriptions. Diam. 28mm.

In the field of the bell: a relief, Mary half of the right side, crowned and seated, the child stands on the He has raised his right hand to bless. Height: 77mm

At the bottom there is a round capital letter - E, in front of it a smaller bracteate: figure (apparently a bishop) between sitting on two towers. Diameter: 21 mm. Plate III. 8.

30 H. Buchenau:

All of the plastic decorations just described are manufactured in such a way that finished model plates are made of any which materials (terracotta, metal or wood) in the coat were pressed into the mold while the clay was still wet was. In the same way, with the production of the MOnz prints and inscriptions. Both bells are hanging each with four grooved handles.

The consideration of the applied reliefs is also important Numismatists because of the necessary time determination of the Bracteates essential. The work of these ornaments on both bells is on- falling unequal. The lion and the resurrected Christ the Annenbelle are very clumsily made and im The casting was not very successful, but the Madonna with it was better Children, the eagle and the George relief. The figure of the young The woman shows good draping and a freer look in her robes View in particular that the child is on the lap is depicted standing; the St. George relief probably offers this oldest confirmed depiction of this saint as a dragon deader, in which capacity the same supposedly only existed since then 14th century is depicted more frequently (cfr. Müller-Mothes, Arch. W.-B., the oldest mention of this form of the George legend Jacobus a Yoragine, Legenda aurea, f 1298). The composition This group is clumsy, their style is essentially one heraldic; the field between the figures is formed by banks and latticework filled in. The modeling is to be praised Dragons, as is the case throughout German art of the Middle age, everything figurative is only drawn excellently if plays it into the ornamental.

The lily-studded shield on the Anne bell only has omamental meaning, similar to the coats of arms on the enamel vessels from Limoges at the time.

The age of the bells can be determined without difficulty. agree. The style of the decorations and especially the The short shape of the pointed arch on the George relief reveals one Time when Gothic was already taking root in Northern Germany.

Bracteate impressions on church bells in Verden. 31

was embroidered and the ornamentation was also completely penetrated had. The latter can only be seen from the second half of the thirteenth century claim. Also the character of the Minuskeln is decidedly gothic. Finally the two- the lion was added once, once in the transcription and once by means of a white bracteate, then the brac- The teat inscription “Gonradus episcopus” makes it clear that seem that these Yerder bells were under Bishop Konrad were cast from the house of Braunschweig-Lüneburg (1269— 1300), which also founded the new building of the current Yerder Cathedral. that has.

The assessment of the printed coins because they are only partially have been clearly expressed: it can be done under other things, it is no longer possible to decide whether some of the ori- Finally, the surrounding bowl was decorated with pearls. Proprietary Of course, it should seem self-evident that the pressed bracteates from this same Bishop Konrad von Verden went out, but this assumption stands with the existing numismatic material is not very consistent. All- However, we must not hide from ourselves that not yet Enough finds are systematically recorded to solve problems such as those discussed below with resounding certainty to solve.

The group of five major stamps (which, however, are not un- (need to be of the same age among themselves) complements each other through some originals preserved elsewhere.

The bracteate with the key is in a similar one Copy in Grote, Bl. f. Mzk. Plate 13, 166 shown, the latter has a ray decoration on the inside instead of the inscription of the tape. A counterpart with the same representation but from somewhat finer embossing and instead of the rays with the inside written “CONRA=D9 ePIS^, is in the collection of the Leipzig University (in the Berlin Eabinet only the Unused half from another stamp). (Plate III. 9.) The

32 H. Buchenau:

The following investigations primarily deal with the access instruction of this piece.

The upper bracteate on the Marienglocke with the German lichen “Gonradus^ is not otherwise known.

The lion bracteate is probably because of the symbol of Key to those of Dr. Menadier to Gittelde designated coins belong.

Furthermore, the reference to the present Conradus coins to Verden because of the relative fineness of the incision appear doubtful, which is associated with the late initiation time of Bishop Eonrad von Verden in obvious contradiction The saying goes, the size and fineness of the coins had changed especially with the increasing dissolution of imperial power the middle of the thirteenth century in increased rapidity*^ speed reduced. The increase in inner insecurity The increasing number of feuds brought the princely local authorities in increased pecuniary distress and left the coin shelf more become a source of income even more than before; the expenses Savings had to be made for good stamps.

If now bracteates of approximately the present one Size probably still in the time of Conrad of Verden (1269-1300) between Weser and Elbe, such as: B. those of Otto of Hildesheim (1260-1279) and Albert of Helmstedt (1255-1257) outgoing Bracteates (Schönemann, Patriotic Coin Studies, Tf. 1. 11, VI. 96), then these are Pieces in shape are much clumsier, with the inscriptions sparse seedier and usually have an even higher inner edge.

The assignment to Bishop would be more likely Eonrad von Minden (1209-1236), at least it harmonizes careful execution, especially that preserved in Leipzig Bracteates with the contemporary coins of the neighboring territories. The symbol of the key Hesse also applies to Minden - lead, but the same is not decisive, as the key is also given as an attribute to such prelates, their founder did not have the Prince of the Apostles as their patron saint (cf. EbUber-

Bracteate impressions on church bells in Verden. 33

City and Hildesheim coins from the 13th century Schönemann Tf. VI, 123, Tf. VII, 5).

The observation speaks against the allocation to Minden: that the presumed Mindian bracteates of the 13th century Hundreds are found in the finds (e.g. Siedenburg find, sheet f. Mtsk. 1835, Tf. I) indistinguishable from the current Bremen ones mix, and the latter are due to the smallness of their passage knife and the height of the inner edge are unmistakable. The domestic struction, which Bishop Kuno von Minden (1261-1266) gave to his Mint master gives (Mzstud. I, 40), writes for those to be minted Hollow coins are the usual mixture of silver in Bremen standard. The merger of mutual trade inter- eat both cities, which share a common waterway has been conveyed, has something in common here as everywhere else Currency and relationship of the coin types causes the The same phenomenon is repeated on a large scale in the forms Romanesque church architecture, which is unique in both places is clearly based on Westphalian types, while e.g. B. Hildes home, the neighboring diocese of Minden in the east, with its equal Early buildings were entirely in the “low-rise” style that was widespread in the Harz Mountains. Saxon provincialism** emerges.

Like the Mindian bracteates, they also close von Grote (Mzstud. V, Tf. I. 1 - 3) relegated to Verden Hollow coins in the smallness of the diameter are numerous preserved Bremen character from the 13th and 14th centuries (the Bremen city library has the finds from Loxstedt and St. Magnus have several side pieces to these grottos small copies); a find of similar composition like the ones just mentioned were made by Verden itself and ended up in the current Hanover coin cabinet, cfr. Leitz- man N. Z. 1850, p. 58.

The broader bracteates, according to the type of present language, rather come from the landscape north and west of the Harz. By style, size and They are best placed in the Hildesheim die cut

ZeilMhrift for Numi»matics. XVII. 3

34 H. Bachenaa:

Characteristics of the 13th century. The coins, what cap the bishops who served there successively from 1216 to 1261 Siegfried, Konrad, Heinrich and Johann are the same Of course, to be denied: some of them are Seeländer's forgeries, Some of them are older guys, some of them don't belong at all Hildesheim (Tf. III, 29 is in any case to be taken to Halberstadt). wise), others belong to Fulda etc. On the other hand, there are notorious ones Coins of Bishop Heinrich von Hildesheim (1249 — 1257) recently discovered at Kl. Freden's and are awaiting arrest. publication*).

Some of the pieces from this find are particularly striking Apparently older pieces in half similar in character to those described above. written "Conrad? epis** with staff and key. Furthermore, There were hollow coins of the same size and same shape as the bracteate on the Anne bell; likewise the type of bishop varies between flags and towers. The same two last-mentioned types were also found in the in Finds made in Saalsdorf near Helmstedt, their contents Schönemann does not extend beyond 1270 (see Schönem. Tf. II, 27, 32); the finds from Ausleben and Groningen also have, Similar types, Ztschr. of the Harz Association XVII, Tf. VI, 2, 3.

This relationship of the factory results in with Probability that the described Conradus coins from Henry I's predecessor, Bishop Conrad of Hildesheim (1227 - 1249). This probability arises is increased by the fact that, strikingly, it is also the only older one Coin, which is based on the one mentioned above, 1504 in Hildesheim The cast Ilsenburg bell was located in relation to the company brik is completely connected to this group and therefore also emerged in the second quarter of the thirteenth century seems to be. This bracteate has a diameter of 28 mm the bishop with crook and Ereuz staff on one

*) The same was published at the same time as this article was printed. follows, cf. Tf. VI of this booklet. The Red.

Bracteate impressions on church bells in Verden. 35

Arch sitting between two domed towers; that from a domestic Inscription limited to inner circles is unfortunately completely illegible. III, 10.

Above the small bracteates at the lower edge of the Marien- bell (Tf. III, 8, perhaps a HälblingV) it should be noted that whose creation, because of its coarseness, is obviously related to that of the Bells are to be scheduled at the same time; He would therefore be approximately last quarter of the 13th century. About his origins cannot be said for sure. Similar specimens at Schöne- man Tf. II, 34, 35 and also from the finds from Ausleben and Groningen: Ztschr. of the Harz Association XVII, Tf. V, 20 ; Tf. VI, 1, 12, 22.

The apparent contradiction between the presumably higher Age of the Conradus coins and the undoubtedly fixed The later period in which the Verder bells were manufactured is eliminated by assuming that you agree to the name of the customer Love has an older coin pressed into the mold.

The appearance of what appeared to be Hildesheim coins This verder bells must then lead to the assumption that that the bells themselves were made in Hildesheim. Many- easy should be with the majuscule E at the bottom of the Marian bell the name of the manufacturer can be indicated: documented However, there is nothing to support this conjecture find. The leading role played by the Hildesheim bishop seat for medieval art in Lower Saxony since Bemwards time, especially in the metal work, is known for a long time, and apparently the ore there Their reputation continued to build in the later centuries Preserved from the Middle Ages.

Hann. Münden. Dr. H. Buchenau.

8

The monetary policy of Diocletian and his followers of Cacli.

The main content of the fourth century is the seek to rebuild what collapsed in the third was. Anyone who does not see the salvation of humanity solely in the foreground preparation for the afterlife, but rather the state authorities conditions still worthy of attention, he found his ideal in the conditions of earlier antiquity; the common coin legend: felicium temporum reparatio expresses itself the shortest and clearest what you would like to achieve. The old glory too To be traced back to the old forms has been done now and then tried again, but only in literature and art Success of the kind that he at least met his contemporaries halfway satisfied; In all other areas there was failure tangible, so as not to have similar experiments again and again to deter. So you knew what you longed for, but not, how to get there; only one thing was certain: that everything has to be different than it was at the moment. lack of Respect for what is historically given with the greatest admiration of what was only known from history the basics of this entire era. In politics and law There is a wild experimentation going on that leaves no trace of antiquity destroyed and with it the pronounced one The aim was to return the empire to the size of antiquity. supply.

In no area is this tendency more evident than on that of coin policy, but it is not on any other one either more excusable. Because everything here was deeply shattered and... every tradition dries up, which requires a gentle improvement

0. Seeck: The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors. 37

could have attached. There were political economic theories not, and even the practical knowledge, such as the various Metals related to each other in terms of their market value was difficult to obtain. In the individual provinces, depending on the which they produced more gold or silver or according to which they of one or the other metal more for their foreign trade was needed, the relationship was probably completely different. miscellaneous; a central point where these local swans effects could have balanced each other out, as is the case today on the Doner Stock Exchange, no longer existed since Rome ceased to exist to be the residence and thus the center of the empire. If So the emperor combined gold money and silver coins into one set a ratio that was completely right for Nicomedia it would prove untenable in Rome or Tarraco. Here there was nothing left but to become wise through harm; one should have taken the path of experimentation, even if the inclination of the time is not already there would have guided him there.

These ever-changing attempts to create an orderly coinage system should form the subject of this treatise. It is understandable that it is based on Mommsen's fundamental work of itself, but no less that she looks to him in return sentence occurs, and not just for the well-known reason, that one always polemicises the most against those of them you learned the most. Because Mommsen is only too tends to view the monetary system of the fourth century as a unified to be understood as something that is essentially stable, while un- incessant swaying seems to me to be the most characteristic moment appears in it. Since the “History of the Roman Coinage ^ has been published, we also have a number of new ones Facts have been gained which influence the views on this subject offer have to change significantly, but not yet in conjunction hange are processed. First of all, I would like to mention the discovery dung of a new piece of Diocletian's edict of prices which sets the value of the denarius at '^«o^ gold pounds-

38 0. Seeck:

is provided^); also Missong's discovery of tokens of value the gold coins of the Tetrarchy') and Hettner's overview the emissions of the Trier Mint'), from individual treasuries found and other less important material completely silent.

I almost only know the coins themselves from the Berlin one Museum, but the collection is large enough for sufficient for the purposes of this investigation. Because everyone excels That's why I didn't have the opportunity to visit outstanding rarities Reason because, as rarities, they are never used in monetary circulation could have been significant. That's why I got them from a- Apart from individual exceptional cases, in principle neglected and I preferred to stick to the common types that are in many copies were available. Especially the medallions I almost didn't take them into account because I didn't consider them to be pieces of money. Therefore, when I write that in one A certain denomination was not minted at a certain time be, that always means it is not in the Berlin museum available or only available in medallion form. At that I believed the large size of the collection was in the stated to be able to generalize in a way; because coins that are missing here and only in isolated copies in Paris, London or Vienna can not be found so often even at the time they were coined to have had any appreciable influence on the to carry out monetary transactions.

But if I go to greater lengths in this regard I regret that I was able to do without the stability of the material all the more so that my knowledge of the numismatic literature is a very defective one. Our small book collection University is more than inadequate in this direction, and the short weeks that I was granted in Berlin,

1) Bullet, de corresp. Hellenique IX, p. 231.

2) Ztschr. f. Numismatics VII, p. 240.

3) Roman treasure finds in the Kheinlanden. West Germans Magazine f. business u Art VI, p. 119; VII, p. 117.

The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors. 39

I thought it would be more useful in the coin cabinet than in the coin cabinet to spend in libraries. If I don't do some things used what might be worth considering If this were the case, I would have to ask for your indulgence and hope for it I can't find it any easier than I do this research myself for a final one. This is what becomes possible be if the emissions of all mints are the same are arranged chronologically, as Salis did for London and Hettner undertook for Trier.

The fact that a treatise like this contains many small individual must contain searches is in the nature of the matter. You form the content of the first four sections, due to this then the last one is a coherent overview of the layer of monetary policy in the fourth and fifth centuries tried to give

I The gold.

Since about the middle of the third century it was gold no longer minted according to any regular rules. From the short reign of Aurelian (270 - 275), whose coinage coated most precisely thanks to Rohde's investigations. is known, the following gram weights have been determined: 12.96; 9.1 8.4; 8.1; 7.91; 7.65; 7.1; 7.06; 7; 6.53; 6.52; 6.45; 6.41; 6.36 6.32 (2); 6.22; 5.64; 5.52; 5.3; 5.27; 5.24; 5.2 (2); 5.05(2) 5; 4.88; 4.85; 4.7; 4.55; 4.5; 4.2 (3); 4.19; 3.5"). There Even pieces of the same shape weigh 9.1 and 4.19, 7.1 and 5.64, 8.4 and 7.65, completely dependent on smaller differences silent. Something similar can be found with almost all emperors of Maximinus Thrax to Carinus. Afterwards the gold pieces during this time only gave the meaning of ingots have been tested by the state for their fineness

1) The weights are partly Rohde, the coins of the Emperor Aurelianus, his wife Severina and the Princes of Palmyra, Miskolcz 1881. 18S2, partly taken from Mommsen, History of the Roman Coinage p. 851.

40 0. Seeck:

were. Since the value of the individual coin can only be determined with the... Scale in hand could determine they were for traffic completely useless.

It is possible that Diocletian tried to make things better here already from the value symbols which he first applied to the gold coins^). The constant groping and swaying, which characterizes his innovative government but also applies to coinage. In the short one and Twenty years of his reign can be seen in the gold coinage distinguish no less than five different eras.

1) There is a gold coin with Imp. C. C. VaL Diocletianus Aug.] [Orlens Aug., of which three specimens have been weighed so far are. They have the following weight in grams:

Elberling collection, fresh from the stamp .... 3.7^) Rollin Collection, less preserved .... 3.72') Berlin collection, less preserved and punched 4.27 *)

If the third copy were as well preserved as the first, so it would be the same by about ^ grams, i.e. by more than % exceed its total weight. The lack of embossing site in the section and the full name inscription of the obverse assigns these coins to the first years of Diocletian*). There

1) Missong, the forerunner of the value number OB on Roman gold coins. Magazine f. Numism. YII p. 240 ff. The I-L in the section of a coin Aurelian's (Rohde p. 125, 285) can hardly be interpreted as a symbol of value, but rather probably only indicates the place of origin {prima Lugdunensis). For a fiftieth) of the Roman pound (6.55 gr.), the weight of 7.06 wouldn't be right either fit, although there was an excess of 0.5 coins under Diocletian. come.

2) Publications de la section historique de Tinstitut de Luxembourg. 1870/71, XXVI, p. 145.

3) Missong p. 266.

4) The pieces here and below from the Berlin collection I weighed them myself. As the course progresses I will search for the coins described by Missong with M, which is the Elberling collection with E, the Berliners with B.

5) This has already been highlighted by Missong (Wien. Num. Zeitschr. I, p. 110) raised, on whose astute investigations most of them based on the information contained in the text. The most obvious is the under- differed in the wording of the imperial names on the Alexandrian coins

The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors. 41

Of his other gold pieces, not a single one weighed less than 4 grams descends, these three will probably be your very earliest Attribute time and in its fluctuating weight one Continuation of that irregular imprinting can recognize which had ruled under his predecessors.

2) On a small number of Diocletian's gold coins The symbol of the Antioch mint appears in the section (“Sil/14), in the field the Greek number O = 70, which represents the pieces as a seventieth of the Roman pound (=4.68 gr.). should. Inscriptions and weights are as follows:

Imp. C. C. Val. Diocletiaiyns p. f, Atig.] [Jovi conservatori Aug B 4.70; M. 4.43; 4.33^.

As above.] [M^ctoria Aug M. 4.37; 4.25.

There are also several coins that, although not a payment bear signs, but in any case according to their weight on the are spread at the same foot. The obverse always shows the full one Name of Diocletian, the name of the mint is missing'), the Reverse inscriptions are these:

Jovi consei^at, Aug. both perforated B 4.74; 4.69. Jovi conservatori orbis both perforated B 4.63; E4.4.

Fatis victricibus M 4.70; 4.15.

Soli inmcto M 4.57 *).

because these are dated. They offer up to the sixth year of Dio- cletian always: a • k • r • oyaa • (or oya •) aiokahtianoc ceb., from the seventh to only: aiokahtianoc ceb. For Maximian, the full name is sufficient: a • K • m • (or M'A«) OYA • MAHIMIANOC CEE • until the fifth year; with the sixth begins: masimianoc CEE • Galerius is always called taa • masimianoc • K • Constantius is only called AA • konctantioc • k • until the third year, in the fourth and last appears next to it: kiinctantioc • k.

1) The corresponding coins of Elberling are identical to those of Missong listed. The latter got them from the coin dealer Rollin see who owns the collection after the death of its owner has passed over.

2) If Missong p. 265 the gold pieces without specifying the mint everyone thinks they are older than those who carry SMA in the section, 80 I can't agree with him on that. The same sign of the Antiochenes Coin appears as early as Carus and his sons. Cohen, number rianus 13 and U9; see magazine f. Numism. I, p. 87.

42 0. Seeck:

Victoria aetema M 4.62.

Mars victor perforated E 4.6.

Marti uüori M 4.55.

Victoria Aug E 4.

We encounter the same weight with all gold coins British usurpers^). When Carausius fell away from the empire (beginning of 287), so this foot must still be in Gaul of the All- may have been common. On the other hand, there are already from the year 286 individual pieces of the later weight'). with- The irregular imprinting of the first period can only be one It took a few months for the edition of the seventieth! not a full two years (285 and 286), with which it is very compatible is that the second coinage reform to be discussed shortly, which yes, originate from the Orient, where Diocletiau was staying at the time had not yet been carried out in Gaul at the beginning of 287.

3) The third period of Diocletian gold coinage is characterized by the numeral Z «= 60. The weights of the The pieces signed in this way that I know of amount to: 5.36; 5.34 (2); 5.3 (3); 5.29; 5.28; 5.26; 5.25; 5.22 (3); 5.21; 5.18, which is quite good for a normal weight of Yo pounds = 5.45 corresponds'). On dated coins released during this time Although they are very rare, the number can be found in the years 290, 293, 296, 297, 299, 303, 305, but the corresponding law weight can be proven as early as 286 and 288*) and is exceedingly In general, with Diocletian and his three co-regents it was usual lightest^). Of course, the same thing is not always so uniform, as with the numbered pieces, the adjustment of which is important.

1) I have the following coin weights, some from Mommsen P. 851, partly from the Num. Chron. N. S. VIII, p. 231 and III Ser. VI, 8. 273; 278, known: 4.6; 4.51; 4.5; 4.44; 4.34 (2); 4.30.

2) Missong p. 269.

3) Cf. except Missong a. a. 0. also Friedlaender, Cfber some riddles letters on coins from Diocletian's time. Magazine f. Nnmism. n, p. 15.

4) Among the 42 gold coins of this era found in the Berlin Mttns kept in a cabinet, 33 can be attributed to this foot. At Elberling the ratio is 32:24, almost exactly the same.

The tired policy of Diocletian and his successors. 43

Special care seems to have been taken by Maximian The Berlin Museum has a gold coin with cos. Ill, which one 6.1 weighs 0, and Missong recorded by the same emperor a piece with consul V. p. p, procos. of only 4.85 gr. Both according to the numbers of the consulates (290, 297) fall into the same period the sixtieth embossing and differ from the normal weight (5.45) does not depend so much that the first is called a multiplum, that second could be viewed as a partial piece; also can be found under the undated coins all the gradations that those two Connecting extremes with each other'). So they are under-coins such as overcoins up to 0.65 gr. occurred, so that Weight of the lightest sixtieth! very imperceptibly into the hardest seventieth.

This finds its explanation in the silver coins of the Diocese Cletian period. A large part of these is through the Number XCVr clearly as Xe pounds = 3.41 gr. marked»). If we only consider the pieces numbered in this way, we find The following weight fluctuations are among them: 4.02; 4 3.98 (2); 3.82 (2); 3.79; 3.64; 3.57; 3.55; 3.4 (2); 3.36; 3.34 3.24; 3.21 (2); 3.19; 3.1; 3.06 (2); 3 (3); 2.97; 2.87 (2); 2.86 2.85; 2.7 (4); 2.43*). So here too the excess coins are increasing up to 0.61, the sub-coins even up to 0.98, whereby

1) The copy is a bit worn, but with the remains of one clipped handle so that weight loss and excess should balance each other out to some extent.

2) The weight overview on Mommseu p. 852 includes the following Weights of the time of Diocletian and his co-regents: 5.89; 5.85; 5.83 5.77; 5.75; 5.6b; 5.64; 5.51; 5.48; 5.47; 5.44; 5.41; 5.38; 5.37; 5.36; 5.35 5.34; 5.33; 5.32; 5.3; 5.28; 5.27; 5.25; 5.22; 5.2; 5.18; 5.16; 5.13; 5.05 5.04; 5; 4.83. It should be noted that pieces from the Elberling Collection, which are expressly described as magnificent specimens, so sure are not worn, only weigh 4.90 and 5.

3) The meaning of this number was first recognized by Sparkes, Num. Ghron. XI, 1849, p. 119.

4) The weights are partly Friedlaender, about the meaning of the composition writing OB on Byzantine coins; Finder and Friedlaender, contributions for older coinage, Berlin 1851, p. 22, they are partly based on own decisions.

44 0. Seeck:

Of course, the wear and tear of some pieces may have had an impact likes. The ZiflFer XCVI therefore only gives an average weight on. Diocletian's legal decree was true: apparently that from a pound of silver after deducting one 96 coins were to be minted in a small treasure trove, but without that precise weighing of the individual pieces was required, and gold money is also based on the same false principle. been acted upon.

4) There are a small number of gold pieces of the four- imperial rule, whose weight is too high over 5.45 gr. er- rather than being mistaken for overcoined sixtieths could. I only know of six such coins, yes Some of them seem to be quite rare.')

Diocletianua p. Aug.] [Comitatus Augg, in section.

IT, punched B 6.32.

Maximianus Aug,'\ [Comitatus Augg, in section FR B 6.71.

Maximianua p. f, Aug.] [Providentia Augg, punched E 6.60.

Constantius nob. Caes,] [^Jovi conservatori Aug, ge- punches B 6.42.

Maximianus Caesar] [Soli invicto^ Cohen 198') . 6.58.

Likewise] [Fortunae reduci M 6.65.

Watching these pieces with Missong for Multipla is not possible. 1 J^ seventieth] could do it according to the weight (7.02) at best, but there is the imprint according to this foot This was set long before the appointment of the Caesars Interpretation excluded; But they let themselves go to the sixtieths not put in a suitable relationship. Furthermore, they are on Size and external appearance differ from the lighter coins indistinguishable, so they had to be in traffic mix with them. Consequently, Diocletian must once as he had done before from the seventieth of the pound had passed to the sixtieth, then this again through that

1) Cohen protects the coins mentioned in third and fourth place only 120 francs, which is not a very high price for gold pieces.

2) Cohen's work is consistently cited from the second edition.

The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors. 45

fiftieth (6.55 gr.) to displace. There on this heaviest The two Caesars already appear in gold pieces, so must that experiment falls into the last period of Diocletian (after 293). It is most appropriate to place it in one of the two time periods put where the dated sixtieths have a longer break show, d. h. between 293 and 296 or between 299 and 303, namely the later approach is the more likely. Because The Caesares' obverse inscriptions also show the abbreviated form Form of the name, which was used in the first years after her government begins (293) does not seem to have been struck on the coins yet (see p. 40 note 5). Now in the year 301 through the infamous Price dictated the value of Diocletian's gold pound to 50,000 Denarii were standardized^). It's probably more than guesswork, that the minting of the fiftieths is related to this stands. Without a doubt her purpose was to get the gold piece To bring denarius into the comfortable ratio of 1000:1.

5) Already in 303 the sign of the sixtieth appears again Z on the coins, and also the small number of fiftieths proves that their issue did not take long. This Normal weight of 5.45 doesn't just dominate that Diocletian's later coinage, but also that of his successors follower. The Z is last found on dated coins 312'). but one piece still weighs, at the earliest at the Quinquennalia was coined by the younger Licinius (March 1, 321), 5.23*), and in general Licinius appears until his fall (324). to have held on to the sixtieth foot ^). At least it is I don't know of any gold coins in the Orient under his rule would have been defeated and not the corresponding one

1) Bullet, de corresp. hell^nique. IX, p. 231.

2) MissoDg p. 270.

3) Licinius Aug. oh d(ecennalia) v(ola) ßlii sui] [Jovi cons. Licini August — 9%c X iic XX, In section smnf. Berlin Museum.

4) That Licinius only did so in 324, as is usually assumed I recently proved that he was robbed of his kingdom in 323 f. S. the time- follow the laws of Gonstantin. Magazine f. Legal law X, p. 190.

46 0- Seeck:

weight showed'). Also the mints of Italy and Africa until the death of Maxentius (312) and the Illyrians until they 314 passed into the possession of Gonstantin, follow the Diocletiani norm'). But in the meantime things had changed to the extreme The West has already made an innovation that will last for centuries should be of lasting importance.

That since Constantine the Great the weight of gold piece to 1^2 pounds = 4.55 gr. normirt v^ar, is not only dur<2)i the Latin numeral LXXII and the corresponding Greek OB on the coins'), but also through the exceptional express testimony of the imperial laws^). The Ge- importance is nothing new in this respect, as gold money also comes from the second period of Diocletian and that of the British Usnrpa* goals, although at one seventieth! supposed, but actually was rarely heavier than the Constantinian solidus; but probably Is it new that there is no more than average weight? but its exact compliance with each and every individual pieces are required and also enforced to some extent has been. 15 well-preserved Solidi Gonstantins that I bought in... Berliner Eabinet had the following weights: 4.62; 4.59; 4.55; 4.53; 4.51; 4.46 (2); 4.45; 4.43; 4.4 (2); 4.89; 4.37; 4.34; 4.31; a half piece 2.1; a third (triens) 1.54. The

1) In Berlin there are two pieces by Licinias Aag^stus from Antioch, one to Nicomedia, two to Nicomedia from Licinias Caesar; the well-received kept weigh 5.28; 5.27; 5.23, two worse, one of which is somewhat damaged cut, 5.08 and 5.03. In the Viennese collection from which I got it Kindness Picks owe some messages to iwei Thessalonian gold coins of Licinius Augustus from 5.11 and 5.16| both with the sign of the sixtieth Z in the field.

2) Also the coin of the African usurper Alexander, which located in the Berlin cabinet, weighs 5.19. That Gonstantin's pieces, which were struck in the territory of Maxentius, Maximinas and Licinias, Showing the Diocletian weight goes without saying. So in Berlin a Roman example with Conttantinus no6. C] [Prindpi inventory, in section. PR 5.54, a Thessalonicensian with Conttantinus Äuguttwi] [Jovi conservaiori Äug, in the section • SM • TS *, in the field the sign of the sixtieth Z 5.22.

3) Friedlaender, About the inscription OB S. U.

4) Cod. Theodos. XII, 6,13; 7.1.

The military policy of Diocletian and his successors. 47

normal gravity is therefore only exceeded nm 0.07 and the The lightest examples only lag behind by 0.24, which, considering the crude coinage technology of the time, was very little and could hardly be noticed in traffic. The through- The average is 4.45, which results in a stroke treasure of only 2.2 percent. And the imprint has always remained so solid. Even under Justinian I found the ten well-preserved Specimens that I examined had these weights: 4.49 4.47' (2); 4.46 (2); 4.42; 4.39; 4.27; 4.25; 4.15. Half piece 2.21. Third pieces: 1.48; 1.46; 1.45; 1.42; 1.41; 1.38 (2) 1.37 (2); 1.35. The average for the entire population is holding steady here still at 4.38, which is the slight reduction that the Weights themselves through wear and tear over the course of two centuries had to suffer, roughly equivalent. In the thirds it is Average 1.4 (normal 1.52), which is a solidus weight of would only result in 4.22. But it is natural and measured that for small pieces the impact value is set a little higher. than with the larger ones.

This form is usually attributed to Gonstantin the Great. writing and putting it in about the year 312, probably- But the beginnings of it actually go back to Constantius Chlorus back. In the former Pembroke collection There was a beautifully preserved piece of gold from the same, which... his British victories (306) in Tarraco and pure solidus weight showed'), and close to this several coins from the first years of Constantius.

1) Divus Constantius] [^Consecratio; poorly preserved. collection lung wedding in Vienna 3.98. Probably right after death defeated by Constantius (306) in London.

2) Constantinua nob, C] [Principi iuventutis. Section TR; from the year 30^7. Fresh from the stamp. B 2.1. This can only be done as: half piece of the solidus (normal 2.27).

1) CatalogQe of the entire Pembroke collection of coins and medals London 1848. p.207: Constantius p.f, Aug.] [Vict.Constant.Aug, section SMT. 4.39.

48 0. Seeck:

3) Maxentius p, /. Aug.] [Herculi comiti Aug. nn. Section SMT ; very nice. B4.44. I know about Maxentius from Tarraco only a gold piece and a follis; from Lyon quotes Cohen Copper pieces by him (with PLG in the section); in Trier seems not at all to be coined by his name^). After that you have to Constantine, when he gave the order to kill the Roman usurper to treat the coinage as legitimate, located in the extreme south Gaul, closer to the Spanish mint than to the northern Gaul one have been, and before the latter was at the exit could take part in the leadership, a counter-order must already have been given. be coming. This indicates a very short period of friendship and this can also be traced back historically. show. Immediately after the defeat of Severus (winter 306/7) Maximian went to Gaul and negotiated an alliance there between Constantin and his son. But this was hardly the case came about, things got cloudy again relationship between Maxentius on the one hand, Maximian and Con- Stantin on the other hand. When the latter was elevated to Augustus (Spring 307), ventured Eumenius, who took this opportunity kept the usual panegyric, Maxentius no longer held it at all to mention in front of his father and brother-in-law'). Proof that the hostility was already quite obvious back then was. And since then it has until the fall of the Roman tyrant continued uninterrupted. The Tarraconensian can therefore It was minted only in the first months of the year 307 be set.

4) Constantinxis p, f. Aug,] [ Votis V muUis X — Victoria Avg. Section PTR; perforated. Vienna 4.56; Collection Trau 4.58, This coin was probably minted at the Quinquennalia of Constantine. beat, which were celebrated in 310.

1) Hettner, who has the most precise knowledge of the Trier MflDzst&tte owns, knows of no coin of Maxentius that was struck there.

*2) The reinstatement of Maximian is discussed in great detail, but about the RoHe that Maxentius had played, the Pane- gyricist. with a bold leap: VI 10 quod ego cursim trameo; cur enim vel nunc recordemur adversOf cum videamus omnia tuo reditu rettitutaf

The tired policy of Diocietian and his successors. 49

5) MaximiniLs p, f. AugJ] [Ubique victores; Section« PTR; London 4.44'). Minted between 308 and 313/

6) Liciniua p. /. Aug.'] [The same reverse, after which the coin the previous one seems to be at the same time. London 4.32.

7) Maximinu8 p, /. Aug,\ [Victoria Constantini Aug, Sect. PR; B 4.26. Is in Rome after the victory over Maxentius (Winter 312/13).

The solidus weight is unmistakable in all of these coins. But strangely enough, there are others next to them who at the same time and from the same mints, but still to the Diocletian sixtieths belong. I know the following:

1) Constantinus noh, C] \Spes publica \ Section TR; London 5.32.

2) Likewise] [Principi iuventtUis; Section TR; London 5.31.

3) The same coin mentioned above under No. 3 is listed. E5.3.

4) Same coin as above No. 4. E 5.3.

5) Same coin as above No. 6. London 5.5 ; Collection Trau 5.28.

By the way, the Solidi also seem to be constant in the early days. tins to predominate; at least the Berlin cabinet has it no gold coin found in London, Trier after the year 306 or Tarraco would be beaten and the corresponding game would not be importance showed.

In addition to the weight, the format of the gold medal also deserves pieces attention. Under Diocletian their Orossen sub- Differences are often very obvious, but are not as one would expect should, the lightest pieces also the smallest. The seventieth, which I have seen are all of the same diameter, like the fiftieth cl (19-20 mm); the sixtieths fluctuate between 17 and 22 mm, so they are partly larger than that Fiftieths, sometimes smaller than seventieths. Since the Stamps are completely missing on those, extremely rare on these

1) I am about the coins from the British Museum that belong here taught by the kindness of Mr. Keary.

Line theory for charitable donations. XVII. 4

50 0. Seeck:

are and also in the sixtieths, although a little more common, so only occur sporadically, since the small sub- The thickness of coins of the same format differs from the eye and It can be barely noticeable to the groping hand Nor could it have been Diocletian's will to sell the pieces. Different weights to be easily identified and clear to separate each other. He probably intended her to mingle in traffic and be treated indiscriminately should.

The Gonstantine gold coinage also follows in the main matter of the same principle. The oldest Solidns I met I saw - with the portrait of Maxentius - is the youngest Sixtieths that emerged from the Trier mint were confusingly similar, just a little bigger than these 0* In the winter of 312/13') the offices shape Constant Tins are very small (17 mm), so that at this time the Solidi very visibly separate from the sixtieths of Licinius, which are about 20 mm in diameter; but this has not granted for a long time. Soon their format will be similar to that of the oriental equal coins to mark the end of Constantine's reign. yaw to increase to just over 2 1 mm '). The value Character LXXII appears very rarely and only on Pieces minted in Antioch. So it's not

1) It measures about 18 mm, and according to Pick's report, it is the same size the solid as of the Divus Constantine, while a Trier sixth of the Seyem Caesar, which the Berlin Museum owns, is just over 17 mm in diameter knife has.

2) The time is determined by the solidus of the Mazimin, which we p. 49 no. 7 have described. Also two solidi from Licinius and a stack Constantine with the reverse image of the defeated Francia, which is probably after the Frankish War in the summer of 313, shows this same format.

3) The Berliner has records of Crispus and Fausta, who died in 326 Cabinet only solidi of about 20 mm, by Constans, who became Caesar in 333, only from 21.5mm; of Constantines (Caesar since 324; cf. yearb. f. class. Philol. 1889, p. 629) both formats are represented. This is the time the change is somewhat determined.

The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors. 51

placed on the Solidi when they were first introduced, but- because when Gonstantin had already taken control of the Orient and gold coins of heavier weight were no longer in the empire were beaten. Since on the sixtieths of Licinius how on the seventy-seconds of Constantine the heads of both emperors were depicted indiscriminately, they had to, as long as they were had the same format, had to be confused, and Gonstantin, who issued the lighter coins and consequently at could only gain from such an error, this is the most important thing probably wanted.

The format that was used in Gonstantin's last years had become dominant, is also later just as precise held as the weight of *^2 pounds, so that the solidi up Deep into the sixth century they were all roughly the same Show habitus. Its diameter is only around the year 343 reduced by about a millimeter, but even this small The difference soon brought uncertainty into financial transactions. The audience distrusted the weight of the smaller gold pieces, although the same was entirely true'), and their assumption had to be enforced under penalty of death"). Numismatic

2) The Berlin Museum owns a solidus of Constans from Trier with Securüas rei puhlicae section TR, which is about 207. mm in diameter; However, the difference between the format and the others still occurs It becomes clear that the emperor's head is significantly smaller. From here The words of the law that will be addressed immediately also explain themselves: gui maiore habitu faciei extenditur. Although the edge at one point is somewhat has been cut, the piece still weighs 4.37, so it was originally whole Pretty important, if not a bit over-emphasized.

3) Cod. Theod. IX, 22. Omnes solidi, in quibus nostri vultus ac (^divi parentis nottri^ veneratio una estj uno pretio aestimandi sunt cUque vendendi, quamquam diverse shapes mensura sit. nee enim qui maiore habitu faciei extenditur, maioris est pretii, aut qui angustiore expressione concluditur, minoris valere credendus est, man pondus idem existat, Quod si quis aliter fecerit, aut capite puniri debet aut ßammis tradi vel alia poena mortifera. This law is wrongly written into the code under the name of Constantine. He couldn't possibly say that all coins struck with his image are the same weight, since in his time the Licinian Sixtieth was still there! around- ran. The addressee Leontius also does not belong in the government of Constantine. tins, but in those of his sons. So the dating must be wrong.

4*

52 0. Seeck:

This episode is only of interest in that you will see it very soon has returned to the Gonstantine Modalas and the coins with a smaller size and heads are therefore rare - have become, but it throws light on the nature of the time Financial transactions some light. Because, firstly, it teaches which one Meaning the format for the price of the gold pieces could be, secondly, that they were at least available in private trade back then and did not use the scales to test change, but rather them accepted or rejected according to their external habitus. Through this It also became possible for counterfeiters to use their copper coins Only gold-plated pieces despite the different weight of these to sell the same*), and the circumcision of the Solidi developed into a serious calamity, which the Legislation was countered in vain with the harshest punishments. Because the edges of the ancient coins never come from one surrounded by a regular circular line, but always wavy and appear uneven, often over the areas struck by the stamp. If they protrude far out of the open space, they are cleverly cropped Specimens can only be recognized with a scale.

In the earlier imperial period, the gold coin was only in this respect Werthmesser was when they met a certain quantum of Silver or bronze coins corresponded. I don't know any inscription, in which monetary values would be expressed in aurd, but rather At first you only count according to sesterces, then next to that and finally entirely exclusively in denarii. Also under Diocletian sets this continues. All prices of his well-known edict up to the The highest amounts are denarii and the gold pound itself appears in it as a commodity whose maximum value is like that

The correct date (February 17, 343) is found in the fragment Cod. Theod. IX, 21.5 received, which according to the address and contents appears to be xn the same Laws heard

1) In Cleeve's Treasure, Archaeologia XYII (London ISU) p. 8S9 described, in addition to real pieces of gold, the Clay YalentiniAn were found reaching down to Thcodosius L, also several plated ones. Yours, Whoever buried the treasure cannot notice its worthlessness because otherwise he wouldn't have saved her with him.

The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors. 53

of grain and leather, according to the generally accepted currency is standardized. This is still the case under his successors hasn't become any different. Until the year 328 can be found in the Sources mention no sum of money that is not in denarii, Folles or Nummi, i.e. h. expressed in copper coins'). Like in grain, wine, clothing, horses and iron, so will they Taxes also to a certain extent in gold and silver written; but in the laws the precious metals are*

1) I know the following information from this time:

297. A civil servant's salary of trecena aestertia and twice that sexcena milia nummum (Paneg. IV, 11; 14). Probably are among them not, as I previously assumed (jahrb. f. cl. Philol., 1888 p. 724), to understand the old sesterces in the Werthe Yon ^ Denarius, but the Panegyric has the ancient expression according to the manner of his time used for the billing coin that was common at the time, the denarius.

301. The price edict only calculates in denarii.

Around 310 a donation in Africa of 400 folles. Migne, patrol. lat. 43, p. 795 = Mansi, Goncil. coli. II, p. 502.

At the same time someone is accused of stealing 20 folles bought the dignity of a presbyter. A.a. 0.

Around 312 Eusebius calculated hist. eccl. IX, 8, 4 the price of the bushel Waizen during a famine on dtcx^ktai xai myraxotfia^ 'Aritxal, where the Attic drachma stands for the denarius, which it originally belongs to Value corresponded.

Winter 312/13. Endowment of the African Church with 3000 folles. Decree of Constantine in Eusebius. hist. eccl. X, 6, 1.

315. Fine of 30 folles. Cod. Theod. XI, 36, 2; 3.

321. Fines of 100,000 and 20,000 Nummi. Cod. Theod. XIII, 3, 1.

326 donations to the veterans of 100,000 and 25,000 folles. Cod. Theod. VII, 20, 3.

328. Eaufstupid of 20 folles. Cod. Theod. XIV, 24, I. The criminal money of 10 pounds of gold (Cod. Theod. VIII, 1, 1) does not belong to the year 319, but 343, as a second fragment (XII, 1.35) of the same law proves. On this as well as on the dating of the laws cited, see Seeck, Die Chronological sequence of Constantine's laws, Savigny's journal. f. Legal history X, P. 1 ff. The laws of the Codex Justinianus interpolated by Trebonian do not come into consideration for this question, even less the nonsense of the Script hist. Aug., as their imperial biographies, such as Dessau (Hermes XXIV, p. 337 ff.) only proved effective at the end of the fourth century were created. Afterwards are the comments by Missong (Numism. Magazine I, Vienna 1870, p. 109), which is based exclusively on the script Aug. based, to be corrected.

54 0. Seeck:

clearly referred to as goods in kind') and their delivery that of clothes, horses and grain all aligned provides'). That's why we don't talk about it at this time sums of gold, but of weights of gold^); they say not “pay gold” aurum numerare^ but “weigh gold^ aurum appendere. The tax benefit is also paid in gold coin accepted, but payment of the same is valid Delivery of raw metal completely the same. The solidus is here only the representative of four scruples of pure gold and must be weighed upon acceptance; So he doesn't have the ability interpretation of money, but that of a minted bar^).

Of course, the unregulated gold industry would also have this function. coin of the pre-Diocletian period can suffice. You can do it no orderly monetary system and does not make the effort to to carefully adjust individual pieces if it is only natural deliveries should be used and when received by the State coffers are subject to weighing. Should the solidus If it was real money, he also had to go to the legal one Currency coin can be related; he didn't have to

1) Cod/Theod. XI, 16, 1 auri speciem — persolvere. During this time is ipeciet the technical term for natural goods as opposed to money. YIII, 5, 47 aurum ceteraegue species largitionales. Just Edict. VlI pref. jir^twiey $xal ttQyvQov ij xai higa tldtj,

2) Cod. Theod. XI, 9, 2 Fundus vd mancipia ob cessattonem iributorum tW eiiam whether vestium auri argentique dtbitum, quae annua exactione solvuniur^ oceupata. Here the taxes are expressly in money {tributa) and the goods delivered in kind in clothes, gold and silver. See XI, 16, 1 cum eosdem et auri speciem et frumenti plurimum modum constet persolvere. XIII, 3, 2 nee ad uUam auri et argenti et equorum praestationem vocentur. Cf. II, 29, 2 § 1; III, 30, 3; IV, 20, 1; X, 9, 2; XI, 20, 6.

3) Cod. Theod. XII, 6, 2 per muUis etiam et in diversis locis constitutis liceai simul auri pondus inferre. — eius ponderis, quod debehatur, duplum fisci rationümg per vigorem officii tui inferre cogatur. Likewise VI, 4, 1 3 TOn argenti pondut the speech.

4) Cod. Theod. XII, 7, 1 Si quis solides appendere voluerü auri codi, s^tem solid quatemorum scripulorum nostris vultibus ßguratos appendat per singulis im- ciis — eadem ratione servanda, etsi materiam quis infertU, ut solidos dedisse tfidtatur. There are then further regulations about how the gold is received the tax should be weighed

The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors. 55

only a quantum by weight of pure gold, but also a specific represent the correct number of denarii. That Diocletian a fixed and at the same time comfortable ratio of gold and Wanted to make copper money, we gave us fiftieths of that Year 301, each of which was supposed to be worth 1000 denarii. The extent to which he or his successors succeeded in this remains to be seen we'll see after we look at the silver and copper bill under» have searched.

In 334, payment was made in solidi for the first time decreed'), and since then the gold pound and its two-and-a-half seventieth as an equal value meter alongside denarius and FoUis"). But at that time it didn't mean how one usually assumed to be a Roman pound or 327.5 gr. clean Gold, but its value is already considerable in the year 325 be increased.

At that time Gonstantin issued the following law'): “If someone If he wants to weigh solidi of refined gold, he should add 7 solidi 4 scruples embossed with our image on one each Weigh an ounce, 14 but on every two and according to this rule the pay the entire debt. The same calculation can be observed if someone deposits raw metal, which is the same as if he Solidi would have given." The weight of the solidus is not Ringert, because here too there are expressly 4 scruples, i.e. h. %2 pounds, definitely. Nevertheless, there should be 7 solids per ounce Gold, so 84 to a pound go, in other words, for that Pound gold as a tax unit will have an exceptional weight of 336 Scrupeln instead of 288 or 382 gr. introduced instead of 327.5. natural Of course, this means nothing other than an increase in natural tax in gold at ]^ of its previous value. The reward of the veterans who massed in 325 after the victory over Licinus were released from prison*), probably made demands

1) Cod. Theod. XIII, 5,7.

2) Invoice for gold deposits under Gonstantina sons: Cod. Theod. YI, 4, 13; VII, 1, 2; VIII, 1, 1; IX, 17, 2; 4 and Bonst.

3) Cod. Theod. XII, 7, 1.

4) Compare the veterans laws Cod. Theod. VII, 20, 1; 3,

56 0. Seeck:

to the imperial treasury, which cannot be satisfied in any other way were. Friedlaender was therefore wrong in that determination taken offense and therefore proposed to be included in the text of the to write FZ for VII, XII for XIIII. How worrying this change of two numbers that correspond to the best is, must be self-evident to every philologist, and what is more, the increase in the gold pound is also confirmed by later certificates* confirms. In 367, Valentinian decreed that from now on it should be Tax payments on every 72 solidi amount to one pound of gold become '). That this does not inculcate existing law." but something new has been created, Friedlaender himself is the most striking* proven. Because if, as he showed, immediately According to this law, the number sign Oß = 72 first on the Gold coins appear, so that they cannot be used again. dwindle, it is clear from this that for the standardization of the ratio between solidus and gold pounds Valentinian's decree must have been important. A second fragment of the same law states that at the payments that the gold panners make for carrying out their work business to the state, the old customs hold on to it and add 14 ounces of gold sand to one pound are to be expected'). 14 ounces corresponds to 84 solids in weight. The old habit (consuetudo), which Valentinian in this maintains a particular trap while otherwise eliminating it, So it obviously goes back to the law in question of Constantine. In 385 Symmachus wrote to Valentinian IL, who The Senate had decided to honor him for his ten-year government to make a gift of 1,600 pounds of gold on the anniversary, and

which are approximately at the same time as the increase in the Oold tax. Z^itschr. f. Legal history X, p. 234.

1) About the meaning of the inscription OB on Byzantine coins. p.15.

2) Cod. Theod. XII, 6, 13 lUud ttiam cautionis adicimusy ut, quotieiueunqw certa summa aolidorum per tttuli qualitate debttur ei auri mtusa tninsmittUwr^ in aephuiginta duoa aolidos libra feratur accepto,

3) Cod. Theod. X, 19, 4 Whether metalUcum canonemf in quo propria consueiudo retinenda eat, guattuordecim uncicu ballucae per aingulia libris conatat infarru

The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors. 57

Although this sum should be based on urban weight, which heavier than the usual one*). Ver- Presumably this larger gold pound is none other than that Constantine of 14 ounces or 84 solidi. After that it seems The same thing was still in use for a long time in the town of Korn. remained to be after Valentinian had done so in the rest of the empire. had induced.

n.

The silver.

In the fifth century there were two chanceries at the imperial court, those with the booking of incoming and outgoing silver were entrusted. One was concerned with the raw me- tall, the other with the coined one, and this latter was called scrinium a miliarensibus^). If the miliarense is used here as a silver money appears in general, it follows that from that the coins of this name, if not the only ones silver, but they were the ones who drove the traffic in mastered this metal. However, this is not exactly necessary to have been the case in the fifth century, in which we can first prove that law firm. Because probably- It actually existed much earlier, and the name which was once given to her, may have continued her, even when the miliarense was no longer the main silver was a coin, even after it had ceased to exist.

The Miliarense was originally intended, as its name proves and an old gloss confirms'), a thousandth of the gold pound represent, but it lost this meaning very early on have. Because Epiphanius, who wrote in 392, already knows this Word no longer needs to be explained, but instead derives it from miles

1) Symm. rel 13» 2 Mille sescentcu auri lihrcts decennalihtu imperii tui /estis devotus ordo promisit urbanis ponderibus conferendasy id est tnttinae largtoris examine,

2) Notit. Dign. Or. XIII, 30; Oc. XI, 96.

3) Glossae nomicae in Haltsch, Metrologicoram scriptoram reliqaiae I, P. 307, 20 Mihagiatoy ro x^^*ocr6p i^f rov /QVitov kiigag. ^iXi yag oi *Pu)fia7ot rit /»Am xalovay.

58 0. Seeck:

from mille on ^). This is as wrong as it is far-fetched Certainly no writer would have fallen victim to interpretation, even though only in his childhood the miliarense was simple and clear relationship to the number 1000 would still have been preserved. His Ver- The ratio to the gold pound must therefore be in the middle at the latest of the fourth century; it is introduced of course much earlier. Although it was before Epiphanius is not mentioned in the literature, the first pre- This type of money was not only applied to Constantin, but also to himself go back to Diocletian.

In name as in substance, the Miliarense is one Closely related to a copper coin, which was first used in a Order of the year 356 is mentioned and is called Centenionalis'). How that is according to its proportion to the gold pound These were apparently named after the fact that they were expressed as hundredths a silver coin that was hardly any other than the miliarense may have been. The strictly implemented Decimalsysteai, which is expressed in the numbers 1000 and 100, indicates the Introduction of these two coins of the same coinage reform and this all the more so as it is the case with the other coins, measures and weight order of the Romans in the most abrupt contradiction stands. Because in this the duodecimal input definitely prevails. division, which Constantine also received through his gold pound 6x12 Solidi paid homage. This does it unlikely that he was the creator of the Miliarense and the Centenionalis, and since the former, as we have seen, cannot be introduced until after his death') and by

1) Hultsch n, pp. 105, 16 argeniea vero sunt, quae militarensia vocant, a müitibus^ quorum sunt munerOj derivando. nam corrupto postea nomine miliarensia dici co^ pere, quae prius militarensia vocabantur. This explanation is the most detailed preserved in the Latin translation, but that it also corresponds to the Greek was no stranger to the original, as two different excerpts prove same. Hultsch I, pp. 266, 21; 269, 17.

2) Cod. Theod. XI, 23, 1 ; 2. cf. Mommsen p. 805, note 233.

3) It may be mentioned here in passing that among the sons of Gon- stantins the solidus is divided into 24 silver siliquas and even the

The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors. 59

Discletian's immediate predecessors had no silver at all Both are probably attributed to Diocletian allowed. We know that he bought the gold pound in 301 divided into 50 gold pieces and 50,000 denarii (p. 45), two Numbers that fit perfectly into the decimal system. The gold Coin of 1000 units of the copper bill is apparently in drawing on the gold pound of 1000 silver units, the Milia- rense of 50 denarii to the gold pound of 5(t gold pieces. These numerical ratios are so consistent and at the same time so strangely un-Roman that they only came from the same head can. But if this is correct, then the miliarense can only do that Diocletian ninety-sixths (p. 43), an assumption which, by the way, is also indispensable for other reasons. Because except for Siliqua, which cannot be considered here, there is no other piece of silver in the entire fourth century, that would have been struck in sufficient quantities to be for the monetary transactions to acquire any significance.

Mommsen wants the Miliarense in a large flat silver Recognize coins that have an average weight to the solidus roughly equal. But this is according to the consensus The verdict of the numismatists is not a coin, but a medallion, Certainly distributed as a souvenir on festive occasions not to play a role in the market. In the In modern collections, these coins are among the most expensive Extremely rare and even in ancient times they were only in spread in isolated specimens. In the treasure of Holway No more than 33 such pieces were found among 245 silver coins, in that of East Harptree only 15 under 1496^). They don't seem to have been in circulation at all Whoever owned one put it with his germs'). How should you?

Eupfer coins bear the value LXXU. You have the duodecimal sjstem expanded even further than her father had done; from one Transitions to the pure decimal system can therefore also be made under their control. There is no question of yawning.

1) Numism. Chron. III Ser. VIII, p. 32.

2) Numbers Chron. a. a. 0. As a general rule they are in a high state of

60 0. Seeck:

have named an imperial chancellery after a coin was only given out at large festivals and from which in the course of barely a few hundred pieces were received this year? That one Miliarense, which at some time is the main subject the activity for the scrinium a mäiarensibus not have been a medallion; but that is still the opinion Mommsens has a certain justification, which will be discussed below be shown.

Since Diocletian %« pound of silver was a thousandth of the gold* pound, he has between the two metals a value ratio of 1: 10.42 is assumed. Like that Miliarense itself is modeled on the Neronian denarius, so the standardization of his gold value comes almost exactly like this equal to those used for Nero's silver coin except for Trajan had been ruling (1:10.31 '). Consequently based they are not at the market prices that existed in Diocletian's own time used to be paid for the two metals, but on historical reminiscences. That they are the actual conditions did not correspond, so it is not only possible, but even very likely.

At the end of the fourth century, the state declared itself cashier willing to accept 5 solidi for a pound of silver; these The provision is still recognized as legally binding by Justinian and a similar situation seems to have existed under Julian of precious metals'). After that it has Price of the pound of gold, although of course there are fluctuations have come, mainly evenly for two years* held at 14.4 pounds of silver for hundreds. There too Diocletian's market value was hardly much lower, so

preservation and it seems likely, that they were more treasured hy those^ into wkose possession they came, than (he ordinary current coins. This also confirms this Specimens that I saw in the Berlin Museum; they are outside close stamp fresh.

1) Mommsen p. 766.

2) Mommsen p. 834.

The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors. 61

The miliarense must have been much too high. This was probably one of the reasons that led to this contributed to the rapid demise of the coinage system of 301 have. Because with the reintroduction of the sixtieth The year 303, of course, all the beautiful harmony fell Numbers 50, 100 and 1000 together.

Individual remnants of these have, of course, been saved; As we will see later, this was still true in Justinian's time Miliarense 50 denarii. After that, I would like to assume that Diocletian only changed the weight of the gold piece, but the division numbers of the coins among each other exist. Now the sixtieth, like the fiftieth used to be, became 20 Miliarensia and 1000 denarii were assumed, this resulted in a ver^ Ratio of valuable metals of 1: 12'^, which is the actual Probably not right away, but still a lot came closer. Of course, this resulted in the miliarense coming from ^o^o of the gold pound to '/joo; the rating from which it is named was, therefore, only a very ephemeral one. But just This explains why they were already in use at the time of Epiphanius. could have been eaten; the name given to the coin once was decreed, may still have remained with him, even after he had long since lost his authority.

The coin system of 303 has to be largely used are considered hypothetical, then they are entirely about what before 301, only conjectures are possible. As the given clues that one can build on, I'm looking for the following:

1) The gold piece weighed normal 10 pounds.

2) The silver piece of ^ pounds already existed. In year 290 it can be proven first'), so it can be done at the same time the gold sixtieth (286).

3) When the denarius was reduced to ^oooo gold pounds around 303 was set while it was still standardized to %oooo in the price dictation

1) Cohen 48 describes a piece from the fourth consulate (290) of Diocletian.

62 0. Seeck:

was, this suggests that its course had a tendency to Sinking had. There are also maximum tariffs on a Gompromiss between the previously applicable prices and the price increases, which they oppose, are wont to rely on The denarius was probably set a little higher before 301, than this happens in the edict.

4) It can be assumed that Diocletian was already in 286, like later with the mint reforms of 301 and 303, the gold value of the denarius so standardized that it became the gold coin of the time was in a comfortable relationship. Now let's look a number slightly lower than 50,000 and at the same time through 60 is easily divisible, then 48,000 comes naturally.

5) The silver piece of %« pounds is a revival of the Neronian denarius. After that it is likely that Diocletian also in the other design of the coin system took the early imperial period as a model.

In the first century the aureus was 25 denarii Denarius 16 As; Let us then assume that Diocletian was also his golden sixth of 25 silver pieces, his silver piece za worth 16 copper pieces. The copper piece of his time, which was almost exclusively minted was as we see below will see, the Follis or double denarius. After that hypo* The theoretical relationship between the three types of coins would therefore be the gold pounds contained 60X25X16X2 denarii, that is 48,000, So exactly the number that we described above as the most likely recognized. After this, of course, silver would become gold only behave like 1:15.625; but if Diocletian 286 the This explains why the value of the piece of silver was too low This is the easiest way to explain why he 301 in the opposite set error expired. Because the real market price metals, which is to be taken as an average for the entire empire was very difficult to determine (p. 37); it It is therefore quite natural that the official values change like a pendulum, now to one side, now to the other removed from him.

The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors. 63

After this we can describe the three coinage systems of the Diocletia niche time with some probability as follows reconstruct:

286: 1 gold pound = 60 gold pieces = 1500 silver pieces = 24,000 FoUes = 48,000 denarii. The value of this invoice units would be as follows in today's coin:

1 gold pound ==913.59 marks

1 gold piece = 15.22 “

1 piece of silver = 60.9 pfennigs

1 FoUis = 3.8 ^

1 denarius = 1.9 “ 301: 1 gold pound = 50 gold pieces = 1000 Miliarensia = 25,000 FoUes = 50,000 Denarii = 100,000 Centenionales. Werth in today's coin:

1 gold piece = 18.27 marks

1 miliarense = 91.36 pfennigs

1 Follis = 3.65

1 denarius = 1.82 “

1 Centenionalis =0.91 “ 303: 1 gold pound = 60 gold pieces = 1200 miliarensia = 30,000 FoUes = 60,000 Denarii = 120,000 Centenionales. Werth in today's coin:

1 gold piece = 15.22 marks

1 miliarense = 76.13 pfennigs

1 Follis = 3.04

1 denarius = 1.52 “

1 Centenionalis = 0.76 " It appears that Diocletian only used silver money in a no- have minale embossed '). The law firm, which handles the in and out Running silver coins had to be booked, so it really worked

1) Of the three half-pieces of the Constantias Chlorus, which Mommsen p. 854, the one in the Berlin Museum was found to be silver. cast of a copper coin. Whether the other two are real remains to be seen have to be waited for, but even if they were, their number is so small, that this comminale could not have played any role in the oil return.

g4 0. Seeck:

just Miliare Dsia through the hands, giving her name scrinmm a miliarensibus led with full bechte.

Of Diocletian's successors, only Maxentius has this Miliarense constantly continues to be coined. The rest have the carrion The giving of silver money sometimes did not begin at all, sometimes very soon abandoned. I have Miliarensia from the Gallic mining sites known that Constantine had him beaten as Caesar (306-307), and half pieces of the same, which of the first time after his elevation to Augustus ^). There is none from Licinius silver coins; not just himself, but everyone else too Emperors with the exception of Maxentius, who was always hostile to him was to have his image embossed on their money, so can during his entire period of government (308 - 324) only in Italy nor Miliarensia have been defeated'). Also from Crispas and Eausta, who died in 326'), as well as of Helena, who still was alive after 330, as the symbol of the mint Ck>n- Stantinople appears on their coins^), there are, apart from Medallions, not silver pieces. So your imprint can only be done in the very last years of Gonstantin *),

1) These are the pieces Cohen 707; 708. The copies of the Berliner Museums weigh 1.46 and 1.49. Because the lapel is otherwise only on mules Gonstantins as C&sar and the factory is exactly the same as ours also observed elsewhere in the Trier mint in the years SOG and 807 can, the dating of these small pieces of silver is probably certain consider. By the way, according to Cohen 709, Rollin has an exactly the same of the half piece, the top of which bears the inscription Constantinus nob, C.

2) I know that Licinius only became Augustus in 308, not 307 in the year for classical philology. 1889 p. 627 proven; that he was 324, not 323, Yon Constantin was defeated and horrified is in the timeline. f. Legal History X, p. 190.

3) See Seeck, The relative murders of Constantine. Magazine f. witsen- scientific theology XXXIII, p. 63.

4) It is stated that these coins were only struck after her death Helena, as with Theodora, a completely arbitrary assumption. If it's the If this were the case, they would certainly be called Divae; because like the coins and Inscriptions of Ditus Constantinus show the Christianity of their sons and grandchildren were no obstacle to the consecration. When the two of them No credible source has it that the emperor's wives died

5) The silver medallions that were used at the inauguration of Constantinople

The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors. 65

Wherever it comes from that coins of this metal come from him and his Caesars are so rare').

Constantine also limited his silver coinage to one Nominal, which was initially retained by his sons. The most recent pieces are by Julianus Caesar (355-360). This Weight varies between 3.36 in well-preserved specimens and 2.73'), differs from that of the only in this respect Diocletan Miliarensia, as what was average with these (3.41), has now become the maximum weight.

Under Gonstantius a new silver coin appeared Circumference is noticeably smaller than the miliarense, and in comparison return from this must have divorced, although they gained weight is only slightly behind him. The Plays of Gonstantius and Julian, which I weighed, came to: 2.72; 2.71; 2.29; 2.26; 2.16; 2.12; 2.1; 1.99; 1.92; 1.4. Mommsen has in This piece of silver recognized the Siliqua (Greek xeganov), which represented one twenty-fourth of the solidus. Whether she has stepped next to the miliarense or has displaced it,

were issued are not struck according to a fixed coin weight. The Pieces vary between 15.5 and 17.5; So they can neither do the three- times (13.65), nor four times (18»2) of the seventy-second. You could rather get it for five times the ninety-sixth (17.05) hold; but it is most likely that they are just show pieces were which, when they came into trade, were weighed like bars of silver (Friedlaender, The memorial coin minted on the founding of Gonstantinople. Magazine f. Number III, p. 125). This is all the more remarkable because simultaneous gold medallions represent the correct multipla of the solidus. Sallet, a. a. 0. P. 129. Friedlaender, About the inscription OB on Byzantine coins zen. Finder and Friedlaender, contributions to older coinage p. 13.

1) Cohen estimates the silver coins of Constantinus Augustus at 60— 100 francs; Only those from the second year of his reign are cheaper. ation, which we discussed on page 64 note 1. Let's see yon this from, there are only 4 pieces of Gonstantius and 2 in the Berlin Museum resp. 1 tone Constantin IL and Gonstantius as Caesars. The medallions are not included here either.

2) I found the following weights in the Berlin Museum. From Constantine and his Caesars: 3.06; 2.98; 2.9; 2.76; 2.75; 2.73. By Gon stans Augustus: 3.36; 3.34; 3.25; 3.14; 2.9; 2.89. From Gonstantius Augustus: 3.19; 3.12; 3.1; 2.88; 2.87; 2.86. From Julianus Gaesar: 3.18; 3.11.

Z«itoehrift for nomiamatics. XVII. 5

6g 0. Seeck:

a decision will only be made when several large collections lungs have been examined for this. According to the holdings of the Ber- liner Eabinets I think the latter is more likely. Here I find from Constantin I and IL, Gonstans, Magnentius, De- centius, Vetranio and Constantius Gallus, briefly of all Kai- sern, whose reign ended before 355, exclusively Miliarensia, by Constantius II and Julianus Caesar (355-860) both No. minale, from Julianus Augustus and his successors only silicon quae. After that, between 355 and 360, the coinage of the of the smaller piece of silver and at the same time that of the larger piece be abandoned. Perhaps the coin law of March 856, from which we get Cod. Theod. IX, 23, 1 a fragment has been preserved, This innovation was also introduced in one of its lost parts. The Siliqua has been used since the beginning of the 5th century Occident very rare, but continued until the fall of the empire preserved with reasonable preservation of their weight. Still from Julius Nepos knows Cohen of a piece minted in Ravenna 2.22 weighs. But Honorius is already starting a new nominal to suggest that according to its very small size and its weight of 1.13-0.83 is about half the size of the siliqua could mean. But since there is a law decargyrus is called'), at least in some way related to the number If it has to stand at 10, it would probably be more like 10 denarii or % of the Si- liqua must have been equalized. A piece of very similar nature remains then also under the following emperors the ruling silver coin, but we cannot decide whether it is Furthermore, 10 or 12 ^ denarii were valid'). Only under Justin and

1) Cod. Theod. IX, 23, 2.

2) After the Decargyri had left again, it seems tifl and their halves, as far as they were still running, simply as halves and ridges To have treated biliquae. This explains the strange thing Gloss: ntviavovfAMv Itntä f|, which Mommsen cites (the FoUarmttnian. Finder and Friedlaender, contributions to the older Mflnzkande p. 127). Because ktnjoy is called the denarius by the metrologists of that time (Ohritt, Denarius and Follis. Seat anxiety area the bair. Akad. 1S65, I, S. ISS), and on the Yiertelsiliqaa went 6^ denarii, which the Qlossographer probably rounded off at eq 6 may have.

The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors. gj

His successors teach us the value numbers CN (= 250) and PKe or PK (=125 or 120) that their silver pieces half and quarter are supposed to represent siliquae^), including their weight and her size fits^). But the meaning of these numbers We will only be able to explain this after we have also examined the copper discussed the bill.

Let us now ask what part of the silver pound this Coins since Constantine represented according to the law, this is how it is the answer does not depend on the actual weight of the received to find pieces; because silver money is obviously half credit been a coin. This is clearest from the fact that the laws that prohibit the cutting of money, always only talk about the solidus, never about the miliarense or that Siliqua'); and that this is not an accidental gap in our system The holdings of the collections show that it is a tradition. Be- cut pieces can be found in both metals, but is With gold the defect is usually so small that it can hardly be seen by the eye becomes noticeable and the weight rarely increases by more than 0.3 grams has decreased*), while with silver coins very often the

1) That the corresponding Ostrogothic silver coins halves and Friedlaender has already recognized quarters of the Siliqua (The Coins of the Ostrogoths. Berlin 1844, p. 19).

2) Pieces with cn weigh less than Justinas 0.75; 0.69; 0.53; with pk€ or I didn't have any PKs. Under Justinian with cn: 1.37; 1.32; 1.26; 1.05; 0.95; 0.88; 0.82; with pk€: 0.76; 0.75; 0.54; with Pk: 0.69; 0.66; 0.61. The difference in size is between the two nominals Justinian very noticeable, although the weight of one is almost imperceptible merges into that of the other.

3) Digest, 48, 10, 8 quicumque nummos aureos partim raserint partim tinxerint vd ßnxerintf si quidem liberi sunt, ad bestuis dari, si servi, summo supplicio ad- fici debent. Paul (Sent. V, 25, 1) still says: quive nummos aureos argenteos adulteraverit laverit conßaverit raserit corruperit vitiaverit. Man I would therefore like to suggest that in the passage cited, too nummi argentei were originally named, but Yon Justinian intentionally are omitted because the silver money was cut back at that time was no longer punishable. See Cod. Theod. IX, 22, 1; XII, 7, 2.

4) The justification of the Solidi may have been even more precise than the weight information given above (8. 46) shows. Because that yon

5*

68 0. Seeck:

whole volume and half of the letters cut away is. So there they only acted furtively and made sure that that the recipient of the reduced solidus the mutilates do not notice and report it; the silver pieces On the other hand, one could do so quite openly and without fear of punishment make it easier. If the legislation of that time, what else? always so quick with deportation and throat punishment There is no protection at all for the correct weight of the silver money awarded, then it follows that nothing matters for traffic came. But if the silver coin was more token money than value money, so it can be significantly under its legal weight give be. This can only be determined based on written evidence determine nits.

That's the big issue that we'll deal with in the following Section will deal in more detail, 125 Miliarensia was valid, has been handed down several times'). In addition, Epipha- nius to two ccQyvgovg or 250 di^vdqia. The word ägyvQovg otherwise he needs it for the Old Testament mine*); in Roman Given the circumstances, it can probably only be the silver pound. interpret. How the writing of this era actually to highlight old words and half-forgotten word meanings The metrologists also refer to searching as dfivdqhov usually not the copper unit, which was called that at the time, but the small piece of silver that was attached to the old denarius seemed to be the most similar, the Siliqua'). Therefore, around 392, where Epiphanias wrote, the Miliarense 2 Siliquae or Viz des Solidus*), and the Siliqua was considered V^^^ of the silver pound

I can tell that none of the pieces I weighed were trimmed cannot vouch for what is said in the text.

1) Hultsch, Metrologicorum scriptorum reliquiae II, p. 223.

2) Hultsch I, p. 271, 4: 6 cf < ttqyvqovg fnavri naq 'EßgaiiHs liyiTtth

3) This is in the gloss in Hultsch I, p. 274, 8: diivaQtoy, tovricn to xtgdikoy explicitly said.

4) Mommsen p. 792, note 173 writes: ^The calculation of the solidus I don't find Miliarensia or Dikeratia before Heraclius, but later on often. ** The passage of Epiphanius discussed in the text shows that they already belongs to the fourth century.

The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors. 69

considered. So the legal weight of the Miliarense was %a5, which you probably rounded it down to Ys.

Another metrologist reports that 125 ancient milia rensia would only have been 109% in his time'). A second message roughly corresponds to this, according to the original 14 miliarensia went to a solidus should be'); because 14 is to 12 as 125 is to 107^. If we take the first two ratios as a basis, since, as the fraction shows, they are in any case the more precise ones, and calculate the new miliarense with Epiphanius on ]^^ Pfiind, so we get exactly the weight for the old J^g» of the solidus. Was it Constantine who got the gold pound? with strict implementation of the duodecimal system in 6X12 Solidi had shared, it is more than likely that the same ratio of silver pounds and silver coins - if it goes back to him. Since his miliarensia is only Ve pounds weigh at the maximum, so it must contain the metal content of the Silver pieces have been set on V ^^^^^ legal values, what kind Scheidemünz is not an unreasonable ratio.

There are indeed silver coins of Constantine and his sons, which roughly correspond to the solidus weight (4.55), but this are medallions, not coins^). This beautifully embossed, Large commemorative coins have the full weight of the miliarense given because they were supposed to be showpieces; with the usual In common courant money this was considered unnecessary. In the form Incidentally, the medallion has the Miliarense up to Justinian continued*), although it has been out of market since

1) Haltsch I, p. 309, 4.

2) Hultsch I, pp. 307, 23.

3) Constantin I: Cohen 109, 149 su 4.70; 4.39; 4.11. Constantine II Caesar: Cohen 81; 112 to 4.80; 4.18. Constantius II Caesar: B at 4.7; Augustus: Cohen 6; 22; 65; 87; 89; 192; 229; 242; 326 to 5.04; 4.66; 4.62; 4.55; 4.5; 4.43; 4.4; 4.2; 4.1. B to 4.85; 4.7; 4.45; 4.33. Constans Caesar. Cohen 5 to 4.50. Augostus: Cohen 35; 115; 135 to 4.63; 4.51; 4.50; 4.30; 4.20. B at 4.59; 4.41.

4) Mommsen p. 788, note 160.

70 0. Seeck:

had all but disappeared for two centuries, and this one It is probably due to circumstances that one lives until the sixth Century into the Miliarense than from one in Geltang the type of coin present. Because it wasn't like that either If money was struck, it still had monetary value, and individual ones Copies are also issued and sold in stores. be taken.

The value of the miliarense at ^^t pounds does not have much took a long time. The youngest datable silver medallions, which Show solidus weight are in the quinquennials of Constan (338) and distributed at the Vicennalia of Gonstantius (343). been '). But the decennials are still in the same year of Constans pieces of Vo pounds (= 5.46) struck, from to which, in order to exclude any deception, one is the value LX in the section bears'), and in a law of 384 will confirmed to us that medallions of this weight can be found at festivals used to give away gifts'). One can probably assume that even during this time the festival coins give us full legal represent weight of the miliarense. The increase of the same in any case depends on the implementation of the duodecimal system also in the ratio of the solidus to the silver coin, which we have proven for the year 392 (p. 68). Because At the end of the century a silver pound was still worth 5 solidi *) ; The miliarense of *^o pounds was therefore exactly one twelfth of that Solidus equivalent.

1) Cohen, Constans 35 with she V she X Yon4,63; 4.59. ConstantiiM 65; 87; 89; 242 with vou XX muh. XXX of 5.04; 4.85; 4.66; 4.55; 4.5; 4.45.

2) Cohen, Constans 40; 163; 164 with vote. X muU. XV; vot, X muU. XX; she X she XX of 5.35; 5.38; 5.48. Also the medallion of Constantius (Cohen 83) with she be defeated because the emperor calls himself Augusta on the side of the head and had celebrated his own decennalia as Caesar (333). It weighs 5.55.

3 Cod. The od quam qui formari solet, eum argenti libra una in argenteoi sexagmia dividitur,

4) Cod. Theod. XIII, 2 BC J. 397: Jubemus ut pro argenti summa, ^uam quis thesauris fuerat inlaturusj in/erendi auri accipiat faeuUcUem^ ita ut pro sinpHii libris argenti quinos solid report.

The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors. 71

According to this, the nominal value of the miliarense was in the last years of Gonstantin and in the first of his sons l^, Pounds of silver or '/m^^s solidus, which is viooe pounds of gold corresponds. Its current monetary value would therefore be 90.63 pfennigs.

From 343 to at least 384: Yo pounds of silver or ^u Solidus or %^^ pounds of gold; in today's money 105.74 pfennigs.

Between 384 and 392 its weight was standardized at ^, without thereby changing its relationship to the gold pound and solidus was changed.

The Siliqua has been valued at Vi» Pf^i^d silver (= 2.73) since 356 and this also corresponds to the maximum weight of the resulting holding pieces. So it wouldn't be like the Constantine Miliarense, credit money, but rather a valuable coin, if you they would have just hit more evenly. Between 384 and 392 they were reduced to Viss pounds (= 2.62), and this too Weight is the maximum even in the half and quarter parts Justinian's pieces were fairly adhered to. She was always considered half Miliarense and as a twenty-fourth of the solidus, which in today's The money amounts to 52.87 pfennigs worth of gold.

III. The copper bill.

According to Cassiodorus, the solidus was at some point 6000 denarii; The denarius therefore represented a value of only 0.21 pfennigs. As far as I know, this message is from None have been doubted, although they are reason enough to doubt offers.

That under Diocletian 50,000 denarii to a gold pound, So only about 694 went to the seventy-secondth of the same, is attested that Constantine or one of his successors denarius reduced to almost a tenth of this value, wouldn't be exactly likely, but still conceivable, unless the most specific information contradicts this.

According to one of Leo's decrees, clerics are supposed to officials of the Praefectus Praetorio when they do so

72 0. Seeck:

Execute, two or one depending on the circumstances pay solidus; On the other hand, the executor is from a lower one If the courts are sent out, the sportel should only amount to one semi. The verdict teaches us what is meant here by the semis. draftsman of the Syrian law book'), which only a short time after Leo was alive, so he was able to report with the most accurate information possible. "Emperor Leo ordered that the clerics pay as sportula half a denarius.^ That this fee is not a purely formal one was, proves the payment of one or two solidi to the higher officials who are completely similar to her at her side stands. So half a denarius must have been a piece of money, that, even if only as a tip, is still a profit worth it *).

The following can be found on page 38 of the same law book Sentence: “And for the pasture land they demanded that it be every year to which ta/netov give a denarius; but there is also such a thing, which gives two and three denarii.** A tax of 7s - *U Pfennigs is completely unthinkable; the costs of collection would have must far exceed the yield.

Finally it says on p. 58: “In the provinces, cities of Empire and in all lands of the setting of the sun is the The custom is that the man offers the same amount to the woman daoQed, which he writes to her when she offers, from all possessions all kinds of animals and all things. If the

1) Cod. Just. I, 3.32 § 5 Executoribus in minoribtu quidem tudiciü omnibus in ipsa conventione sacerdotum seu clericorum non amplius quam unum semissem aut sperantibus aut etiam audentibus accipere. si vero apparitor tuae magnitudinis 4X sententia tuae sedis amplisnmae in provincia degentes eos monueritj iubemus non ampliua cum quam duos solidos sportularum nomine pereipere; in hac vero urbe magn\fica idem apparitor tuae magnitudinis uno aureo sportularum gratia a provin- cialibus dericis contentus sit

2) Bruns and Sachan, Syrian-Roman jurisprudence from the fifth century. p. 36.

3) That under the denarius of the Syrian legal code is not how with the metrologists, which Siliqua is to be understood, shows the expression of Law: semis. Because this word only refers to a piece of bread, not apply to a silver coin.

The monetary policy of DiocletianB and his successors. 73

If the woman offers things for 100 denarii, he prescribes it to her the d

At the beginning of the fourth century the denarius was almost worth 2 Pennies, more rather than less at the end of the fifth. The letter from Gassiodor, in which he attributes 6000 denarii to the solidus, is written to BoSthius as magister officiorum, so it belongs probably in the year 523'); the sinking of the denarius A tenth of its value would then have to be in the short term from the death of Leo (474) to the year 522; But Cassiodorus's own words forbid this assumption.

The translation in question reads: “Since it we enjoy learning the secrets of arithmetic with knowledge One should pay attention to discussing it, with how subtle a sense it is even the money, although it has increased through frequent use seems to be mine, brought into a relationship by the ancients is. Because 6000 denarii were supposed to be one Solidus make up, apparently the embossed curve of the shining metal the age of the world, like a golden sun, include accordingly/* This division of the solidus writes Gassiodor the wisdom of the “ancients”; this would be completely unthinkable. cash if it was introduced during his own lifetime would be. He counts them among the secrets of number theory that one can only speak to those who know; from this you can, I think that in his time they were no longer used at all. but was only known to him from books. The metro

1) Usener, Anekdoton Holderi p. 38.

2) Var. I, 10 J^^ quoniam delectai noa secretiora huius disciplinae cum be* tibua loquif pecunitu iptae, quamvU usu celeberrimo viles este videantur, anunadverten' dum estf qu€Mta tamen a veteribus ratione collactae sunt, sex enim müia dmariorum solidum esse volueruntj scilicet ut radiantis mettUli formata rotunditas aetatem mature so to speak, a more convenient inclusion.

74 0. Seeck:

logical writing of Epiphanius, its extraordinarily large Spread from their numerous editorial offices and trans- As can be seen, the learned Cas- Siodor had in his hands. Here he could read that the tag lent of the Bible was equal to the solidus^). The unity ment of the talent in 6000 drachmas and the fact that the Attic drachma was exchanged with the Republican denarius He probably knew it from another source. Off the combination of these partly true, partly false news then came his impossible solidus of 6000 denarii.

But in the opinion of many, this note does not stand alone there, but is supported by other well-certified facts. supports. So let's check whether they really belong to Cassiodorus Confirmation is enough.

In 389 Theodosius ordered deliveries in kind for the army in such a way that for every 80 Pounds of salt meat, 80 pounds of oil or 12 Modii salt a solidos be paid'), and in a law from 419 it says "the Landowners maintained the butchers' guild for 20 deposits each Salted meat to be paid 1000 denarii each '). These prices result A relationship between denarius and solidus is not like that 1:6000, but probably like 1:4000. If only it were certain that the values set here really corresponded to the market price! Generally, it was viewed as a burden on the thanen if they are used instead of the usual deliveries in kind should pay money. People therefore used to do this in one way If it is expressly stated that the prices will be very low, set*). That this also applies to the regulation of 389, shows a comparison with the corresponding sentences of the Diodetia niche edict. This was like the emperor himself in his

1) Hultsch, Metrol. frg. I, p. 276, 12: ro rdkavjoy vofuc^a a.

2) Cod. Theod. Vni, 4 17.

3) Cod. Theod. XIV, 4, 10 § 3.

4) Cod. Theod. XI, 28, 17 Debita susceptoribus ante deemam indieüomem congregatOy quae sedes exceUa pretiis humaniorihus adaeraviL

The Manzpolitik of Diocletian and his successors. 75

Introduction says and the other sources confirm^), in addition true, to bring about greater cheapness of all goods; his approaches are certainly much more below the market prices than above. Nevertheless, if you look at them, they result according to the ratio of the denarius to the gold pound as 1: 50,000 converted into solidi, for 70 pounds of cured meat 1.84 solidi, for 12 Modii salt 1.87, for 80 pounds of oil, if you take the medium Type of edict as a basis, 1.49 solidi. After that it is indeed not certain, but quite likely, that the sentences of Theodosius are considerably below the actual value. The inverse ratio is with the approach of 1000 Denarii for 20 pounds of salt meat. It's a characteristic trait in the financial policy of the fourth and fifth century that those achievements which after the views of the earlier Ice Age are incumbent on the state, be passed on to individual corpora. Like the navigation cularii the sea transport of fiscal goods, the Pistores that Baking the public bread donations partly for free, partly for a fee have to get very low pay, so the Suarii the Ver- supplying the Roman market with pork. About this one Corporations to lighten their burdens will then become a reality again part of it transferred to other classes of subjects pushed. Valens determined in 371 that the province cials have to deliver the shipbuilding timber to the Navicularii for free ') ; This is how the guilds of Mensores and Caudicarii arose in Rome. keep giving the bakers a certain amount of grain below the market price prices for sale'). In a slightly different way it seems

1) Idacii almost! ad a. 302: HU consulibus vilitatem iusserunt imperatores esse. Lact, de mort. pers. 7: Idem cum variis tniquitatibus immensam faceret caritatem, legem pretiis verum venalium statuere conatus est, tunc whether extgua et vilia muUus sanguis ejffusus, nee venale quidquam metu apparebat et earittu multo deterius exar^ süf donec lex necessitate ipsa post multorum exitium solveretur. These consequences The edict could not possibly have existed if its sentences were not below that market prices would have remained.

2) Cod. Theod. XIII, 5, 14 § l.

3) Cod. Theod. XIV, 15, 1.

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To have helped the butchers' guild by using the Roman ones Landowners were obliged to give them a certain amount of their money "To purchase goods at completely exorbitant prices. From this one Lastly, they seem to have been freed by the law of 419 be, because I can interpret the passage in question differently hardly interpret: Possessores quoque, qui pro larido millenos denarioa in mcenis lihris solebant conferre, suariis in pretio exsolvant. “The Landowners who paid 1000 denarii each for cured meat They used to contribute 20 pounds to the butchers Pay prices." Before then they had not "according to the price" paid, but according to an arbitrary estimate, which is considered a helpful contribution {conferre) on the burdens of the butchers' guild was understood. It goes without saying that this article can easily be five or ten times the market price can have and therefore no conclusion at all about the actual borrowed value of the denarius.

The second confirmation is an edict of Yalentinian IH. from the year 445, the decisive passages of which follow- These are as follows^): “Often, Quirites, we receive complaints came across an impudent undertaking that would bring shame and of their ancestors the solidi designated by their name be refused to any buyer; what we do in the long run don't want to go unpunished. Therefore we do this Edict makes it known to all the world that the death penalty is imposed if someone has a very important gold solidus from my father Theodosius or our illustrious relatives or the early dares to reject her emperor or to lower him Prices appraised. — We also want this in this order forever include that the Solidus never sells for less than 7000 Nummi which you buy from the bankers for 7200.** Domestic where one identifies the nummus with the denarius Through this law you not only get the message from Gassiodor confirmed, but also means something even deeper

1) NoY. Valentine. XIV.

The monetary policy of Diocletian and his successors. 77

Decline in the value of the denarius. Of course, if the Sun. lidus normal was 6000 denarii and Valentinian set it at 7000 - 7200, it must be considerably above par have confessed; But the entire content of this contradicts this Edict. It is the natural desire of every government to do so Once the ratio of the different types of money has been established to be maintained as much as possible. So the solidus stood up 120^ of its normal value, we would have to expect that the Kaiser tried to push him down again, so maybe one maximum price fixed for him, but certainly not like it was here. happens, a minimum course. And how is it conceivable that the... Traders refused to accept a coin that high was in the course? Apparently this law assumes, not that the solidus increased, but that it fell very sharply was; his normal value must therefore have been significantly higher, than 7000 Nummi, and this also proves that the Nummus is not the denarius, but a much smaller ner unit of account. Of course you are even less allowed to do it identify with the number that, according to the metrologists a twelfth of the siliqua was'). This is as we will see later be, the FoUis or double denarius, and only the unbearable one manner of those ancient writers who almost never to be called once again by the name that was the technical niche and generally used, made him a nummus made.

Starting from the prejudice that valuable money is the commercial must always be preferred by the driving public to credit coins, says Mommsen in all the news, which indicates a wavering the money prices also indicate a fall in the denarius value recognize. But tradition proves that since Julian Conversely, the price of gold in relation to the copper coin is constantly decreased. Already in the year 363 there is talk of this you don't want to take the solidus. The emperor meant that

1) Mommsen, The Follar Coins p. 128.

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Reason to recognize in the trimming of the gold pieces and therefore appointed officials who would grant any solidus upon request had to check % but this made no change. Four years later (367) Yalentinian tells us that although one is not his rejected their own gold pieces, apparently because they feared this could be seen as a lack of reverence for the image of the governing the emperor^), but probably those of his predecessors *). So the solidus was only used where the fear of majesty insult forced to do so. By giving Yalentinian a opposes a strict prohibition, he also decrees that aUe Solidi, which arrived at the public coffers, soon arrived melted and thus the coins of old mint were reduced to a possible The smallest number should be reduced^). See you soon one is forced to acknowledge the fall in the value of gold, and looks for the general price increase that results from this

1) Cod. Theod. XII, 7, 2 Emptio venditioque soUdorum, quoM exddunt aut deminuunt aut^ ut proprio verbo utar cupiditcUUy arrodunt^ tamquam Ui>e$ eos vel debiles nonnullia repudiantibus impeditur. Similar to the author of the script De rebus bellicis, which is behind in the manuscripts and the older editions the Kotitia Dignitatum reads: Inter damna rei publicae non ferenda soUdorum figura aliquanto fraudibus depravata diversa populos ratione soÜiciiat et regiae maiestcUis imaginemf dum per monetae eulpam refutatur, imminuit,

2) The same thing happened again under Yalentinian III. You show them Solidi of his followers and even those of his co-regent Theododos II. back, although they are of the same weight and fineness as the are his, but these themselves are believed to be taken out of guilty reverence to have to. The emperor does not fail to explain that he does this as a contumdia of his high relatives and yorren and wanted to take revenge accordingly. p. 76.

3) Cod. Just. XI, 11, 1 Solidos veterum principum veneratione formatot ita tradi ac suscipi ab ementibus et distrdhentibus iubemusj ut nihil omnino refragationit oriatUTy modo ut debiti ponderis sint et speciei probat (This clause states that These are not just worn-out stacks that have become lighter as a result acted): sdturis universis^ qui aliter fecerintf haud leviter in se vindieandum. A very similar determination is made later in Leo NovelL 53, and there Yalentinian's law is included in the Codex Justinianus, so can It would not have been superfluous even in the sixth century to inculcate the acceptance of the old solidi.

4) Cod. Theod. XII, 6, 13, a fragment of the same law^ which the passage just mentioned is taken.

The tired policy of Diocletian and his successors. 79

came in, to be stopped if possible^). Between 379 and 383 is now banned again, the solidi of the deceased rulers to be valued lower than that of the ruler and the violator this time even threatened with the death penalty'). Select After Diocletian's price dictation ^y^^ pounds of gold still 694% de- nare should apply, the solidus becomes legally 25 in 396 pounds of copper'), which, as shown below is supposed to be equivalent to only 500 denarii. In 445 Yalentinian III gives that Law discussed above, which points to a new decline in the Solidus price indicates around 523 the body guards complain of Theodoric that the gold pieces they had as wages received, were not full ^). This is due to her pushed a lot of weight, no doubt wrongly, since the Solidus has always been well minted. The real purpose The complaint was most likely to attack the king. agree that he pays his wages in a different type of coin let, which was more popular. At about the same time, when re- Justinian's accession (527), the money changers paid for the solidus 210 FoUes or 420 denarii*), i.e. 80 less than in 396; at the conclusion of the Justinian Code

1) Cod. Just. XI, 11, 2 Pro imminutionef quae in aestimatione solidi forte tradaturf omnium quoque specierum pretia decrescere oportet. Apparently it was short Torher the opposite occurred.

2) Cod. Just. XI, 11, 3 universos auctoritas tua proposito edicto commonecU obryziaeorum omnium solidorum uniforme pretium postulare, scUicet capitali supplicio puniendOf qui — cietemales vultus, dum fraudibus studetf duxerit viliores.

3) Cod. Theod. XI, 21, 2.

4) Cassiod. var. I, 10 Domestid protectores equitum et peditum, qui nostrae mHae videntur iugiter excubare — , adunata nobis supplicatione eonquesti sunt^ ab lüo ewcario prtufectorum per emolumentis soUemnibus nee integri ponderis solidos percipere et in numero gravia se dispendia sustinere,

5) Proc. hist. arc. 25 p. 72 D tdSy yag txQyvQa/LioistSy nQorsQoy dixa xai dioxociovi o/)oilev;, ovs (f>6U,m xaloSaty^ vntg Mg öxaxfiQog' XQ^^ov ngoisaS-a» toif ^VfißäkXop

80 0. Seeck:

(538) he was nominated for 20 pounds of copper or 400 denarii *) ; When Procop wrote his history of Oeheim (558), he was only valid 180 Folles or 360 Denarii. So the gold coin sinks is a completely uninterrupted one, even if it is different Times naturally progress at different paces

In contrast, there are of course also individual notes, which indicate an increase in the price of gold. In Rome, About which we alone have more precise information, we find Already under Gratian the money changers (coUectarii) became a guild (corpus) unites, and the duty is imposed on this, the solidus to sell at a legally fixed price, for which they to compensate for the resulting losses receives a subsidy from the municipal wine fund'). Gratian saw forced to increase that support'); Valentinian II belittled her again ^); but the price of the Oolde soon rose again and the city prefect had to deal with one in 384 Relation to the emperor to ask for an enlargement of the to request a subsidy ^). In the year 397 the state declared itself Cash ready, Oold for silver at a ratio of 14.4: 1 to accept^); 422 the same seems to increase to 18:1